is that say they the stones of your two foster brethren with that she cast up a wilde look and never beheld him cheerefully againe Ororic her Lord and husband being in pursuit of kerne theeves and outlawes that had mightily annoyed his people in the furthest part of his country she with all celerity supposing it a fit time sent for her lover Dermotte the message was no sooner delivered but hee was a horse backe posting to the Harlot to be short he tooke her away with him at which time O false heart she strugled she cryed as though she were unwilling and that hee forced her Ororic immediately heard of it gathered his forces together mustred his people craved ayde and among others wrote unto Roderick Monarch of Ireland as followeth Though I am not ignorant most renowned Prince that humane causes are to be weighed in the balance of patience and that a man endued with vertue will not effeminate himselfe by reason of the unconstant and mutable minde of a Harlot yet in so much this horrible crime whereof I am fully perswaded came to your eares before my messenger could deliver his letters a thing heretofore not heard of as farre as I remember not practised against any King of Ireland severity causeth me to call for justice when charity admonisheth me not to seeke revengement If thou behold the shame I confesse it redoundeth to me alone if you weigh the cause it is common to us both what confidence shall we repose in our subjects that are bound unto us in regard of our Princely command if this effeminate adulterer or rather queller of chastity shall escape unpunished for so abhominable a fact for the unchastised offences of Princes notoriously committed in the sight of al men breed a most pernitious imitation as precedents unto the people in summe you have sufficient experience of my good will and affection towards you you see mee wounded with the cruell darts of fortune vexed with infinite discommodities and now extremely driven to my utter shifts It remaines seeing I am wholly yours that not onely with counsell being requested but with armes being urged you revenge my quarrell this when you will and as you will not onely I aske but require at your hands Farewell The Monarch for some former quarrell against Dermot was all on fire and joyning forces with Ororic entred Leinster with fire and sword the people cry woe and alacke O bone in Irish now are wee punished for the lewdnesse of our Prince Dermot lulling himselfe in his lovers armes heareth the newes starteth upon a sodaine beholdeth his Lady hath no power to speake runneth forth calleth his men cryeth for aid throughout his country none gave â—are unto him the country thought now whereas they could not that God will be revenged on him for his exactions cruelty tyranny and all other villanies practised upon his subjects and especially for deflouring another mans wife when he saw himselfe quite forsaken voyd and destitute of all ayde he betooke himselfe to the sea and fled for England but what became of the Harlot I cannot learne belike shee hanged her selfe when she had set all the country in uprore Anno 1169. Iohn Clin and Iohn Stow are mine Authors now that Dermot is fled I am to insert a story out of the British Chronicles of Conwey and Strotflur Abbeyes afore I discourse of him which was in the same yeere that he tooke the sea how that Owen Gwyneth Prince of North-Wales had a sonne called Ryryd who in the right of his wife as it seemeth was Lord of Clochran in Ireland and another sonne begotten vpon an Irish woman called Howell and a third sonne called Madoc This Madoc finding his country in great contention and his brethren at civill warres prepared certaine ships with men and munition out of Wales and Ireland and sought adventures by seas he sailed west from the coast of Ireland so farre north that hee came to a land unknowne where he saw many strange things This land in the opinion of Humphrey Lloyde the great Antiquary of Britaine must needs be some part of that country of which the Spaniards affirme themselves to be the first discoverers since Hannos time For by reason and order of cosmographie this land to the which Madoc came must needs be sonne part of Nova-hispania or Florida whereupon it is manifest that the same country was long before discovered by Britaines and Irish men afore either Columbus or Americus Vespatius led any Spaniards thither Of the voyage and returne of this Madoc there be many fables the which I will not report He prepared ships for a second voyage and tooke with him men and women to inhabit that land therefore it is to be presupposed that he and his people inhabited part of those countries for it appeareth by Francis Loves that in Acusanus and other places the people honoured the Crosse whereby it may be gathered that Christians had been there before the comming of the Spaniards but because this people were not many they followed the manners of the land and used their language I am of opinion with others that the land whereunto Madoc came was some part of Mexico first of all for that the inhabitants of that land report their Rulers to have descended from a strange nation that came from a far country which thing is confessed by Mutesuma King of that country in his orations made for quieting of his people at his submission to the King of Castile Hernando Curtecius being then present which is laid downe in the Spanish Chronicles of the conquest of the West-Indies secondly the british words and names of places used in that country to this day doe argue the same as when they talke together they say Gwrando which is hearken or listen in British Also if you peruse Sir Humphrey Gilberts discovery they have a Bird which they call Pengwin in Brittish and Cornish a white-head but the Iland of Corroeso the Cape of Britaine the river of Gwyndoor and the white rocke of Pengwyn be British or Welch words whereby it appeareth that it was that country which Madoc and his people inhabited now remembring my selfe that my pen hath not carryed me so far unto forraigne countries by sea but that I expect Dermots returne by sea and by land into Ireland Dermot Mac Morogh came to Henry 2. in Normandie made his moane as formerly in substance is delivered craved aide for his restitution into his country being a King exiled although distressed and void of comfort unlesse hee might obtaine it at his Majesties hands the Kings hands being full of warres he granted him his favourable letters as followeth Henry King of England Duke of Normandie and Aquitaine Earle of Anjow c. unto all his subiects English Normans Welch and Scots and to all nations and people being his subiects greeting whereas Dermot Prince of Leinster most wrongfully as he enformeth banished out of his owne country hath craved our ayde therefore for
TWO HISTORIES OF IRELAND The one written by Edmund Campion the other by Meredith Hanmer D r of Divinity DUBLIN Printed by the Society of Stationers M.DC.XXXIII els-where these Histories doe affoord to the knowledge of former times and the good use which may be made of them by any who have leisure desire and ability to erect and polish a lasting structure of our Irish affaires I am embouldned to present them to your Lordships patronage whose government I beseech the Almighty so to blesse that it may bee a long happines to this land Your Lordships ever humbly at commandement IAMES WARE THE PREFACE TO THE SVBSEQVENT HISTORIES WHat varietie of choyse matter the affaires of this Kingdome doe affoord to an Historian especially since the middle of the raigne of King Henry the VIII any one that is but meanely versed in our Histories can testifie But if we consider how little hath hetherto bin published wee cannot but blame the slownes of our learned men who have for by-respects forborne to take paines in so worthy a subject England hath had the happines that some parts of her Historie have bin lately excellently performed by the right honorable Francis late Viscount St. Alban the right Reverend Francis Lo Bishop of Hereford the most learned William Camden and others Some will hereafter I hope doe the like for Ireland In the meane while we are to accept of these tastes the one left unto us by Edmund Campion and the other by Doctor Hanmer who died of the plague at Dublin in the yeare M.DC.IIII before he had finished his intended worke out of whose collections what now beareth his name hath bin preserved by our most Reverend and excellently learned Primate Other helpes to passe by those which are already divulged may be plentifully had by him who will undertake this taske out of the auncient and moderne recordes both in this Kingdome and in England as also out of diverse manuscript Annales and Chartularies which are yet extant among us besides those authors of English birth as Iohn VVallingford a Monke of St Alban Thomas Wike a Canon of Osney and others which I have seene in that excellent library and treasury of MSS. antiquities gathered by Sir Robert Cotton knight and Baronett deceased who doe onely obiter touch upon our affaires An intention there was not long since by Sir Iames Ley knight then Lord chiefe Iustice of the Kings Bench in Ireland afterwards Lord high Treasurer of England and Earle of Marleburgh to have published some of our country writers in this kinde for which end hee caused to be transcribed and made fit for the Presse the Annales of Iohn Clynne a Friar minor of Kilkenny who lived in the time of King Edw. the 3. the Annales of the Priory of S. Iohn the Evangelist of Kilkenny and the Annales of Multifernan Rosse and Clonmell c. But his weighty occasions did afterwards divert his purpose The copies are yet preserved and I hope ere long with other Annales and fragments of the same nature will be divulged Wee come now to the Authors in hand TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE ROBERT DUDLEY Baron of Denbigh Earle of Leicester Knight of the noble Order of the garter and S. Michaels Master of the Queenes Majesties horse and one of her Privy Councell high Chauncellour of the Vniversity of Oxford my singular good Lord. THat my travaile into Ireland might seeme neither causlesse nor fruitlesse I have thought it expedient being one member of your Lordships honorable charge to yeeld you this poore book as an accompt of my poore voyage happily not the last nor the most beautifull present that is intended to your Honour by me but surely more full of unsavoury toyle for the time then any plot of worke that ever I attempted which I write not of vanity to commend my diligence but of necessitie to excuse mine imperfection For whereas it is well knowne to the learned in this land how late it was ere I could meet with Gerald of Wales the onely Author that ministreth some indifferent furniture to this Chronicle and with what search I have beene driven to piece out the rest by helpe of forreine Writers incidently touching this Realme by a number of briefe extracts of rolles records and scattered papers These things I say considered I trust this little volume shall seeme great enough in such barren shift my defect in penning the same shal be imputed partly to my haste who must needes have ended all before I should leave the land and am now even upon point of my departure So as to handle and lay these things together I had not in all the space of ten weekes Such as it is I addresse and bequeath it to your good Lordship for two causes First that by the patronage of this Booke you may be induced to weigh the estate and become a patron to this noble Realme which claimeth kindred of your eldest auncestors and loveth entirely your noble vertues The fame whereof is now carried by those strangers that have felt them into many forraine countryes that never saw your person Secondly because there is none that knoweth mee familiarly but he knoweth vvithall how many vvayes I have beene beholding to your Lordship The regard of your deserts and of my duty hath easily wonne at my hands this testimony of a thankefull minde I might be thought ambitious if I should recount in particular the times places of your severall curtesies to mee How often at Oxford how often at the Court how at Rycot how at Windsore how by letters hovv by reportes you have not ceased to further with advice and to countenance with authority the hope and expectation of mee a single Student Therefore in summe it shall suffice mee to acknowledge the generall heape of your bounties and for them all to serve your honour frankely at least wise with a true heart Let every man esteeme in your state and fortune the thing that best contenteth and feedeth his admiration But surely to a judgement setled and rectified these outward felicities which the world gazeth on are there and therefore to be denied praiseable when they lodge those inward qualities of the minde which saving for suspition of flattery I was about to say are planted in your breast Thirteene yeares to have lived in the eye and speciall credit of a Prince yet never during all that space to have abused this ability to any mans harme to be enriched with no mans overthrow to be kindled neither with grudge nor emulation to benefit an infinite resort of dayly sutors to let downe your calling to the neede of meane subjects to retaine so lowly a stomacke such a facility so milde a nature in so high a vocation to undertake the tuition of learning and learned men These are indeede the kirnels for the which the shell of your nobilitie seemeth faire and sightly This is the sap for whose preservation the barke of your noble tree is tendered This is
Queene you my Lord discover it not I. Gormo dyed for sorrow and Thira lamented in one day the departure of her Lord and husband the King the death of her sonne and her owne dolefull widdowhood Anno 939. so writeth Caradoc Abloic a most worthy Prince and Monarch of Ireland deceased Anno 940. after the death of Athelstane his brother Edmund raigned over Britaine He subdued the Danes that remained in Northumberland together with others that came out of Ireland to invade the land with Anlaffe their Captaine saith Fabian he slue some and banished the rest so writeth Cooper Anno 948. the Abbey of the blessed Virgin Mary by Dublin was founded by the Danes Molanus writeth of one Columbanus an Abbot of Irish birth that became a recluse or an anachorist Anno 957. in the Church yard of the Monasterie of Gandavum where he kept the space of two yeeres and there ended his dayes This yeere saith Caradoc Congelach King of Ireland was slaine but he sheweth not where nor how Anno 959. Edgar the sonne of Edmund beganne his raigne over England he reduced all into one Monarchie Camden found in a Charter where Edgar delivered of himselfe that it pleased God of his mercy to grant unto him together with the command of England to subdue all the Ilandish kingdomes of the Ocean together with their fierce and mighty Kings as farre as Norwey and the greatest part of Ireland with Dublin the most noble Citie thereof unto the kingdome of England Anno 966. Rodericke the sonne of Edwall Voell Prince of Wales was slaine by Irish men that landed there for a prey spoyled the country and destroyed Aberfraw Caradoc so complaineth of them Molanus writeth of one Forananus a Bishop which flourished Anno 980. he termeth him Bishop of Domenormor and Metropolitane of Ireland and Scotland where he mightily erred in the name of the place of the person and his stile For hee was Bishop of Dromore in Ireland and no Metropolitane at all but to his purpose hee findeth him among his Saints of Flanders and saith that he was warned in a vision to travaile so that he with a company of Irish Priests arrived in France and came to Rome in the time of Benedict 7. from thence he came backe to the Monasterie of Walciodorum where hee and his Priests became professed Monkes of the order of Saint Benedict for the space of twelve yeeres and there ended their dayes The Monkes there saith he were wont among other Saints at Easter yeerely to call upon him Sancte Foranane ora pro nobis untill that the reformers of Bursfeld wiped him out of the Catalogue of Saints for that he was not canonized by the Church of Rome Anno 988. as I finde in the British Chronicle Elwmaen the sonne of Abloic King of Ireland was slaine and a great number of people dyed with famine that is alwaies the end of civill warres and rebellion in Ireland Anno 1004. the Scots I know not the cause entred Ireland and after their manner as also the Danes did then in England preyed burned and destroyed they tooke Gulfath and Vbiad Irish Lords and put out their eyes they ransacked also the Citie of Dublin Anno 1012. Grace and Dowlinge the Irish Antiquaries doe concurre the English Writers are silent and deliver how that Bernaidus commonly called Brian Bowrow Monarch of Ireland and his sonne Murcath alias Murchardus Mac Brian with other Kings of the land subiect unto him gathered great power and met at Clantarfe nigh Dublin and gave a sore battaile unto Sutraic alias Sutric the sonne of Abloic King of Dublin and unto Moilmordha King of Leinster This Sutric to withstand the Monarch had hired to his aide all manner of strangers he could get by sea or by land as Danes Norwegians Scots Britaines Pirates and sea rovers The fight was desperate the field all bloud a horse they say was sometime to his belly in bloud There were slaine that day of the one side Brian the Monarch and his sonne Murchard of the other side Moilmordha King of Leinster Rodericke the Arch-Pirate and Captaine of the strangers with others of both sides innumerable Sutrick was sore wounded was brought to Dublin and shortly after died of his wound I pray thee gentle Reader who got by the bargaine As farre as ever I could learne a woman set them together by the eares The Booke of Houth after the Irish observation delivereth the story thus There was a Merchant in Dublin commonly called the white Merchant a Dane the fourth sonne of the King of Denmarke who had a faire wife of Irish birth and he being full of iealousie and ready to travaile for merchandize into farre countries desired of Brian Borow Monarch of Ireland that his wife untill his returne might waite upon his Lady soiourne in his house for the safeguard of her person credit and honestie the which was granted and the King undertooke it This Merchant made as speedy a returne as he could and being landed early in a morning with a privy key entred the chamber where his wife lay and found Morogh Mac Brian the Kings sonne in bed with his wife hee wheeled about devising what was best to be done at length resolving himselfe to depart for that time tooke Moroghs sword and put it into his owne scabbard and his into Moroghs scabbard Hee went to the King and complained of the abuse here spoken of the King answered He is my sonne give thou iudgement upon him saith the Merchant let him keepe the whore still I will be revenged upon him and his partakers in the field as soone as possibly may be and I doubt not but all Ireland shall rue the day of this villanie Immediately he went to Denmarke brought over to his aide thirty thousand Danes and Norwegians landed at Clantarfe whereof the field was called the field of Clantarfe hee summoned Morogh and his favourites to fight and thought at the first to have taken Dublin Brian Borow fearing this made more haste then good speed tarried not for the forces of the land that were comming with his sonne Donogh to his aide but rashly with his sonne Morogh the Author of all this mischiefe gave them battaile The which battaile all the forenoone being cruelly fought seemed all to leane on the Irish side but in the afternoone the Danes that were in the rere and yet fresh for any fight they had were directed to wheele about and to take the voward unknowne unto the Irish which fiercely fought and encountred with the wearie and wounded Irish and wonne the field Here was Brian Borow and his sonne Morogh and eleven thousand of the Irish slaine One thing further gentle reader note there was a Priests sonne accounted a tall man of armes who in the beginning of the battaile fled away fearing the hardinesse of the Danes and Norwegians and went to Donogh Mac Brian the brother of Morogh who was comming with forces to
are manie we are but few in comparison of their number afore we give battaile there are 3. things as I take it requisite to be considered the cause wherefore we fight the number of both sides that they be somewhat equally matched and the place where both joyne battaile together I would not have any of my speeches drawn to discourage or dismay any valiāt mind To the first our parentage is knowne we are no base people our valour is tryed our enemy hath the proofe thereof we come not to steale but to be revenged of the theeves that murthered our men robbed us of our necessary provision Secondly where we find our company small and our side weake and the ground not fitting us for any advantage where force cannot further let policie take place my advice is that a begger or a Frier shall goe from us to the Irish campe and informe them that Sir Hugh Delacy came yesternight with a great force to Drogheda and that he saw two miles off a great army of horse and foot somewhat westerly of him which he supposeth to bee the English Army that marched all night from Tradaf towards Dundalke in the meane while my sonne Nico with twenty choice horsemen together with our lackies and horseboies for the greater shew upon our hackneis and garrans shall wheele Westwards on the right hand that it may concurre with the Fryers tale and give us a signe what we shall doe and we will march after to see the event when the enemy hath discried us we shall perceive by his stirring what he meanes to doe if they turne face to us and offer fight our foot shall recouer Dondalke afore theirs and with our horses wee will so handle the matter that we shall sustaine no great losse if they fly and take the river the sea comes in we shall overtake them afore halfe passe over All were well pleased with his device and followed the direction Nico. Saint Laurence with his company wheeles before Sir Iohn de Courcy a loofe followeth after Sir Roger Poer takes the rereward the enemy having discried them takes the river Sir Nico. gave the signe whereupon the English Army give a great shout and followeth their heeles the Irish breake their araie they tumble one upon another in the water the cariage drowns some the sea and the swiftnesse of the tyde take others away such as would not venter the water were slaine by the English Othanlan and his company that had passed the water seeing the slaughter of his men could not come to the rescues by reason of the salt water the Englishmen having quitted that place were directed by the Fryer to a foord on the left hand where they passed over and pursued the rest The Horsemen overtooke the Foot of the Irish and skirmished with them untill Sir Iohn de Courcy came by that time the sea likewise had stopped the Irish from flying at a great water a mile from the Lurgan on the Southside of Dundalk The Irish seeing themselves in this strait turne their faces choose rather to dye with the sword like men then to be drowned in the seas like beasts There were in that place some 6000. Irish and about 1000. English there was no advantage of ground it booted not to fly on any side the coward must in that case try himselfe a man the fight was sore no mercy but dead blowes The foot of the English drew backe Sir Iohn de Courcy their leader was left in the midst of his enemies with a twohanded sword washing and lashing on both sides like a Lion among sheepe saith my Author Nicolas posteth to his father Amoric that was in chase of ths scattred horsemen of the Irish and cried alas father mine uncle Sir Iohn is left alone in the midst of his enemies and the foot have forsaken him with that Sir Amoric lighted killed his horse and said here my sonne take charge of these horsemen and I will lead on the foot company to the rescue of my brother Courcy come on fellow souldiers saith he let us live and dye together He gave the on-set upon the foot of the Irish rescued Sir Iohn Courcy that was sore wounded and with cruell fight in manner out of breath with the sight of him the souldiers take hart and drive the Irish to retreit the slaughter on both sides was great few of the Irish and fewer of the English were left alive The Irish got them to the Fewes and the English to Dundalke but who got the best there is no boast made Not long after Sir Iohn de Courcy went into England where the King in regard of his good service made him Lord of Conoght and Earle of Vlster upon his returne saith Stanihurst which was in the Canicular daies he fought at the Bridge of Ivora a cruell battaile and prostrated his enemies with great honour and for that I find litle written thereof I thought good thus lightly to passe it over as others before me have done After this he builded many Castles in Vlster made bridges mended high wayes repaired Churches and governed the Country in great peace untill the dayes of King Iohn where I shall have further cause to discourse of him Amids these tumults in the North Miles Cogan bestirred himselfe in the West he passed the Shannon into Conoght with 540. men where saith mine Author never Englishman entred before whereupon the Conoght men drove before them all their cattle into the fastnesses carried with thē as much as they could fired the rest with their Townes Villages Houses and Cottages Milo marched as far as Tuam where he rested 8. dayes and finding man and beast fled and the Country barren of victualls he returned towards the Shannon and by the way met with Roderic the Monarch which lay in ambush with three Companies waiting his comming At their meeting they skirmished a long while and fought a cruell fight where the enemy lost many and Milo but three men then hee passed the river and came safely to Dublin Anno William Fitz Adelme the Kings Lievtenant is called into England Hee was a man that did no honour to the King neither good to the Country whom every good man in his life time detested and all Irish Chronicles after his death have defamed In his roome the King appointed Hugh Delacy Deputy of Ireland and joyned in Commission with him Robert Poer Seneschal of Wexford and Waterford Not long after the King sent into Ireland Miles Cogan and Robert Fitz Stephens with others and gave them in regard of their service all South Mounster to with the Kingdome of Corke in Fee for ever to be equally divided betweene them except the City of Corke and one Cantred thereunto adjoyning also he gave unto Philippe de Bruse all North Mounster to wit the Kingdome of Lymerick After they had pacified Dermot Mac Carty Prince of Desmond quieted the Country and divided their territories they conducted Philippe de Bruse to Lymerick to
