to the truth to please all people and it may so fall out I have pleased no body If it should I should not wondder seeing in my judgment it is impossible to write any thing of our own times without offence to several Yet I come forth cheerfully into to the field hoping that as I am honoured and employed by your holiness goodness I shall be defended by your holiness judgment and then with the same confidence courage as I have writ now I shall pursue my engagements if my life lasts your holiness continues amongst us The Author's INTRODUCTION WHen I first took upon me to write the History of Florence and its transactions both at home and abroad I thought to have begun at the year 1434 at which time the Family of the Medici exalted by the merits of Cosimo his father Giovanni was in greater authority that any other in that City believing that Messer Leonardo d' Arezzo and Messer Poggio two excellent Historians had given particular description of all the passages before But upon diligent perusal of their writings to inform my self of their orders and methods that thereby my own might have better approbation I found that in their narratives of the Florentine Wars and foreign negotiations they had been accurate enough but in their civil dissentions their intrinsick animosities and in the effects which followed them they were either totally silent or where any thing was mentioned it was with such brevity and abruptness as could yield neither profit nor recreation to the reader Which I conceive they did either out of an opinion that they were inconsiderable and unworthy to be transmitted to Posterity or else they apprehended a necessity of reflecting upon some great persons whose family would be disobliged thereby both which arguments if I may speak it without offence are beneath the grandeur and magnanimity of a great person For if any thing in History be delightfull or profitable it is those particular descriptions if any thing be usefull to such Citizens as have the Government in their hands it is such as represents the feuds and dissentions in the Cities that thereby they mâ—â—be enabled to maintain their own unity at other peoples expence if the example of any Common-wealth moves a man certainly that which is written of ones own makes a much stronger impression and if the factions of any State were ever considerable the factions in Florence were not to be pretermitted the greatest part of other States have not had above one which sometimes has advanced aud sometimes ruined the Government but Florence has had many divisions Everybody knows how in Rome after the expulsion of their King there arose division betwixt the Nobles and the people which continued till one of them was oppressed So it was in Athens and all the Commonwealths which flourished in those times but in Florence the first dissention was betwixt the Nobles the next betwixt the Nobles and Citizens and then betwixt the Citizens and the Plebs in all which one was no sooner superior but it divided again and the effects of those divisions were Murders and Banishments and dispersion of families such as never occurr'd in any City that can be remembred And truly in my judgment nothing demonstrates the power of our City so much as the consequences of those divisions which were enough to have subverted and destroyed any other in the world But ours grew still greater thereby so remarkable was the courage of the Citizens and so efficacious their industry for the advancement of their Country that those few which surviv'd the miseries of their Predecessors did more by their constancy courage towards the advancement of their interest than the malignity of those accidents could do to depress it And doubtless had Florence been so happy after it had freed it self from the Empire to have assum'd such a form of Government as would have preserv'd it in unity I know not any commonwealth either ancient or modern that would have exceeded it or have been comparable to it either in riches or power For it is observable after the Ghibilins were driven out of the Town in such numbers as all Tuscany and Lombardy were full of those exiles the Guelfs and such as were left behind in the expedition against Arezzo which was the year before the battle of Campaldino were able to drawout of their own Citizens 1200 Horse and 12000 Foot And afterwards in the war against Philippo Visconti Duke of Milan being to try their fortune rather withtheir riches than their arms which at that time were very much weakened in five years space which was the length of that war the Florentines expended five millions and 500000 Florens and when that War was composed to ostentate and publish the power of that Commonwealth they marched out with an army and besieged Lucca I do not see therefore for what reason these divisions should not be worthy of relation and if those Noble Authors were restrained by fear of offending the memory of such as they were to speak of they were mightily out and seem not to have understood the ambition of mankind and their desire to have the names of themselves and ancestors transmitted to Posterity nor did they remember that many people not having opportunity to make themselves eminent by good and laudable acts have endeavoured to compass it by any way how scandalous and ignominious soever Neither did they consider that the actions which carry greatness along with them as those of Governments and States what ends soever they have and which way soâ—ever they are described do still leave more honour than infamy to their Family the consideration of which things prevailed with me to alter my design and to begin my History from the very foundation of the City and because it is not my intention to transcribe what has been done before by other people I shall relate such things only as occurr'd within the City to the year 14â—4 mentioning the accidents abroad only so far as will be necessary for the intelligence of the other after which year I shall give a particular description both of the one and the other Besides for the better and more lasting understanding of this History before I treat of Florence I shall discourse of the means by which Italy fell under the dominion of those Potentates which govern'd it at that time all which shall be comprehended in my four first Books the first shall give a short recital of all transactions in Italy from the dissolution of the Roman Empire to the year 1434. The second shall give an account of all affairs from the foundation of the City of Florence to the end of the War against the Pope which commenc'd upon the expulsion of the Duke of Athens the third shall conclude with the death of Ladislaus King of Naples and in the fourth we shall end with the year 1434 from whence afterwards to our present times we shall give a particular
better than they he forsook them likewise and all the misdemeanors and impieties which were committed after that were done without his approbation or consent so that the same reasons which inclined him to the people at first the same reasons impelled him now to desert them Having brought Benedetto and the heads of the Arts to their Lure in this manner and furnished themselves with Arms they seized upon Giorgio but Tomaso escaped The next day after he was apprehended Giorgio was beheaded with so great terror and consternation to his party that they were so far from endeavouring his rescue that all of them crowded in to behold his execution Being brought to die before those people who had so lately adored him he complained of the iniquity of his fortune and the malignity of those Citizens who by their injury and justice had constrained him to side with a multitude which was not capable either of gratitude or fidelity and discovering Benedetto in the midst of the Guards he said And can you Benedetto consent that this wrong should be done to me Were you in my place I assure you I would not suffer it but let me tell you this day is the last of my misfortunes and the first of yours After which lamenting his unhappiness in having committed his fortunes and life to the constancy of the people which is shaken by every rumor or accident or conceit he laid down his head and it was cut off in the midst of his armed and insulting enemies after him several of his confederates were executed and their bodies dragged about the streets by the people His death put the whole City into commotion for at his execution many Citizens had put themselves into Arms in favour of the Senators and the Captain of the people and some upon the dictates of their own private ambition and revenge The City being full of various humors every one had his private design which all desired to compass before they laid down their arms The ancient Nobility called Grandi could not brook that they were deprived of publick imployments and therefore set all their wits upon the tenters to recover what they had lost and arm'd upon pretence of re-investing the Captains of the Arts with their original authority The popular Nobility and the greater Arts were disgusted that the Government should be communicated to the inferior Arts and the lowest sort of the people On the other side the inferior Arts were disposed to augment not detract from their authority and the meaner sort of people were as tender and jealous of loosing their Colledges which distractions caused the City to tumultuate several times in one year sometimes the Nobility sometimes the better Trades sometimes the lesser sometimes the common people and sometimes altogether betaking to their Arms in several parts of the Town upon which many skirmishes and rencounters happened betwixt them and the Guards of the Palace the Senators contending sometimes and sometimes complying as they judged most likely to remedy those inconveniences so that after two Treaties and several Balia's created for the reformation of the City after many mischiefs and troubles and dangers they came to an agreement That all who had been imprisoned after Salvestro de Medici was made Gonfaloniere should be discharged That all dignities and pensions conferred by the Balia LXXVIII should be taken away That their honours should be restored to the Guelfs That the two new Arts should be deprived of their Incorporation and Governors and all their members and dependents disposed into the old Companies as formerly That the Gonfaloniere di Giustitia should not be elected by the lesser Arts and whereas before they had the disposition of half they should hereafter be capable but of a third part of the Offices of the City and the best of them too to be put out of their power so that the popular Nobility and the Guelfs reassumed the whole Gâ—vernment and the Commons were absolutely dispossessed after they had held it from the year 1378 to 1381. Nor was this Magistracy less injurious towards the Citizens nor less grievous in its principles than the Government of the people many of the popular Nobility who had been eminent defenders of the people interest being clap'd in prison with great numbers of the chief of the Plebeians Among which Michaele Lando was one nor could the many good Offices which he had done in the time of his authority protect him from the rage of that parry when the licentious and unrestrained multitude ruined the City so little was his Country thankful for all his great actions Into which error because many Princes and Common-wealths do frequently fall it happens that men terrified by such examples before they can be made sensible of their Princes ingratitude do fall into their displeasure These slaughters and these exilements had always and did then displease Benedetto Alberti and he both publickly and privately condemn'd them Whereupon the Government were fearful of him as believing him one of the Plebeians principal friends and one who had consented to the death of Giorgio Scali not out of any disapprobation of his conduct but that he might remain alone in authority after him By degrees his words and demeanor came to be suspicious and the party that was uppermost watch'd him very narrowly to find out some occasion to send him after Giorgio Things being in this posture at home no great action happened abroad that little which did happen was occasioned more by fear of what they might than from any prejudice that was actually sustain'd Lodovico d' Angio coming into Italy about that time to drive Carlo Durazzo out of the Kingdom of Naples and repossess the Queen Giovanna The passage of this Prince put the Florentines into no little distraction Carlo upon the old score of amity desired their assistance Lodovico like those who seek new friendships demanded their neutrality The Florentines that they might please both parties if possible to comply with Lodovico and supply Carlo discharged Aguto from their service and recommended him to Pope Urban who was a professed enemy to Carlo which artifice was easily discovered by Lodovico and he thought himself much injured thereby While the War continued in Puglia betwixt Lodovic and Charles supplies were sent out of France to reinforce Lodovico which Forces being arrived in Tuscany were conducted to Arezzo by those who were banished out of that Town where they removed all those who were of Charles his party and just as they design'd the same measures against Florence as they had taken against Arezzo Lodovic died and the affairs of Puglia and Tuscany followed his fate for Charles secur'd himself of his Kingdom which he thought he had lost and the Florentines who were not sure to defend their own bought Arezzo of those who had kept it for Lodovic Charles having secured himself of Puglia departed for Hungaria which Kingdom was by inheritance descended to him leaving his Wife behind him
gli Albizi Ridolfo Peruzzi Nicolo Barbadori Palla Strozzi and so great a number of other Citizens that there was scarce a Town in Italy but had some of their exiles besides several which were banish'd into foreign Countries So by this and such accidents as these Florence was impoverish'd in its wealth and industry as well as inhabitants The Pope beholding the destruction of those Men who by his intercession had laid down their Arms was much troubled complained heavily to Rinaldo of their violence exhorted him to patience and to expect submissively till his fortune should turn To whom Rinaldo made this answer The smal confidence they had in me who ought to have beleiv'd me and the too great conâ—idence I had in you has been the ruine of me and my party But I hold my self more culpable than any body for believing that you who had been driven out of your own Country could keep me in mine Of the vicissitudes and uncertainty of fortune I have had experience enough I have never presum'd in its prosperity and adversity shall never deject me knowing that when she pleases she can take about and indulge me if she continues her severity and never smiles upon me more I shall not much value it esteeming no great happiness to live in a City where the Laws are of less authority than the passions of particular men For might I have my choice that should be my Country where I may securely enjoy my fortune and friends not that where the first is easily sequester'd and the latter to preserve his own Estate will forsake me in my greatest necessity To wise and good men 't is always less ungrateful to hear at a distance than to be a spectator of the miseries of his Country and more honorable they think to be an honest Rebel than a servile Citizen Having said thus he tooke his leave of the Pope and complaining often to himself of his own Counsels and the cowardice of his friends â—in great indignation he left the City and went into banishment On the otherside Cosimo having notice of his restauration return'd to Florence where he was received with no less ostentation and triumph than if he had obtain'd some extraordinary Victory so great was the concourse of people and so high the demonstration of their joy that by an unanimous and universal concurrence he was saluted The Benefactor of the people and the Father of their Country THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE Book V. GOvernments in the variations which most commonly happen to them do proceed from order to confusion and that confusion afterwards turns to order again For Nature having fixed no sublunary things as soon as they arrive at their achme and perfection being capable of no further ascent of necessity they decline So on the other side when they are reduced to the lowest pitch of disorder having no farther to descend they recoil again to their former perfection good Laws degenerating into bad customs and bad customs ingendring good Laws For virtue begets peace peace begets idleness idleness mutiny and mutiny destruction and then vice versa that ruine begets Laws those Laws virtue and virtue begets honour and good success Hence it is as wise men have observed that Learning is not so ancient as Arms and that in all Provinces as well as Cities there were Captains before Philosophers and Souldiers before Scholars For good and well conducted Arms having gotten the victory at first and that victory quiet The courage and magnanimity of the Souldier could not be depraved with a more honourable sort of idleness than the desire of learning nor could idleness be introduced into any well-governed City by a more bewitching and insinuating way This was manifest to Cato when Diogenes and Carneades the Philosophers were sent Embassadors from Athens to the Senate who observing the Roman youth to be much taken with their doctrine and following them up and down with great admiration foreseeing the ill consequences that honest laziness would bring upon his Country he obtain'd a Law that no Philosopher should be admitted into Rome All Governments therefore do by these means some time or other come to decay and when once at the lowest and mens sufferings have made them wiser they rebound again and return to their first order unless they be supprest and kept under by some extraordinary force These vicissitudes and revolutions first by means of the Tuscans and then of the Romans kept Italy unsettled and rendered it sometimes happy and sometimes miserable and although nothing was afterwards erected out of the Roman ruines comparable to what was before which nevertheless might have been done with great glory under a virtuous Prince yet in some of the new Cities and Governments such sprouts of Roman virtue sprung up that though they did not usurp upon one another yet they lived so amicably and orderly together that they not only defended themselves but repelled the Barbarians Among these Governments was the Florentine though perhaps inferior in circumference of territory yet in power and authority equal to any of them for being seated in the heart of Italy rich and ready upon all occasions they defended themselves bravely when ever they were invaded or brought the victory to their allies where-ever they sided If therefore by reason of the courage of those new Principalities the times were not altogether quiet yet the severity of the War did not make them insupportable For that cannot be called Peace where the Governments clash and invade one another nor that War in which no men are slain no Towns pillaged nor no Government destroyed The Wars of those times were begun without fear carried on without danger and concluded without detriment Insomuch that that virtue which used to be extinguisht in other Provinces by means of a long peace was spent and exhausted in Italy by the faintness of the war as will be more conspicuous by our description of the occurrences betwixt 1434 and 1494. In which it will appear how at length a new way was opened to the excursions of the Barbarians and Italy relapsed into its old servitude and bondage And if the actions of our Governors both at home and abroad be not to be read as the actions of our Ancestors with so much wonder and admiration of their courage and grandeur Yet in other respects they may seem as considerable seeing how many Noble and great people have been restrained and kept under by their Arms how weak and ill managed however And though in our description we make no mention of the fortitude of the Souldier the conduct of the Captains nor the love of the Citizen towards his Country yet we shall discover what cheats what cunning and what arts were used by both Princes Souldiers and Citizens to preserve a reputation which they never deserved And this perhaps may be as worthy our knowledg as the wisdom and conduct of old for if the examples of Antiquity do teach us what to follow our