Bruse Hugh Brune and others imprisoned him in Falaise in Normandy from thence he was brought to Roane and there clapt in the Tower under the custody of Robert de Veipont where shortly after he finished his life whether by leaping into the ditch thinking to make his escape or by meane of some privy hand which murther it is not as yet agreed upon Vtinam saith Mat. Paris non ut fama refert invida by occasion whereof K. Iohn was ever after had in great suspition whether justly or unjustly the Lord knoweth King Iohn fearing the secret practises of his adversaries and doubting the revolt of his Barons sent for his further security unto those whom he most suspected for hostages and pledges of their Ioialty and among others unto William de Bruse a Normand borne but Lord of Brechnok saith Guttin Owen and a great commander in South-wales The wife like a quicke Dame taking the answer out of her husbands mouth gave this round speech that shee would not give any of her sonnes to King Iohn who already had slaine and murthered his owne nephew Arthur These words being lavishly delivered unto the King set him in such a heat of displeasure against her husband though hee had rebuked her sharply for the same that the L. Bruse with his wife and children fled the Realme and got them unto Ireland for safeguard of their lives and when King Iohn came unto Ireland they fled to the I le of Man where they were apprehended and sent to the Castle of Windsore in England and there as the common fame went famished to death But William de Bruse himselfe escaped the hands of the King in Ireland and fled into France died at Corbell and was buried in Paris The next that comes upon the stage is Sir Iohn de Courcy Earle of Vlster Lord of Conaght that had lastly beene L. Liev. of Ireland who governing the land with great circumspection together with Sir Hugh de Lacy the younger who maligned him secretly and envied his prosperity in so much that hee accused him to King Iohn saying that he laid to the Kings charge the murthering of his nephew Arthure whereupon King Iohn sent for him into England and gave commission unto Sir Hugh de Lacy and his brother Walter Delacy to attach his person Sir Iohn de Courcy having secret intelligence of their drift kept himselfe a loofe Sir Hugh Delacy finding that levied an army and invaded Vlster the Country rose against him and drove him to flie Then Lacy praclaimed him traitor and marched towards him with all the forces he could make Courcy in like sort prepared for his comming At Dune they met and fought a cruell battaile where the field was all blood and many slaine on both sides but in the end the victory fell to Courcy and Lacy went back with shame enough Then Lacy practised how he might betray him It is said among the Irish that Courcy offred the combat and that Lacy refused it aleadging that it was not for him that represented the Kings person to hazard his life with an inferior being a subject and a traytor Lacy makes proclamation promising a large reward to him that should bring him in Courcy either alive or dead but it would not be then privily he dealt with some of his servants that if they would undertake the apprehension of him they should have great rewards it was concluded and this advice the betraiers gave Sir Iohn de Courcy is a mighty man in armes and of such strength that no one man dares be so hardy as lay hand upon him and againe hee is alwaies both in publick and privat well provided Yet we can direct you a course to bring your purpose to effect upon good Friday yeerly he weares no armes but is wholly given to divine contemplation and commonly walketh all solitary round about the Church-yard of Dune if you provide a troope of horsemen in a readinesse and send your espiall before there you shall have him apprehend him and worke your will and hither they came and laid hands upon him Courcy now unarmed and altogether distressed ranne to a wooden crosse that stood in the Church yard tooke the pole therof and laid about him lustily Courcy at that time had but a few attending on him and they armelesse of which number were two young Gentlemen the sonnes of Sir Amorick Saint Laurence which were slaine to bee short the Author of the Booke of Houth reporteth that Courcy in that Skirmish slew 13. of Lacy his men that died not upon the Crosse but under the Crosse but in the end he was carried away conveied beyond the seas clapt in the Towre of London and condemned to perpetuall imprisonment Whereupon Lacy for that service had the Earledome of Vlster given him and the Iudases that betrayed their Master had their hire Then they craved of Sir Hugh de Lacy a pasport into England with the relation of the good service they had done in Ireland which was granted upon condition that upon the paine of death they should never returne into Ireland againe neither to open the same afore it were demanded of them It was as followeth I Hugh de Lacy Lord Iustice of Ireland servant to my dread Soveraigne Lord King Iohn To all them that shall read these few lines greeting know you that thâ—se men whose names are under written served sometimes Sir Iohn de Courcy late Earle of Vlster but now in durance in the Towre of London and for a summe of money betraied their owne Master into my hand I deeme them no better then Iudas the traitor how hardly soever I have conceived of Courcy I hold them a thousand times more damnable traitors Wherefore let no subject within any of the Kings dominions give them any entertainment but spit in their faces and suffer them to rogue about and wander as Iewes He provided them a barke with saile and victuall but gave them no Pilots nor sea-faring men for want of skill they could not take the seas but were tossed with winde and weather along the Coast at length the Tyde brought them into the river of Corke they were no sooner landed but they were apprehended examined and brought to Sir Hugh de Lacy and forthwith all foure hanged cheeke by jole Not long after there fell some difference betweene Iohn King of England and Philip King of France for the right of some Fort in Normandie who to avoyde the shedding of Christian bloud agreed of each side to put it to a combat of King Philips part there was a French man in readinesse King Iohn upon the sudden wist not what to doe for a Champion to encounter with him at length one attending upon his person enformed him that there was one Courcy in the Towre of London the onely man in his dominions if hee would undertake it to answer the challenge King Iohn ioyfull of this sent the first yea second and third time promising large rewards and rich gifts
Monastery of Grenard was founded by Richard Tute who shortly after miscarried at Athlone by the fall of a Turret and was buried in the same Monastery About the same time in the yeere 1209. the Monastery of Forte was founded by Walter Lacy Lord of Meth. Anno 1210. and the twelfth yeere of his raigne King Iohn came into Ireland and landed at Waterford with an huge army marvellous well appointed to pacifie that rebellious people that were universally revolted burning spoyling preying and massacring the English Fabian and Graffton alleage the cause that moved the Irishmen to this rebellion to have been for that the King endevord to lay grievous taxes upon them towards his aide in the warres against the French King which they could not brooke and therefore rose in armes against their Soveraigne When hee came to Dublin the whole Countrey fearing his puissance craved peace and flocked unto him along the sea cost the Champian Countries and remote places receiving an oath to bee true and faithfull unto him There were 20. Reguli of the chiefest rulers within Ireland which came to the King to Dublin and there did him homage and fealty as appertained Harding nameth them Lord O Neale and many more Walsingham remembreth Catelus King of Conaght it forceth it not though they misse the right names of place and person it is a fault in manner common to all foraigne writers After this hee marched forwards into the land and tooke into his hands divers Fortresses and strong Holds of his enemies that fled before him for feare to be apprehended as William le Bruse Mathilda his wife William their sonne with their traine of whom I spake before also Walter de Lacy Lord of Meath and Hugh de Lacy Earle of Vlster and Lord Iustice of Ireland fearing his presence fled into France their exaction oppression and tyranny was intolerable Likewise they doubted how to answer the death of Sir Iohn de Courcy Lord of Ratheny and Kilbarrock within 5. miles of Dublin whom they had murthered of especiall malice and deadly hatred First for that he was of the house of Sir Iohn de Courcy Earle of Vlster whom the Lacies alwaies maligned Secondly for that he had made grievous complaints of them in England to King Iohn the tryall whereof they could not abide Vpon the sight of the Lacies King Iohn made Iohn Gray Bishop of Norwich his deputy Of these Lacies it is further remembred in the Booke of Houth and other antiquities how that in France they obscured themselves in the Abbey of S. Taurin and gave themselves to manuall labour as digging delving gardening planting and greffing for daily wages the space of 2. or 3. yeares the Abbot was well pleased with their service and upon a day whether it were by reason of some inkling or secret intelligence given him or otherwise demaunded of them of what birth and parentage they were and what Country they came from when they had acquainted him with the whole hee bemoned their case and undertooke to become a suiter unto the King for them in a word hee obtained the Kings favour for them thus farre that they were put to their fyne and restored to their fromer possessions so that Walter de Lacy paid for the Lordship of Meath 2500. Markes and Hugh his brother for Vlster and Conaght a greater summe Hugh de Lacy in remembrance of this kindnesse which the Abbot shewed them tooke his nephew his brothers sonne with them into Ireland one Alured whom he Knighted and made Lord of the Dengle The Monkes also which out of that Monastery hee had brought with him into Ireland hee honoured greatly and gave them entertainment in Four the which Walter De Lacy had formerly builded King Iohn having pacified the land ordained that the English Lawes should bee used in Ireland appointed 12. English shires with Sheriffes and other Officers to rule the same according unto the English Ordinances hee reformed the Coine and made it uniforme some say it was Gray his Deputy of like weight and finenes and made it currant as well in England as in Ireland When hee had disposed of his affaires and ordred all things at his pleasure he tooke the sea againe with much triumph and landed in England the 30. day of August Anno 1213. When the French King by instigation of Innocentius 3. Bishop of Rome prepared to invade England King Iohn eftsoone understanding thereof made provision accordingly to answer his enterprise and among others the cause why the story is here inserted Holinshed writeth how that to his aid the Bishop of Norwich the Kings Deputy of Ireland levied an Army of 300. foot well appointed beside horsemen which arrived in England to the encouragement of the whole Campe. And as the French was frustrate of his purpose so they shortly returned with great joy to their native Country In the same yeere Viz. 1213. Iohn Comin Archbishop of Dublin departed this life and was buried in the Quire of Christ-Church whom Henry Loudres succeeded in the dayes of this King Iohn This Henry builded the Castle of Dublin and was made Lord Iustice of Ireland His tenants nic-named him Schorchbill or Schorcvillen upon this occasion Hee being peaceably stalled in his Bishopprike summoned all his tennants and farmers at a certain day appointed to make their personall appearance before him and to bring with them such evidences and writings as they enjoyed their holds by the tenants of the day appointed appeared shewed their evidences to their Landlord mistrusting nothing hee had no sooner received them but afore their faces upon a suddain cast them all into a fire secretly provided for the purpose this fact amazed some that they became silent moved others to a stirring choller and furious rage that they regarded neither place nor person but brake into irreverent speeches Thou an Archbishop nay thou art a Schorcvillen an other drew his weapon and said as good for me kill as be killed for when my evidences are burned and my living taken away from me I am killed The Bishop being thus tumult and the imminent danger whipt out at a backe doore His Chaplains Registers and Summoners were well knockt and some of them left for dead They threatned to fire the house over the Bishops head some meane was made for the present time to pacifie their outrage with faire promises that all hereafter should be to their owne content upon this they departed the intent of the promises I cannot learne othersome inveigh against it but in fine complaint thereof being made to Henry 3. the King thought so hardly of the course that he removed him from his Iusticeship and placed in his roome Maurice Fitz Girald of whom hereafter This Loudreds was buried in Christ Church In the same yeere also King Iohn being mightily distressed through the practises of hir Archbishops Bishops Abbots Monkes Priests of his dominions and the Barons of his Kingdome revolting and the inward hatred of the
calmenesse Anno 1327. Donald sonne to Art Mac Morch and Sir Henry Traharne were taken prisoners Anno 1328. Deceased the Lord Thomas Fitz Iohn Earle of Kildare and the Lord Arnold Power and William Earle of Vlster came into Ireland Anno 1329. Iohn Brimingham Earle of Lowth and Peter his brother with many other were slaine on Whitsun even at Balibragan by the men of the Country Also the Lord Thomas Butler and divers other Noble men were slaine by Macgohegan and other Irishmen neere to Molingar Anno 1330. There died Sir Richard Deicetir Also the Earle of Vlster went with a great Army into Mounster upon Obren Also the Prior of the Hospitall then Lord Iustice put the Lord Maurice Fitz Thomas Earle of Desmond into the custody of the Marshall out of the which hee freely escaped And Sir Hugh de Lacy returned into Ireland and obteined peace of the King Anno 1331. The Earle of Vlster went into England and great slaugher was made upon the Irish in O kenslie also the Castle of Arclow was taken by the Irish and great slaughter made of the English ni the Cowlagh by Otothell where Sir Philip Bryt and many others were slaine and the Lord Anthony Lacy came over Lord Iustice of Ireland and great slaugter was made of the Irish at Thurles by the men of the Country and at Finnath in Meath there were many of them slaine by the English also the Castle of Fernis was taken and burned by the Irish also Maurice Fitz Thomas Earle of Desmond was apprehended at Limerick by the Lord Iustice upon the day of the Assumption and sent unto the Castle of Dublin Moreover the Lord Iustice tooke Sir William Birmingham and Walter his sonne at Clomell by a wile whilest hee was sick in his bed and sent them likewise unto the Castle of Dublin on the 19. day of Aprill Anno 1332. Sir William Birmingham was hanged at Dublin but Walter his sonne was delivered by reason hee was within orders Also the Castle of Clonmore was taken by the English and the Castle of Bonrath was destroyed by the Irish of Thomond also Henry Mandevill was sent prisoner to Dublin likewise Walter Burgh with two of his brethren were taken in Conaght by the Earle of Vlster and sent to the Castle of Norburgh also the said Lord Iustice was deposed by the King and went into England with his wife and children and Iohn Darcy was made Lord Iustice and great slaughter was made upon Bren Obren and Mac Carthy in Munster by the English of that Country Anno 1333. The Earle of Desmond by the Parliament held at Dublin was sent over into England unto the King and VVilliam Earle of Vlster in going toward Knock fergus upon the seventh day of Iune was treacherously slaine neere to the foords in Vlster by his owne people but his wife with his daughter and heire escaped into England which daughter was married unto the Lord Lionell the Kings sonne and afterward died at Dublin and had a daughter and heire which was afterward married unto Roger Mortimer Earle of March and Lord of Trim And to revenge the death of the said Earle the Lord Iustice of Ireland with a great Army went into Vlster But before that hee came thither the men of that Country had done the revenge and the Lord Iustice with his Army went into Scotland to the King of England because at that time hee was there in warre and hee left the Lord Thomas Burgh his Lievtenant in Ireland also on Saint Margarets Eve great slaughter was made in Scotland by the Irish and so what by the King in one part and the Lord Iustice in another Scotland was Conquered and Edward Balioll was established King of Scotland and Iohn Darcy came back Lord Iustice of Ireland and delivered VValter Birmingham out of the Castle of Dublin Anno 1336. On Saint Laurence day the Irish of Conaght were discomfited and put to flight by the English of the Country there and there were slaine tenne thousand and one Englishman Anno 1342. And in the sixteenth of King Edward the 3. Pope Benedict deceased Clement the sixth succeeded a man truly of great learning but exceeding prodigall so that hee would bestow upon his Cardinals Church livings in England when they were vacant and would goe about to impose new titles for them For which cause the King of England about the yeere 1344. disannulled the provisions so made by the Pope interdicting upon paine of imprisonment and death that none should bring any of them Anno 1348. There was great mortality in all places especially in and about the Court of Rome Avinion and about the sea coastes of England and Ireland Anno 1349. Deceased Alexander Bignor upon the foureteenth day of Iuly and the same yeere was Iohn de Saint Paul consecrated Archbishop of Dublin Anno 1355. Died Maurice Fitz Thomas Earle of Desmond L. Iustice of Ireland Anno 1356. Deceased the Lord Thomas de Rokesbie L. Iustice of Ireland Anno 1357. Began great variance betwixt Master Richard Fitz Ralphe Primat of Ardmagh and the foure Orders of begging Fryers Anno 1360. Deceaded Richard Archbishop of Ardmagh upon the seventeenth day of the Kalends of December in the Popes Court and Richard Kilminton dyed in England therefore the controversie ceased betwixt the Clergie and the orders of begging Fryers Anno 1361 and in the thirty fourth yeere of K. Edward the third about Easter began a great mortalitie of men consuming many men but few women in England and Ireland Also the same yeere the Lord Lionell Sonne to King Edward the third Duke of Clarence came over the Kings lievetenant into Ireland Anno 1362. deceased Iohn de Saint Paule Archbishop of Dublin on the fift day before the Ides of September Anno 1363. Thomas Minot was consecrated Archbishop of Dublin Anno 1369. the Lord William Windsor came over the Kings Lievetenant in Ireland Anno 1370. there was a third great Pestilence in Ireland And the Lord Gerald Fitz Maurice Earle of Desmond and the Lord Iohn Fitz Richard and the Lord Iohn Fitz Iohn and many other Noble men were taken prisoners and many others were slaine by Obren and Maccoinnard of Thomond in the moneth of Iuly Anno 1372 Sir Robert Asheton came over Lord Iustice of Ireland Anno 1373. there was great warre betwixt the English of Meth and Offerolle in which warre many upon both sides were slaine Anno 1375. Thomas Archbishop of Dublin departed this life and the same yeere was Richard de Wikeford consecrated Archbishop there Anno 1381 Edmund Mortimer the Kings Lievetenant in Ireland Earle of March and Vlster dyet at Coâ—ke Anno 1383. the fourth great Pestilence was in Ireland Anno 1385. Dublin Bridge fell Anno 1387. about Martilmas the Peeres of England rose against those that were of the side of King Richard the second but Robert Veer Duke of Ireland came over to Chester and got together many men and put them in array to march backe toward the
sithence either disanulled or quite prevaricated thorough change and alteration of times yet are they good still in themselves but in that commō-wealth which is ruled by them they worke not that good which they should and sometimes also that evill which they would not Eudox. Whether doe you meane this by the Common-Lawes of that Realme or by the Statute Lawes and Acts of Parliaments Iren. Surely by them both for even the Common law being that which William of Normandy brought in with his conquest and laid upon the neck of England though perhaps it fitted well with the state of England then being and was readily obeyed thorough the power of the Commander which had before subdued the people unto him made easie way to the setling of his will yet with the state of Ireland peradventure it doth not so well agree being a people very stubborne and untamed or if it were ever tamed yet now lately having quite shooken off their yoake broken the bonds of their obedience For England before the entrance of the Conqueror was a peaceable Kingdome and but lately inured to the milde and goodly government of Edward surnamed the Confessor besides now lately growne into a loathing and detestation of the unjust and tyrannous rule of Harold an usurper which made them the more willing to accept of any reasonable conditiōs order of the new victor thinking surely that it could be no worse then the latter and hoping well it would be as good as the former yet what the proofe of first bringing in establishing of those lawes was was to many full bitterly made knowne But with Ireland it is farre otherwise for it is a Nation ever acquainted with warres though but amongst themselves in their owne kinde of military discipline trayned up ever from their youthes which they have never yet beene taught to lay aside nor made to learne obedience unto Lawes scarcely to know the name of Law but in stead thereof have alwayes preserved and kept their owne Law which is the Brehon Law Eudox. What is that which you call the Brehon law it is a word unto us altogether unknowne Iren. It is a rule of right unwritten but delivered by tradition from one to another in which oftentimes there appeareth great shew of equity in determining the right betweene party and party but in many things repugning quite both to Gods Law and mans As for example in the case of murder the Brehon that is their judge will compound betweene the murderer and the friends of the party murdered which prosecute the action that the malefactor shall give unto them or to the child or wife of him that is slain a recompence which they call an Eriach By which vilde law of theirs many murders amongst them are made up and smothered And this Iudge being as hee is called the Lords Brehon adjudgeth for the most part a better share unto his Lord that is the Lord of the soyle or the head of that Sept and also unto himselfe for his judgement a greater portion then unto the Plantiffes or parties greived Eudox. This is a most wicked law indeed But I trust it is not now used in Ireland since the Kings of England have had the absolute dominion thereof and established their owne Lawes there Iren. Yes truly for there be many wide countries in Ireland which the lawes of England were never established in nor any acknowledgment of subjection made also even in those which are subdued seeme to acknowledge subjection yet the same Brehon law is practised among themselues by reason that dwelling as they doe whole nations and septs of the Irish together without any Englishman amongst them they may doe what they list and compound or altogether conceale amongst themselves their owne crimes of which no notice can be had by them which would and might amend the same by the rule of the Lawes of England Eudox. What is this which you say And is there any part of that Realme or any Nation therein which have not yet beene subdued to the Crowne of England Did not the whole Realme universally accept and acknowledge our late Prince of famous memory Henry the Viiith for their onely King and Leige Lord Iren. Yes verily in a Parliament holden in the time of Sir Anthony Saint-Leger then Lord Deputy all the Irish Lords and principall men came in and being by faire meanes wrought thereunto acknowledged King Henry for their Soveraigne Lord reserving yet as some say unto themselves all their owne former priviledges and Seignories inviolate Eudox. Then by that acceptance of his Soveraignty they also accepted of his lawes Why then should any other lawes be now used amongst them Iren. True it is that thereby they bound themselves to his lawes obedience and in case it had beene followed upon them as it should have beene and a government thereupon setled among them agreeable thereunto they should have beene reduced to perpetuall civilitie and contained in continuall dutie But what bootes it to breake a Colte and to let him straight runne loose at randome So were these people at first well handled and wisely brought to acknowledge allegiance to the Kings of England but being straight left unto themselves and their owne inordinate life and manners they eftsoones forgot what before they were taught and so soone as they were out of sight by themselves shooke off their bridles and beganne to colte anew more licentiously then before Eudox. It is a great pittie that so good an oportunity was omitted and so happie an occasion fore-slacked that might have beene the eternall good of the Land But doe they not still acknowledge that submission Iren. No they doe not for now the heires and posterity of them which yeelded the same are as they say either ignorant thereof or doe wilfully deny or stedfastly disavow it Eudox. How can they so doe justly Doth not the act of the Parent in any lawfull graunt or conveyance bind their heires for ever thereunto Sith then the Auncestors of those that now live yeelded themselves then subjects and Liegemen shall it not tye their Children to the same subiection Iren. They say no for their Auncestours had no estate in any their Lands Seigniories or Hereditaments longer then during their own lifes as they alledge for all the Irish doe hold their Land by Tanistrie which is say they no more but a personall estate for his life time that is Tanist by reason that he is admitted thereunto by election of the Countrey Eudox. What is this which you call Tanist and Tanistry They be names and termes never heard of nor knowne to us Iren. It is a custome amongst all the Irish that presently after the death of any of their chiefe Lords or Captaines they doe presently assemble themselves to a place generally appointed knowne unto them to choose another in his steed where they doe nominate and elect for the most part not the eldest sonne nor any of the children
maintaine play which he setting unto him againe shortly thereby winneth all from the winner Eudox. Was this Rebell then set up at first by the Queene as you say and now become so undutifull Iren. He was I assure you the most outcast of all the O-Neales then and lifted up by her Majesty out of the dust to that he hath now wrought himselfe unto and now hee playeth like the frozen snake who being for compassion releived by the husbandman soone after he was warme began to hisse and threaten danger even to him and his Eudox. He surely then deserveth the punishment of that snake should worthily be hewed to peeces But if you like not the letting forth of Shane O-Neales sonnes against him what say you then of that advice which I heard was given by some to draw in Scotts to serve against him how like you that advice Iren. Much worse then the former for who that is experienced in those parts knoweth not that the O-Neales are neerely allyed unto the Mac-Neiles of Scotland and to the Earle of Argyle from whence they use to have all their succours of those Scottes and Redshanckes Besides all these Scottes are through long continuance intermingled and allyed to all the inhabitants of the north So as there is no hope that they will ever be wrought to serve faithfully against their old friends and kinsmen And though they would how when they have overthrowne him and the warres are finished shall they themselves be put out doe we not all know that the Scottes were the first inhabitants of all the north and that those which now are called the north Irish are indeed very Scottes which challenge the ancient inheritance and dominion of that Countrey to be their owne aunciently This then were but to leap out of the pan into the fire For the cheifest caveat and provision in reformation of the north must be to keep out those Scottes Eudox. Indeede I remember that in your discourse of the first peopling of Ireland you shewed that the Scythians or Scottes were the first that sate downe in the north whereby it seemes that they may challenge some right therein How comes it then that O-Neales claimes the dominion thereof and this Earle of Tyrone saith that the right is in him I pray you resolve me herein for it is very needefull to be knowne and maketh unto the right of the warre against him whose successe useth commonly to be according to the justnes of the cause for which it is made For if Tyrone have any right in that Seigniory me thinkes it should be wrong to thrust him out Or if as I remember you said in the beginning that O-Neale when he acknowledged the King of England for his Leige Lord and Soveraigne did as he alleadgeth reserve in the same submission his Seigniories and rights unto himselfe what should it be accounted to thrust him out of the same Iren. For the right of O-Neale in the seigniory of the north it is surely none at all For besides that the Kings of England conquered all the Realme and thereby assumed and invested all the right of that land to themselves and their heires and successours for ever So as nothing was left in O-Neale but what he received backe from them O-Neale himselfe never had any ancient Seigniory over that country but what by usurpation and incroachment after the death of the Duke of Clarence he got upon the English whose lands and possessions being formerly wasted by the Scottes under the leading of Edward le Bruce as I formerly declared unto you he eft-soones entred into and sithence hath wrongfully detained through the other occupations and great affaires which the Kings of England soone after fell into here at home so as they could not intend to the recovery of that Countrey of the north nor restraine the insolency of O-Neale who finding none now to withstand him raigned in that desolation and made himselfe Lord of those few people that remained there upon whom ever sithence he hath continued his first usurped power and now exacteth and extorteth upon all men what he list So that now to subdue or expell an usurper should bee no unjust enterprise or wrongfull warre but a restitution of auncient right unto the Crowne of England from whence they were most unjustly expelled and long kept out Eudox. I am very glad herein to be thus satisfied by you that I may the better satisfie them whom I have often heard to object these doubts and slaunderously to barke at the courses which are held against that trayterous Earle and his adherents But now that you have thus settled your service for Vlster and Connaght I would bee glad to heare your opinion for the prosecuting of Feagh Mac Hugh who being but a base villaine and of himselfe of no power yet so continually troubleth the State notwithstanding that he lyeth under their nose that I disdaine his bold arrogancy and thinke it to be the greatest indignity to the Queene that may be to suffer such a caytiffe to play such Rex and by his ensample not onely to give heart and incouragement to all such bad Rebells but also to yeeld them succour and refuge against her Majesty whensoever they fly unto his Comericke whereof I would first wish before you enter into your plot of service against him that you should lay open by what meanes he being so base first lifted himselfe up to this dangerous greatnes and how he maintaineth his part against the Queene and her power notwithstanding all that hath beene done and attempted against him And whether also hee have any pretence of right in the lands which he houldeth or in the warres that he maketh for the same Iren. I will so at your pleasure and will further declare not only the first beginning of his private house but also the originall of the sept of the Birnes and Tooles so farre as I have learned the same from some of themselves and gathered the rest by reading The people of the Birnes and Tooles as before I shewed unto you my conjecture descended from the auncient Brittaines which first inhabited all those easterne parts of Ireland as their names doe betoken for Brin in the Brittish language signifieth wooddy and Toole hilly which names it seemeth they tooke of the Countryes which they inhabited which is all very mountainous and woody In the which it seemeth that ever since the comming in of the English with Dermot ni-Gall they have continued Whether that their countrey being so rude and mountainous was of them despised and thought unworthy the inhabiting or that that they were received to grace by them and suffered to enjoy their lands as unfit for any other yet it seemeth that in some places of the same they have put foote and fortified with sundry Castles of which the ruines onely doe there now remaine since which time they are growne to that strength that they are able to lift up hand
of Antrim Cnockfergus called also Cragfergus This part is dissevered from Meath and Leinster by the river Boandus which breaketh out beside Logh-foyle a bogg betweene Ardmagh and S. Patrickes Purgatorie Cambrensis reputeth the bogge at 30. miles in length and halfe so much in breadth and the same once firme Land to have beene suddenly ouerflowen for the bestiall incest committed there unfit to be told In Mounster lye the counties of Waterford Limericke Cork counties Pallatine of Tipperary Kerry and exempt from priviledge the Crosse of Tipperarie Waterford hath Dongarvon and Waterford full of traffique with England France and Spaine by meanes of their excellent good Haven Limericke hath Kilmallocke lately sackt by Iames Fitz Morice and the Citie Limiricum coasting on the sea hard upon the river Shannon whereby are most notably severed Mounster and Connaght Corke hath Kinsale Yowghall and the Cittie Corke Tipperary hath Tipperary Clonmell Fidderstown Cassell Mounster was of old time devided into East-Mounster Ormond West-Mounster Desmond South-Monster Thomond Here dwell Obrenes Macnemarraes Mack-maâ—ownes and one sept of the Offlherties In these quarters lyeth the Countryes of O-Carroll O-Magher the white Knight Mac-Ibrine O-Gaunaghe Waterford contayneth the Powers and Deces Corke the Barries Lands Imokillie Carbarrie Maccarty-more Maccarty-reagh L. Roches lands Osulivan Muscry L. Courcy and diverse more some of Irish blood some degenerate and become Irish. Limericke hath in it the Knight of the valley VVilliam Burcke Mac-Ibrine Ara part of the white Knights Lands Cosmay Obrenes and upon the edge of Kerrie the greene knight alià s the knight of Kerrie Leinster butteth upon England Mounster and Connaght upon France and Spaine Vlster upon the Scottish Ilands which face with Hebrides scattered between both realmes wherein at this day the Irish Scot Successour of the old Scythian Pict or Redshancke dwelleth The spirituall Iurisdiction is ordered into 4. Provinces whereof the primacy was euer given in reverence toward Saint Patricke their Apostle to the Archbishoppe of Ardmagha now called Ardmagh which custome was since confirmed by Eugenius the 3. who sent withall 3. other prelates to be placed one at Dublin one at Cashell the last at Tuam To these are suffraganes in right 29. and all they inferiour to the Primate of Ardmaghe under his province are the Bishopprickes of Meath Derry Ardagh Kilmore Clogher Downe Coner Clonmacknoes Rapho and Dromore Vnder Dublin whereunto Innocentius 3. united Glandelagh are the Bishop of Elphine Kildare Ferneâ— Ossorie and Laighlein Vnder Cashell are B. of Waterford Lysmore Corke Clone Rosse Ardigh Limericke Emely Killalo Ardferte Vnder Tuam the B. of Kilmaco Olfine Anaghdoune Clonfert Mayo In this recount some diversities have happened by reason of personall and reall union of the Seas and for other alterations An old distinctioÌ„ there is of Ireland into Irish English pales for wheÌ„ the Irish had raised coÌ„tinual tumults against the English planted heere with the Conquest At last they coursed them into a narrow circuite of certaine shires in Leinster which the English did choose as the fattest soyle most defensible their proper right and most open to receive helpe from England Hereupon it was termed their pale as whereout they durst not peepe But now both within this pale uncivill Irish and some rebells doe dwell and without it Countreyes and cities English are well governed CAP. II. The temporall Nobility BY conference with certaine gentlemen attendants upon Sir Henry Sidney Lord Deputie who excelleth in that knowledge I tooke notice of the most noble English families in Ireland which heere ensue with their surnames as they stand at this present Gerald Fitz Gerald Earle of Kildare this house was of the nobilitie of Florence came thence to Normandie and so with earle Strangbow his kinsman whose Armes hee giveth into Wales neere of bloud to Rice ap Griffin Prince of Wales by Vesta the mother of Morice Fitz Gerald and Robert Fitz Stephens with the said Earle it removed into Ireland one of the speciall conquerors thereof One record that I have seene nameth a Geraldine the first Earle of Kildare in anno 1289. But another saith there dyed a Geraldine the fourth Earle of Kildare in anno 1316. the family is touched in the sonnet of Surrey made upon Kildares sister now Lady Clinton From Tuscane came my Ladyes worthy race Faire Florence was sometime her ancient seate The westerne Isle whose pleasant shore doth face Wilde Cambres cliffes did give her lively heate His eldest sonne Lord Gerald Baron of Ophalye I reade the Geraldine Lord of Ophalye in anno 1270. Sir Thomas Butler Earle of Ormond and Ossorye the Butlers were ancient English Gentlemen preferred to the Earledome of Ormond in the first of Edward the 3. Anno 1327. which fell upon heires generall lastly upon Sir Thomas Butler Earle of Wilshire after whose disfavour it reversed to the name of Pierce Butler whom little before King H. 8. had created Earle of Ossorye Theo. Butler was Lord of the Carricke An. 1205. And Earle of Tipperarie 1300. or sooner the Latine History calleth him Dominum de Pincerna the English Le Bottiller whereby it appeareth that hee had some such honour about the Prince his very surname is Becket who was advanced by H. le 2. in recompence of the injurie done to Thomas of Canterburie their kinsman His eldest sonne Lord Butler Viscount Thurles Gerald Fitz Gerald Earle of Desmond Morice Fitz Thomas a Geraldine was created Earle of Desmond the same yeare soone after that the Butler became Earle of Ormond The Irish say that the elder house of the Geraldines was made Earle of Desmond though Kildare be the more ancient Earle His eldest sonne L. Fitz Gerald of Desmond Baron of Inshycoin Sir Richard Burcke Earle of Clanriccard a braunch of the English family de Burge Lord Burgh who were noble men before their arrivall into Ireland His eldest sonne Vlioke Burghe Baron of Donkeline Conegher Obrene Earle of Tumond the name of Earle given to Murroughe Obrene for terme of life and after to Donoghe Obrene An. 5. Edw. 6. now confirmed to the heires male His eldest sonne Lo. Obrene Baron of Ibrecane Mac Cartimore Earle of Clarcar created An. 1565. His eldest sonne Lo Baron of Valentia Viscount Barrie Viscount Roohe Preston Viscount of Gormanston whereunto is lately annexed the Barony of Lounders their auncestour Preston then cheife Baron of the Exchequer was made Knight in the field by Lionell Duke of Clarence Lieutenant of Ireland Eustace alias Powere Viscount of Baltinglasse Lord of Kilkullen to him and his heires male An. H. 8.33 Their ancestour Robert le Powere was sent into Ireland with commission and in his Off-spring hath rested heere since An. 1175. Powere alias Eustace is written Baron of Domvile An. 1317. Sir Richard Butler Viscount Mongaret to him and his heires males An. Edw. 6.5 Viscount Deces Lord Bermingham Baron of Athenrye now degenerate
and become meere Irish against whom his auncestors served valiantly in An. 1300. Sir Richard Bermingham was Lord of Athenrye 1316. Iohn Bermingham Baron de Atrio dei Anno 1318. Mac Morice alias Fitz Gerald Baron of Kerye Lord Courcye a poore man not very Irish the auncient descent of the Courcyes planted in Ireland with the Conquest Lord Flemmynge Baron of Slane Simon Flemmynge was Baron of Slane in Anno 1370. Plonket Baron of Killyne this family came in with the Danes whereof they have as yet speciall monuments Nugent Baron of Delvin Saint Laurence Baron of Hothe Plonket Baron of Doonesawny Barnewall Baron of Trimleston they came from little Brittaine where they are at this day a great surname upon their first arrivall they wonne great possessions at Beirnhaven where at length by conspiracie of the Irish they were all slaine except one yong man who then studied the common Lawes in England who returning dwelt at Dromnaghe besides Divelin and his heires are there at this day from thence a second brother remooved to Sirestone and so to Trimlestone and married the Lady Bruns who caused him to be made Baron This writeth the Lord of Donsany Edward Butler Baron of Donboyne given to Edmund Butler esquire and his heires males An. 33. H. 8. Fitz Patricke Baron of upper Ossory given to Barnabie Mac Gilpatricke and his heires males An. 33. H. 8. Donnate Clonnaghe Mac Gilpatricke was a peerelesse warriour in Anno 1219. Plonket Baron of Louthe to Sir Christopher Plonket and his heires males An. 33. H. 8. This Barony was an Earledome in An. 1316. appertaining to Bermingham Oneale Baron of Dongannon to whom the Earledome of Terone was entayled by gift of H. 8. Powere Baron of Curraghmore Mac Suretan Lord Deseret whom Sir Henry Sidney called Iordan de Exeter This was Lord in the time of Lionell Duke of Clarence An. 1361. now very wilde Irish. Murroghe Obrene Baron of Insickeyne to him and his heires males An. 35. H. 8. Mac Costilaghe L Nangle whom Sir Henry Sidney called de Angulo now very Irish. Mac William Burcke Lord of eighter Connaght now very Irish. Seintleger Baronet of Slemarge meere Irish. Den Baronet of Pormanston waxing Irish. Fitz Gerald Baronet of Burnchurch Welleslye Baronet of Narraghe Husee Baronet of Galtrim S. Michell Baronet of Reban Marwarde Baronet of Scryne Nangle Baronet of the Navan English gentlemen of longest continuance in Ireland are the race of those which at this day either in great povertie or perill doe keepe the properties of their auncestors lands in Vlster being then companions to Courcy the conquerour and Earle of that part These are the Savages Iordanes Fitz Symonds Chamberlaines Russels Bensons Audleyes Whites Fitz Vrsulyes now degenerate called in Irish Mac Mahon the Beares sonne CAP. III. Nature of the soyle and other incidents THe soyle is low and waterish includeth diverse little Ilands invironed with bogges and marishes Highest hilles have standing pooles in their toppe Inhabitants especially new come are subiect to distillations rhumes and flixes for remedy whereof they use an ordinary drinke of Aqua-vitae so qualified in the making that it dryeth more and inflameth lesse then other hote confections The aire is wholsome not altogether so cleare and subtle as ours of England Of Bees good store no vineyards contrary to the opinion of some writers who both in this and other errours touching the land may easily be excused as those that wrote of hearesay Cambrensis in his time complaineth that Ireland had excesse of wood and very little champaigne ground but now the English pale is too naked Turffe and Sea-coales is their most fuell it is stored of kyne of excellent horses hawkes of fish and fowle They are not without wolves and grey-hounds to hunt them bigger of bone and limme then a colt Their kyne as also their cattle and commonly what els soever the Countrey ingendreth except man is much lesse in quantity then ours of England Sheepe few and those bearing course fleeces whereof they spinne notable rugge mantle The country is very fruitefull both of corne and grasse the grasse for default of Husbandrie not for the cause alleaged in Polychronicon groweth so ranke in the north parts that oft times it rotteth their Kyne Eagles are well knowne to breed heere but neither so bigge nor so many as Bookes tell Cambrensis reporteth of his owne knowledge and I heare it averred by credible persons that Barnacles thousands at once are noted along the shoares to hang by the beakes about the edges of putrified timber shippes oares anchor-holdes and such like which in processe taking lively heate of the Sunne become water-foules and at their time of ripenesse either fall into the sea or fly abroad into the ayre Aeneas Sylvius that after was Pope Pius the second writeth himselfe to have perceaved the like experiment in Scotland where he learned the truth hereof to be found in the Ilands Orchades Horses they have of pace easie in running wonderfull swift Therefore they make of them great store as wherein at times of need they repose a great peice of safetie This broode Raphael Volateranus saith to have come at first from Arturia the country of Spaine betweene Gallicea and Portugall whereof they were called Asturcones a name now properly applyed to the Spanish Iennet I heard it verified by Honourable to Honourable that a Nobleman offered and was refused for one such horse an hundred kyne five pound Lands an Airy of Hawks yearely during seven yeares In the plaine of Kildare stood that monstrous heape of stones brought thither by Gyants from Affrique and removed thence to the plaine of Sarisbury at the instance of Aurel. Ambrose King of Brittaine No venemous creping beast is brought forth or nourished or can live here being sent in and therefore the spider of Ireland is well knowne not to be venemous Onely because a frogge was found living in the Meadowes of Waterford somewhat before the conquest they construed it to import their overthrowe S. Bede writeth that Serpents conveyed hither did presently die being touched with smell of the land and that whatsoever came hence was then of Soveraigne vertue against poyson He exemplifieth in certaine men stung with Adders who dranke in water the scrapings of Bookes that had beene of Ireland and were cured Generally it is observed the further West the lesse annoyance of pestilent creatures The want whereof is to Ireland so peculiar that whereas it lay long in question to whether Realme Brittaine or Ireland the I le of Man should pertaine the said controversie was decided that forsomuch as venemous beasts were knowne to breed therein it could not be counted a naturall peice of Ireland Neither is this propertie to be ascribed to S. Patrickes blessing as they commonly hold but to the originall blessing of God who gave such nature to the situation and soyle from the beginning And though I