encouraged the Florentines to an expedition against Lucca and gave them great hopes of success in which they carried themselves without either fear or respect seeing the Duke who was the only person they apprehended imployed by the Venetians and the Lucchesi by having as it were received their enemies into their houses and given them cause to invade them had left themselves no grounds to complain In April therefore in the year 1437 the Conte march'd with his Army and before he would fall upon any thing of the enemies he addressed himself to the recovery of what had been lost and accordingly he reduced S. Maria de Castello and what-ever else had been taken by Piccinino Then advancing against the Lucchesi he sate down before Camajore whose Garison and inhabitants though well enough affected to their Lord being more influenced by the terror of an enemy at hand than their fidelity to their friends a far off surrendered immediately after which he took Massa and Serazan with the same dexterity and reputation and then turning his Army towards Lucca in the month of May he destroyed their Corn burn'd their Villages stubb'd up their Vines and their Fruit-trees drove away their Cattel and omitted nothing of outrage and hospitality that is or can be committed by Souldiers The Lucchesi seeing themselves abandoned by the Duke and unable to defend their Country retir'd into the Town where they intrench'd and fortified so well that they did not doubt by reason of their numbers within but to be able to Make it good for some time as they had formerly done Their only fear was of the unconstancy of the people who being weary of the siege would probably consider their own private danger before the liberty of their Country and force them to some ignominious accord Whereupon to encourage them to a vigorous defence they were called together into the Market-place and one of the wisest and gravest of the Citizens spake to them as followeth You have often heard and must needs understand that things done of necessity arâ— neither to be praised nor condemned If therefore you accuse us of having drawn this War upon you by entertaining the Duke's Forces and suffering them to assault you you are highly mistaken You cannot be ignorant of the ancient and inveterate hatred the Florentines bear you so that 't is not any injury in you nor any resentment in them but your weakness and their ambition which has provoked them the first giving them hopes the other impatience to oppress you Do not think that any kindness of yours can divert them from that desire nor any injury of yours provoke them to be worse 'T is their business therefore to rob you of your liberty 't is yours to defend it and what either of you do in pursuance of those ends may be lamented but cannot be wondred at by any body we may be sorry our Country is invaded our City besieged our Houses burned but who of us all is so weak as to admire it Seeing if our power were as great we would do the same to them and if possible worse If they pretend this War was occasioned by our admitting of Nicolo had he not been received they would have pretended another and perhaps had this invasion been deferred it might have proved more fatal and pernicious so that 't is not his coming is to be blamed but our ill fortune and the ambition of their nature for we could not refuse the Duke's Forces and when they were come it was not in our power to keep them from doing acts of Hostility you know very well that without the assistance of some considerable Prince we had not been able to defend our selves nor was any man more proper to relieve us both in respect of his fidelity and power than the Duke He restored us to our liberty and 't was but reasonable he should secure it He was always an enemy to those who would never be our friends if therefore we have provoked the Duke rather than we would disoblige the Florentines we have lost a true friend and made our enemy more able and more ready to offend us so that it is much better for us to have this War with the friendship of the Duke than to have peace with his displeasure and we have reason to hope he will rescue us from these dangers to which he has exposed us if we be not wanting to our selves You cannot forget with what fury the Florentines have many times assaulted us and with what honour and reputation we have repelled them even when we have had no hopes but in God and in time and how both of them have preserved us If we defended our selves then what reason now is there to despair Then we were deserted by all Italy and left as a prey to the Enemy now we have the Duke on our side and 't is not improbable the Venetians will be but slow in their motions against us seeing it can be no pleasure to them to see the power of the Florentines encrease Then the Florentines were more free and unengaged had more hopes of assistance and were stronger of themselves and we every way weaker for then we defended a Tyrant now we fight for our selves then the honour went to other people now it returns upon us then they were united and entire now they are divided and all Italy full of their Rebels But if we had none of these reasons nor none of these hopes to excite us extreme necessity would be sufficient to animate us to our defence Every enemy ought in reason to be apprehended by us because all of them seek their own glory and our destruction but above all the Florentines ought to be most dreadful who are not to be satisfied with our obedience tribute nor the government of our City but they must have our persons and Wealths to satiate their cruelty with our blood and their avarice with our estates so that there is no person nor condition among us so mean but ought justly to fear them Let No-body therefore be dismaid to see our Country wasted our Villages burn'd and our Lands possessed by the enemy if we preserve our City they of course will revert if we lose our City to what purpose will they be kept maintaining our liberty the enemy can hardly enjoy them but losing our liberty what comfort would it be to retain them Take arms therefore with courage and when you are engaged with your enemy remember the reward of your Victory is not only the safety of your Country but the preservation and security of your children and estates These last words were received by the people with such warmth and vigor of mind that unanimously they promised to die rather than to desert their City or entertain any treaty that might intrench upon their liberty so that immediately order was taken for all things necessary for the defence of the City In the mean time the Florentine Army was not
Cosimo said the Pope was an old Man but he had begun an enterprize as if he had been a Boy To the Venetian Embassadors who came to Florence with the Embassadors of Alfonso to complain of that Commonwealth putting his hat off to them he demanded the colour of his hair they told him it was gray he replyed in time your Senators will be of the same colour Not many hours before his death his Wife seing him shut his eyes enquired why he did so and he told her to use them Some Citizens after his return complaining to him that the City would be depopulated and God Almighty offended if he banished so many wealthy and Religious Men he told them the City had better be depopulated than destroyed That two yards of Cloth were enough to keep a Man from the cold and that States were not to be preserved by the beads a Man carried in his hand These last expressions gave his Enemies occasion to calumniate him as a person that was a greater lover of himself than his Country and one that took more care of this World than the next Many other of his wise sayings might be inserted but being unnecessary they are omitted Cosimo was likewise a great lover and advancer of learned Men upon which score he entertained in Florence Argiropolo a Grecian as learned as any in his time that by him the youth of Florence might be instructed in the Greek tongue and in several of his Tenets He entertained likewise in his House Marcileo Ficino a great Patron of the Platonick Philosophy whom he loved so entirely and that he might follow his studies with more convenience he gave him a house near his own Palace at Caraggi So that his prudence his beneficence his success and his way of living made him be belov'd and feared among the Citizens and much esteemed by all Princes of Europe Whereby he left such a foundation to his posterity that by their virtue they might equal him by their fortune transcend him and obtain as much honor as he had in Florence in all the Cities and Countries of Christendom Nevertheless towards the latter end of his days he had several afflictions he had but two Sons Piero and Giovanni of which Giovanni the most hopeful dyed and Piero who survived was infirm and by the weakness of his body unfit either for publick or private business so that after the death of his Son causing himself to be carried about his house he sighed and said this house is too big for so small a Family It troubled him also that he had not in his judgment enlarged the dominion of the Florentine state nor added to it empire any considerable acquest and it s troubled him the more for that he found himself cheated by Francesco who when he was but Count had promis'd him as soon as he had made himself Master of Milan to employ his Arms against Lucca in the behalf of the Florentines but his mind chang'd with his fortune and having got to be the Duke of Milan had a desire to enjoy in peace what he had obtained by War so that after his elevation he never medled in foreign concerns nor made any more Wars than were necessary for his own defence which was a great disturbance to Cosimo who now discerned he had been at great pains and expence to advance a Man who was both false and ingrateful He perceived likewise that in respect of his age and the infirmities of his body he was not able to apply himself to publick or private business as he was wont and he saw both the one and the other decline the City going to wrack by the dissentions of the Citizens and his fortune by his Ministers and Sons These considerations gave him no little disquiet towards his end yet he died full of Glory and renown all the Cities and Princes of Christendom sent their compliments of condolency to his Son Piero the whole City attended his Corps with great solemnity to the Grave and by publick decree it was inscrib'd upon his Tomb Padre della Patria If in my description and character of Cosimo I have rather followed the example of those who have written the lives of Princes than of an Historian it is not to be admir'd He was a person extraordinary in our City and I thought my self obliged to give him a more than ordinary commendation during the time that Italy and Florence were in the condition aforesaid Lewis King of France was infested with a furious War which his Barons at the instigation of Francis Duke of Britan and Charles Duke of Burgundy had rais'd This War lay so heavy upon him he could not assist Giovanni in his designs upon Genoa and Naples but believing he had need enough of all the supplies he could get he call'd back his forces and Savona being at that time in the hands of the French he ordered it to be delivered to the Count and left him if he pleas'd to pursue the enterprize against Genoa the Count was easily persuaded to a thing so much to his advantage so that by the reputation of his amity with the French King and the assistance given him by the Adorni he possess'd himself of Genoa and in gratitude to the French King sent him a supply of 1500 Horse into France under the Command of his eldest Son Galeazzo by this means Ferrando of Aragon and Francesco Sforza remain'd at quiet the one Duke of Lombardy and Lord of Genoa the other King of the whole Kingdom of Naples and having contracted alliances together and married their Children the one to the other they began to consider how they might secure their states to themselves whilst they lived and to their heirs when they were dead In order to this it was thought necessary the King should make sure of such of his Barons as had sided against him in his Wars with Giovanni d' Angio and the Duke should endeavour to extirpate all that had been favourers of the Bracci who were mortal Enemies to the said Duke and at that time in great reputation under the conduct of Giacopo Piccinino For Giacopo being the greatest Captain in Italy and having no Soveraignty of his own it concerned all who had any to have an eye over him and more especially the Duke who thought he could not enjoy his Dominion safely himself nor leave it to his Sons whilst Giacopo was living Hereupon the King with all industry endeavoured an accord with his Barons used all possible art to reconcile himself to them and he succeeded with much difficulty for they found that whilst they were in Wars with the King they must certainly be ruined but by accommodation of their differences and trusting themselves to him there was only a hazard and because Men do always avoid those evils with more readiness which are most certain Princes do easily deceive such as are not able to contend The Barons seeing nothing before them but destruction if they continued the
your Father resenting the injury done to him above any danger of my own I lost my Country and escaped narrowly with my life In Cosimo's days I refused no opportunity of honoring your family and since he died I have entertained none to offend it True it is the weakness of your complexion aud the minority of your Sons gave some kind of disquiet and I was willing our Country might be put in such a posture as to subsist after your Death what ever I have done was only to that end not against you so much as for the benefit of my Country if that was an errour I am sorry for it and do hope the innocence of my intention and the service of my former actions may attone it nor can I fear but I shall find mercy in a Family which has had so long experience of my fidelity or that one single fault will be able to extinguish so many obligations Piero having received this Letter by the same hand returned him this answer Your smiling at that distance is the reason I weep not where I am were you so merry in Florence I should be more melancholy at Naples I grant you have been a well wisher to my Father and you confess he gratified you for it so that if there be obligation on any side 't is on yours because deeds are more valuable than words and if you have been already rewarded for your good actions it 's but reasonable you should be punished for your evil your pretence of love to your Country cannot excuse you for no body but will believe the Medici as great lovers and propagators of their Country as the Acciaivoli Live therefore where you are in dishonor since you had not the discretion to live honorably here Agnolo upon the receipt of this letter desparing of Pardon removed his quarters to Rome wher associating with the Archbishop and the rest of the exiles they consulted what was the best way of lessening the reputation of the Medici which at that time was tottering in Rome and gave Piero no small trouble to sustain it but by the assistance of his friends they failed of their design Diotisalvi and Nicolo Soderini on the other side used all possible diligence to provoke the Venetian Senate against their Country supposing its Government being new and ungrateful to many People the first invasion would shake it and that it would not be able to stand There was at that time in Ferrara Giovan Francesco the Son Palla Strozzi who in the revolutions in 34 was banished with his Father out of Florence this Giovanni was a Man of great credit and reputed as rich a Merchant as any in the City These new Rebels insinuating with him persuaded him how easie it would be to recover their Country when ever the Venetians would undertake it and they doubted not but they would undertake it if part of the charge could be defrayed otherwise it was not to be expected Giovanni was willing to revenge the injuries he had received believed what they said and promised to assist with all the Mony he could make upon which Diotisalvi and Soderini addressed themselves to the Doge Complained to him of their Banishment which they pretended was for no other cause but that they were desirous their Country might be governed by the Laws and the Magistrats not a few of their Grandees have the poweâ— to put them in execution Upon this account it was that Piero de Medici and his followers having been used to a tyrannical way had taken arms by an artifice disarmed them by a cheat and banished them by a fallacy and as if this were not enough God Almighty must be brought in and made an accessary to their cruelty whilst in a solemn Procession and the sacred exercise of their devotion many Citizens who upon faith given that they should be safe had remained behind were seized secured tortured and executed a thing of most execrable and nefarious example To revenge the inhumanity of those actions and avert the judgments which they would otherwise pull down upon their Country they knew not where to apply themselves with more hopes then to that illustrious Senate which having done so much for the preservation of their own liberty must need have some compassion for such as lost have theirs They beseeched them therefore as free-men to assist them against their Tyrants as merciful against the merciless and remember them how the Family of the Medici had defeated them of Lombardy when Cosimo contrary to the inclinations of all the rest of the City assisted Francesco against them so that if the equity of their cause did not move them the justice of their own indignation might provoke them These last words prevailed so far upon the Senate that thy resolved Bartolomeo Coligni their General should fall upon the Dominion of the Florentines and to that purpose their Army being drawn together with all possible speed and Hercules da Esti being sent by Borso Duke of Ferrara joyned himself with them Their first enterprize was upon the Town of Doadola which the Florentines being in no order they burned and did some mischeif in the Country about it But the Florentines as soon as Piero had banished the adverse party had entred into a new League with Galezzo Duke of Milan and Ferrando King of Naples and entertained Federigo Count of Urbin for their General so that being fortified by such friends they did not much value their Enemies for Ferrando sent his Son Alfonso and Galeazzo came in person both of them with considerable forces to their relief and all of them together made a head at Castracaro a Castle belonging to the Florentines at the bottom of the Alps which descend out of Tuscany into Romagna In the mean time the Enemy was retired towards Imola so that betwixt the one and the other according to the custom of those times there happened several light skirmishes but no besieging nor storming of Towns nor no provocation to a battle on either side both parties keeping their tents and staring one upon another with extraordinary cowardize This manner of proceeding was not at all pleasing to the Florentines who found themselves engaged in a War which was like to be expensive and no profit to be expected insomuch that the Magistrats complained of it to those Citizens which they had deputed as commissaries for that expedition who replyed That Galeazzo was wholly in the fault and that having more Authority than experience he knew not how to make any advantagious resolution nor would he believe them which were able to instruct him and that therefore it was impossible whilst he was in the Army that any great action should be atchieved Hereupon the Florentines addressed themselves to the Duke and let him know That he had done a great honor and it had been much for their advantage in coming personally to their assistance for his very name and reputation had made their Enemies retire