of his matches are not remembred nor read With the nevves of Maryes death hee crossed the seas againe into England leaving Sir Henry Sidney Lord Iustice and yet againe the next yeare leaving Sir VVilliam Fitzwilliams Lord Iustice then returned he Lord Lieutenant of Ireland by Proclamation reformed and abated their base Coyne being as yet perfect in all the proportions measures allayes and values thereof as by mintanor tooke vvith him souldiours out of Divelin victualled for sixe vveekes at that citties charge under the leading of Petaboghe Sheriffe and joyning him to his povver vvent upon Shane Oneale the Irish enemy of greatest force then living Thereupon Shane hyed him into England the Lieutenant after him Fitz VVilliams Lord Iustice till Sussex sped his businesse and came backe the next and last time of his departure Sir Nicholas Arnold directed thither vvith Commission tarryed behinde him Lord Iustice and too short a vvhile as the country speaketh vvho testifieth his upright and reasonable provision of household cates the abuses whereof with sesse and souldiours doe so impoverish and alienate the needie Farmors from us that they say they might as easily beare the Irish oppressions of Conies Cuddies from which we pretend to deliver them Arnold for his better successe in government linked himselfe entirely with Gerald Earle of Kildare who likewise endeavoured to support the same with all diligence being authorized to straine the rebells at his discretion wherefore hee disposed himselfe to serve and presented the Governour many times with a number of principall Out-lawes heades In the meane while Sussex became Lord President of the North of England a spare man of body but sound healthfull brought up with Stephen Gardiner passing valiant a deep reacher very zealous in friendship quicke in resolution of extremities in the field wonderfull patient able to tyre ten souldiours learned and languaged ever doing with his penne of utterance sharpe and sententious wary busie painefull and speedie meeter to rule then to be over-ruled Sir Henry Sidney Knight of the Garter Lord President of Wales and Lord Deputie of Ireland Hee found the Realme distempered vvith Oneales rebellion and the same did extinguish vvhereof before I speake I must looke backe a little into certaine yeares past and lay together the circumstance of this lamentable tumult Of all the Irish Princes though none vvas then comparable to Oneale for antiquity and noblenesse of bloud yet had the same endured sundry varieties and vexations untill the divion began in England of the tvvo royall families Yorke and Lancaster at vvhich time the English Lords of Ireland either for zeale or for kinred and affection transporting their force thither to vphold a side the meere Irish vvaxed insolent and chiefly Oneale incroched upon the full possession of Vlster abiding so uncontrolled till Shane Oneale fearing the puissance of Henry 8. exhibited to him a voluntary submissiō surrendred all titles of honour received at his hands the Earledome of Ter-owen commonly called Tirone to be held of the King of English forme and tenure Armes he gave the bloody hand a terrible cognizance This Oneale had two sonnes Matthew a bastard and Shane legitimate but because Matthew was a lusty horseman welbeloved and a tryed Souldiour Shane but a Boy and not of much hope the father obtained the Barony of Donganon and the remainder of his Earledome to Matthew When Shane and his foster brethren grew to yeares they considered of the injury and tyranny done by policie of the base Oneale with rearing hue and cry at the side of a Castle where he lay that night when the Gentleman ran suddainely forth to answere the cry as the custome is they betrayed and murdered him The father not utterly discontent with his dispatch when he saw the proofe of his lawfull sonne and heire thenceforward fancied Shane Oneale put him in trust with all himselfe being but a Cripple notwithstanding that Matthew left issue male which liveth to whom the inheritance appertained yet after his fathers decease Shane was reputed for the rightfull Oneale tooke it kept it challenged superiority over the Irish Lords of Vlster warred also upon the English part subdued Oreyly imprisoned Odonil his wife and his sonne enriched himselfe with all Odonils forts castles and plate by way of ransome detained pledges of obedience the wife whom he carnally abused and the Childe fortified a strong Iland in Tyrone which he named spitefully Foogh-ni-Gall that is the hate of English men whom he so detested that he hanged a Souldiour for eating English bisket another by the feete mistrusted for a spy another Captaine of the Galloglaghes he slew with torture After this usurpation and tyranny hee was yet perswaded by Melchior Husse sent unto him from Gerald Earle of Kildare to reconcile himselfe to good order and to remember the honourable estate wherein King Henry placed his father which monition he accepted besought his protection and made a voyage into England where the Courtiers noteing his haughtines and barbarity devised his stile thus Oneale the great Cousin to S. Patricke friend to the Queene of England enemy to all the world besides Thence he sped home againe gratiously dealt with used Civility expelled the Scots out of all Vlster where they intended a conquest wounded and tooke prisoner Captaine Iames Mac Conill their Chieftaine whereof the said Iames deceased ordered the North so properly that if any subject could approve the losse of money or goods within his precinct he would assuredly either force the robber to restitution or of his owne cost redeeme the harme to the loosers contentation Sitting at meate before he put one morsell into his mouth he used to slice a portion above the dayly almes and send it namely to some begger at his gate saying it was meete to serve Christ first But the Lords of Vlster and elsewhere whom he yoked and spoiled at pleasure abhorring his pride and extortion craved assistance of the Deputy for redresse thereof Oneale advertised increaseth his rage disturbeth and driveth out Mac Gwire the plantiffe burneth the Metropolitane Church of Ardmagh because no English army might lodge therein for which sacriledge the Primate accursed him besiegeth Dundalke practiseth to call strangers into the land for ayde as appeareth by those letters which Sir Henry Sidney Lord Deputy intercepted occupieth all the North of Ireland being 100. myles broad 120. long Then addressed he plausible letters to the Potentates of Mounster exhorting them to rebell that the force of England at once might bee dismembred This message the Deputy prevented stayed the country abridged him of that hope and then proclaimed him Traytor An Irish Iester standing by and hearing Oneale denounced with addition of a new name traytor Except quoth he traytor be a more honourable title then Oneale he shall never take it upon him by my consent While the Deputy was absent in England the towne of Droghedagh was in hazard to be taken by the Rebels which
returne in the fall of the leafe now is the time intimate your defects in demaunds or what else soever may content you and see whether I will tender your common-wealth I meane not the pretended common-wealth seditiously promoted in Tom Loodles ryme but some good and substantiall matter worth the hearing which upright and equall men will indeede esteeme As for his complaint of Cesse and Imposition it savoureth either hatefull malice or childish folly malice if he would decay the garrison that preserveth the Realme folly if he thinke the Realme can be preserved vvithout a garrison vvherin I will shew you my fancie by the vvay perhaps out of all order but I pray beare vvith mee I take matters as they come next to hand I can not skill of vvritten tales Many a good-fellovv talkes of Robin Hoode that never drevv in his Bovv and many an idle head is full of Proclamations and conceiveth certaine farre fetches able in his vveening to vvield a Realme But let me see vvhich of them all can justifie that Ireland may spare the Army they kicke so much against Are your enemyes more tractable then they have beene Are they fevver Are you by your selves of force to match them If you bee then vvere England starke madde to disburse tvventie or thirtie thousand pounds a yeare for none other purpose but to vexe and grieve you that were like the husband who gelded himselfe to anger his wife You must not thinke wee love you so evill nay rather thinke truely wee tender your quietnesse and preservation as a nation derived from our auncestours ingraffed and incorporate into one body with us disturbed with a sort of barbarous people odious to God and man that lappe your bloud as greedily as ours The abuse of souldiours their horse boyes and harlots the Legerdemaine of Captaines chequerelles the purloyning of Cessors Constables the number of freedomes holding onely by concordatum the annoyance and hurt which the poore farmer endureth as I know them to be intollerable so I know them to be redressed with the first detection whose complaint hath not been heard whose enormity vvinked at what can you aske more would you have souldiours nothing insolent nothing sensuall nothing greedy no quarrellers so wish I but scarce hope for it vvould you hazard a misery certaine extreame and incurable to avoyde a trouble casuall transitory and remedilesse so vvould not I if you can prove a garrison needlesse I undertake to ease you thereof If you neede it they must bee fedde finde another vvay then this to provide for them victuall that carryeth asmuch readinesse to service and more contentation to your selves and I assure you mine assistance to set it forvvard But the Brokers of this libell are vvont to reason Why should not vvee live vvithout an Army as vvell as in England Why cannot our Noble-men of might in every border our tenants and servaunts vvithstand the Irish next them as vvell as the Northerne Lordes and Inhabitants of Riddesdale and Tiddesdale and those about the Scottish banke resist the Scotts facing and pilfering as fast as our enemyes Very good vvhat saye they then to Fraunce vvhich is no vvorser governed then England and hath an Armye Italy notvvithstanding as vvell ordered as Fraunce vvithout an Army Spaine asvvell as either of them both and continually keepes an Armye I tell you these are daungerous and hollovve kindes of Arguments which are deduced ab exemplo by example of other Realmes Many subtile diversities many varieties of circumstance many exceptions alter the case and make it utterly desperate Touching Scotland it is well knowne they were never the men whom England neede to feare They are but a corner cut out and easily tamed when they waxe outragious Your foes lie in the bosome of your Countryes more in number richer of ground desperate theeves ever at an inch unpossible to be severed from you without any fence beside your owne valiantnes and the helpe of our Souldiours England is quiet within it selfe thoroughly peopled on that side of Scotland which most requireth it guarded with an army otherwise the Lords and Gentlemen and lusty Yeoman that dwell on a row are ready to maister their private vagaries From all forraine invasions walled with the wide Ocean Were there such a Sea betwixt you and the Irish or were they shut up in an odde end of the land or had they no such opportunityes of bogges and woods as they have or were they Lords of the lesser part of Ireland or were they severed into handfuls not able to annoy whole towneships and Baronies as they doe the comparison were somewhat like but alacke it fareth not so with you you are beset round your townes be feeble the land empty the commons bare every county by it selfe cannot save it selfe Take away the terrour and feare of our Bande which increaseth your strength many an Irish Lord would be set agog that novv is full lovvly and holdeth in his hornes and the open enemy vvould scovvre your quarters that novv dares not venture lest he pay for his passage Consider me the effect of an Army vvrought in these fevv yeares for doubt vvhereof you are nothing so oft nor so lamentably pelted at as your auncestors vvere vvhich of them durst be stored vvith coyne knovving the rebells teeth vvatered thereat and himselfe not able to hold him out vvhich of them had leisure to build to lye soft and vvarme to take his ease in his ovvne home vvhich of them vvere plated or jevvelled or attyred themselves their vivves and children sumptuously after their calling as you doe now If your bagges bee full vvhere theirs were lancke if you dwell neatly where they dwelled homely if you sleep on featherbeds where they slept on couches if you be sumptuous where they vvere skant you have the more cause to honour that Scepter that so directeth you and to love the warrant that procureth you this quietnes the mother of all your wealth and prosperity Therefore to conclude where I began weigh well the sicke and wounded parts of your common wealth cure the roote regard the foundation the principall pillars the summer posts the stone walles as for the roofe and the tyles if yee repaire them onely and suffer the ground worke to perish a tempest of weather a flovve will shake your building Of some such good and substantiall reformation I would advise you friendly to consult and you shall finde me as willing to preferre the generall welfare of you all as I have beene desirous to benefit every singular person of you that hath in any lawfull suite attempted me ¶ These last words gave Sidney to the Realme as it were for a farewell and thenceforvvards looked for Sir VVilliam Fitz VVilliams his brother in law a politicke and stout gentleman now Lord Iustice and for Sir Iohn Perrot Lord president of Mounster to be settled there before his departure He was honored at the point of his going with such recourse pompe musicke shewes
dayes Satan with all the internall spirits sent greeting with great thankes unto the Ecclesiasticall state upon earth in dreadfull characters For that they wanting no aide in their delights from hellish places sent such a number of damned soules into the sulphureall pits through their remisnesse in life and slacknesse in preaching as in former ages had not beene seene Whosoever devised the course it forceth not greatly the matter might seeme odious if it contained no truth Finnan in Wales as my Authors report called Gwyn was born at Ardez he travelled forraigne countries came to his native soile was Bishop of Farne saith Beda baptized Penda King of Mercia consecrated Cedd Bishop of East Saxons and lyeth buried at Cuningham in Scotland called of the Britaines Kilgwinin There was also one Finan an Abbot borne in Mounster sent by Saint Brendan to Smoir now called Mons Blandina to inhabite there who came afterwards to Corcodizbue where hee was borne builded Cels and Monasteries for religious men contended with Falbe Fland King of Mounster A third Finan there was who was master of Ruadanus a great learned man and dwelt at Cluayn jarhaird in Meath Colmannus whose life Bale writeth at large was a godly learned man borne in Ireland the sonne of one Fiachra of the bloud Royall and highly commended of Beda hee was brought up after the Apostolike rules of Congellus he succeeded Finan in the Bishopricke of Farne alias Linsey In his time there was great stirre about the observation of Easter when some alledged custome and some urged the authoritie of Rome he pleaded the Gospell both against this stir and the like trouble that rose about the shaving of Priests crownes the which he reiected saith Beda and seeing that he could not prevaile forsooke his Bishopricke and went with certaine Scots and Saxons into the Hebrydes where he ended his dayes Beda writeth how that in the yeere 664. there fell strange accidents upon the eclipse of the Sunne which was the third of May in England and Ireland and a great mortalitie in both lands in the time of Finan and Colman the godly Bishops Gentle reader thou shalt heare himselfe speake The plague pressed sore that Iland of Ireland no lesse then England there were then as that time many of noble parentage and likewise of the meane sort of English birth in the dayes of Finan and Colman the Bishops who leaving their native soile had repaired thither either for divine literature or for more continencie of life whereof some immediately gave themselves to monasticall conversation others frequenting the Cels gave diligent eare to the lectures of the readers All which the Scots he meaneth the Irish men with most willing minde daily relieved and that freely yeelding unto them bookes to reade and masterly care without hire Among these there were two young men of great towardnesse of the Nobles of England Edelthun and Egbert the first was brother to Edilhun a man beloved of God who formerly had visited Ireland for learnings sake and being well instructed returned into his country was made Bishop of Lindisfarne and for a long time governed the Church with great discretion These men being of the monasterie of Rathmelfig and all their fellowes by the mortalitie either cut off or dispersed abroad were both visited with the sicknesse and to make short that which mine Author layeth downe at large Edelthun died thereof and Egbert lived untill he was fourescore and tenne yeeres old So farre Beda There was another Colmannus otherwise called Colmanellus an Abbot of the sept of the Neilles borne in Hoichle in Meth what time the King of Leinster with an huge armie wasted the North he became first Abbot of Conor in Vlster where the godly Bishop Mac Cnessey resteth From thence he came to the place where he was born and there saith his Legend he met with Eadus the sonne of Aimireach a King of Ireland Edus Flan a Lord of that country of the sept of the Neills his kinsman Saint Columba Cylle and Saint Cannicus the Abbot who received him ioyfully Edus Flan gave him a parcell of land to build upon and to inhabit called Fyd Elo afterwards called Colmans Elo where hee founded a Monasterie and now resteth himselfe Carantocus in the martyrologe Cartak was the sonne of Keredicus a King of Ireland a good Preacher the Irish called him Ceruagh his mother was a Britaine and was delivered of him in Wales Hee travailed over Ireland and Britaine King Arthur is said to have honoured him greatly and gave him a parcell of land where he builded a Church In his latter dayes he came to Ireland and died in a towne called after his name Chervac So much Capgrave There was another of that name an Abbot in France of whom Ionas maketh mention in the life of Columbanus but not of Irish birth Now to intermit a while from speaking of these learned men I finde that Aurelius Conanus who slue Constantine that succeeded King Arthur and raigned in his stead thirty three yeeres valiantly by force of Armes brought under his command as Gualterus Oxoniensis writeth Norwey Denmarke Ireland Island Gothland the Orchades and Ocean Ilands I finde also that Malgo the nephew of this Conanus who as it is in the English history succeeded Vortipore vanquished the Irish Pictes or Scots which the Britaines called y Gwydhil Pictiard which had over-runne the Isle of Man of them called Tyr Mon and slue Serigi their King with his owne hand at Llany Gwydhil that is the Irish Church at Holy-head so write Sir Iohn Price Knight and Humfry Lloyd in the description of Cambria Florilegus saith that he subdued sixe Ilands of the Ocean adioyning unto him which Harding thus reckoneth And conquered wholy the Isle of Orkenay Ireland Denmarke Iselond and eke Norway And Gotland also obeyed his royaltie He was so wise full of fortunitie When Careticus was King of Britaine who began his raigne Anno Dom. 586. the Saxons intending to make a full conquest of the land called to their aide for a number of Pirates and sea rovers that were mighty and strong and scoured the Seas and the Ilands whose Captaine was Gurmundus one calleth him an African Fabian writeth that he had two names and was called Gurmundus and Africanus howsoever I finde that hee was the King of Norweys sonne and for his successe in England referre the reader to that historie and for his behaviour in Ireland I will acquaint the courteous reader with what I finde in which the Writers noâ— not agree Cambrensis and Polycronicon followed bad presidents and were deceived Stanihurst stammereth writing one thing in English another thing in Latine the best record I finde is in Thadie Dowlinge Chancellour of Leighlin and Iames Grace of Kilkenny They write that Gurmund was in Ireland but no King or Conquerour that with strong hand he entred Leinster like a raging
take possession of the Kings graunt given him in those parts As they came to the walles of Lymerick the Citizens of spight in sight of them all to the end that no Englishman should roost there set the Town on fire Philippe de Bruse was therewithal discouraged and his Company in so much that when Robert Fitz Stephens and Miles Cogan offred to adventure their lives in the recovery of the Kingdome of Lymerik with all their aide and assistance he refused it and returned with them to Corke esteeming it farre better to lose Lymric and with safetie to dwell among his lovers and friends then to lose life and kingdome by dwelling among such Iewes as will fire their owne houses and cut all English throats In a while after Miles Cogan and Raffe the sonne of Robert Fitz Stephens who had lately married Miles daughter went towards Lismore to parlee with Waterford men and determined that night to lodge with one Mac Tyrid who had solemnly invited them As they waited in the field expecting the comming of the Waterfordians this Mac Tyrid unawares stealing upon them most traiterously slue them and five of their company whereupon the whole country was in uproare insomuch that Dermot Mac Carty and all the Irish in those parts together with Mac Tyrid that most perfidious traitor were in armes determining thenceforth to be no longer the Kings loyall subjects when they had gathered their forces together they laid siege to Corke meaning to cut off Robert Fitz Stephens and all the English men there Robert Fitz Stephens being distressed in Corke fearing the open enemy without and mistrusting the secret enemy within sent post to Wexford to his nephew Reimond le Grosse praying him to come to his aide Reimund forthwith with twenty knights and one hundred foot and bowmen entred the Lee landed at Corke encountred with the enemies killed some drove other to flye and compelled the rest to submit themselves and sue for peace When the King understood of this he sent Richard Cogan brother unto Miles to supply his brothers roome in the kingdome of Corke a man no way inferiour to his brother for valour and martiall prowesse in his companie came Philip Barry and Girald Barry his brother otherwise called Silvester Giraldus Cambrensis the famous learned man nephewes of Robert Fitz Stephens with a jolly troupe of horse and foot chosen and picked men Robert Fitz Stephens and Richard Cogan enjoyed this kingdome of Corke peaceably for certaine yeeres and in processe of time for want of heires male of them it came to two daughters the one of them was married to Robert de Carew the other to Patricke de Courcy and they in right of their wives enjoyed the same during their lives and after them their heires untill such time as by a division growne as I take it in England betweene the two houses of Yorke and Lancaster the Irish men expelled them and recovered the country unto themselues Anno 1178. The Monasterie Beatae Mariae Roseae vallis called Rosglâ—s was founded Yet others thinke it was in Anno 1189. I may not forget Harvey de monte Marisco of whom often mention is made before who after many spitefull parts treacheries and false accusations exhibited by him unto the King against most noble servitors became a Monke the man was sore troubled in conscience and in his course he made the common saying true desperatio facit Monachum Hee had founded saith Felcon the Monastery of our blessed Lady de Portu Donbrodthi he gaue unto the Monasterie Saint Trinitatis of Canterbury his territories advousons along the sea coast between Waterford and Wexford and there cloystred himselfe I would saith Cambrensis he had changed his conditions with his habit The same yeere saith Holinshed there came from Pope Alexander 3. into England two Cardinals Alberto desuma and Petro de sancta Agatha whose commission was to summon the Bishops of England Ireland Scotland with the Isles and Normandie to the generall Councell of Lateran in Rome after they had obtained licence to passe through his dominions the King swore them upon the holy Evangelist that in their Legateship they should not attempt any thing that might be hurtfull to the King or his dominions and that upon their returne they should visite him homewards whereupon out of Ireland there went thither Laurence Archbishop of Dublin and Catholicus Archbishop of Tuam with some other five or sixe Irish Bishops whom the King likewise swore that they should not procure any damage to his Realmes and dominions The Realme of Ireland at this time was singular well governed by Hugh de Lacy a good man and a wise Magistrate who for the good of the land and the people established many good orders he made Bridges and builded Townes Castles and Forts throughout Leinster as Sir Iohn de Courcy did in Vlster in his time the Priest kept his Church the Souldier his Garrison and the Plow-man followed his Plough yet cankred envy quieted not her selfe practised mischiefe against him so that he was charged before the King to attempt the Crowne of Ireland and make himselfe absolute Lord of the land and that he had married the King of Connaghts daughter saith Holinshed contrary to the Kings pleasure The King immediately as Princes are jealous of great men called him into England appointed governours Iohn Constable and Richard Peche This Lacy behaved himselfe so discreetly and dutifully in England that he cleered himselfe of all suspition that the King was resolved of his truth and fidelity and sent him backe againe into Ireland with further credit then formerly he had done and that within three moneths and gave him the absolute command and Lievetenantship of the land and joyned as assistant unto him Robert Salisbury calling home the former governours It was not long but he was upon malitious occasion the second time sent for into England and one Philip of Worcester Cambrensis is mine Author a valiant souldier a bountifull and a liberall man with a most brave troupe of horse and foot arrived in Ireland with command to send over Hugh de Lacy and he to remaine there as Governour of the land until Iohn his sonne came over Stanihurst is of opinion that he went over into England and cleering himselfe speedily returned againe which cannot well stand with the course of the history for when Philip of Worcester tooke upon him the governement Lacy hastened the building and finishing of the Castle of Derwath whereof my penne immediately shall make report and there ended his dayes And now to Philip of Worcester and his companion Hugh Tirell Cambrensis and Stanihurst especially write most bitter of them of Philip how that first of all he resumed and seized unto the Kings use the lands of Ocathesie and divers other parcels which Hugh de Lacy had sold away and these he appointed to serve for the Kings provision and the Governours diet And after the winter was past he assembled and mustred
March alias Maurish so Holinshed calleth him in Mathew Paris Galfridus de Marisco to have beene Lord Iustice of Ireland so it may be in the absence of Maurice Fitz Girald who made three journeys to King Henry the third one with great power out of Ireland to ayde him beyond the seas secondly to cleare himselfe of the death of Richard Marshall Earle of Pembrook lastly with Irish forces against the Welshmen Mat. Paris and Holinshed make report of his good service How that when an Irish petit King in Conaght understanding that both the King of England and the Earle Marshall and Maurice Fitz Gerald were gone over into France and so Ireland left without any great aide of men of warre on the English part raised a mighty Army and with the same entred into the Marches and borders of the English dominion spoiling and burning the Country before him And how that Ieffray de Maurisco then Lord Iustice being thereof advertized called to him Walter de Lacy Lord of Meth and Richard de Burgh assembling therewithall an hugh Army the which he divided into three parts appointing the said Walter de Lacy and Richard de Burgh with the two first parts to lye in ambush within certain Woods through the which he purposed to draw the enemies And marching forth with the third which he reserved to his owne government he profered battaile to the Irishmen the which when they saw but one battaile of the Englishmen boldly assaid the same The Englishmen according to the order appointed faining as though they had fled and so retired still backe till they had trained the Irish within danger of their other two battailes which comming forth upon them did set on them eagerly whilest the other which seemed before to fly returned back againe and set upon them in like manner by meanes whereof the Irish men being in the midst were beaten downe if they stood to it they were before and behind slaine if any offered to fly hee was overtaken thus in all parts they were utterly vanquished with the losse of 20000. Irish and the King of Conaght taken and committed to prison This Noble Ieffray de Marisco of whom Holinshed writeth a man some time in great honour and possessions in Ireland fell into the displeasure of the King was banished who after he had remained long in exile suffred great miserie ended the same by naturall death Thus the unstable Wheele goeth round about and yet I may not so leave it hee had a sonne called William de Maurisco who together with the father the Iustice of God requiring the same came to most shamefull ends Matthew the Munke of Westminster and Matthew Paris the Munke of Saint Albones doe write the Story While the King was beyond seas a certain noble man of Irish birth to wit Willielmus de Maurisco an exiled and banished man the sonne of Ieffray de Maurisco for some hainous offence laid to his charge kept himselfe in the Isle of Lundy not farre from Bristall preying robbing and stealing as a notorious Pirate at length being apprehended together with 17. of his confederacy and by the Kings commandement adjudged to cruell death he was drawne at London with his confederats at horse tailes to the Gibbet and there hanged and quartered His father one of the mightiest men of Ireland by name Galfridus de Maurisco hearing thereof fled into Scotland and scarce there could hee lye safe who pinnig away with grief and sorrow soone after ended a miserable life with wished death againe after in another place he writeth Galfridus de Maurisco reckened amongst the most Noble of Ireland an exile and a banished man died pitifully yet not to be pitied whom being banished Ireland expulsed out of Scotland and fled out of England France received for a begger where hee ended an unfortunate life after the most shamefull death of his sonne Willielmus de Maurisco These things therefore I deliver more at large unto the hearers that every man may wey with himselfe what end is alloted unto treason and especially being committed against the sacred person of a Prince His father against Richard Earle and Marshall in Ireland and his son William against the King unadvisedly and unfortunatly adventured to practice mischiefe Paris addeth the name of this William was very odious unto the King for so much it was reported that through the councell of Ieffray his father he had conspired the death of the King and that he had traitorously sent that varlet which came in the night season to Woodstock to slay the King and last of all that hee had killed at London in presence of the King one Clemens a Clerk messenger of some Noble man of Ireland that came to informe the King against him About this same time florished a Learned man of Irish birth one Cornelius Historicus so called because hee was an exquisit antiquary Bale and Stanihurst have briefly written his life and his commandations out of Hector Boetius who was greatly furthered by this Cornelius to the perfecting of the Scotish History hee wrote as they say Multarum rerum Cronicon lib. 1. About this time Viz. Anno 1230. there rose a doubt in Ireland so that they sent to England to be therein resolved the King by his learned Councell answered as followeth Henry by the grace of God c. King of England Lord of Ireland Duke of Normandy and Guian c. Trusty and welbeloved Gerald Fitz Maurice Iusticer of Ireland greeting VVhereas certien Knights of the parties of Ireland lately informed us that when any land doth discend unto sisters within our dominion of Ireland the Iustices errant in those parties are in doubt whether the younger sister ought to hold of the eldest sister and doe homage unto her or not And forasmuch as the said Knights have made instance to bee certified how it had beene used before within our Realme of England in like case at their instance we doe you wit that such a Law and Custome is in England in this case that if any holding of us in chief happen to die having daughters to his heires our ancestors and we after the death of the father have alway had and received homage of all the daughters and every of them in this case did hold of us in chiefe And if they happned to be within age we have alway had the ward and marriage of them and if hee bee tennant to another Lord the sisters being within age the Lord shall have the ward and manage of them all and the eldest onely shall doe homage for herselfe and all her sisters and when the other sisters come to full age they shall doe their service to the Lord of the fee by the hands of the eldest sister yet shall not the eldest by this occasion exact of her younger sisters homage ward or any other subjection for when they be all sisters and in manner as one heire to one inheritance if the eldest should have homage of the other
much hurt to the Welch men and brought away the shrine of Saint Cubius and placed it in the Church of the holy Trinitie in Dublin The same yeere on the Eeven of the feast of the blessed Virgin Iames Butler Earle of Ormond dyed at Raligauran whose death was much lamented whilest hee was Lord Iustice of Ireland unto whom succeeded Girald Earle of Kildare Anno 1406. in the seaventh yeere of King Henry on Corpus Christi day the citizens of Dublin with the country people about them manfully vanquished the Irish enemies and slue divers of them and tooke two Ensignes bringing with them to Dublin the heads of those whom they had slaine The same yeere the Prior of Conall in the Plaine of Kildare fought valiantly and vanquished two hundred of the Irish that were well armed slaying some of them and chasing others and the Pryor had not with him but twenty English men and thus God assisteth those that put their trust in him The same yeere after Michaelmas came into Ireland Scroope Deputie Iustice to the Lord Thomas of Lancaster the Kings Sonne Lord Lievetenant of Ireland The same yeere dyed Innocent the seaventh to whom succeeded Gregorie in the Popedome The same yeere a Parliament was holden at Dublin on the feast of Saint Hillary which in Lent after was ended at Trym and Meiler Birmingham slue Cathole O Conghir in the end of Frebruary and there dyed Sir Ieffery Vaulx a Noble Knight in the Countie of Carlogh Anno 1407. a certaine most false fellow an Irish man named Mac Adam Mac Gilmori that had caused forty Churches to be destroyed who was never baptized and therefore hee was called Corbi tooke prisoner Patricke Savage and received for his ransome two thousand markes and afterwards slue him together with his Brother Richard The same yeere in the feast of the exaltation of the holy Crosse Stephen Scroope Deputy to the Lord Thomas of Lancaster the Kings sonne Lord Lievtenant of Ireland with the Earles of Ormond and Desmond and the Prior of Kilmainan and divers other Captaines and men of warre of Meath set from Dublin and invaded the land of Mac Murch where the Irish had the better part of the field for the former part of the day but afterwards they were valiantly rescued by the said Captaines so that Onolad with his sonne and divers others were taken prisoners But then and there being advertised that the Burkens and Okeroll in the County of Kilkenny had for the space of two dayes together done much mischiefe they rode with all speed unto the Towne of Callan and there encountring with the adversasaries manfully put them to flight slue Okeroll and eight hundred others and it was averred by many that the Sunne stoodstill for a space that day till the Englishmen had ridden 6. miles which was much to be wondred at The same yeere Stephen Scrope went over into England and Iames Butler Earle of Ormond was elected by the Country L. I. of Ireland The same yeere in England neere unto Yorke was slaine Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland and the Lord Bardolf and the Bishop of Bangor were taken prisoners Anno 1408. The said Lord Iustice held a Parliament at Dublin in which the Statutes of Kilkenny and Dublin were established and the Charter granted under the grear Seale of England against Purveiors The same yeere the morrow after Lammas day the Lord Thomas of Lancaster the Kings sonne Lord Lievtenant of Ireland landed at Carlingford and in the weeke following he came unto Dublin and arrested the Earle of Kildare comming to him with three of his familie hee lost all his goods being spoiled and rifled by the Lord Lievtenant his servants and himselfe kept still in the Castle of Dublin till he had paid three hundred markes fine The same yeere on the day of Saint Marcell the Martyr the L. Stephen Scrope died at Tristledermot The same yeere the said L. Thomas of Lancaster at Kilmainan was wounded and hardly escaped death and after caused summons to be given by Proclamation that all such as ought by their tenures to serve the King should assemble at Rosse and after the Feast of Saint Hillary he held a Parliament at Kilkenny for a tallage to be granted and after the 13. of March he went over into England leaving the Prior of Kilmainan his Deputy in Ireland This yeere Hugh Mac Gilmore was slaine in Cragfergus within the Church of the Fryers Minors which Church hee had before destroyed and broken downe the Glasse-windowes to have the Iron barres through which his enemies the Savages entred upon him Anno 1409. Of King Henry the fourth in Iune Ianico de Artois with the Englishmen slue fourescore of the Irish in Vlster The same yeere on the day of Saint Iohn and Paul Alexander the fifth of the Order of Fryers Minors was consecrated Pope and Pope Gregory and Antipope Clemens were condēned for heretickes and by these meanes unity was made in the Church The same yeere a heretick or Lollard of London was burned because he did not beleeve in the sacrament of the altar Anno 1410. Pope Alexander died on the day of the Apostles Philippe and Iacob at Bononia to whom succeeded Iohn the XXIII Anno 1411. On Thursday before Septuagesima marriage was celebrated betwixt William Preston and the daughter of Edward Paris and on Saint Valentines even and day marriages were celebrated between Iohn Wogan and the daughter of Christopher Preston and Walter de la Hide and the second daughter of the same Christopher with a great deale of charges Anno 1412. About the feast of Tiburtius and Valerianus Oconthird did much mischiefe in Meath and tooke a hundred and three score Englishmen The same yeere Odoles a Knight and Thomas Fitz Maurice Sherife of Limerick slue each other The same yeere on the nineth Kalends of Iune there died Robert Mountaine Bishop of Meath to whom succeeded Edward Dandisey sometimes Archdeacon of Cornward The same yeere in Harvest the Lord Thomas of Lancester Duke of Clarence went over into France and with him went the Duke of Yorke the Earle of Ormond and Green-Cornwall with many others The same yeere on Saint Cutberts day King Henry the fourth departed this life To whom succeeded Henry the fifth his eldest sonne Anno 1413. On the fifth Ides of Aprill namely the first Sunday of the Passion of our Lord A. being the Dominicall letter Henry the fifth was crowned King of England at Westminster The same yeere on the first of October there landed in Ireland at Clontarf Iohn Stanley the Kings Lievtenant in Ireland he departed this life the 18. of Ianuary The same yeere after the death of Iohn Stanly Lievtenant Thomas Crawly Archbishop of Dublin was chosen Lord Iustice of Ireland on the 11. Kalends of February the morrow after Saint Mathias day a Parliament began at Dublin and continued for the space of 15. daies In which time the Irish burned all that stood in their way as their usuall custome was in
originall of the language customes of the Nation and the first peopling of the severall parts of the Iland are full of good reading and doe shew a sound judgment They may be further confirmed by comparing them with Richard Creagh's Booke de linguâ Hibernicâ which is yet extant in the original manuscript althogh mixed with matter of story leaning too much to some fabulous traditiōs yet in other respects is worthy of light Touching the generall scope intended by the author for the reformation of abuses and ill customes This we may say that although very many have taken paines in the same subject during the raigne of Queene Elizabeth and some before as the author of the booke intituled Salus populi and after him Patrick Finglas cheife Baron of the Exchequer here and afterwardes cheife Iustice of the common pleas yet none came so neere to the best grounds for reformation a few passages excepted as Spenser hath done in this Some marginall notes I have added although not intending any untill the fourth part of the Booke was printed A VIEVV OF THE STATE OF IRELAND Written Dialogue-wise betweene Eudoxus and Irenaeus By Edmund Spenser Esq. in the yeare 1596. Eudox. BVT if that Countrey of Ireland whence you lately came bee of so goodly and commodious a soyle as you report I wonder that no course is taken for the turning thereof to good uses and reducing that nation to better government and civility Iren. Marry so there have bin divers good plottes devised wise Councels cast already about reformation of that Realme but they say it is the fatall destiny of that Land that no purposes whatsoever which are meant for her good wil prosper or take good effect which whether it proceed from the very Genius of the soyle or influence of the starres or that almighty God hath not yet appointed the time of her reformation or that hee reserveth her in this unquiet state still for some secret scourge which shall by her come unto England it is hard to be knowne but yet much to be feared Eudox. Surely I suppose this but a vaine conceipt of simple men which judge things by their effects and not by their causes for I would rather thinke the cause of this evill which hangeth upon that Countrey to proceed rather of the unsoundnes of the Councels and plots which you say have bin oftentimes laid for the reformation or of faintnes in following effecting the same then of any such fatall course appointed of God as you misdeeme but it is the manner of men that when they are fallen into any absurdity or their actions succeede not as they would they are alwayes readie to impute the blame thereof unto the Heavens so to excuse their owne follies and imperfections So have I heard it often wished also even of some whose great wisedomes in opinion should seeme to judge more soundly of so weighty a consideration that all that land were a Sea poole which kinde of speech is the manner rather of desperate men farre driven to wish the utter ruine of that which they cannot redress then of grave Councellors which ought to thinke nothing so hard but that thorough wisedome it may bee mastered and subdued since the Poet saith that the wiseman shall rule even over the Starres much more over the Earth for were it not the part of a desperate Phisitian to wish his diseased Patient dead rather then to apply the best indeavour of his skill for his recovery But since we are so farre entred let us I pray you a little devise of those evils by which that country is held in this wretched case that it cannot as you say be recured And if it be not painefull to you tell us what things during your late continuance there you observed to bee most offensive and greatest impeachment to the good rule and government thereof Iren. Surely Eudox. the evils which you desire to be recounted are very many almost countable with those which were hidden in the basket of Pandora But since you please I will out of that infinite number reckon but some that are most capitall commonly occurrant both in the life conditions of private men as also in the managing of publicke affaires and pollicy the which you shall understand to be of divers natures as I observed them For some of them are of verie great antiquity and continuance others more late and of lesse indurance others dayly growing and increasing continuallie by their evill occasions which are every day offered Eudox. Tell them then I pray you in the same order that you haue now rehearsed thē for there can be no better method then this which the very matter it selfe offereth And when you have reckoned all the evils let us heare your opinion for the redressing of thē After which there will perhaps of it selfe appeare some reasonable way to settle a sound and perfect rule of government by shunning the former evils and following the offered good The which method we may learne of the wise Phisitians which first require that the malady be knowne throughly and discovered Afterwards to teach how to cure and redresse it And lastly doe prescribe a dyet with straight rule and orders to be dayly observed for feare of relapse into the former disease or falling into some other more dangerous then it Iren I will then according to your advisement begin to declare the evils which seeme to me most hurtfull to the common-weale of that land And first those I say which were most auncient and long growne And they also are of three sorts The first in the Lawes the second in Customes and the last in Religion Eudox. Why Irenaus can there be any evill in the lawes can things which are ordained for the good and safety of all turne to the evill and hurt of them This well I wore both in that State and in all other that were they not contained in duty with feare of law which restraineth offences and inflicteth sharpe punishment to misdoers no man should enjoy any thing every mans hand would be against an other Therfore in finding fault with the Lawes I doubt me you shall much over-shoote your selfe and make me the more dislike your other dislikes of that government Iren. The Lawes Eudox. I doe not blame for themselves knowing right well that all Lawes are ordained for the good of the common-weale and for repressing of licentiousnesse and vice but it falleth out in Lawes no otherwise then it doth in Physick which was at first devised and is yet daylie ment and ministred for the health of the Patient But neverthelesse we often see that either thorough ignorance of the disease or thorough unseasonablenesse of the time or other accidents comming betweene in stead of good it worketh hurt and out of one evill throweth the Patient into many miseries So the Lawes were at first intended for the reformation of abuses and peaceable continuance of the Subiect but are