their followers to secure themselves of the palace took them along with him and being come to the Palace he left some of his company below with orders upon the first noise above stairs that they should seize upon the Gate whilst he and the rest of the Perugians went up into the Castle Finding the Senate was risen by reason it was late after a short time he was met by Cesare Petrucci the Gonfaloniere di Giustitia so that entring further with him and some few of his crew he left the rest without who walking into the Chancery by accident shut themselves in for the lock was so contriv'd that without the key it was not easily to be opened either within or without The Archbishop being entred with the Gonfaloniere pretending to impart some great matter to him from the Pope he accosted him in so confused and distracted a way the Gonfaloniere from the disorder both of his looks and expressions began to suspect sprung from him out of the Chamber with a great cry and finding Giacopo di Poggio he caught him by the hair of the head and delivered him to one of the Sergeants the noise running immediately to the Senators with such arms as they had about them they set upon the Conspirators and all them who went up with the Archbishop part being shut up and part unable to defend themselves were either kill'd or thrown alive out of the windows Of this number the Archbishop the two other Salviati and Giacopo di Poggio were hang'd Those who were left below had forc'd the Guards and Possessed themselves of the Gate insomuch that the Citizens which upon the first alarm had run into the Castle were not able to assist the Senate either with their counsel or Arms. Francesco de Pazzi in the mean time and Bernardo Bandini seeing Lorenzo escaped and one of themselves upon whom the hopes of that enterprize did principally depend most grievously wounded they were much dismaid Bernardo concluding all lost thinking to provide for his safety with the same courage as he had injured the Medici he made his escape Francesco being returned to his house tried if he could get on Horseback for orders were as soon as the fact was committed to gallop about the Town and excite the People to liberty and arms but finding he could not ride by reason of the deapness of his wound and the great quantity of blood which he had lost he desired Giacopo to do that office for him and then stripping he threw himself upon the bed Giacopo though an ancient Man and not versed in such kind of tumults to try the last experiment of his fortune he got on Horseback and with about an hundred Horse well armed and formerly prepared he marched towards the Palace caying out Liberty liberty to the People as he went along but some of them being deafned by their obligations to the Medici and the rest not desirous of any change in the Government none of them came in The Senators who were on the top of the Palace and had secured themselves as well as they could threw down stones upon their heads and frighted them with threats as much as possible Giacopo was in great confusion and knew not what to do when his cousin Giovanni Saristori coming to him and reproaching him by what was done already advised him to go home to his house and be quiet assuring him there were other Citizens who would be as careful of the People and their liberties as he Being therefore utterly destitute of all hopes Lorenzo alive Francesco wounded and no body appearing for him he resolved to save himself if he could and marched out of Florence with his Party at his heels and went towards Romagna In the mean time the whole City was in Arms and Lorenzo surrounded by a strong Party of armed men was reconveyed to his Palace The Senats Palace was recovered and all those who had possess'd it were either taken or killed The name of the Medici was with great acclamation cryed about the City and the members of those who were slain were either dragged or carried upon the point of their swords about the streets every body with great anger and cruelty persecuting the Pazzi Their houses were all broken up by the People Francesco naked as they found him in his bed was hurried out of his house to the Palace and hanged up by the Bishop and his Bretheren Yet with all their contumely by the way and all their affronts when he came there they could not provoke him to give them one word only he looked grim and fixed his eyes upon every one that abused him and without any other complaint he silently expired Guglielmo de Pazzi Brother-in-Law to Lorenzo was preserved in his house both out of respect to his innocence and the intercession of Bianca his Wife There was not a Citizen in all the City but went either armed or disarmed to Lorenzo in this exigence and proffered him both themselves and their fortunes so great was the kindness and interest which that family by their prudence and liberality had gained in the People Whilst this business happend Rinato di Pazzi was retired to his Country house intending to disguise himself and and escape if he could but he was discovered apprehended by the way and brought back again to Florence Giacopo was taken likewise passing the Alps for the Alpigines hearing what happened in Florence seeing him pass that way they persued took him and returned him to Florence nor could he prevail with them though several time he mades it his earnest request to kill him by the way Four days after this accident Giacopo and Rinato were condemned and put to Death bâ—t among all who were executed and they were so many that the streets and high ways were full of their limbs none was so much lamented as Rinato for he was always esteemed an honest good Man not guilty of that pride and arrogance which was observed in the rest of his family And that this story might not pass without an extraordinary instance of the fury of the People Giacopo who was buried at first in the Sepulchre of his Fathers afterwards was torn from thence as an excommunicated Person dragged out of the walls of the City and thrown into a hole and being taken up again his body was drawn in the same halter with which he was hanged naked about the streets and having no place allowed it to be quiet at land was at last thrown into the Arnus A great example of the inconstancy of fortune to see a person of his wealth and authority pulled so ignominiously in pieces and ruined with so many circumstances of contempt They spake indeed of his vices and of a strange propensity in him to swearing and play above the degree of the most profligate person but those infirmities were abundantly recompensed in his charity and benificence for he was a great reliever of the poor and endow'd several places of devotion
they thought it probable he might succeed Lorenzo embracing the motion and having prepared for his journey committed the City and Government to Tomaso Soderini at that time Gonfaloniere di Gustitia and left Florence in the beginning of December Being arrived at Pisa in his way he writ to the Senate and gave them an account of his design and the Senate in honor to him and that he might treat with more reputation made him Embassador for the People of Florence and gave him authority to conclude with him according to his own judgment and discretion About this time Signore Roberto da Santo Severino joyning with Lodovico and Ascanio for their brother Sforza was dead they invaded the State of Milan in hopes to have re-invested themselves having possess'd themselves of Tortona and Milan and the whole State being in Arms the Dutchess was advised to compose her civil dissentions to restore the Sforzi and receive them into the Government again Her great Councellor in this was Antonio Tassino a Ferrarese who though meanly extracted being come to Milan was preferred to be Chamberlain both to the Duke and the Dutchess this Antonio for the comliness of his person or some other secret excellence after the Dukes death grew into great favour with the Dutchess and in a manner governed the whole State which was very unpleasing to Cecco a Man of great prudence and long experience in publick affairs insomuch that he used all his interest both with the Dutchess and the rest of the Governors to clip the wings of his authority remove him Antonio having notice of his design to countermine him and have some body near which might be able to defend him he advis'd the Dutchess to restore the Sforzi and the Dutchess following his persuasion invited them back again without communicating with Cecco upon which he is reported to have told her that she had done a thing which would cost him his life and deprive her of the Government And so afterwards it fell out for Cecco was put to death by Lorenzo and Tassino turned out of Milan which the Dutchess took in such dudgeon that she forsook the Town and left the Government of her Son to his unckle Lodovico which act of her's in leaving that whole Dutchy to the Government of Lodovico was the ruine of Italy as shall be shown in its place Lorenzo de Medici was in his journey towards Naples and the truce betwixt the parties in a very fair way when on a sudden beyond all expectation Lodovico Fregoso having intelligence in Serezana surprized the Town and made all prisoners whom he found any ways affected to the Florentines This accident was highly resented by the Governors of Florence for they imagined it done by the order of Ferrando and therefore complained heavily to the Duke of Calabria who was with his Army at Sienna that whilst they were in Treaty they should be assaulted so treacherously but the Duke assured them by Letters and an Embassy on purpose that what had passed was done without either his consent or his Fathers However the affairs of the Florentines were judged in a very ill condition their treasure being exhausted their Prince in the hands of the King an old War on Foot with the Pope and the King a new War commenced with the Genoeesi and no friends to support them for they had no hopes of the Venetian and of the State of Milan they had more reason to be afraid it was so various and unstable the only hope remaining to the Florentines was in Lorenzo's address to the King Lorenzo arrived at Naples by Sea was honorably received both by the King and the whole City and though the War was begun for no other end but to ruine him yet the greatness of his Enemies did but add to his Grandeur for being brought to his audience he delivered himself so handsomly and discoursed so well of the condition of Italy of the humors of all the Princes and People therein and gave so good account of what was to be dreaded by War and what was to be hoped for by peace that the King admired the greatness of his mind the dexterity of his wit the solidity of his judgment more now than he had wondered before how he could alone sustain so great an invasion insomuch that he doubled his respects towards him and began to think it his interest much more to make him his friend than to continue him his Enemy Nevertheless upon sundry pretences and fetches he kept him in dispence from December to March not only to satisfie himself in a farther experience of Lorenzo but to inform himself of the infidelity of Florence for that City was not without those who would have been glad the King would have kept him and handled him as Giacopo Piccinino was handled These People began to complain and spake ill of him all over the Town to oppose themselves publickly in the Councils against any thing that was moved in favour to Lorenzo and gave out generally where ever they came that if the King kept him much longer at Naples they would alter the Government so that the King forbore to dispatch him for some time in expectation of a tumult But finding all quiet and no likelyhood of any such thing on the 6 of March 1479 he dismissed him having first presented him so nobly and treated him so honorably that they had made a perpetual League and obliged themselves mutually for the preservation of one anothers Dominions If therefore Lorenzo was great when he went from Florence he was much greater when he returned and was received with a joy and acclamation in the City sutable to his quality and the recency of his deserts who had ventred his own life so frankly to procure peace to his Country Two days after his arrival the Articles of Peace were published by which both the State of Florence and King had particularly obliged themselves to a common defence that such Towns as were taken from the Florentines during the War if in the King's power should be restored that the Pazzi which were prisoners at Volterra should be discharged and a certain sum of mony payed to the Duke of Calabria for a prefixed time This Peace was no sooner published but the Pope and the Venetians were infinitly offended the Pope thinking himself neglected by the King and the Venetians by the Florentines for both one and the other having been partners in the War they took it unkindly to be left out of the Peace Their displeasure being reported and believed at Florence it was presently apprehended that the effect of this peace would be a greater War Hereupon the Governors of the State began to think of contracting the government and reducing it into a lesser number of Ministers appointing a Council of 70 Citizens to transact such affairs as were of principal importance This new Constitution settled the minds of those who were desirous of innovation and to give
their differences with the Pope Siena being free they delivered from their apprehensions of the King by the Duke of Calabria drawing away with his Army out of Tuscany and the War continuing with the Turks they pressed the King so hard to the restitution of such places as the Duke of Calabria at his departure had committed to the keeping of the Sanesi that he began to fear the Florentines might desert him and by making War upon the Sanesi hinder the assistance which he expected from the Pope and the rest of the Princes of Italy whereupon he caused them all to be delivered and by several new favours reobliged the Florentines to him from whence we may observe that it is interest and necessity not their hands or their words which make Princes keep their promises These Castles being restored and the new League confirmed Lorenzo de Medici gained greater reputation than the War first and after the peace when they were jealous of the King had taken from him For at that time there wanted not those who calumniated him openly as one who to preserve himself had sold his Country and as by the War they had lost their Towns by the peace they should lose their liberty But when the Towns were restored and honorable peace concluded with the King and the City returned to its ancient reputation the People who are generally greedy to talk and judge of things more by the success than the Counsel changed their note presently and cryed up Lorenzo to the skies as one who had gained more by his management in that peace than their ill fortune had got them by the War and that his prudence and judgment had done what all the Armies and power of their Enemies could not This descent of the Turks defer'd the War which the Pope and the Venetians upon provocation of that peace had designed against them but as the beginning of the Turkish invasion was unexpected and produced much good so the end of it was unlooked for and the occasion of much mischief for Mahomet the Grand Signore died suddenly and difference arising betwixt his Sons those who were landed in Puglia being abandoned by their Lord came to an agreement with the King of Naples and delivered up Otranto into his hands This fear therefore being removed which kept the Pope and the Venetians quiet every one began to be apprehensive of new troubles On the one side the Pope and the Venetian were in League and with them Genoesi Sanesi and other lesser Potentates On the other side were the Florentines the King of Naples the Duke of Milan and with them the Bolognesi and several other little States The Venetian had a design upon Ferrara they thought they had reason enough to attempt it and hopes enough to carry it The reason was because the Marquess had declared himself obliged no longer to receive either their Visdomine or their falt for by compact after 70 years that City was to be exempt both from the one and the other to which the Venetians replyed that so long as he retained the Polesine so long he was to receive the Visdomine and the Salt but the Marquess refusing they thought they had just occasion to take Arms and their opportunity was convenient seeing the Pope in such indignation both against the Florentines and King to oblige him the more Count Girolamo being by accident at Venice was honorably treated made a Gentleman of that City and had all the priviledges and immunities of a Citizen conferred upon him which is a particular favour and shows always the great esteem they bear to the Person which receives it In preparation for this War they laid new taxes upon their subjects and for their General they had chosen Roberto da San Severino who upon some difference betwixt him and Lodovick Duke of Milan fled to Tortona and having made some tumults there he got off to Genoa from whence he was invited by the Venetians and made General of their Army The news of these preparations coming to the ears of the League they prepared themselves accordingly The Duke of Milan chose Federigo Lord of Urbin for his General The Florentines Costanzo di Pesaro and to sound the Pope and discover whether these proceedings of the Venetians were by his consent King Ferrando sent the Duke of Calabria with his Army to quarter upon the Tronto and desired leave of his Holiness that they might pass thorow his territories from thence into Lombardy to the relief of the Marquess which being absolutely denied the Florentines and King thinking that a sufficient declaration of his mind resolved to attempt it by force and try if that they could make him their friend or at least give him such impediments as should hinder his supplying of the Venetians who had already taken the field invaded the Marquess overrun most of the Country and clap'd down with their Army before Figarolo a Castle of great importance to the affairs of that Prince The King and the Florentines having in the mean time concluded to fall upon the Pope Alfonso Duke of Calabria marched his Army towards Rome and by the help of the Collennesi who were joyned with him in opposition to the Orsini who sided with the Pope he committed great spoils all over that Country On the other side the Florentines under the command of Nicolo Vitelli assaulted the City of Castello took it turned out Lorenzo who had kept it for the Pope and gave it to Nicolo as Prince the Pope was at this time in very great anxiety Rome was full of factions within and the Enemy in the Country without Nevertheless like a couragious Prince resolved to overcome not to yield to his Enemies he entertained for his General Roberto da Rimino and inviting him to Rome where he had assembled all the forces he could make he represented how great an honor it would be to him if he could rescue the Church from the calamities which were upon it and that not only himself and his successors but God Almighty would reward him Roberto having taken a view of his Army and all the Magazines he persuaded the Pope to raise him what foot he could more which was done with great diligence and expedition The Duke of Calabria was all this while forraging about that Country and making his inroads to the very walls of the City which netled and provoked the Citizens so as many of them came freely and offered their service to remove them which Roberto with many thanks and great expressions of kindness accepted The Duke understanding their preparations thought fit to draw farther off from the City supposing that Roberto would not venture to follow him at any distance from the Town besides he had some expectation of his Brother Federigo who was to come to him with fresh supplies from his Father Roberto finding himself equal in Horse and superior in foot drew his Army out of the Town and directing towards the Enemy he encamped within two
Lombardy the great objection by those who were against the Expedition was That the Swizzers would obstruct his passage over the Mountains which argument was found idle afterwards for the Kings of France waving two or three places which they had guarded passed by a private and unknown way and was upon their backs in Italy before they perceiv'd him so that being mightily surprized the Enemy quitted his Posts and retired into Italy and all the Lombards submitted to the French they being deceived in their opinion who thought the French were with more Ease and Convenience to be obstructed in the Mountains CHAP. XXIV In well Ordered Governments offence and desert are never set one against the other but he who does well is rewarded and he who does otherwise is punished THE merits of Horatius were very great having by his own single valor and conduct overcome the Curiatii after which he committed a most abominable act in killing his own Sister which Murther was so hainous in the Eyes of the Romans that he was brought to a Trial for his life though his deserts were so fresh and considerable which at first sight seem ingrateful in the people but he who examins it strictly and weighs how necessary and sacred a thing Justice ought to be in every Common-wealth will find them more blameable for discharging than they would have been for condemning him and the reason is because in a well constituted State no man's good actions should indemnisie him for doing ill for punishment being as due to ill actions as rewards are to good having rewarded in a man for doing well he is satisfied for what he did and the obligation discharged so as if afterwards he commits a Crime he is to be punished severely according to the Nature of his offence by the observation of which Orders a City may continue free a long time which otherwise will quickly go to ruine For if a Citizen having perform'd any great Exploit for his Country should expect not only honor and reward for what he has done but priviledge and impunity for any mischief he should do afterwards his insolence would in a short time grow insupportable and inconsistent with Civil Government So then it is very necessary for discouragement from ill actions to recompense good which was the practice in Rome and though where a Common-wealth is poor her tâ—wards cannot be great yet even out of that small stock she is to be punctually grateful for a thing how little soever given in acknowledgment of ones good Service let it be never so great is look'd upon as Honorable and received as a Magnificent reward The Stories of Horatius Cocles and Mutius Scaevola are generally famous Coles with incompâ—rable courage maintained fight against a great body of the Enemy upon the Bridge over Tiber till it was cut behind him and their passage obstructed The other designing against the life of Porsenna King of Tuscany and killing his Secretary by mistake being apprehended and brought before the King to show the courage and constancy of the Romans he thrust his own hand into the fire and burnt it off before his face and how were they gratified marry each of them had two Staiora's which is as much ground as can be sown with two Bushels of Corn. The History of Manlius Capitolinus is no less remarkable Having relieved the Capitol which the French had surprized in the night and beaten them out again his Comerades in requital gave him a certain measure of Flower which as times went then was a mighty reward and esteemed so adequate to the Service that Manlius afterwards either out of ambition or ill nature causing a tumult in Rome and endeavouring to debauch the people his former exploits being as they thought amply rewarded without farther regard to him they threw him headlong down that Capitol which he had so gloriously preserved CHAP. XXV Though it is many times convenient to reform the old Fundamental Customs of a free City yet it is convenient still to retain some shadow and appearance of their ancient ways HE who desires to set up a new form of Government in a Common-wealth that shall be lasting and acceptable to the people is with great caution to preserve at least some shadow and resemblance of the old That the people may if possible be insensible of the innovation for the generality of Mankind do not penetrate so far into things but that outward appearance is as acceptable to them as verity it self For this cause the Romans at the beginning of their liberty when their Kings were expelled thought it expedient to create two Consuls instead of one King assigning them only XII Lictors that their number might not exceed what attended upon the King Besides this there was an anniversary Sacrifice in Rome in which the Ministry of the King was of necessity required To salve that defect the Romans created a chief of the said Sacrifice with the Title of Royal Priest but with subordination to the High Priest by which Artifice the people were satisfied with their Sacrifice and took no occasion to complain for the expulsion of their King He therefore who desires to reform the policy of a State and to introduce a new is to disguise it to the people by the retention at least in appearance of some part of the ancient Customs that may keep them from discerning it and if at any time by accident there be a necessity of changing the power the number and duration of the Magistrates it will be convenient to continue the Name This as I said before is to be observed by any one who would establish an absolute power either in a Republick or Monarchical way but he who would erect such an absolute power as by Authors is called Tyrannies must unravel the whole bottom and innovate all CHAP. XXVI A new Prince in a new Conquest is to make every thing new WHoever makes himself Lord of a City or State and especially if he finds himself weak and suspects his ability to keep it if he intends not to continue the Government in the old way either by Kingship or Common-wealth the best course he can take is to subvert all to turn every thing topsie turvy and make all things as new as himself To alter the Magistracy create new Titles elect new persons confer new Authorities advance the Poor and impoverish the Rich that what is said of David may be said of him Esurientes implevit bonis divites dimisit inanes He filled the hungry with good things and the rich he sent empty away Besides it is his interest to build new Cities to erect new Corporations to demolish and uncharter the old to shift the Inhabitants from one place to another in a word so to toss and transpose every thing that there be no honor nor wealth nor preferment in the whole Province but what is ownable to him And for this he need go no farther than Philip of Macedon Father to Alexander the
and retaken and following the fate of their Cities and that with no more difficulty or variety of fortune than when there are none at all as has been visible in Lombardy Romagna the Kingdom of Naples and all other quarters of Italy And as to those Citadels which are built in your new Conquests to defend you from your Enemies abroad they also are absolutely unnecessary where you have an Army in the field and where you have none they are of no use A good Army without any such Forts is sufficient to defend you And this has been found by experience by all those who have been thought excellent in the Arts of War or of Peace and particularly by the Romans and Spartans The Romans never erected any new Castles and the Spartans never suffered any old but what Cities soever they conquered down went their Walls nay even in their own Cities they would not permit any fortification as believing nothing so proper to defend them as the virtue and courage of their Citizens A Spartan being demanded by an Athenian Whether the Walls of Athens were not very beautiful Yes says the Spartan if it was but inhabited by Women A Prince therefore who has a good Army in the field may have some benefit by his Castles if they be upon the Frontiers of his Country or in some places upon the Coast where they may â—etard and entertain an Enemy for some time till the Army can come up But if the Prince has no Army on foot let his Castles be where they will upon the Frontiers or elsewhere they are either unserviceable or dangerous dangerous because they are easily lost and made use of by the Enemy against you or if they be too strong to be taken yet the Enemy marches on and leaves them unserviceable behind him For an Army that has no Enemy in the field to confront it takes no notice of Cities or Castles but passing by as it pleases rambles up and down and ravages the whole Country as may be observed both in ancient History and new Francesco Maria not many years since invaded the Dutchy of Urbin nor concern'd himself at all though he left ten of his Enemies Cities behind him Wherefore that Prince who has a good Army need not stand upon Castles and he that has no Castles need not trouble himself to build any all that he is to do is to fortifie the Town of his own residence as well as he can and accustom the Citizens to Arms that he may be able to sustain an Enemy at least for a while till he can make his conditions or procure relief All other designs are expensive in times of Peace and unprofitable in time of War so that he who considers what has been said must acknowledge that as the Romans were wise in every thing else so more particularly in their affairs with the Latins and Privernates in not thinking of Castles and Fortresses but of more noble and generous ways of securing their allegiance CHAP. XXV To attempt a City full of intestine divisions and to expect to carry it thereby is uncertain and dangerous THe divisions in the Commonwealth of Rome were so great betwixt the People and the Nobility that the Veientes and Hetrusci taking the opportunity conspired its destruction and having raised an Army and harrassed their whole Country the Senate sent out G. Manlius and M. Fabius against them whose Army encamping near the Enemy were so provoked by the insolence of their language that the Romans laid aside their private animosities and coming to a Battel overthrew them by which we may observe how easily we erre in our Counsels and how we lose things many times the same way by which we intended to gain them The Veientes thought by assaulting the Romans whilst they were embroil'd in their intestine divisions they should certainly overcome them and their invading them at that time united the Enemy and ruined themselves and not without reason for the occasion of discord and faction in a Commonwealth is idleness and peace and there is nothing unites like apprehension and War So that had the Veientes been wise as they should have been they should have forborn making War upon them at that time and have tryed other artificial ways to have destroyed them The surest way is to insinuate and make your self a Mediator betwixt them and to take upon your self the arbitration rather than they should come to blows When it is come to that you are privately and gently to supply the weaker side to foment and continue the War till they consume one another but be sure your supplies be not too great lest both parties begin to suspect you and believe your design is to ruine them both and make your self Prince If this way be well managed it will certainly bring you to the end which you desired for when both sides are weary they will commit themselves to your arbitration By these Arts the City of Pistoia returned to its dependance upon Florence for labouring under intestine divisions the Florentines favouring first one side and then the other but so slily that no occasion of jealousie was given to either brought them both in a short time to be weary of their distractions and throw themselves unanimously into their arms The Government of the City of Siena had never been changed by their own domestick dissentions had not the Florentines supplied both parties under-hand and fomented them that way whereas had they appeared openly and above board it would have been a means to have united them I shall add one example more Philip Visconti Duke of Milan made War many times upon the Florentines hoping by the dissentions of the City to have conquered them the more easily but he never succeeded So that complaining one time of his misfortunes he had this Expression The follies of the Florentines have cost me two millions of Mony to no purpose In short as the Veientes and Tuscans found themselves in an error when they thought by help of the differences in Rome to have mastered the Romans and were ruined themselves for their pains So it will fare with whoever takes that way to oppress or subvert any other Government CHAP. XXVI He who contemns or reproaches another person incurs his hatred without any advantage to himself I Look upon it as one of the greatest points of discretion in a man to forbear injury and threatning especially in words neither of them weakens the Enemy but threatning makes him more cautious and injury the more inveterate and industrious to revenge it This is manifest by the example of the Veienti of which I discoursed in the foregoing Chapter for not contenting themselves with the mischiefs that they brought upon them by the War they added contumely and opprobrious language which so provoked and enflamed the Roman Army that whereas before they were irresolute and seemed to decline it they now fell upon them unanimously and over-threw them So that it ought to be
THE WORKS OF THE FAMOUS Nicholas Machiavel CITIZEN and SECRETARY OF FLORENCE WRITTEN Originally in ITALIAN and from thence newly and faithfully Translated into ENGLISH LONDON Printed for Iohn Starkey Charles Harper and Iohn Amery at the Miter the Flower-de-Luce and the Peacock in Fleetstreet 1680. LICENSED Febr. 2. 1674. THE SEVERAL TREATISES Contained in this BOOK 1. THe History of Florence 2. The Prince 3. The Original of the Guelf and Ghibilin Factions 4. The Life of Castruccio Castracani 5. The Murther of Vitelli c. by Duke Valentino 6. The State of France 7. The State of Germany 8. The Discourses on Titus Livius 9. The Art of War 10. The Marriage of Belphegor a Novel 11. Nicholas Machiavel's Letter in Vindication of Himself and his Writings THE PUBLISHER TO THE READER Concerning the following LETTER Courteous Reader IT hath been usual with most of those who have Translated this Author into any Language to spend much of their time and paper in taxing his impieties and confuting his errors and false principles as they are pleased to call them if upon perusal of his Writings I had found him guilty of any thing that could deceive the simple or prejudice the rest of Mankind I should not have put thee to the hazard of reading him in thy own Language but rather have suffered him still to sleep in the obscurity of his own than endanger the world but being very well assured of the contrary and that the Age will rather receive advantage than damage by this Publication I did yet think that it was fit to say something in a Preface to vindicate our Author from those Slanders which Priests and other byass'd Pens have laid upon him but still I thought that it might prove a bold and presumptuous undertaking and might excite laughter for a person of my small parts and abilities to Apologize for one of the greatest Wits and profoundest Judgments that ever lived amongst the Moderns In this perplexity I had the good fortune to meet with this Letter of his own writing which hath delivered me from those scruples and furnished me with an opportunity of justifying this great person by his own Pen. Receive then this choice Piece with benignity it hath never before been published in any Language but lurk'd for above 80 years in the private Cabinets of his own Kindred and the Descendents of his own admirers in Florence till in the beginning of the Pontisicat of Vrbane the 8th it was procured by the Jesuits and other busie-bodies and brought to Rome with an intention to divert that wise Pope from his design of making one of Nicholas Machiavel's Name and Family Cardinal as notwithstanding all their opposition he did not long after When it was gotten into that City it wanted not those who had the judgment and curiosity to copy it and so at length came to enjoy that priviledge which all rare Pieces even the sharpest Libels and Pasquils challenge in that Court which is to be sold to Strangers one of which being a Gentleman of this Country brought it over with him at his return from thence in the year 1645. and having translated it into English did communicate it to divers of his friends and by means of some of them it hath been my good fortune to be capable of making thee a present of it and let it serve as an Apology for our Author and his Writings if thou thinkest he need any I must confess I believe his Works require little but rather praise and admiration yet I wish I could as well justifie one undertaking of his not long after the writing of this Letter for we find in the Story of those times that in the Month of August following in the same year 1537. this Nicolo Machiavelli except there were another of that name was committed Prisoner to the Bargello amongst those who were taken in Arms against Cosimo at the Castle of Montemurli notwithstanding all his Compliments in this Letter to that Prince and profess'd Obligations to him if this be so we must impute it to his too great zeal to concur with the desires of the universality at that time in restoring the liberty of their Country which hath so far dazel'd the judgments even of great and wise men that thou â—eest many grave Authors amongst the Ancients have even commended and deified the ingratitude and Treachery of Brutus and Cassius But certainly this crime of his would have been much more unpardonable if he had lived to see his own Prophesie fulfilled in the Persons and Descendents of this great Cosimo for there was never any succession of Princes since the world began in which all the Royal vertues and other qualities necessary to those who rule over men were more eminently perspicuous than in every individual of this line so that those people have as little cause as ever any had to lament the change of their Government their great Dukes having been truly Fathers of their Country and treated their Subjects like Children though their power be above all limitation above all fundamental Laws but they having no Law are a Law to themselves I cannot chuse but instance in some few of their benefits to their people first the making the River Arno Navigable from Pisa to Florence in a year of Dearth that so the Poor might be set on work and have Bread and the Traffick of both Cities infinitely facilitated their making at their own charge a Canal from Livorne to Pisa their erecting at Pisa a famous University paying the Professors who are eminent for Learning and discharging all other incidencies out of their own Revenue besides the raising stately Buildings for Schools and Libraries their founding a renowned Order of Knighthood and keeping the Chapter in the same City and ordering a considerable number of Knights constantly to reside there both which were intended and performed by them to encrease the concourse and restore the wealth to the once opulent Inhabitants of that place Their new Building fortifying and enfranchizing Livorne that even by the abolishing their own Customs they might enrich their Subjects and make that Port as it now is the Magazine of all the Levant Trade And lastly Their not having in 140 years ever levyed any new Tax upon their people excepting in the year 1642. to defend the Liberties of Italy against the Barbarini These things would merit a Panegyrick if either my parts or this short Advertisement would admit it I shall conclude then after I have born a just and dutiful testimony to the merits of the Prince who now governs that State in whom if all the Princely vertues and endowments should be lost they might be found and restored again to the world As some ingenious Artists in the last Age retrieved the Art of Sculpture by certain bas relievos remaining on some Pillars and Walls at Rome The Prudence Magnanimity Charity Liberality and above all the Humanity Courtesie and Affability of this Prince though they exceed my