they are surely most just and most agreeable both with the government and with the nature of the people How falls it then that you seeme to dislike of them as not so meete for that Realme of Ireland and not onely the Common Law but also the Statutes and Actes of Parliament which were specially provided and intended for the onlie benefit thereof Iren. I was about to have told you my reason therein but that your selfe drewe me away with other questions for I was shewing you by what meanes and by what sort the Positive Lawes were first brought in and established by the Norman Conquerour which were not by him devised nor applyed unto the state of the Realme then being nor as yet might best be as should by Lawgivers principally be regarded but were indeed the very Lawes of his owne Countrey of Normandie The condition whereof how farre it differeth from this of England is apparant to every least judgement But to transferre the same lawes for the governing of the Realme of Ireland was much more inconvenient and unmeete for he found a better advantage of the time then was in the planting of them in Ireland and followed th' execution of them with more severity and was also present in person to overlooke the Magistrates and to over awe these subjects with the terrour of his Sword and countenance of his Majesty But not so in Ireland for they were otherwise affected and yet doe so remaine so as the same Lawes me seemes can ill fit with their disposition or worke that reformation that is wished For Lawes ought to be fashioned unto the manners conditions of the people to whom they are meant and not to be imposed upon them according to the simple rule of right for then as I said in stead of good they may worke ill and pervert Iustice to extreame injustice For hee that transferres the Lawes of the Lacedemonians to the people of Athens should finde a great absurditie and inconvenience For those Lawes of Lacedemon were devised by Licurgus as most proper and best agreeing with that people whom hee knew to be enclined altogether to warres and therefore wholly trained them up even from their Cradles in armes and military exercises cleane contrary to the institution of Solon who in his Lawes to the Athenians laboured by all meanes to temper their warlike courages with sweet delightes of learning and sciences so that asmuch as the one excelled in armes the other exceeded in knowledge The like regard moderation ought to be had in tempering and managing of this stubborne nation of the Irish to bring them from their delight of licentious barbarisme unto the love of goodnes and civilitie Eudox. I cannot see how that may better bee then by the Discipline of the Lawes of England for the English were at first as stoute and warlike a people as ever the Irish and yet you see are now brought unto that civillity that no nation in the world excelleth them in all goodly conversation and all the studies of knowledge and humanitie Iren. What they now be both you and I see very well but by how many thornie and hard wayes they are come thereunto by how many civill broiles by how many tumultuous rebellions that even hazzarded oftentimes the whole safety of the kingdome may easily be considered all which they neverthelesse fairely overcame by reason of the continuall presence of their King whose onely person is oftentimes in stead of an Army to containe the unrulie people from a thousand evill occasions which this wretched kingdome for want thereof is dayly carried into The which whensoever they make head no lawes no penalties can restraine but that they doe in the violence of that furie tread downe and trample under foote all both divine and humane things and the lawes themselues they doe specially rage at and rend in peeces as most repugnant to their libertie and naturall freedome which in their madnes they affect Eudox. It is then a very unseasonable time to plead law when Swords are in the hands of the vulgar or to thinke to retaine them with feare of punishments when they looke after liberty and shake off all governement Iren. Then so it is with Ireland continually Eudoxus for the sword was never yet out of their hand but when they are weary of warres and brought downe to extreame wretchednesse then they creepe a little perhaps and sue for grace till they have gotten new breath and recovered their strength againe So as it is in vaine to speake of planting lawes and plotting pollicie till they be altogether subdued Eudox. Were they not so at the first conquering of them by Strongbowe in the time of King Henry the second was there not a thorough way then made by the sword for the imposing of the lawes upon them and were they not then executed with such a mightie hand as you said was used by the Norman Conquerour What oddes is there then in this case why should not the same lawes take as good effect in that people as they did here being in like sort prepared by the sword and brought under by extreamity and why should they not continue in as good force and vigour for the containing of the people Iren. The case yet is not like but there appeareth great oddes betweene them for by the conquest of Henry the second true it is that the Irish were utterly vanquished and subdued so as no enemy was able to hold up head against his power in which their weakenes hee brought in his lawes and settled them as now they there remaine Like as William the Conquerour did so as in thus much they agree but in the rest that is the cheifest they varie for to whom did King Henry the second impose those lawes not to the Irish for the most part of them fled from his power into deserts and mountaines leaving the wyde countrey to the Conquerour who in their stead eftsoones placed English men who possessed all their lands and did quite shut out the Irish or the most part of them And to those new inhabitants and Colonies he gave his lawes to wit the same lawes under which they were borne and bred the which it was no difficultie to place amongst them being formerly well inured thereunto unto whom afterwards they repaired diverse of the poore distressed people of the Irish for succour and reliefe of whom such as they thought fit for labour and industriously disposed as the most part of their baser sort are they received unto them as their vassalls but scarcely vouchsafed to impart unto them the benefit of those lawes under which themselves lived but every one made his will and commandement a law unto his owne vassall Thus was not the Law of England ever properly applyed unto the Irish Nation as by a purposed plot of government but as they could insinuate and steale themselves under the same by their humble carriage and submission Eudox. How comes it then to passe
had formerly wonne the same And besides it will give a great light both unto the second and third part which is the redressing of those evils planting of some good forme or policy therin by renewing the remembrance of these occasiōs accidents by which those ruines hapned laying before us the ensamples of those times to be cōpared to ours to be warned by those which shall have to doe in the like Therefore I pray you tell them unto us and as for the point where you left I will not forget afterwards to call you backe againe thereunto Iren. This Edw. le Bruce was brother of Robert le Bruce who was King of Scotland at such time as K. Edward the second raigned here in England and bare a most malicious and spightfull minde against K. Edward doing him all the scathe that hee could and annoying his Territoryes of England whilest hee was troubled with civill warres of his Barons at home Hee also to worke him the more mischiefe sent over his said brother Edward with a power of Scottes and Red-shankes into Ireland where by the meanes of the Lacies and of the Irish with whom they combined they gave footing and gathering unto him all the scatterlings and out-lawes out of all the woods and mountaines in which they long had lurked marched foorth into the English pale which then was chiefly in the North from the point of Donluce and beyond unto Dublin Having in the middest of her Knockfergus Belfast Armagh and Carlingford which are now the most out-bounds and abandoned places in the English Pale and indeede not counted of the English Pale at all for it stretcheth now no further then Dundalke towardes the North. There the said Edward le Bruce spoyled and burnt all the olde English Pale Inhabitants and sacked and rased all Citties and Corporate Townes no lesse then Murrough en Ranagh of whom I earst tolde you For hee wasted Belfast Greene-Castle Kelles Bellturbut Castletowne Newton and many other very good Townes and strong holdes hee rooted out the noble Families of the Audlies Talbotts Tuchets Chamberlaines Maundevills and the Savages out of Ardes though of the Lo Savage there remaineth yet an heire that is now a poore Gentleman of very meane condition yet dwelling in the Ardes And comming lastly to Dundalke hee there made himselfe King and raigned the space of one whole yeare untill that Edward King of England having set some quiet in his affaires at home sent over the Lord Iohn Birmingham to bee Generall of the Warres against him who incountering him neere to Dundalke over-threw his Army and slew him Also hee presently followed the victory so hotly upon the Scottes that hee suffered them not to breathe or gather themselves together againe untill they came to the Sea-coast Notwithstanding all the way that they fledde for very rancor and despight in their returne they utterly consumed and wasted whatsoever they had before left unspoyled so as of all Townes Castles Forts Bridges and Habitations they left not any sticke standing nor any people remayning for those few which yet survived fledde from their fury further into the English Pale that now is Thus was all that goodly countrey utterly wasted And sure it is yet a most beautifull and sweet Countrey as any is under Heaven being stored throughout with many goodly Rivers replenished with all sorts of Fish most abundantly sprinkled with many very sweet Ilands and goodly Lakes like little inland Seas that will carry even shippes upon their waters adorned with goodly woods even fit for building of houses ships so commodiously as that if some Princes in the world had them they would soone hope to be Lords of all the Seas and ere long of all the world also full of very good Ports and Havens opening upon England as inviting us to come unto them to see what excellent cōmodities that Countrey can afford besides the soyle it selfe most fertile fit to yeeld all kinde of fruit that shall be committed thereunto And lastly the Heavens most milde and temperate though somwhat more moist then the parts towards the West Eudox. Truly Iren. what with your praises of the countrey and what with your discourse of the lamentable desolation therof made by those Scottes you have filled mee with a great compassion of their calamities that I doe much pitty that sweet Land to be subiect to so many evills as I see more and more to bee layde upon her and doe halfe beginne to thinke that it is as you said at the beginning her fatall misfortune above all other Countreyes that I know to bee thus miserably tossed and turmoyled with these variable stormes of affliction But since wee are thus farre entred into the consideration of her mishaps tell mee have there beene any more such tempests as you terme them wherein she hath thus wretchedly beene wracked Iren. Many more God wot have there beene in which principall parts have beene rent and torne asunder but none as I can remember so universall as this And yet the rebellion of Thomas fitz Garret did well-nye stretch it selfe into all parts of Ireland But that which was in the time of the government of the Lord Grey was surely no lesse generall then all those for there was no part free from the contagion but all conspired in one to cast off their subiection to the Crowne of England Neverthelesse thorough the most wise and valiant handling of that right noble Lord it got not the head which the former evills found for in them the Realme was left like a ship in a storme amidst all the raging surges unruled and undirected of any for they to whom she was committed either fainted in their labour or forsooke their charge But hee like a most wise Pilote kept her course carefully and held her most strongly even against those roaring billowes that he safely brought her out of all so as long after even by the space of 12. or 13. whole yeares she roade at peace thorough his onely paines and excellent indurance how ever envy list to blatter against him But of this wee shall have more occasion to speake in another place Now if you please let us returne againe unto our first course Eudox. Truely I am very glad to heare your iudgement of the government of that honorable man so soundly for I have heard it oftentimes maligned and his doings depraved of some who I perceive did rather of malicious minde or private grievance seeke to detract from the honour of his deeds and Counsels then of any iust cause but hee was neverthelesse in the iudgements of all good and wise men defended and maintained And now that hee is dead his immortall fame surviveth and flourisheth in the mouthes of all people that even those which did backbite him are checked with their owne venome and breake their galls to heare his so honorable report But let him rest in peace and turne we to our more troublesome matters of discourse of
of antiquities from whence it seemeth that the customes of that nation proceeded Iren. Indeede Eudox. you say very true for all the customes of the Irish which I have often noted and compared with that I have read would minister occasion of a most ample discourse of the originall of them and the antiquity of that people which in truth I thinke to bee more auncient then most that I know in this end of the world so as if it were in the handling of some man of sound judgement and plentifull reading it would bee most pleasant and profitable But it may bee wee may at some other time of meeting take occasion to treate thereof more at large Heere onely it shall suffise to touch such customes of the Irish as seeme offensive and repugnant to the good government of that Realme Eudox. Follow then your owne course for I shall the better content my selfe to forbeare my desire now in hope that you will as you say some other time more aboundantly satisfie it Iren. Before we enter into the treatie of their customes it is first needfull to consider from whence they first sprung for from the sundry manners of the nations from whence that people which now is called Irish were derived some of the customes which now remain amongst them have beene first fetcht and sithence there continued amongst them for not of one nation was it peopled as it is but of sundry people of different conditions and manners But the chiefest which have first possessed and inhabited it I suppose to bee Scythians Eudox. How commeth it then to passe that the Irish doe derive themselves from Gathelus the Spaniard Iren. They doe indeed but I conceive without any good ground For if there were any such notable transmission of a Colony hether out of Spaine or any such famous conquest of this Kingdome by Gathelus a Spaniard as they would faine believe it is not unlikely but that the very Chronicles of Spaine had Spaine then beene in so high regard as they now have it would not have omitted so memorable a thing as the subduing of so noble a Realme to the Spaniard no more then they doe now neglect to memorize their conquest of the Indians specially in those times in which the same was supposed being nearer unto the flourishing age of learning and Writers under the Romanes But the Irish doe heerein no otherwise then our vaine Englishmen doe in the Tale of Brutus whom they devise to have first conquered and inhabited this Land it being as impossible to proove that there was ever any such Brutus of England as it is that there was any such Gathelus of Spaine But surely the Scythians of whom I earst spoke at such time as the Northerne nations over-flowed all Christendome came downe to the sea-coast where inquiring for other Countries abroad getting intelligence of this countrey of Ireland finding shipping convenient passed thither and arrived in the North part thereof which is now called Vlster which first inhabiting and afterwards stretching themselves forth into the Land as their numbers increased named it all of themselves Scuttenland which more briefly is called Scutland or Scotland Eudox. I wonder Irenaeus whether you runne so farre astray for whilest wee talke of Ireland mee thinkes you rippe up the originall of Scotland but what is that to this Iren. Surely very much for Scotland and Ireland are all one and the same Eudox. That seemeth more strange for we all know right well that they are distinguished with a great Sea running between them or else there are two Scotlands Iren. Never the more are there two Scotlands but two kindes of Scots were indeed as you may gather out of Buchanan the one Irin or Irish Scots the other Albin-Scots for those Scots are Scythians arrived as I said in the North parts of Ireland where some of them after passed into the next coast of Albine now called Scotland which after much trouble they possessed of themselves named Scotland but in processe of time as it is commonly seene the dominion of the part prevaileth in the whole for the Irish Scots putting away the name of Scots were called onely Irish the Albine Scots leaving the name of Albine were called only Scots Therefore it commeth thence that of some writers Ireland is called Scotia maior and that which now is called Scotland Scotia minor Eudox. I doe now well understand your distinguishing of the two sorts of Scots two Scotlands how that this which now is called Ireland was anciently called Erin and afterwards of some written Scotland that which now is called Scotland was formerly called Albin before the comming of the Scythes thither but what other nation inhabited the other parts of Ireland Iren. After this people thus planted in the North or before for the certaintie of times in things so farre from all knowledge cannot be justly avouched another nation comming out of Spaine arrived in the West part of Ireland finding it waste or weakely inhabited possessed it who whether they were native Spaniards or Gaules or Africans or Gothes or some other of those Northerne nations which did over-spread all Christendome it is impossible to affirme only some naked conjectures may be gathered but that out of Spaine certainely they came that doe all the Irish Chronicles agree Eudox. You doe very boldly Iren. adventure upon the Histories of auncient times and leane too confidently on those Irish Chronicles which are most fabulous and forged in that out of them you dare take in hand to lay open the originall of such a nation so antique as that no monument remaines of her beginning and first inhabiting especially having bin in those times without letters but only bare traditions of times remembrances of Bardes which use to forge and falsifie every thing as they list to please or displease any man Iren. Truly I must confesse I doe so but yet not so absolutely as you suppose I do herein relye upon those Bardâ—s or Irish Chroniclers though the Irish themselves through their ignorance in matters of learning and deepe judgement doe most constantly beleeve and avouch them but unto them besides I adde mine owne reading and out of theÌ„ both together with comparison of times likewise of manners customes affinity of words and names properties of natures uses resemblances of rites ceremonies monuments of Churches and Tombes and many other like circumstances I doe gather a likelyhood of truth not certainely affirming any thing but by conferring of times language monuments and such like I doe hunt out a probability of things which I leave to your judgement to believe or refuse Neverthelesse there be some very auncient Authors that make mention of these things and some moderne which by comparing them with present times experience and their owne reason doe open a window of great light unto the rest that is yet unseene as namely of the elder times Caesar Strabo Tacitus Ptolomie Pliny Pomponius Mela and
much more must now bee used to reforme them so much time doth alter the manners of men Eudox. That seemeth very strange which you say that men should so much degenerate from their first natures as to growe wilde Iren. So much can liberty and ill examples doe Eudox. What liberty had the English there more then they had here at home were not the lawes planted amongst them at the first and had they not Governours to curbe and keepe them still in awe and obedience Iren. They had but it was for the most part such as did more hurt then good for they had governours for the most part of themselves and commonly out of the two families of the Geraldines and Butlers both adversaries and corrivales one against the other Who though for the most part they were but Deputies under some of the Kings of Englands Sonnes Brethren or other neare kinsmen who were the Kings Lieutenants yet they swayed so much as they had all the Rule and the others but the title Of which Butlers and Geraldynes albeit I must confesse there were very brave and worthy men as also of other the Peeres of that Realme made Lo Deputies and Lo Iustices at sundry times yet thorough greatnes of their late conquests and seignories they grew insolent and bent both that regall authority and also their private powers one against another to the utter subversion of themselves and strengthning of the Irish againe This you may read plainely discovered by a Letter written from the Cittizens of Corke out of Ireland to the Earle of Shrewsbury then in England and remaining yet upon record both in the Towre of London and also among the Chronicles of Ireland Wherein it is by them complained that the English Lords and Gentlemen who then had great possessions in Ireland began thorough pride and insolency to make private warres one against another and when either part was weak they would wage draw in the Irish to take their part by which meanes they both greatly incouraged and inabled the Irish which till that time had beene shut up within the mountaines of Slewlogher and weakened and disabled themselves insomuch that their revenues were wonderfully impaired and some of them which are there reckoned to have been able to have spent 12. or 1300. pounds per annuÌ„ of old rent that I may say no more besides their Commodities of Creekes and havens were now scarce able to dispend the third part From which disorder and through other huge calamities which have come upon them thereby they are almost now growne like the Irish I meane of such English as were planted above towards the West for the English pale hath preserved it selfe thorogh nearenes of the state in reasonable civilitie but the rest which dwelt in Connaght and in Mounster which is the sweerest soyle of Ireland and some in Leinster and Vlster are degenerate yea and some of them have quite shaken off their English names and put on Irish that they might bee altogether Irish. Eudox. Is it possible that any should so farre growe out of frame that they should in so short space quite forget their Countrey and their owne names that is a most dangerous Lethargie much worse then that of Messala Coruinus who being a most learned man thorough sickenesse forgat his owne name But can you count us any of this kinde Iren I cannot but by report of the Irish themselves who report that the Mac-mahons in the north were aunciently English to wit descended from the Fitz Vrsula's which was a noble family in England and that the same appeareth by the signification of their Irish names Likewise that the Mac-swynes now in Vlster were aunciently of the Veres in England but that they themselves for hatred of English so disguised their names Eudox. Could they ever conceive any such dislike of their owne naturall Countryes as that they would bee ashamed of their name and byte at the dugge from which they sucked life Iren. I wote well there should be none but proud hearts doe oftentimes like wanton Colts kicke at their Mothers as we read Alcibiades and Themistocles did who being banished out of Athens fled unto the Kings of Asia and there stirred them up to warre against their Country in which warres they themselves were Cheifetaines So they say did these Mac-swines and Mac-mahons or rather Veres and Fitz Vrsulaes for private despight turne themselves against England For at such time as Robert Vere Earle of Oxford was in the Barons Warres against King Richard the second through the mallice of the Peeres banished the Realme and proscribed he with his kinsman Fitz Vrsula fled into Ireland where being prosecuted and afterwards in England put to death his kinsman there remaining behinde in Ireland rebelled and conspiring with the Irish did quite cast off both their English name and alleagiance since which time they have so remained still and have since beene counted meere Irish. The very like is also reported of the Mac-swines Mac-mahones and Mac-Shehies of Mounster how they likewise were aunciently English and old followers to the Earle of Desmond untill the raigne of King Edward the fourth At which time the Earle of Desmond that then was called Thomas being through false subornation as they say of the Queene for some offence by her against him conceived brought to his death at Tredagh most unjustly notwithstanding that he was a very good and sound subject to the King Thereupon all his Kinsemen of the Geraldines which then was a mighty family in Mounster in revenge of that huge wrong rose into Armes against the King and utterly renounced and forsooke all obedience to the Crowne of England to whom the said Macâ—swines Mac-shehies and Mac-mahones being then servants and followers did the like and have ever sithence so continued And with them they say all the people of Mounster went out and many other of them which were meere English thenceforth joyned with the Irish against the King and termed themselves very Irish taking on them Irish habits and customes which could never since be cleane wyped away but the contagion hath remained still amongst their posterityes Of which sort they say be most of the surnames which end in an as Hernan Shinan Mungan c. the which now account themselves naturall Irish. Other great houses there bee of the English in Ireland which thorough licentious conversing with the Irish or marrying or fostering with them or lacke of meete nurture or other such unhappy occasions have degenerated from their auncient dignities and are now growne as Irish as O. Hanlons breech as the proverbe there is Eudox. In truth this which you tell is a most shamefull hearing and to be reformed with most sharpe censures in so great personages to the terrour of the meaner for if the Lords and cheife men degenerate what shall be hoped of the peasants and baser people And hereby sure you have made a faire way unto your selfe to lay open the abuses
Countrey of warre as it is handled and allwayes full of Souldiours they which have the government whether they finde it the most ease to the Queenes purse or the most ready meanes at hand for victualing of the Souldiour or that necessity inforceth them thereunto doe scatter the Army abroad in the Countrey and place them in Villages to take their victuals of them at such vacant times as they lye not in Campe nor are otherwise imployed in service Another kinde of Cesse is the imposing of provision for the Governors house-keeping which though it be most necessary and be also for avoyding of all the evills formerly therein used lately brought to a composition yet it is not without great inconveniences no lesse then here in England or rather much more The like Cesse is also charged upon the Countrey sometimes for victualling of the Souldiours when they lye in Garrison at such times as there is none remayning in the Queenes store or that the same cannot be conveniently conveyed to their place of Garrison But these two are not easily to be redressed when necessity thereto compelleth but as for the former as it is not necessary so is it most hurtfull and offensive to the poore country and nothing convenient for the Souldiours themselves who during their lying at Cesse use all kinde of outragious disorder and villany both towards the poore men which victuall and lodge them as also to all the Country round about them whom they abuse oppresse spoyle afflict by all the meanes they can invent for they will not onely not content themselves with such victuals as their hostes nor yet as the place perhaps affords but they will have other meate provided for them and Aqua vitae sent for yea and money besides laide at their trenchers which if they want then about the house they walke with the wretched poore man and his silly wife who are glad to purchase their peace with any thing By which vile manner of abuse the countrey people yea and the very English which dwell abroad and see and sometimes feele this outrage growe into great detestation of the Souldiours and thereby into hatred of the very government which draweth upon them such evills And therefore this you may also ioyne unto the former evill customes which we have to reprove in Ireland Eudox. Truly this is one not the least and though the persons by whom it is used be of better note then the former roguish sort which you reckoned yet the fault me thinkes is no lesse worthy of a marshall Iren. That were a harder course Eudoxus to redresse every abuse by a marshall it would seeme to you very evill surgery to cut off every unsound or sicke part of the body which being by other due meanes recovered might afterwards doe very good service to the body againe and haply helpe to save the whole Therefore I thinke better that some good salve for the redresse of the evill bee sought forth then the least part suffered to perish but hereof wee have to speake in another place Now we will proceede to other like defects amongst which there is one generall inconvenience which raigneth almost throughout all Ireland that is the Lords of land and free-holders doe not there use to set out their land in farme or for tearme of yeares to their Tennants but onely from yeare to yeare and some during pleasure neither indeede will the Irish Tennant or husbandman otherwise take his land then so long as he list himselfe The reason hereof in the Tennant is for that the Land-lords there use most shamefully to racke their Tennants laying upon them Coigny and Livery at pleasure exacting of them besides his Covenants what he pleaseth So that the poore husbandman either dare not binde himselfe to him for longer tearme or thinketh by his continuall liberty of change to keepe his Land-lord the rather in awe from wronging of him And the reason why the Land-lord will no longer covenant with him is for that he dayly looketh after change and alteration and hovereth in expectation of new worlds Eudox. But what evill commeth hereby to the Common-wealth or what reason is it that any Land-lord should not set nor any Tennant take his land as himselfe list Iren. Marry the evils which commeth hereby is great for by this meanes both the Land-lord thinketh that he hath his Tennant more at commaund to follow him into what action soever hee shall enter and also the Tennant being left at his liberty is fit for every occasion of change that shall be offered by time and so much also the more ready and willing is he to runne into the same for that hee hath no such state in any his houlding no such building upon any farme no such coste imployed in fensing or husbanding the same as might with-hold him from any such willfull course as his Lords cause or his owne lewde disposition may carry him unto All which hee hath forborne and spared so much expence for that he had no firme estate in his Tenement but was onely a Tennant at will or little more and so at will may leave it And this inconvenience may be reason enough to ground any ordinance for the good of the Common-wealth against the private behoofe or will of any Landlord that shall refuse to graunt any such terme or estate unto his Tennant as may tende to the good of the whole Realme Eudox. Indeede me thinkes it is a great willfullnes in any such Land-lord to refuse to make any longer farmes unto their Tennants as may besides the generall good of the Realme be also greatly for their owne profit and availe For what reasonable man will not thinke that the Tenement shal be made much better for the Lords behoofe if the Tennant may by such good meanes bee drawne to build himselfe some handsome habitation thereon to ditch and inclose his ground to manure and husband it as good Farmours use For when his Tennants terme shal be expired it will yeeld him in the renewing his lease both a good fine and also a better rent And also it shall be for the good of the Tennant likewise who by such buildings and inclosures shall receive many benefits first by the handsomenesse of his house he shall take more comfort of his life more safe dwelling and a delight to keepe his said house neate and cleanely which now being as they commonly are rather swyne-styes then houses is the cheifest cause of his so beastly manner of life and savage condition lying and living together with his beast in one house in one roome in one bed that is cleane strawe or rather a foule dunghill And to all these other commodities hee shall in sort time finde a greater added that is his owne wealth and riches increased and wonderfully inlarged by keeping his Cattle in inclosures where they shall allwayes have fresh pasture that now is all trampled and over-runne warme covert that now lyeth open to all weather safe
enterprise Eudox. You have very well me thinkes Irenaeus plotted a course for the atcheiving of those warres now in Ireland which seemes to aske no long time nor great charge so as the effecting thereof bee committed to men of sure trust and sound experience aswell in that Country as in the manner of those services for if it bee left in the hands of such rawe Captaines as are usually sent out of England being thereunto onely preferred by friendship and not chosen by sufficiency it will soone fall to the ground Iren. Therefore it were meete me thinkes that such Captaines onely were thereunto employed as have formerly served in that Country and been at least Leivtenants unto other Captaines there For otherwise being brought and transferred from other services abroad as in France in Spaine and in the Low-Countryes though they be of good experience in those and have never so well deserved yet in these they will be new to seeke and before they have gathered experience they shall buy it with great losse to her Majesty either by hazarding of their companies through ignorance of the places and manner of the Irish services or by loosing a great part of the time which is required hereunto being but short in which it might be finished almost before they have taken out a new lesson or can tell what is to be done Eudox. You are no good friend to new Captaines It seemes Iren. that you barre them from the credit of this service but to say truth me thinkes it were meete that any one before he came to bee a Captaine should have beene a Souldiour for parere qui nescit nescit imperare And besides there is great wrong done to the old Souldiour from whom all meanes of advancement which is due unto him is cut off by shuffling in these new cutting Captaines into the place for which he hath long served and perhaps better deserved But now that you have thus as I suppose finished all the warre and brought all things to that lowe ebbe which you speake of what course will you take for the bringing in of that reformation which you intend and recovering all things from this desolate estate in which mee thinkes I behold them now left unto that perfect establishment and new common-wealth which you have conceived of by which so great good may redound unto her Majesty and an assured peace bee confirmed for that is it whereunto wee are now to looke and doe greatly long for being long sithence made weary with the huge charge which you have laide upon us and with the strong indurance of so many complaints so many delayes so many doubts and dangers as will hereof I know well arise unto the which before wee come it were meete me thinkes that you should take some order for the Souldiour which is now first to bee discharged and disposed of some way the which if you doe not well fore-see may growe to as great inconvenience as all this that I suppose you have quit us from by the loose leaving of so many thousand Souldiours which from thence forth will be unfit for any labour or other trade but must either seeke service and imployment abroad which may be dangerous or else perhaps imploy themselves heere at home as may bee discommodious Iren. You say very true and it is a thing much mislyked in this our Common-wealth that no better course is taken for such as have beene imployed in service but that returning whether maymed and so unable to labour or otherwise whole and sound yet afterwards unwilling to worke or rather willing to set the hang-man on worke But that needeth another consideration but to this which wee have now in hand it is farre from my meaning to leave the Souldier so at randome or to leave that waste Realme so weake and destitute of strength which may both defend it against others that might seeke then to set upon it and also to keepe it from that relapse which I before did fore-cast For it is one speciall good of this plot which I would devise that 6000. Souldiers of these whom I have now imployed in this service and made thoroughly acquainted both with the state of the Countrey and manners of the people should henceforth bee still continued and for ever maintayned of the Countrey without any charge to her Majestie and the rest that either are olde and unable to serve any longer or willing to fall to thrift as I have seene many Souldiers after the service to prove very good husbands should bee placed in part of the landes by them wonne at such rate or rather better then others to whom the same shall be set out Eudox. Is it possible Irenaeus can there be any such meanes devised that so many men should be kept still in her Majesties service without any charge to her at all Surely this were an exceeding great good both to her Highnes to have so many olde Souldiers alwayes ready at call to what purpose soever she list to imploy them and also to have that land thereby so strengthened that it shall neither feare any forraine Invasion nor practise which the Irish shall ever attempt but shall keepe them under in continuall awe and firme obedience Iren. It is so indeed And yet this truely I doe not take to be any matter of great difficultie as I thinke it will also soone appeare unto you And first we will speake of the North part for that the same is of more weight and importance So soone as it shall appeare that the Enemy is brought downe and the stout Rebell either cut off or driven to that wretchednesse that hee is no longer able to holde up his head but will come in to any conditions which I assure my selfe will bee before the end of the second Winter I wish that there bee a generall Proclamation made that whatsoever Out-lawes will freely come in and submit themselves to her Majesties mercy shall have liberty so to doe where they shall either finde that grace they desire or have leave to returne againe in safety upon which it is likely that so many as survive will come in to sue for grace of which who so are thought meet for subjection and fit to be brought to good may be received or else all of them for I thinke that all wil be but a very few upon condition and assurance that they will submit themselves absolutely to her Maiesties ordinance for them by which they shall be assured of life and libertie and be onely tyed to such conditions as shall bee thought by her meet for containing them ever after in due obedience To the which conditions I nothing doubt but that they will all most readily and upon their knees submit themselves by the proofe of that which I have seene in Mounster For upon the like Proclamation there they all came in both tagg and ragg and when as afterwardes many of them were denyed to be received they bade them doe
with them what they would for they would not by any meanes returne againe nor goe forth For in that case who will not accept almost of any conditions rather then dye of hunger and miserie Eudox. It is very likely so But what then is the Ordinance and what bee the conditions which you will propose unto them which shall reserve unto them an assurance of life and liberty Iren. So soone then as they have given the best assurance of themselves which may be required which must be I suppose some of their principall men to remaine in hostage one for another and some other for the rest for other surety I reckon of none that may binde them neither of wife nor of children since then perhappes they would gladly be ridde of both from the famine I would have them first unarmed utterly and stripped quite of all their warrelike weapons then these conditions set downe made knowne unto them that they shall bee placed in Leinster and have land given them to occupy and to live upon in such sort as shall become good subjects to labour thenceforth for their living and to apply themselves to honest trades of civility as they shall every one be found meete and able for Eudox. Where then a gods name will you place them in Leinster or will you finde out any new land there for them that is yet unknowne Iren. No I will place them all in the Countrey of the Birnes and Tooles which Pheagh mac Hugh hath and in all the lands of the Cavanaghes which are now in rebellion and all the lands which will fall to her Maiestie there-abouts which I know to be very spacious and large enough to containe them being very neere twenty or thirty miles wyde Eudox. But then what will you doe with all the Birnes the Tooles and the Cavanaghes and all those that now are joyned with them Iren. At the same very time and in the same very manner that I make that Proclamation to them of Vlster will I have it also made to these and upon their submission thereunto I will take like assurance of them as of the other After which I will translate all that remaine of them unto the places of the other in Vlster with all their Creete what else they have left them the which I will cause to be divided amongst them in some meete sort as each may thereby have somewhat to sustaine himselfe a while withall untill by his further travaile and labour of the Earth hee shal be able to provide himselfe better Eudox. But will you give the land then freely unto them and make them heires of the former Rebells so may you perhaps make them also heires of all their former villainies and disorders or how else will you dispose of them Iren. Not so But all the lands will I give unto Englishmen whom I will have drawne thither who shall have the same with such estates as shall bee thought meete and for such Rent as shall eftsoones bee rated under every of those Englishmen will I place some of those Irish to bee Tennants for a certaine Rent according to the quantity of such Land as every man shall have allotted unto him and shal be found able to wield wherein this speciall regard shall be had that in no place under any Land-lord there shall bee many of them placed together but dispersed wide from their acquaintance and scattered farre abroad thorough all the Country For that is the evill which now I finde in all Ireland that the Irish dwell altogether by their septs and severall nations so as they may practise or conspire what they will whereas if there were English well placed among them they should not bee able once to stirre or to murmure but that it should be knowne and they shortened according to their demerites Eudox. You have good reason but what rating of rents meane you to what end doe you purpose the same Iren. My purpose is to rate the rent of all those lands of her Maiesties in such sort unto those Englishmen which shall take them as they shall be well able to live thereupon to yeeld her Maiesty reasonable Chiefrie and also give a competent maintenance unto the garrisons which shall be there left amongst them for those Souldiours as I tolde you remaining of the former garrisons I cast to maintaine upon the rent of those landes which shall bee escheated and to have them divided thorough all Ireland in such places as shal be thought most convenient and occasion may require And this was the course which the Romanes observed in the Conquest of England for they planted some of their Legions in all places convenient the which they caused the Countrey to maintaine cutting upon every portion of land a reasonable rent which they called Romescot the which might not surcharge the Tennant or Free-holder and might defray the pay of the Garrison and this hath beene alwayes observed by all Princes in all Countries to them newly subdued to set Garrisons amongst them to containe them in dutie whose burthen they made them to beare and the want of this ordinance in the first conquest of Ireland by Henry the Second was the cause of the so short decay of that government and the quicke recovery againe of the Irish. Therefore by all meanes it is to bee provided for And this is that I would blame if it should not misbecome mee in the late planting of Mounster that no care was had of this Ordinance nor any strength of garrison provided for by a certaine allowance out of all the saide Landes but onely the present profite looked into and the safe continuance thereof for ever heereafter neglected Eudox. But there is a Band of Souldiours layde in Mounster to the maintenance of which what oddes is there whether the Queene receiving the rent of the Countrey doe give pay at her pleasure or that there be a settled allowance appointed unto them out of her lands there Iren. There is great oddes For now that said rent of the Countrey is not appointed to the pay of the Souldiers but it is by every other occasion comming betweene converted to other uses and the Souldiours in time of peace discharged and neglected as unnecessary whereas if the said rent were appointed and ordained by an establishment to this end only it should not bee turned to any other nor in troublous times upon every occasion her Majestie bee so troubled with sending over new Souldiours as shee is now nor the Countrie ever should dare to mutinie having still the Souldiour in their necke nor any forraine enemie dare to invade knowing there so strong and great a Garrison allwayes ready to receive them Eudox. Sith then you thinke that this Romescot of the pay of the Souldiours upon the land to be both the readiest way to the Souldiers and least troublesome to her Majestie tell us I pray you how would you have the said lands rated that both a rent may