may see this is lawful as well as necessary I shall say but one word of their calling and original and then leave this subject The word Clergy is a term wholly unknown to the Scriptures otherwise than in this sence a peculiar People or Gods lot used often for the whole Jewish Nation who are likewise called a Kingdom of Priests in some places In the New Testament the word Cleros is taken for the true Believers who are also called the Elect and often the Church which is the Assembly of the faithful met together as is easily seen by reading the beginning of most of St. Paul's Epistles where writing to the Church or Churches he usually explains himself To all the Saints in Christ sometimes To all who have obtained like faith with us sometimes To all who in all places call upon the Name of the Lord Iesus c. by which it appears that neither the word Church nor Clergy was in those days ever appropriated to the Pastors or Elders of the flock but did signifie indifferently all the people assembled together which is likewise the literal construction of the word Ecclesia which is an assembly or meeting in these Congregations or Churches was performed their Ordination which properly signifies no more than a decree of such Assembly but is particularly used for an Election of any into the Ministery The manner was this sometimes the Apostles themselves in their Perigrinations and sometimes any other eminent Member of the Church did propose to the Society upon vacancy or other necessity of a Pastor Elder or Deacon some good Holy man to be Elected which person is he had parts or gifts such as the Church could edifie by was chosen by the lifting up of hands that is by suffrage and oftentimes hands were laid upon him and Prayer made for him These men so set apart did not pretend to any consecration or sacredness more than they had before much less to become a distinct thing from the rest of mankind as if they had been metamorphos'd but did attend to perform the several functions of their calling as prophecying that is Preaching the Gospel visiting the sick c. and never intermitted the ordinary business of their Trade or Profession unless their Church or Congregation was very numerous in which case they were maintained by alms or contribution which was laid aside by every member and collected the first day of the week by the Deacons this was said to be given to the Church and was imployed by suffrage of the whole Collective Body to the poor and to other incidencies so far was it from Sacriledge in those days to employ Church goods to Lay uses From these words Church Clergy Ordination Pastor which last hath been translated of late years Bishop you see what conclusions these men have deduced and how immense a structure they have raised upon so little a foundation and how easily it will fall to the ground when God shall inspire Christian Princes and States to redeem his truths and his poor enslaved Members out of their Clutches to bring back again into the world the true original Christian faith with the Apostolical Churches Pastors and Ordination so consistent with moral virtue and integrity so helpful and conducing to the best and most prudent Policy so fitted for obedience to Magistracy and Government all which the world hath for many years been deprived of by the execrable and innate ill quality which is inseperable from Priest-craft and the conjuration or spell of their new invented ordination by which they cry with the Poet Iam furor humanum nostro de pectore sensum Expulit totum spirant praecordia Phoebum Which makes them so Sacred and Holy that they have nothing of integrity or indeed of humanity left in them I hope I shall not be thought impious any longer upon this point I mean for vindicating Christian Religion from the assaults of these men who having the confidence to believe or at least profess themselves the only instruments which God hath chosen or can choose to teach and reform the world though they have neither Moral virtues nor Natural parts equal to other men for the most part have by this pretence prevail'd so far upon the common sort of people and upon some too of a better quality that they are perswaded their salvation or eternal damnation depends upon believing or not believing of what they say I would not be understood to disswade any from honouring the true Apostolical Teachers when they shall be re-established amongst us or from allowing them even of right and not of alms or curtesie such emoluments as may enable them cheerfully to perform the duties of their charge to provide for their Children and even to use hospitality as they are commanded by St. Paul But this I will prophesie before I conclude that if Princes shall perfom this business by halves and leave any root of this Clergy or Priest-craft as it now is in the ground or if that famous reformer fled some years since out of Picardy to Geneva who is of so great renown for learning and parts and who promises us so perfect a reformation shall not in his model wholly extirpate this sort of men then I say I must foretel that as well the Magistrate as this Workman will find themselves deceived in their expectation and that the least fibra of this plant will over-run again the whole Vineyard of the Lord and turn to a diffusive Papacy in every Diocess perhaps in every Parish So that God in his mercy inspire them to cut out the core of the Ulcer and the bag of this imposture that it may never ranckle or fester any more nor break out hereafter to diffuse new corruption and putrifaction through the body of Christ which is his Holy Church nor to vitiate and infect the good order and true policy of Government I come now to the last branch of my charge which is that I teach Princes villany and how to enslave and oppress their Subjects in which accusation I am dealt with as poor Agnollo Canini was who as they report being a very learned Practiser of the Laws and left the only man of this profession one Autumn in our City the rest of the Advocates being fled into the Country for fear of a contagious Disease which then reigned was commanded by our Judges to assist with his Counsel both parties and to draw Pleas as well for the Defendant as the Plantiff else the Courts of Justice must have been shut up In the same manner my accusers handle me and make me first exhort and teach Subjects to throw off their Princes and then to instruct Monarchs how to enslave and oppress them but I did not expect such ingratitude from mine own Citizens or to beserved as Moses was when he was upbraided for killing the Egyptian by one of his own people for whose sake he had done it whereas he believed they would have understood by
and indifference not espousing the heady opinions of any much less their passions and animosities I never sided with any Party further than that the Duty of my charge obliged me to serve the prevailing Party when posses'd of the Government of our City this I speak for those changes which happened between the flight of the said Piero de Medici and the horrid Parricide commited by Clement the 7th upon his indulgent Mother joyning with his greatest enemies and uniting himself with those who had used the most transcendent insolence to his own person and the highest violence and fury the Sun ever saw to his poor Courtiers and Subjects that so accompanied he might sheath his Sword in the bowels of his own desolate Country At that time and during that whole Seige I must confess I did break the consines of my Nutrality and not only acted as I was commanded barely but rouz'd my self and stir'd up others haraunging in the Streets places of the City the People to defend with the last drop of their blood the Walls of their Country and the Liberty of their Government taking very hazardous Journey to Ferruccio and then into the Mugello and other parts to bring in Succours and Provisions to our languishing City and acting as a Soldier which was a new profession to me at the age of above sixty when others are dispensed from it For all which I had so entire a satisfaction in my mind and conscience that I am perswaded this cordial made me able to support the sufferings which befell me after our Catastrophe and to rejoyce in them so far that all the malice and cruelty of our enemies could never draw one word from me unsutable to the honour I thought I merited and did in some sort enjoy for being instrumental to defend as long as it was possible our Altars and our Hearths But all that I have undergone hath been abundantly recompenced to me by the favour and courtesie of the most excellent Signior Cosimo who hath been pleased to offer me all the preferments the greatest ambition could aspire to which I did not refuse out of any scruple to serve so incomparable a Prince whose early years manifest so much Courage Humanity and Prudence and so Fatherly a care of the publick good but because I was very desirous not to accept of a charge which I was not able to perform my years and infirmities having now brought me to a condition in which I am fitter to live in a Cloyster than a Palace and made me good for nothing but to talk of past times the common vice of old Age So that I did not think it just or grateful to reward this excellent person so ill for his kindness as to give him a useless Servant and to fill up the place of a far better This is all I think fit to say of this matter I chuse to address it to you Zenobio for the constant friendship I have ever entertained with you and formerly with your deceased Father the companion of my Studies and ornament of our City And so I bid you farewel The first of April 1537. THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE CONTAINING An account of the Heroick Enterprizes Publick and Private Transactions with the Civil Dissentions Changes and Alterations in that GOVERNMENT ALSO AN Account of the Affairs of ITALY and the Actions Designs and contrivances of most of the PRINCES and STATES therein IN Eight Books By NICOLAS MACHIAVEL LONDON Printed for Iohn Starkey Charles Harper and Iohn Amery at the Miter the Flower-de-Luce and the Peacock in Fleetstreet 1680. THE EPISTLE TO CLEMENT VII BEing commanded by your Holiness whilst in a private condition to writ the History of Florence I addressed my self to it with all the art and diligence wherewith nature and experience had enduced me Having deduc'd it to the times in which upon the death of Magnifico Lorenzo de Medici the whole form and model of Italy was altered and being to describe the height and importance of what followed in a loftier and more vigorous stile I judged it best to reduce what I had written till those times into one Volume and present it to your Holiness that you might at least have a taste of the fruit you had sown your self and of my labour and cultivation In the perusal of this work your Holiness will see first to what ruine and convulsions our Country was exposed for many ages by the variations of Governments after the declension of the Roman Empire in the West You will see how your Predecessors the Venetians the Kingdom of Naples and the Dukedom of Milan took their turns of Empire and Soveraignty in this Province You will see your own Country refusing obedience to the Emperors by reason of the divisions and those divisions continuing till under the protection of your Family it began to settle into a Government And because it was your Holiness particular command that in my character of your Ancestors I should avoid all kind of flattery truepraise not being morepleasing to you than counterfeit is ungrateful fearing in my description of the bounty of Giovanni the wisdom of Cosimo the courtesie of Piero the magnificence and solidity of Lorenzo I may seem to have transgressed your holiness direction I do most humbly excuse my self both in that and whatever else in my descriptions may appear unfaithful to your holiness dissatisfaction for finding the memoirs and relations of those who in sundry Ages made any mention of them full of their commendations I must either present them as I found them or pass them by as if I envied them And if as some write under their great and egregious exploits there was always some latent and ambitious design contrary to the interest and liberty of the publick I know nothing of it and am not bound to relate it for in all my narrations I never desired to cloak or palliate a dishonourable action with an honourable pretence nor to traduce a good action tho to a contrary end But how far I am from flattery is to be seen in the whole course of my History especially in my speeches and private discourses which do plainly and without reservation describe with the sentences and order of their language the dignity and humour of the persons I avoid likewise in all places such words as are impertinent to the verity or reputation of history so that no man who considers my writings impartially can charge me with adulation especially if he observes how little or nothing I have said of your holiness own Father whose life was too short to discover him to the world I too downright to expatiate upon it Nevertheless had he done nothing more but given your holiness to the world that very thing outweighs all the actions of his Ancestors shall leave more ages of honour to his family than his malevolent fortune took years from his life I have endeavored Most Holy Sir as far as might be done without blemish
to be qualified that his Army may rely upon him 324 Chap. 39. A General ought to know the Country and how to take his advantage in the ground 425 Chap. 40. How fraud in the management of War is honourable and glorious 426 Chap. 41. That ones Country is to be defended by all means and whether honourable or dishonourable it imports not 't is well defended ib. Chap. 42. That forc'd promises are not binding 427 Chap. 43. Those who are born in the same Country retain almost the same nature thorow all the variety of times ib. Chap. 44. Confidence and boldness does many times obtain that which would never be compassed by ordinary means 428 Chap. 45. Whether in a Battel it is best to give or receive the Charge 429 Chap. 46. How it comes to pass that in a City the same family retains the same manners and customs a long time ib. Chap. 47. A good Citizen is to forget all private injury when in competition with his love to his Country 430 Chap. 48. When any enemy commits any grand fault 't is to be suspected for a fraud ib. Chap. 49. A Commonwealth which desires to preserve it self free has need of new provisions every day and upon what score Fabius was called Maximus 431 A Table of the Art of War CCap I. How the Seigneur Fabritio Colonna being refreshing himself one evening with some other Gentlemen in a beautiful Garden took occasion to enter upon this discourse of War 435 Chap. 2. A person of Honour and Condition is not to make War his profession 438 Chap. 3. How a Commonwealth ought not in prudence to permit any of its Citizens to make War their profession 439 Chap. 4. That a King ought not to permit his Subjects to make Arms their profession for the mischiefs which do frequently ensue 440 Chap. 5. In what Countries the best Souldiers are to be raised 442 Chap. 6. Whether it be best to choose you men out of the Cities or Country 443 Chap. 7. Of the inconvenience and convenience of Trained-Bands or a setled Militia 444 Chap. 8. Of what sort of people an Army is to be composed 445 Chap. 9. How the Romans raised their Legions 446 Chap. 10. Whether it is best for a Militia to consist of a great number or a small 447 Chap. 11. How the inconveniencies which follow great Armies may be prevented 448 Chap. 12. Of the Cavalry 449 Book II. CHap. 1. What Arms were most used by the Ancients in their Wars 450 Chap. 2. Of the Arms which are used at present and of the invention of the Pike 451 Chap. 3. Whether the ancient or modern is the best way of arming ib. Chap. 4. How Foot should be arm'd and of the force and convenience of Men at Arms 453 Chap. 5. The difference betwixt men at arms and foot and upon which we are most to rely 454 Chap. 6. How the Souldiers were exercised 455 Chap. 7. Of what number of men and of what arms a Battalion is to consist and of exercising in Companies to make them ready either to give a charge or receive it 456 Chap. 8. Of three principal ways of drawing up a Company and putting them into a posture to fight 458 Chap. 9. The manner of rallying Souldiers after a rout and to make them face about a whole Company at a time 459 Chap. 10. To range a Company in such order that it may be ready to face the enemy on which side soever he comes 460 Chap. 11. To draw up a Company with two horns or another with a Piazza or vacuity in the middle 461 Chap. 12. Of the Baggage and Train belonging to a Company how necessary it is that they have several Officers and of the usefulness of Drums 462 Chap. 13. A discourse of the Author about military Virtue and how it is become so despicable in our days 463 Chap. 14. What number of horse are to be put into a Battalion and what proportion is to be observed for their baggage 465 Book III. CHap. 1. The order observed by the Roman Legions when a Battel was presented 466 Chap. 2. The form observed in their Battels by the Macedonian Palanx 467 Chap. 3. How the Swisses ordered their Battalions ib. Chap. 4. How the Author would make use of both Greek and Roman Arms for his Battalion and what was the ordinary Army of the Romans 468 Chap. 5. The way of drawing up a Battalion according to the intention of the Author 469 Chap. 6. The description of a Battel 470 Chap. 7. The Author's reasons for the occurrences in the Battel 471 Chap. 8. The Exercises of an Army in general 476 Book IV. CHap. 1. The considerations and subtilties to be used in the drawing up an Army to fight 478 Chap. 2. The Arts which are to be used during the Fight 481 Chap. 3. Stratagems after the Fight 482 Chap. 4. Two other ways of ranging an Army to Fight ib. Chap. 5. Of the constraint and advantage a man may have to Fight 483 Chap. 6 Directions for a General 484 Chap. 7. Which way a Battel is to be avoided though pressed never so earnestly by the Enemy ib. Chap. 8. How Souldiers are to be encouraged to fight and how they are to be cooled and asswaged when their courage is too high 485 Chap. 9. A General ought to be skilful and eloquent to persuade or dissuade as he sees occasion ib. Chap. 10. Certain considerations which encourage Souldiers and make them as virtuous as valiant 486 Book V. CHap. 1. How the Romans marched in an enemies Country and in what manner they are to be imitated 487 Chap. 2. How an Army is to be marshalled to march in an enemies Country 488 Chap. 3. How to put an Army presently into order and draw it up so as if upon a march it should be attack'd it may defend it self on all sides 489 Chap. 4. Of commands derived by word of mouth by Drums and Trumpets and of the nature of Pioneers 491 Chap. 5. Of the Provisions that are necessary for an Army ib. Chap. 6. How the Ancients divided the spoil and of the pay which they gave to their Souldiers 492 Chap. 7. To know the surprizes which are contriving against you upon your march 493 Chap. 8. One is to know the Country perfectly well thorow which he is to pass and keep his enterprizes secret ib. Chap. 9. Of certain things which are requisite upon a march 494 Chap. 10. How to avoid fighting near a River though pressed by the enemy and in what manner you may pass it ib. Chap. 11. How to make your passage thorow a streight though you be pressed by an enemy 495 Book VI. CHap. 1. What kind of places the Greeks and the Romans chose out for their Camps with a short recapitulation of what has been said before 496 Chap. 2. The form of a Camp 497 Chap. 3. Of the several Watches and Guards about the Camp 501 Chap. 4. To observe who goes and comes to the