them placed at the Bantry where is a most fit place not onely to defend all that side of the west part from forraine invasion but also to answere all occasions of troubles to which that Countrey being so remote is very subject And surely there also would be planted a good towne having both a good haven and a plentifull fishing and the land being already escheated to her Majesty but being forcibly kept from her by one that proclaimes himselfe the Bastard Son of the Earle of Clancar being called Donell Mac Carty whom it is meete to foresee to For whensoever the Earle shall die all those lands after him are to come unto her Majesty he is like to make a foule stirre there though of himselfe no power yet through supportance of some others who lye in the wind and looke after the fall of that inheritance Another hundred I would have placed at Castle Mayne which should keepe all Desmond and Kerry for it answereth them both most conveniently Also about Kilmore in the county of Corke would I have 2. hundred placed the which should breake that nest of theives there and answere equally both to the county of Limericke and also the county of Corke Another hundred would I have lye at Corke aswell to command the towne as also to be ready for any forraine occasion Likewise at Waterford would I place 2. hundred for the same reasons and also for other privy causes that are no lesse important Moreover on this side of Arlo neere to Muskery quirke which is the Countrey of the Burkes about Kill-Patricke I would have two hundred more to be garrisond which should skoure both the white Knights country and Arlo and Muskery quirk by which places all the passages of Theives doe lye which convey their stealth from all Mounster downewards towards Tipperary and the English pale and from the English pale also up unto Mounster whereof they use to make a common trade Besides that ere long I doubt that the county of Tipperary it selfe will neede such a strength in it which were good to be there ready before the evill fall that is dayly of some expected And thus you see all your Garrisons placed Eudox. I see it right well but let me I pray you by the way aske you the reason why in those Citties of Mounster namely Waterford and Corke you rather placed Garrisons then in all others in Ireland For they may thinke themselves to have great wrong to bee so charged above all the rest Iren. I will tell you those two Citties above all the rest doe offer an in-gate to the Spaniard most fitly But yet because they shall not take exceptions to this that they are charged above all the rest I will also lay a charge upon the others likewise for indeed it is no reason that the corporate townes enioying great franchizes and priviledges from her Majesty and living thereby not onely safe but drawing to them the wealth of all the land should live so free as not to be partakers of the burthen of this Garrison for their owne safety specially in this time of trouble and seeing all the rest burthened and therefore I will thus charge them all ratably according to their abilities towards their maintenance the which her Majesty may if she please spare out of the charge of the rest and reserve towards her other costes or else adde to the charge of the presidency in the North. Waterford C. Corke L. Limericke L. Galway L. Dinglecush X. Kinsale X. Yoghall X. Kilmallock X. Clonmell X. Cashell X. Fedard X. Kilkenny XXV Wexford XXV Tredagh XXV Rosse XXV Dundalke X. Mollingare X. Newrie X. Trim X. Ardee X. Kells X. Dublin C. In all 580. Eudox. It is easie Irenaeus to lay a charge upon any towne but to foresee how the same may be answered and defrayed is the cheife part of good advisement Iren. Surely this charge which I put upon them I know to bee so reasonable as that it will not much be felt for the port Townes that have benefit of shipping may cut it easily off their trading and in land townes of their corne and cattle neither doe I see but since to them especially the benefit of peace doth redound that they especially should beare the burthen of their safeguard and defence as wee see all the townes of the Low-Countryes doe cut upon themselves an excise of all things towards the maintenance of the warre that is made in their behalfe to which though these are not to be compared in richesse yet are they to bee charged according to their povertie Eudox. But now that you have thus set up these forces of Soldiers and provided well as you suppose for their pay yet there remaineth to fore-cast how they may bee victualled and where purveyance thereof may bee made for in Ireland it selfe I cannot see almost how any thing is to bee had for them being already so pittifully wasted as it is with this short time of warre Iren. For the first two yeares it is needefull indeede that they bee victualled out of England thoroughly from halfe yeare to halfe yeare afore-hand All which time the English Pale shall not bee burdened at all but shall have time to recover themselves and Mounster also being reasonably well stored will by that time if God send seasonable weather bee thoroughly well furnished to supply a great part of that charge for I knowe there is great plenty of Corne sent over Sea from thence the which if they might have sale for at home they would bee glad to have money so neere hand specially if they were streightly restrayned from transporting of it Thereunto also there will bee a great helpe and furtherance given in the putting forward of husbandrie in all meete places as heereafter shall in due place appeare But heereafter when things shall growe unto a better strength and the Countrey bee replenished with Corne as in short space it will if it bee well followed for the Countrey people themselves are great plowers and small spenders of Corne then would I wish that there should bee good store of Houses and Magazins erected in all those great places of garrison and in all great townes as well for the victualling of Souldiers and Shippes as for all Occasions of suddaine services as also for preventing of all times of dearth and scarcitie and this want is much to bee complayned of in England above all other Countreyes who trusting too much to the usuall blessing of the Earth doe never fore-cast any such hard seasons nor any such suddaine occasions as these troublous times may every day bring foorth when it will bee too late to gather provision from abroad and to bring it perhappes from farre for the furnishing of Shippes or Souldiers which peradventure may neede to bee presently imployed and whose want may which GOD forbid hap to hazard a Kingdome Eudox. Indeede the want of those Magazins of victualls I have oftentimes complayned of in England and wondered
Liveries marriages fines of alienations and many other Commodities which now are kept and concealed from her Majesty to the value of 40000. pounds per annum I dare undertake in all Ireland by that which I know in one county Eudox. This Irenaeus would seeme a dangerous commission and ready to stirre up all the Irish in Rebellion who knowing that they have nothing to shew for all those lands which they hould but their Swords would rather drawe them then suffer the lands to bee thus drawne away from them Iren. Neither should their lands be taken away from them nor the utmost advantages inforced against them But this by discretion of the Commissioners should be made knowne unto them that it is not her Majesties meaning to use any such extreamity but onely to reduce things into order of English Law and make them hould their lands of her and to restore to her her due services which they detaine out of those lands which were aunciently held of her And that they should not onely not be thrust out but also have estates and grants of their lands new made to them from her Majesty so as they should thence-forth hould them rightfully which they now usurpe wrongfully and yet withall I would wish that in all those Irish countryes there were some land reserved to her Majesties free disposition for the better containing of the rest and intermingling them with English inhabitants and customes that knowledge might still be had of them and of all their doings so as no manner of practise or conspiracy should be had in hand amongst them but notice should bee given thereof by one meanes or another and their practises prevented Eudox. Truely neither can the Irish nor yet the English Lords thinke themselves wronged nor hardly dealt withall herein to have that which is indeede none of their owne at all but her Majesties absolutely given to them with such equall conditions as that both they may be assured thereof better then they are and also her Majesty not defrauded of her rightly utterly for it is a great grace in a Prince to take that with conditions which is absolutely her owne Thus shall the Irish be well satisfied and as for the great men which had such graunts made to them at first by the Kings of England it was in regard that they should keepe forth the Irish and defend the Kings right and his Subjects but now seeing that in stead of defending them they robbe and spoyle them and in stead of keeping out the Irish they doe not onely make the Irish their tennants in those lands and thrust out the English but also some of themselves become meere Irish with marrying with them with fostering with them and combyning with them against the Queene What reason is there but that those graunts and priviledges should bee either revoked or at least reduced to the first intention for which they were graunted for sure in mine opinion they are more sharpely to bee chastised and reformed then the rude Irish which being very wilde at the first are now become more civill when as these from civillity are growne to be wilde and meere Irish. Iren. Indeede as you say Eudoxus these doe neede a sharper reformation then the Irish for they are more stubborne and disobedient to law and governement then the Irish be Eudox. In truth Irenaeus this is more then ever I heard that any English there should bee worse then the Irish Lord how quickely doth that Countrey alter mens natures It is not for nothing I perceive which I have heard that the Councell of England thinke it no good policie to have that Realme reformed or planted with English least they should grow so undutifull as the Irish and become much more dangerous As appeareth by the ensamples of the Lacies in the time of Edward the Second which you spake of that shooke off their allegiance to their naturall Prince and turned to Edward le Bruce to make him King of Ireland Iren. No times have bene without bad men but as for that purpose of the Councell of England which you spake of that they should keepe that Realme from reformation I thinke they are most lewdly abused for their great carefulnesse and earnest endeavours doe witnesse the contrary Neither is it the nature of the Countrey to alter mens manners but the bad mindes of the men who having beene brought up at home under a straight rule of duty and obedience being alwayes restrayned by sharpe penalties from lewde behaviour so soone as they come thither where they see lawes more slackely tended and the hard restraint which they were used unto now slacked they grow more loose and carelesse of their duty and as it is the nature of all men to love liberty so they become flat libertines and fall to all licentiousnes more boldly daring to disobey the Law thorough the presumption of favour and friendship then any Irish dareth Eudox. Then if that be so me thinkes your late advisement was very evill whereby you wished the Irish to be sowed and sprinckled with English and in all the Irish Countryes to have English planted amongst them for to bring them to English fashions since the English sooner drawe to the Irish then the Irish to the English for as you said before if they must runne with the streame the greater number will carry away the lesse Therefore me thinkes by this reason it should bee better to part the Irish and English then to mingle them together Iren. Not so Eudoxus but where there is no good stay of Government and strong ordinances to hould them there indeede the fewer will follow the more but where there is due order of discipline and good rule there the better shall goe foremost and the worst shall follow And therefore now since Ireland is full of her owne nation that ought not to be rooted out and somewhat stored with English already and more to be I thinke it best by an union of manners and conformity of mindes to bring them to be one people and to put away the dislikefull conceipt both of the one and the other which will be by no meanes better then by this intermingling of them For neither all the Irish may dwell together nor all the English but by translating of them and scattering them amongst the English not onely to bring them by dayly conversation unto better liking of each other but also to make both of them lesse able to hurt And therefore when I come to the tything of them I will tithe them one with another for the most part will make an Irish man the tythingman whereby he shall take the lesse exception to partiality and yet be the more tyed thereby But when I come to the Head Borough which is the head of the Lathe him will I make an English man or an Irish man of speciall assurance As also when I come to appoint the Alderman that is the head of the Hundreth him will I surely
specially to be looked unto But because by husbandry which supplyeth unto us all things necessary for food wherby we chiefly live Therefore it is first to be provided for The first thing therefore that wee are to draw these new tythed men into ought to be husbandry First because it is the most easie to be learned needing onely the labour of the Body Next because it is most generall and most needfull then because it is most naturall and lastly because it is most enemy to warre and most hateth unquietnes As the Poet saith bella execrata colonis for husbandry being the nurse of thrift the daughter of industrie and labour detesteth all that may worke her scathe and destroy the travaile of her hands whose hope is all her lives comfort unto the Plough therefore are those Kearne Stocaghes and Horse-boyes to bee driven and made to imploy that ablenesse of Bodie which they were wont to use to theft and villainy hencefoorth to labour and industry In the which by that time they have spent but a little paine they will finde such sweetenesse and happy contentment that they will afterwardes hardly bee haled away from it or drawne to their wonted lewde life in theeverie and roguerie And being once thus inured thereunto they are not onely to bee countenanced and encouraged by all good meanes but also provided that their children after them may be brought up likewise in the same and succeede in the roomes of their Fathers To which end there is a Statute in Ireland already well provided which commaundeth that all the sonnes of husbandmen shall be trained up in their Fathers trades but it is God wot very slenderly executed Eudox. But doe you not count in this trade of husbandry pasturing of cattle and keeping of their Cowes for that is reckoned as a part of husbandrie Iren. I know it is and needefully to bee used but I doe not meane to allow any of those able bodies which are able to use bodily labour to follow a few Cowes grazeing But such impotent persons as being unable for strong travaile are yet able to drive Cattle to and fro to their pasture for this keeping of Cowes is of it selfe a very idle life and a fit nurserie for a Thiefe For which cause you remember I disliked the Irish manner of keeping Boolies in Summer upon the mountaines and living after that savage sort But if they will algates feede many Cattle or keepe them on the Mountaines let them make some townes neare to the Mountaines side where they may dwell together with neighbours and bee conversant in the view of the world And to say truth though Ireland bee by nature counted a great soyle of pasture yet had I rather have fewer Cowes kept and men better mannered then to have such huge increase of Cattle and no increase of good conditions I would therefore wish that there were some ordinances made amongst them that whosoever keepeth twentie Kine should keep a Plough going for otherwise all men would fall to pasturage and none to husbandry which is a great cause of this dearth now in England and a cause of the usuall stealthes in Ireland for looke into all Countreyes that live in such sort by keeping of Cattle and you shall finde that they are both very barbarous and uncivill and also greatly given to warre The Tartarians the Muscovites the Norwegians the Gothes the Armenians and many other doe witnesse the same And therefore since now wee purpose to draw the Irish from desire of warre and tumults to the love of peace and civility it is expedient to abridge their great custome of hardening and augment their trade of tillage and husbandrie As for other occupations and trades they need not bee inforced to but every man to bee bound onely to follow one that hee thinkes himselfe aptest for For other trades of Artificers will be occupied for very necessitie and constrayned use of them and so likewise will merchandize for the gaine thereof but learning and bringing 〈◊〉 in liberall Sciences will not come of it selfe but must bee drawne on with streight Lawes and ordinances And therefore it were meete that such an act were ordained that all the Sonnes of Lords Gentlemen and such others as are able to bring them up in learning should be trayned up therein from their Child-hoods And for that end every Parish should be forced to keepe a pettie Schoole-master adjoyning unto the Parish Church to bee the more in view which should bring up their children in the first Elements of Letters And that in every Countrey or Baronie they should keepe an other able Schoole-master which should instruct them in Grammer and in the Principles of Sciences to whom they should be compelled to send their youth to bee disciplined whereby they will in short space grow up to that civile conversation that both the children will loath their former rudenesse in which they were bred and also their Parents will even by the ensample of their young Children perceive the foulenesse of their owne behaviour compared to theirs for Learning hath that wonderfull power in it selfe that it can soften and temper the most sterne and savage nature Eudox. Surely I am of your minde that nothing will bring them from their uncivile life sooner then learning and discipline next after the knowledge and feare of GOD. And therefore I doe still expect that you should come thereunto and set some order for reformation of Religion which is first to bee respected according to the saying of CHRIST Seeke first the Kingdome of Heaven and the Righteousnesse thereof Iren I have in minde so to doe but let me I pray you first finish that which I had in hand whereby all the ordinances which shall afterwardes bee set for Religion may abide the more firmely and bee observed more diligently Now that this people is thus tythed and ordered and every one bound unto some honest trade of life which shall bee particularly entered and set downe in the tything Booke yet perhappes there will bee some stragglers and runnagates which will not of themselves come in and yeeld themselves to this order and yet after the well finishing of the present warre and establishing of the Garrisons in all strong places of the Countrey where their wonted refuge was most I suppose there will few stand out or if they doe they will shortly bee brought in by the Eares But yet afterwardes lest any one of them should swerve or any that is tyed to a trade should afterwardes not follow the same according to this institution but should straggle up and downe the Countrey or mich in Corners amongst their Friends idlely as Carrowes Bardes Iesters and such like I would wishe that a Provost Marshall should bee appointed in every Shire which should continually walke about the Countrey with halfe a dozen or halfe a score horsemen to take up such loose persons as they should finde thus wandering whome hee should punish by his owne
at in other Countreyes but that is nothing now to our purpose but as for these garrisons which you have now so strongly planted throghout all Ireland and every place swarming with Souldiers shall there bee no end of them For now thus being me thinkes I doe see rather a Countrey of warre then of peace quiet which you earst pretended to worke in Ireland for if you bring all things to that quietnesse that you said what then needeth to maintaine so great forces as you have charged upon it Iren. I will unto you Eudox. in privitie discover the drift of my purpose I meane as I tolde you and doe well hope thereby both to settle an eternall peace in that Countrey and also to make it very profitable to her Majestie the which I see must bee brought in with a strong hand and so continued till it runne in a steadfast course of governement which in this sort will neither bee difficult nor dangerous for the Souldier being once brought in for the service into Vlster and having subdued it and Connaght I will not have him to lay downe his Armes any more till hee have effected that which I purpose that is first to have this generall composition for maintenance of these thoroughout all the Realme in regard of the troublous times and daylie danger which is threatned to this Realme by the King of Spaine And thereupon to bestow all my Souldiers in such sort as I have done that no part of all that Realme shall be able to dare to quinch Then will I eftsoones bring in my reformation and thereupon establish such a forme of government as I may thinke meetest for the good of that Realme which being once settled and all things put into a right way I doubt not but they will runne on fairely And though they would ever seeke to swerve aside yet shall they not bee able without forreine violence once to remoove as you your selfe shall soone I hope in your own reason readily conceive which if it shall ever appeare then may her Majestie at pleasure with-draw some of the garrisons and turne their pay into her Purse or if shee will never please so to doe which I would rather wish then shall shee have a number of brave olde Souldiers alwayes ready for any occasion that shee shee will imploy them unto supplying their garrisons with fresh ones in their steed The maintenance of whome shall bee no more charge to her Majestie then now that Realme is for all the revenue thereof and much more shee spendeth even in the most peaceable times that are there as things now stand And in time of warre which is now surely every seventh yeare shee spendeth infinite treasure besides to small purpose Eudox. I perceive your purpose but now that you have thus strongly made way unto your reformation and that I see the people so humbled and prepared that they will and must yeeld to any Ordinance that shall bee given them I doe much desire to understand the same for in the beginning you promised to shewe a meanes how to redresse all those inconveniences and abuses which you shewed to bee in that state of Government which now stands there as in the Lawes Customes and Religion wherein I would gladly know first whether in steed of those Lawes you would have new lawes made for now for ought that I see you may doe what you please Iren. I see Eudox. That you well remember our first purpose and doe rightly continue the course thereof First therefore to speake of lawes since wee first beganne with them I doe not thinke it now convenient though it bee in the power of the Prince to change all the lawes and make new for that should breede a great trouble and confusion aswell in the English there dwelling and to be planted as also in the Irish. For the English having beene alwayes trayned up in the English governement will hardly bee inured to any other and the Irish will better be drawne to the English then the English to the Irish governement Therefore sithence wee cannot now apply lawes fit to the people as in the first institutions of common-wealths it ought to bee wee will apply the people and fit them unto the Lawes as it most conveniently may bee The Lawes therefore wee resolve shall abide in the same sort that they doe both Common-law and Statutes onely such defects in the common-law and inconveniences in the Statutes as in the beginning wee noted and as men of deeper insight shall advise may be changed by some other new acts and ordinances to bee by a Parlament there confirmed As those for tryalls of pleas of the Crowne and private rights betweene parties colourable conveyances and accessaries Eudox. But how will those be redressed by Parlament when as the Irish which sway most in Parlament as you said shall oppose themselves against them Iren. That may well now bee avoyded For now that so many Free-holders of English shall bee established they together with Burgesses of Townes and such other loyall Irish-men as may bee preferred to bee Knights of the Shire and such like will bee able to beard and to counter-poise the rest who also being now more brought in awe will the more easily submit to any such ordinances as shall bee for the good of themselves and that Realme generally Eudox. You say well for by the increase of Free-holders for their numbers hereby will be greatly augmented but how shall it passe thorough the higher house which still must consiste all of Irish Iren. Marry that also may bee redressed by ensample of that which I have heard was done in the like case by King Edward the third as I remember who being greatly bearded and crossed by the Lords of the Cleargie they being there by reason of the Lords Abbots and others too many and too strong for him so as hee could not for their frowardnesse order and reforme things as hee desired was advised to direct out his Writts to certaine Gentle-men of the best ability and trust entituling them therein Barons to serve and sitt as Barons in the next Parlament By which meanes hee had so many Barons in his Parlament as were able to weigh downe the Cleargy and their friends The which Barons they say were not afterwardes Lords but onely Baronets as sundry of them doe yet retayne the name And by the like device her Maiestie may now likewise curbe and cut short those Irish and unruly Lords that hinder all good proceedings Eudox. It seemes no lesse then for reforming of all those inconvenient Statutes that you noted in the beginning and redressing of all those evill customes and lastly for settling of sound Religion amongst them me thinkes you shall not neede any more to over-goe those particulars againe which you mentioned nor any other which might besides be remembred but to leave all to the reformation of such a Parlament in which by the good care of the Lord Deputie Councell they may