retir'd and sought out other Countreys for their Establishment and Plantation In those days the ancient Empire of Rome was reduc'd under these Princes Zeno Governing in Constantinople Commanded the whole Empire of the East The Ostrogoti Commanded Mesia The Visigoti Pannonia The Suevi and Alani Gascoigne and Spain The Vandali Africa The Franchi and Burgundi France The Eruli and Turingi Italy The Kingdom of the Ostrogoti was devolv'd upon a Nephew of Velamir's call'd Theodorick who retaining an Amity with Zeno Emperour of the East writ him word That his Ostrogoti being in Valour superiour to other Nations they thought it injust and unreasonable to be inferiour in Territory and Command and that it would be impossible for him to confine them within the Limits of Pannonia That being therefore necessitated to comply and suffer them to take up Arms in quest of New Countreys he could do no less than give him timely advertisment that he might provide against the worst and if he pleas'd assign them some other Countrey which by his Grace and Favour they might inhabit with more Latitude and Convenience Whereupon Zeno partly out of fear and partly desirous to drive Odoacres out of Italy directed Theodorick against him and gave him that Countrey for his pains when it was his fortune to catch it Theodorick accepts the Proposition removes from Pannonia where he left the Zepidi his Friends and marching into Italy slew Odoacres and his Sâ—n call'd himself King of Rome by his Example and made Ravenna his Residence upon the same Reasons as had prevail'd before with Valentinian Theodorick was an excellent person both in War and Peace In the first he was always Victor in the last a continual Benefactor as that City and that Nation experimented often He divided his Ostrogoti into several Countreys appointing Governours over them that might Command in time of Wars and Correct in time of Peace He inlarged Ravenna and repair'd Rome and restor'd all its Priviledges except its Military Discipline Without any noise or tumult of War by his own single Wisdom and Authority he kept all the Barbarian Princes who had Cantonized the Empire in their just bounds He built several Towns and Castles between the Adriatick-Sea and the Alps to obstruct any new Incursion by the Barbarians and had not his many Virtues been sulli'd and eclipsed towards his latter end by some Cruelties he committed upon a jealousie of being depos'd as the deaths of Symmachus and Boetius both of them virtuous men do sufficiently declare his Memory would have been this day as honourable as his Person was then for by his Vertue and Bounty not only Rome and Italy but all the rest of the Western Empire was freed from the continual Conflicts which for so many years it indur'd by the frequent irruption of the Barbarians and reduc'd into good Order and Condition And certainly if any times were ever miserable in Italy and those Provinces which were over-run by the Barbarians they were the times betwixt the Reigns of Aâ—cadius and Honorius and his for if it be consider'd what inconveniences and damage do generally result to a Common-wealth or Kingdom upon alteration of Prince or Government especially if effected not by forreign force but civil dissention If it be observed how fatal the least Changes prove to Common-wealth or Kingdom how potent soever it may easily be imagin'd how much Italy and other Provinces of the Roman Empire suffer'd in those days losing not only their Government but their Laws Customs Conversations Religions Language Habits and even their Names The thoughts of any one of which things without so great an accumulation would make the stoutest heart to ake much more the seeing and feeling of them And as this was the destruction so it was the foundation and augmentation of many Cities In the number of those which were ruin'd was Aquileia Luni Chiusi Popolonia Fiesole and many others Among those which were new built were Venice Siena Ferrara l' Aquila and several other both Towns and Castles which for brevity sake I omit Those which from small beginnings became great and considerable were Florence Genoa Pisa Milan Naples and Bolonia to which may be added the ruine and reparation of Rome and several other Cities which were demolish'd and rebuilt Among these devastations and inroads of new people there sprang forth new Languages as is visible by what is us'd both in France Spain and Italy which being mixt with the Language of their Invaders and the ancient Roman is become new and clear another thing to what it was before Besides not only the Provinces lost their Names but particular places Rivers Seas and Men France Italy and Spain being full of new Appellatives quite contrary to what they were of old as the Po Garda and Archipelago for Rivers and Seas and for Men in stead of Cesar and Pompey they began to be call'd Peter Iohn Matthew c. But among all these Variations the changing of their Religions was of no less imporâ—ance for the Custome and Prescription of the ancient Faith being in combat and competition with the Miracles of the New many tumults and dissentions were created which had the Christian Church been unanimous and entire would never have happen'd but the Greek the Roman the Church at Ravenna being in contention and the Heretick with the Catholick as furiously zealous they brought great misery upon the World as Africa can witness which suffer'd more by their Arrianism which was the Doctrine of the Vandals than by all their avarice and cruelty Whilst men lived expos'd to so many persecutions the terrour and sadness of their hearts was legible in their faces for besides the multitude of Calamities they endured otherwise great part of them had not power to betake themselves to the protection of God Almighty who is the surest refuge of all that are in distress for being uncertain whither their devotions were to be directed they died miserably without any Theodorick therefore deserved no small praise who was the first which gave them respite from the multitude of their Evils and restored Italy to such a degree of Grandeur in the thirty eight years which he raigned there that there was scarce any thing to be seen of its former desolation but when he died and the Government devolv'd upon Atalaricus the Son of Amalasciunta his Sister in a short time the malice of their Fortune being not exhausted as yet they relaps'd and fell over head and ears into their old troubles again For Atalaricus dying not long after him the Kingdom fell into the hands of his Mother who was betray'd by Theodate a person she had call'd in to assist her in the Government She being remov'd and he made King to the great dissatisfaction of the Ostrogoths to whom that Usurpation had made him insufferably odious Iustinian the Emperour took courage began to think of driving him out of Italy and deputed Bellisarius his General for that Expedition who before
and it continued in that Agony several years under three Berengarii successively during which time the Pope and the Church were under no the less perturbation having no refuge to fly to by reason of the dissention among the Western Princes and the impotence of the Eastern The City of Genoa and all its Territory upon the Rivers were over-run by the Saraâ—ens which by the resort of multitudes driven thither out of their own Countrey was the foundation of the Grandeur of Pisa. These Accidents happen'd in the year DCCCCXXXI But Ottone Son of Enricus and Matilda and Duke of Saxony coming to the Empire and being a man of great reputation for his Conduct and Prudence Agabito the Pope addressed himself to him imploring his Assistance in Italy against the Tyranny of the Berengarii The States of Italy in those days were Govern'd in this manner Lombardy was under the Jurisdiction of Berengarius the Third and Albertus his Son Tuscany and Romania under the Dominion of a Governour deputed by the Emperour of the West Puglia and Calabria were part under the Greek Empire and part under the Saracens In Rome two Consuls were created out of the Nobility every year according to ancient Custome to which a Prefect was added to administer Justice to the people They had moreover a Counsel of Twelve who provided Governours annually for all Towns under their Jurisdiction The Pope had more or less power in Rome and in all Italy according as his favour was more or less with the Emperour or other persons which were more potent than he Ottone to gratifie his request came into Italy with an Army fought with the Berengarii drove them out of their Kingdom which they had injoy'd 55 years and restor'd the Pope to his former dignity Ottone had a Son and a Grand-Child of his own Name both which one after the other succeeded in the Empire and in the time of Ottone the Third Pope Gregory the Fifth was expelled by the Romans Ottone undertook a new Expedition into Italy in his behalf and having once again re-establish'd him in his Chair the Pope to be reveng'd of the Romans took from them the power of Creating the Emperours and conferr'd it upon six German Princes Three Bishops 〈◊〉 Treves and Colen and Three temporal Princes the Duke of Brandenburg the Prince Palatine of the Rhine and the Duke of Saxony and this happen'd in the year 1002. After the death of Ottone the Third Enrico Duke of Bavaria was created Emperour by the said Electors and was Crown'd twelve years after by Stephanus the Eighth Enricus and Simeonda his Wife were eminent for their Piety having as a Testimony of it built and endow'd several Churches and among the rest that of S. Miniato near the City of Florence In the year 1024 Enrico died was succeeded by Corrado of Suevia and he by Enrico II who coming to Rome and finding a Schism in the Church and three Popes in being at the same time he degraded them all and causing Clement II. to be elected was Crown'd Emperour by him Italy was then govern'd partly by the People partly by Princes and partly by the Emperours Ministers the chiefest of which to whom the rest did in all matters of importance refer had the Title of Chancellor Among the Princes the most powerful was Gottifredus Husband to the Countess Matilda who was Sister to Enricus II. She and her Husband had the possession of Lucca Parma Reggio and Mantua with all that Countery which is now call'd the Patrimony of the Church The Popes at that time had no small trouble upon their hands by reason of the ambition of the people of Rome who having at first made use of the Papal Authority to free themselves of the Emperours as soon as the Popes had taken upon them the Regiment of the City and reform'd things as they thought good themselves of a sudden they became their Enemies and they receiv'd more injury from the people than from any other Christian Prince whatsoever Rebelling and mutining at the same time the Popes by their Censures made the whole West to tremble nor was the design of either of them less than to subvert the Authority and Reputation of the one and the other Nicolas II. arriving at the Popedom as Gregory V. had taken from the Romans the priviledge of creating the Emperour so he depriv'd them of their concurrence to the Election of the Pope restraining it wholly to the suffrage of the Cardinals nor contented with this by agreement with the Princes which Govern'd at that time in Puglia and Calabria for reasons which shall be mentioned hereafter he forc'd all the Officers sent thither by the people to assert their Jurisdiction to pay Allegiance to the Pope and some of them he displaced After Nicholaus was dead there happen'd a great Schism in the Church The Clergy of Lombardy would not yeild obedience to Alexander II. who was chosen at Rome but created Cadalo of Parma Anti-Pope Enrico detesting the extravagant dominion of the Popes sent to Alexander to resign and to the Cardinals that they should repair into Germany in order to a new Election so that he was the first Prince which was made sensible of the effects of their Spiritual Fulminations for the Pope calling together a new Council at Rome depriv'd him both of his Empire and Kingdom Some of the Italians following the Pope's and some of them the Emperours party was the foundation of that famous Faction betwixt the Guelfs and Ghibilins in so much that for want of forreign inundations by the Barbarians they turn'd their Arms upon themselves and tore out their own Bowels Enrico being Excommunicated was forc'd by his own Subjects to come into Italy where bare-footed and upon his knees he begg'd his Pardon of the Pope in the year MLXXX Notwithstanding all this not long after there happen'd a new quarrel betwixt Enrico and the Pope whereupon provok'd by a new Excommunication he sent his Son Enrico with an Army who by the Assistance of the Romans whose hatred the Pope had contracted besieg'd him in his Castle but Roberto Guiscardo coming from Puglia to his relief Enrico had not the courage to attend him but rais'd his Siege and retir'd into Germany However the Romans continued obstinate and Robert was forc'd to sack the Town and reduce it to its ancient Ruines from whence by several Popes it had been lately restor'd And because from this Roberto the Model of Government in the Kingdom of Naples did proceed it will not in my judgment be superfluous to give a particular Narrative both of his Countrey and Exploits Upon the differences betwixt Charlemain's Heirs as is said before a new Northern people call'd Normans took occasion to invade France and possess'd themselves of that part of it which is now call'd Normandy Of this people part went into Italy in the time when it was infested by the Berengarii the Saracens and Hunns setling
in Romania and performing very valiantly in all those Wars Of Tancred one of the Princes of those Normans were born several Sons among which William call'd Ferabar and Roberto call'd Guiscardo were two William arriv'd to be Prince and the Tumults in Italy were in some measure compos'd But the Saracens having Sicily intire and daily invasions made upon Italy William entred into Confederacy with the Princes of Capua and Salerno and with Milorcus a Grecian who by the Emperour of Greece was deputed Governour of Puglia and Calabria to invade Sicily and in case of Victory it was agreed among them that both Prey and Countrey should be equaly divided The Enterprize was prosperous they beat the Saracens drove them out of the Countrey and possess'd it when they had done But Milorcus causing more Forces to be transported privately out of Greece seiz'd the Island for the Emperour and divided only the Spoil William was not a little disgusted but reserving his indignation for a more Convenient time he departed out of Sicily with the Princes of Capua and Salerno who having taken their leaves of him to return to their Homes in stead of marching to Romania as he pretended to them he fac'd about with his Army towards Puglia surpriz'd Melfi and behav'd himself so well against the Forces of the Emperour that he made himself Master of most part of Puglia and Calabria which Provinces at the time of Nicolas II. were Govern'd by his Brother Roberto and because he had afterward great Contention with his Nephews about the inheritance of those States he made use of the Pope's mediation who readily comply'd being desirous to oblige Roberto that he might defend him against the German Emperour and the people of Rome and it afterwards happen'd as we have said before that at the instance of Gregory VII he forc'd Enrico from Rome and suppress'd the Sedition of the Inhabitants Robert was succeeded by two of his Sons Roger and William to their Inheritance they annexed the City of Naples and all the Countrey betwixt it and Rome besides that they subdu'd Sicily of which Roger was made Lord. But William going afterwards to Constantinople to marry that Emperour's Daughter Roger took advantage of his absence seiz'd upon his Contrey and elated by so great an acquest caus'd himself first to be call'd King of Italy but afterwards contenting himself with the Title of King of Puglia and Sicily he was the first that gave Name and Laws to that Kingdom which to this day it retains though many times since not only the Royal Bloud but the Nation has been changed for upon failure of the Norman Race that Kingdom devolv'd to the Germans from them to the French from the French to the Spaniards and from the Spaniards to the Flemens with whom it remains at this present Urban II. though very odious in Rome was gotten to be Pope but by reason of the dissentions there not thinking himself secure in Italy he remov'd with his whole Clergy into France Having assembled many people together at Anvers he undertook a Generous Enterprize and by a learned Oration against the Infidels kindled such a fire in their minds they resolv'd upon an Expedition into Asia against the Saracens which Expedition as all other of the same nature was call'd afterwards Crociate because all that went along in it carry'd a red Cross upon their Arms and their Cloths The Chief Commanders in this Enterprize were Gottofredi Eustachio Alduino di Buglione Earl of Bologna and Peter the Hermit a man of singular veneration both for his prudence and piety Many Princes and Nations assisted with their Purses and many private men serv'd as Voluntiers at their own Charges So great an influence had Religion in those days upon the Spirits of Men incourag'd by the Example of their several Commanders At first the Enterprize was very successfull all Asia minor Syria and part of Egypt fell under the power of the Christians during which War the Order of the Knights of Ierusalem was instituted and continued a long time in Rhodes as a Bulwark against the Turks Not long after the Order of the Knights Templers was founded but it lasted not long by reason of the dissoluteness of their Manners At sundry times after these things upon sundry occasions many accidents fell out in which several Nations and particular men signaliz'd themselves There were ingag'd in this Expedition the Kings of England and France the States of Pisa Venice and Genoa all behaving themselves with great bravery and sighting with variety of Fortune till the time of Saladine the Saracen but his Courage and Virtue improv'd by intestine differences among the Christians robb'd them of the glory they had gain'd at the first and chased them out of a Countrey where for Ninety years they had been so honourably and so happily plac'd After the death of Pope Urban Pascal II. was chosen to succeed him and Enrico IV. made Emperour who coming to Rome and pretending great friendship to the Pope took his advantage clapt both him and his Clergy in Prison and never discharg'd them till they had impowr'd him to dispose of the Churches in Germany as he pleas'd himself About this time Matilda the Countess died and gave her Patrimony to the Church After the deaths of Pascal and Enric many Popes and many Emperours succeeded till the Papacy fell to Alexander III. and the Empire to Frederick Barbarossa a Swede The Popes of those days had many Controversies with the people of Rome and the Emperours which till the time of Barbarossa rather increas'd than otherwise Frederick was an excellent Soldier but so haughty and high he could not brook to give place to the Pope Notwithstanding he came to Rome to be Crown'd and return'd peaceably into Germany But that humour lasted but little for he return'd shortly into Italy to reduce some Towns in Lombardy which denied him obedience In this juncture Cardinal di S. Clemente a Roman born dividing from Pope Alexander was made Pope himself by a Faction in the Conclave Frederick the Emperour being then incamp'd before Crema Alexander complain'd to him of the Anti-Pope Frederick reply'd That they should both of them appear personally before him and that then hearing faithfully what each of them could say he should be better able to determine which was in the right Alexander was not at all satisfied with the Answer but perceiving the Emperour inclining to the Adversary he Excommunicated him and ran away to King Philip of France For all that Frederick prosecuted his Wars in Lombardy took and dismantled Milan Which put the Cities of Verona Padua and Venice upon a Confederacy for their Common defence In the mean time the Anti-Pope died and Frederick presum'd to Create Guidâ— of Cremona in his place The Romans taking advantage of the Pope's absence and the Emperour's diversion in Lombardy had re-assum'd something of their former Authority and began to require Obedience in the
sometimes more of their Senators with the same power The League continued all the while into which the Cities of Lombardy had entred against Frederick Barbarossa and the Cities were these Milan Brescia Mantua with the greater part of the Cities in Romagna besides Verona Vicenza Padua and Trevigi The Cities on the Emperours side were Cremona Bergamo Parma Reggio Modena and Trenta The rest of the Cities of Lombardy Romagna and the Marquisate of Trevizan took part according to their interest sometimes with this sometimes with the other party In the time of Otto III one Ezelino came into Italy of whose Loyns there remaining a Son call'd also Ezelino being powerful and rich he joyn'd himself with Frederick II who as was said before was become an Enemy to the Pope By the incouragement and assistance of this Ezelino Frederick came into Italy took Verona and Mantua demolish'd Vicenza seiz'd upon Padoua defeated the united Forces of those parts and when he had done advanc'd towards Toscany whilst in the mean time Ezelino made himself Master of the Marquisate of Trevizan Ferrara they could not take being defended by Azone da Esti and some Regiments of the Popes in Lombardy Whereupon when the Siege was drawn off his Holiness gave that City in Fee to Azone da Esti from whom those who are Lords of it at this day are descended Frederick stop'd and fix'd himself at Pisa being desirous to make himself Master of Tuscany and by the distinctions he made betwixt his Friends and his Foes in that Province rais'd such ammosites as proved afterwards the destruction of all Italy For both Guelfs and Gibilins increas'd every day the first siding with the Church the other with the Emperour and were call'd first by those Names in the City of Pistoia Frederick being at length remov'd from Pisa made great devastations and several inroads into the Territories of the Church in so much that the Pope having no other remedy proclaim'd the Croifada against him as his Predecessors had done against the Saracens Frederick left he should be left in the lurch by his own people as Frederick Barbarossa and others of his Ancestors had been before entertain'd into his Pay great numbers of the Saracens and to oblige them to him and strengthen his opposition to the Pope by a party that should not be afraid of his Cursâ—s he gave them Nocera in that Kingdom to the end that having a Râ—treat in their own hands they might serve him with more confidence and security At this time Innocent IV. was Pope who being apprehensive of Frederick remov'd to Genoa and thence into France where he call'd a Counsel at Lyons and Frederick design'd to have been there had he not been retain'd by the Rebellion of Parma Having had ill Fortune in the suppressing of that he march'd away into Tuscany and from thence into Sicily where he died not long after leaving his Son Currado in Sâ—evia and in Puglia his natural Son Manfredi whom he had made Duke of Benevento Currado went to take possession of the Kingdom died at Naples and left only one lâ—â—tle Son behind him in Germany who was call'd Currado by his own Name By which means Manfred first as Tutor to Currado got into the Government and afterwards giving out that his Pupil was dead he made himself King and forc'd the Pope and Neapolitans who oppos'd it to consent Whilst Affairs in that Kingdom were in that posture many Commotions happen'd in Lombardy betwixt the Guelfs and the Gibilins The Guelfs were headed by a Legate from the Pope the Gibilins by Ezelino who at that time had in his possession all that part of Lombardy on this side the Poe. And because while he was entertain'd in this War the City of Padoua rebell'd he caus'd 12000 of them to be slain and not long after before the War was ended died himself in the thirtieth year of his age Upon his death all those Countreys which had been in his hands became free Manfredi King of Naples continued his malevolence to the Church as his Ancestors had done before him holding Pope Urban IV. in perpetual anxiety so that at length he was constrain'd to convoke the Crociata against him and to retire into Perugiâ— till he could get his Forces together but finding them come in slowly and thin conceiving that to the overcoming of Manfred greater supplies would be necessary he address'd himself to the King of France making his Brother Charles Duke of Angio King of Sicily and Naples and excited him to come into Italy and take possession of those Kingdoms Before Charles could get to Rome the Pope died and Clement V. succeeded in his place In the said Clements time Charles with 30 Galleys arriv'd at Ostia having Ordered the rest of his Forces to meet him by Land During his residence at Rome as a Complement to him the Romans made him a Senator and the Pope invested him in that Kingdom with condition that he should pay 50 thousand Florins yearly to the Church and published a Decree that for the future neither Charles nor any that should succeed him in that Kingdom should be capable of being Emperours After which Charles advancing against Manfred fought with him beat him and kill'd him near Benâ—vento thereby making himself King of Sicily and that Kingdom Corradino to whom that State devolv'd by his Fathers Testament gathering what Forces together he could in Germany march'd into Italy against Charles and ingaging him at Tagliacozza was presently defeated and being afterwards discover'd in his flight taken and slain Italy continued quiet till the Papacy of Adrian V. who not enduring that Charles should continue in Rome and govern all 〈◊〉 he did by vertue of his Senatorship he remov'd to Vitâ—rbo and solicited Ridolfus the Emperour to come into Italy against him In this manner the Popes sometimes for defence of Religion sometimes out of their own private ambition call'd in new Men and by consequence new Wars into Italy And no sooner had they advanc'd any of them but they repented of what they had done and sought immediately to remove him nor would they suffer any Province which by reason of their weakness they were unable themselves to subdue to be injoy'd quietly by any body else The Princes were all afraid of them for whether by fighting or flying they commonly overcame unless circumvented by some Stratagem as Boniface VIII and some others were by the Emperours under pretence of Friendship and Amity Ridolfus being retain'd by his War with the King of Bohemia was not at leisure to visit Italy before Adrian was dead He which succeeded him was Nicolas the III. of the House of Ursin a daring ambitious man who resolving to take down the Authority of Charles contriv'd that Ridolfus the Emperour should complain of Charles his Governour in Tuscany of his siding with the Guelfs who after the death of Manfred had been receiv'd and protected in that Province To comply with the
effected Of this Venice is instance sufficient for though seated in a sickly and watrish place the concourse of so many people at one time made it healthfull enough Pisa by reason of the malignity of the Air was very ill inhabited till Genoa and the Inhabitants upon its Rivers being defeated and dispossess'd by the Saracens it follow'd that being supplanted all of them at once and repairing thither in such Numbers that Town in a short time became populous and potent But the Custom of sending Colonies being laid aside new Conquests are not so easily kept void places not so easily supply'd nor full and exuberant places so easily evacuated Whereupon many places in the world and particularly in Italy are become desolate and deserted in respect of what in former ages they have been which is imputable to nothing but that Princes do not retain their ancient appetite of true glory nor Common-wealths the laudable Customs they were wont In old time by the virtue and courage of these Colonies new Cities were many times built and what were new begun inlarg'd In which number the City of Florence may be reckon'd which was begun by the Inhabitans of Fiesole and augmented by the Colonies It is a true Story if Dante and Iohn Villani may be believ'd that the City of Fiesole though plac'd it self on the top of a Mountain nevertheless that their Markets might be better frequented and their Commodities brought to them with greater convenience to the Merchant they order'd them a place not on the top of the hill but in the plain betwixt the bottom of the Mountain and the Rivor Arnâ—â—s These Merchants in my judgment were the first occasion of building in that place and what was originally but Store-houses for receipt of their Commodities became afterwards a Town and place of Habitation After the Romans had Conquer'd the Carthaginians and render'd Italy safe against Forreign imbroilments they multiply'd exceedingly for men will not incommode themselves but where they are constrain'd by necessity and though the terrours of War may force them for shelter to fortify'd places and rocks yet when the danger is over their profit and convenience calls them back again to their houses and they perfer Elbow-room and Ease before any such restraint The security which follow'd in Italy upon the reputation of the Roman Common-wealth might possibly be the occasion that this place from the aforesaid beginning increasing so vastly became afterwards a Town and was call'd at first Arnina After this there arose Civil Wars in Rome first betwixt Marius and Silla then betwixt Caesar and Pompey and afterwards betwixt them that Murder'd Caesar and those which reveng'd his death By Silla first and after that by the three Roman Citizens who revenged the Assassination of Caesar and divided the Empire Colonies were sent to Fiesole all or Part of which setled in the plain not far from the Town which was already begun So that by this occasion the place was so replenish'd with Houses Men and all things necessary for Civil Government that it might be reckon'd among the Cities of Italy But from whence it assum'd the name of Florence is variously conjectur'd Some would have it call'd Florence from Florino one of the chief of that Colonie Some say it was not called Florentia but Fluentia in the beginning in respect of its nearness to the River Arno and they produce Pliny as a witness who has this Expression That the Fluentini are near to the Channel of the River Arnus But that in my opinion is a mistake because Pliny in his Book design'd to tell where the Florentines were seated not what they were call'd Nor is it unlikely but that word Fluentini might be corrupted because Frontinus and Tacitus who writ and were near contemporary with Pliny call'd the Town Florentia and the people Florentini forasmuch as they were Govern'd in the time of Tiberius according to the same Laws and Customs with the rest of the Cities in Italy and Cornelius Tacitus relates that Embassadors were sent from the Florentines to the Emperour to desire that the Waters of the River Chiane might not be disimbogued or diverted upon their Countrey neither is it reasonable to think that City could have two names at one time My opinion therefore is clear that whatever might be the occasion of its Original or Denomination it was always call'd Florentia that it was founded under the Empire of the Romans and began to be mention'd in History in the time of the first Emperours that when that Empire was first afflicted by the Barbarians Totila King of the Ostrogoti demolish'd Florence that 250 years after it was rebuilt by Carolus Magnus from whose time till the year 1215. it follow'd the fortune of the rest of Italy and was subject to those that Commanded during which it was governed first by the Successors of Charles afterwards by the Berengarii and last of all by the Emperours of Germany as has been shewn in our general discourse In those days it was not in the power of the Florentines to extend their bounds or to perform any memorable action by reason of their subjection to Forreign Dominion Nevertheless in the year 1010. on St. Romulus day which was a solemn Festival among the Fiesolani they took and destroy'd Fiesole either by the connivance of the Emperours or by the opportunity of an Interregnum betwixt the death of one Emperour and the Creation of another at which time all the Cities were free But afterwards when the Popes assum'd more Authority and the Emperours power began to diminish all the Towns in that Province began to comport themselves with less regard or reverence to their Princes so that in the year 1080. in the days of Arrigo 3. though Italy was divided betwixt him and the Church yet till the year 1215. the Florentines by submitting to the Conquerours and designing no farther than their own preservation kept themselves quiet and intire But as in the Body of Man the later they come the more dangerous and mortal are the Diseases so Florence the longer it was before it fell into the paroxysms of faction the more fatally it was afflicted afterwards when it did The occasion of its first division is considerable and being mention'd by Dante and several other Writers as remarkable I shall take the liberty to discourse of it briefly Among other great and powerful Families in Florence there were the Buondelmonti and Uberti and not long after them the Amidei and Donati In the Family of the Donati there was a Lady a Widow very rich who had a great Beauty to her Daughter The Lady had resolv'd with her self to Marry her Daughter to Messr Buondelmonte a Young Gentleman the head of that Family This intention of hers either by negligence or presuming it safe enough at any time she had not imparted to any body so that before she was aware Messr Buondelmonte was to be Married to a Daughter of the
affairs the Florentines laid the foundation of their liberty Nor is it to be imagin'd what strength and authority it acquir'd in a short time for it came not only to be the chief City in Tuscany but to be reckon'd among the Principal of all Italy and indeed there was no grandeur to which it might not have arriv'd had it not been obstructed by new and frequent dissentions Ten years together the Florenties liv'd under this Government in which time they forc'd the Pistoiesi Aretini and Sanesi to make peace with them and returning with their Army from Siena they took Volterra demolish'd several Castles and brought the Inhabitants to Florence In these Expeditions the Guelfs had the principal Conduct as being much more popular than the Ghibilines who had carried themselves imperiously during Frederick's Reign and made themselves odious or else it was because the Church party had more Friends than the Emperours as being thought more consistent with their liberty The Ghibilines in the mean time being displeased to see their Authority so sensibly decrease could not be satisfy'd but attended all occasions to repossess themselves of the Government When Manfredi the Son of Frederick King of Naples was invested in that Kingdom and had over-power'd the power of the Church conceiving it a fair opportunity they practis'd privately with him to reassume their Government but they could not manage it so cunningly but their practice was discover'd to the Antiani who summoning the Uberti thereupon the Uberti not only refus'd to appear but took Arms and fortify'd themselves in their houses at which the people being incens'd took Arms likewise and joyning with the Guelfs drove them out of Florence and forc'd the whole Ghibiline party to transplant to Siena From thence they desir'd the assistance of Manfredi King of Naples who sending them supplies by the Conduct and Diligence of Frinata of the House of Uberti the Guelfs received such a blow upon the River Arebia that those which escaped supposing their City lost fled directly to Lucca and left Florence to shift for it self Manfredi had given the Command of the auxiliaries which he sent to the Ghibilines to the Conte Giordano a Captain of no small reputation in those times Giordano after this Victory advanced with his Ghibilines to Florence reduc'd the City to the obedience of Manfredi depos'd the Magistrates and alter'd or abrogated all the Laws and Customs that might give them the least figure or commemoration of their liberty Which injury being done with little discretion was receiv'd by the people with so much detestation that whereas before they were scarce Enemies to the Ghibilines they became thereby inveterate and implacable and that mortal animosity was in time their utter destruction Being to return to Naples upon affairs of great importance to that Kindom the Conte Giordano left Comte Guido Novello Lord of Casentino in Florence as Deputy for the King This Guido Novello call'd a council of Ghibilines at Empoli wherein it was unanimously concluded that Florence should be razed being by reason the people were so rigid Guelfs the only City capable to reinforce the declining party of the Church Upon so cruel and barbarous a Sentence against so Noble a City there was not one Friend or Citizen oppos'd besides Ferinata delli Uberti who publickly and couragiously undertook its defence Declaring That he had not run so many dangers not expos'd himself to so many difficulties but to live quietly afterwards in his own Countrey nor would he now reject what he contended for so long nor refuse that which his good fortune had given him he was resolv'd rather to oppose himself against whoever should design otherwise with as much Vigour and zeal as he had done against the Guelfs and if jealousie and apprehension should prompt them to endeavour the destruction of their Countrey they might attempt if they pleas'd but he hop'd with the same Virtue which drove out the Guelfs he should be able to defend the City This Ferinata was a man of great Courage excellent Conduct Head of the Ghibilines and in no small esteem with Manfredi himself These qualifications and the consideration of his Authority put an end to that resolution and they began now to take new measures and contrive wayes of preserving the State The Guelfs who had fled to Lucca being dismiss'd by the Lucchesi upon the Counts commination they withdrew to Bologna from whence being invited by the Guelfs of Parma to go against the Ghibilines they behav'd themselves so well that by their Valour the Adversary was overcome and their possessions given to them So that increasing in Honour and Wealth and understanding that Pope Clement had call'd Carlo d' Angio into Italy to depose Manfredi if possibly They sent Embassadours to his Holiness to tender their assistance which the Pope not only accepted but sent them his own Standard which the Guelfs carry'd ever after in their Wars and is us'd in Florence to this very day After this Manfredi was beaten dispoyl'd of his Kingdom and Slain and the Guelfs of Florence having performed their share in that Action their party grew more brisk and couragious and the Ghibilines more timorous and weak Whereupon those who with Count Guido Novello were at the helm in Florence began to cast about how they might by benefits or otherwise gain and cajole the people whom before they had exasperated by all circumstances of injury But those remedies which if us'd in time before necessity requir'd might possibly have prevail'd being apply'd abruptly and too late did not only not contribute to their safty but hasten'd their ruine To coaks and insinuate with the people and their party they thought it would do much if they restor'd them to a part of that Honour and Authority which they had lost To this purpose they chose XXXVI Citizens from among the People and adding to them two Forreign Gentlemen from Bologna they gave them power to reform the State of the City as they pleas'd As soon as they met the first thing they pitcht upon was to divide the City into several Arts or Trades over each Art they plac'd a Master who was to administer Justice to all under his Ward and to every Art a Banner was assign'd that under that each Company might appear in Arms when ever the safty of the City requir'd it At first these Arts or Companies were twelve seven greater and five less the lesser increasing afterwards to fourteen their whole number advanc'd to XXI as it remains at this day The Reformation proceeding quietly in this manner and contriving many things for the common benefit of the people without interruption Count Guido thinking himself under an equal Obligation to provide for his Soldiers caus'd a Tax to be laid upon the Citizens to raise Money for their pay but he found such difficulty in the business he durst never collect it Whereupon perceiving all lost unless something was suddainly done he combin'd
Countrey against the commotion of his Friends he resolved to give way to their Envy and Banish himself from that City which he had preserv'd from the Tyranny of the Nobility by his own danger and charge The Nobility after his departure to recover their dignity which they conceived lost by the dissentions among them united and apply'd themselves by two of their Number to the Senate or Segnoria which they judg'd to be their friends to intreat them to mitigate in some measure the acerbity of those Laws which were made against them which demand was no sooner known but the people fearing the Signoria should comply began immediately to tumultuate and betwixt the ambition of the one and suspicion of the other they fell soon after to blows The Nobility stood upon their Guards in three places at St. Iohn's in the Mercato nuovo and the Piazza de Mozzi under three Commanders Forese Adinari Vanni de Mozzi and Geri Spini The people were not got together under their Ensigns in great Numbers at the Senator's Palace which at that time not far from St. Pruocolo and because the people were jealous of the Signori they deputed six Citizens to share with them in the Government In the mean time while both parties were preparing for the Combat some both of the Nobility and Commons with certain Religious persons of good Reputation interpos'd themselves remonstrating to the Nobility that the Honour they had lost and the Laws made against them were occasioned by their arrogance and ill Government that now to take Arms and betake themselves to force for the recovery of what was lost by their own dissention and ill-management would be the ruine of their Countrey and a detriment to themselves That they should consider in number riches and malice they were much inferiour to the people That that Nobility they so vainly affected by which they thought to advance others when they came to sight would prove but a meer Title and Name unable to defend them against the advantages which their Enemies had over them To the people it was represented imprudence to drive things too far and make their Adversaries desperate For he that hopes no good fears no ill That it ought to be considered their Nobility were they which had gain'd so much Honour to their City in its Wars and were not therefore in justice to be used at that rate That they could be content to have the Supream Magistacy taken from them and endure it patiently but they thought it unreasonable and insupportable to be at every bodies mercy as their new Laws rendered them and subject to be driven out of their Countrey upon every Cappriccio That it would be well to mitigate their fury and lay down their Arms rather than to run the hazard of a Battel by presumption upon their Numbers which had many times fail'd and been worsted by the less The people were divided in their Judgments some were for ingaging as a thing some time or other would necessarily be and better now than to deser till their Enemies were more powrful and if it could be imagined the mitigation of the Laws would content them they should be mitigated accordingly but their insolence and pride could never be laid by till by force they were constrain'd to 't To others more moderate and prudent it appeared that the alteration of the Laws would not signifie much but to come to a Battel might be of very great importance and their Opinion prevailing it was provided that no accusation should be admitted against a Nobleman without necessary testimony Though upon these terms both parties laid down their Arms yet their jealousies of one another were mutually retain'd and they began again to fortifie on both sides The People thought sit to re-order the Government and reduc'd their Signori to a less number as suspecting some of them to be too great favouers of the Nobility of whom the Mansini Magalotti Altoviti Peruzzi and Cerretani were the chief Having setled the State in this manner in the year 1298. for the greater Magnificence and Security of their Signori they founded their Palace and made a Piazza before it where the houses of the Uberti stood formerly About the same time also the Foundation of the Prisons were laid which in few years after were finished Never was this City in greater splendor nor more happy in its condition than then abounding both in men riches and reputation They had 3000. Citizens in the Town â—it to bear Arms and 70000. more in their Territory All Tuscany was at its devotion partly as subjects and partly as friends And though there were still piques and suspicions betwixt the Nobility and the People yet they did not break out into any ill effect but all lived quietly and peaceably together and had not this tranquillity been at length interrupted by dissention within it had been in no danger from abroad being in such terms at that time it neither feared the Empire nor its Exiles and could have brought a force into the Field equivalent to all the rest of the States in Italy But that diseasâ— from which ab extra it was secure was ingendred in its own bowels There were two Families in Florence the Cerchi and the Donati equally considerable both in numbers riches and dignity being Neighbours both in City and Countrey there happened some exceptions and disgust betwixt them but not so great as to bring them to blows and perhaps they would never have produc'd any considerable effects had not their ill humours been agitated and fermented by new occasion Among the chief Families in Pistoia there was the Family of the Cancellieri It happened that Lore the Son of Gulielmo and Geri the Son of Bertaccio fell out by accident at play and passing from words to blows Geri received a slight wound Gulielmo was much troubled at the business and thinking by excess of humility to take off the scandal he increased it and made it worse He commanded his Son to go to Geri's Fathers house and demand his pardon Lore obey'd and went as his Father directed but that act of humanity did not at all sweeten the acerbity of Bertaccio's mind who causing Lore to be seiz'd by his servants to aggravate the indignity he caused him to be led by them into the stable and his hand cut off upon the Manger with instruction to return to his Father and to let him know That wounds are not cured so properly by words as amputation Gulielmo was so enraged at the cruely of the fact as he and his friends immediately took Arms to revenge it and Bertaccio and his friends doing as much to defend themselves the whole City of Pistoia was engaged in the quarrel and divided into two parties These Cancellieri being both of them descended from one of the Cancellieri who had two Wives one of them called Bianca that party which descended from her called it self Bianca and the other in
opposition was called Nera In a short time many conflicts happened betwixt them many men killed and many houses destroyed Not being able to accommodate among themselves though both sides were weary they concluded to come to Florence hoping some expedient would be found out there or else to fortifie their parties by the acquisition of new friends The Neri having had familiarity with the Donati were espoused by Corso the head of that Family The Bianchi to support themselves against the accession of the Donati fell in with Veri the chief of the Cerchi a man not inferiour to Corso in any quality whatever The malignity of this humour being brought hither from Pistoia began to revive the old quarrel betwixt the Cerchi and Donati in such manner that the Priori and other Principal Citizens began to apprehend they should fall together by the ears and the whole City come to be divided Hereupon they applyed themselves to the Pope desiring he would interpose his Authority to asswage those differences which were too great for their private power to compose The Pope sent for Veri and prest him earnestly to a reconciliation with the Donati Veri seemed to be surprised at his importunity pretended he had no prejudice to them at all and because reconciliation presupposed a quarrel there being nothing of the latter he thought there was no necessity of the first So that Veri returning from Rome without any other conclusion the Malevolence increas'd and every little accident as it happened afterwards was sufficient to put all in confusion In the Moneth of May several Holidays being publickly celebrated in Florence certain young Gentlemen of the Donati with their friends on Horseback having stopt near St. Trinity to see certain Women that were Dancing it fell out that some of the Cerchi arrived there likewise with some of their friends and being desirous to see as well as the rest not knowing the Donati were before they spurr'd on their horses and justled in among them The Donati looking upon it as an affront drew their Swords the Cerchi were as ready to answer them and after several cuts and slashes given and received both sides retir'd This accident was the occasion of great mischief the whole City as well People as Nobility divided and took part with the Bianchi and Neri as their inclinations directed them The chief of the Bianchi were the Cerchi to whom the Adimari the Abbati part of the fosinghi the Bardi Rossi Frescobaldi Norli Mannilli all the Mozzi the Scali Gerrardinâ— Cavalcanti Matespini Bestichi Giandionati Vecchietti and Arriguelzi joyn'd themselves with these sided several of the populace and all the Ghibiline faction in Florence so that in respect of their Numbers they seem'd to have the whole Government of the City The Donati on the other side were heads of the Neri and follow'd by all the rest of the before mentioned Nobility who were not ingag'd with the Bianchi and beside them all the Parzi Bisdonini Manieri Bagnâ—sit Tornaquinci Spini Buondelmonti Gianfigliazzi and Brunelteschi Nor did this humour extend it self only in the City but infected the whole Countrey In so much that the Captains of the Arts and such as favour'd the Guelfs and were Lovers of the Commonwealth very much apprehended least this new distraction should prove the ruine of the City and the restauration of the Ghibilins Whereupon they sent to the Pope beseeching him to think of some remedy unless he had a mind that City which had been always a bulwark to the Church should be destroy'd or become subject to the Ghibilins To gratifie their request the Pope dispatch'd Matteo d' Aquasparta a Portugal Cardinal as his Legate to Florence who sinding the party of the Bianchi obstinate and untractable as presuming upon the advantage of their Numbers he left Florence in an anger and interdicted them so that the Town remained in more confusion aâ— his departure than he found it All parties being at that time very high and dispos'd to mischief it happen'd that several of the Cerchi and Donati meeting at a Burial some words pass'd betwixt them and from words they proceeded to blows but no great hurt done for that time Both sides being returned to their houses the Cerchi began to deliberate how they might fall upon the Donati and in Conclusion they went in great numbers to attack them but by the Courage of Corso they were repell'd and several of them Wounded Hereupon the City fell to their Arms the Laws and the Magistrates were too weak to contest with the fury of both parties The wisest and best Citizens were in perpetual fear The Donati and their friends having less force were more anxious and solicitous of their safety to provide for it as well as was possible At a meeting of Corso with the heads of the Neri and the Captain of the Arts it was concluded that the Pope should be desired to send them some person of the Blood Royal to reform their City supposing that way the most probable to suppress this Bianchi The Assembly and their resolution was notify'd to the Priori and aggravated against the Adverse party as a Conspiracy against their Freedom Both factions being in Arms Dante and the rest of the Signori taking Courage with great Wisdome and prudence causing the people to put themselves in Arms by Conjunction of several out of the Countrey they forc'd the heads of both parties to lay down their Arms confin'd Corso Donati and several of the faction of the Neri to their houses and that their proceedings might seem impartial they committed several of the Bianchi who afterwards upon plausible pretences were dismiss'd Corso and his accomplices were discharg'd likewise and supposing his Holiness to be their friend took a journey to Rome to perswade him personally to what by Letters they had begg'd of him before There happen'd to be at the Popes Court at that time Charles de Valois the King of France his brother call'd into Italy by the King of Naples to pass over into Sicily The Pope upon the importunity of the Florentine Exiles though sit to send him to Florence to remain there till the season of the year serv'd better for his transportation Charles arrived and though the Bianchi who had then the Supremacy were jealous of him yet being Patron of the Guelfs and deputed thither by the Pope they durst not oppose his coming but on the Contrary to oblige him they gave him full Authority to dispose of the City as he pleased Charles was no sooner invested with his Authority but he caus'd all his friends and Partizans to Arm which gave the people so great a jealousie that he would Usurp upon their Liberties that they also put themselves in Arms and stood ready every man at his door to resist any such attempt The Cerchi and the chief of the Bianchi having had the Government in their hands and managed it proudly were become generally odious which gave incouragement to Corso and the
Garrisons of his friends that though the people were very numerous and press'd hard to have enter'd them they could not prevail The Conflict was smart many kill'd and wounded on both sides and the people finding there was no entrance that way by force got into the houses of his Neighbours and through them they brake unexpectedly into his Corso finding himself inviron'd by his Enemies and no hopes of relief from Ugnccione dispairing of Victory he resolv'd to try what was possible for his Escape advancing therefore with Gherardo Bondini and several other his most faithful and valiant friends he charg'd so furiously upon his Enemies that he brake them and made his way thorow them fighting out of the Pâ—â—ta della Croce Nevertheless being pursu'd Gherardo was slain by Boccaccio Cavicciulli upon the Africa and Corso was taken Prisoner at Rouezano by certain Spanish horsmen belonging to the Signoria But disdaining the sight of his Victorious Enemies and to prevent the torments which they would probably inflict as they were bringing him back towards Florence he threw himself off his horse and was cut to pieces by one of the Company his body was gather'd together by the Monks of S. Salvi and bury'd but without any solemnity This was the sad end of that Magnanimous Person to whom his Country and the Neri ow'd much both of their good fortune and ill and doubtless had his mind been more Moderate his memory would have been more honourable however he deserves a place among the best Citizens this City did ever produce though indeed the turbulency of his Spirit caus'd his Country and party both to forget their obligations to him and at length procur'd his death and many mischiefs to them Uguccione coming to the relief of his Son in Law as far as Remoli and hearing he was taken by the people presuming he could do him no good to save his own stake he return'd back as he came Corso being dead in the year 1308. all tumults ceas'd and every body liv'd quietly till news was brought that Arrigo the Emperor was come into Italy with all the Florentinâ— Exiles in his Company whom he had promis'd to reinstate on their own Country To obviate this and lessen the number of their Enemies the Magistrates thought fit of themselves to reinvite all those who had been rebels but some few which were particularly excepted Those which were excepted were the greatest part of the Ghibilines and some of the faction of the Bianchi among which were Dante Aleghieri the Sons of Veri de Cerchi and Giano della Bella. They sent likewise to desire the assistance of Robert King of Naples but not prevailing in an amicable way without terms they gave him the Government of their City for five years upon condition he would defend them as his subjects The Emperour in his passage came to Pisa and from thence coasting along the shore he went to Rome where he was Crown'd in the year 1312 after which addressing himself to the subduction of the Florentines he marcht by the way of Perugia and Arezzo to Florence and posted himself with his Army at the Monastery of St. Salvi where he continued fifty days without any considerable exploit Despairing of success against that City he remov'd to Pisa confederated with the King of Sicily to make an Enterprize upon Naples and marched forward with his Army but whilst he thought himself sure of Victory and Robert gave himself for lost the Emperour died at Buonconvento and that Expedition miscarri'd Not long after it fell out that Uguccione became Lord of Pisa and by degrees of Lucca where he joyn'd himself with the Ghibilines and by the assistance of that faction committed great depredations upon the Neighbours The Florentines to free themselves from his Excursions desir'd King Robert that his Brother Piero might have the Command of their Army In the mean time Uguccione was not idle To increase his numbers and extend his dominion partly by force and partly by stratagem he had possess'd himself of many strong Castles in the Vallies of Arno and Nievole and having advanc'd so far as to besiege Monte Catini the Florentines thought it necessary to Relieve it left otherwise that Conflagration should consume their whole Country Having drawn together a great Army they March'd into the Val di Nievole gave battel to Uguccione and after a sharp sight were defeated In the battel they lost 2000. men besides Piero the Kings Brother whose body could never be found Nor was the Victory on Uguccione's side without some qualification he having lost one of his Sons and several Officers of Note After this disaster the Florentines fortifi'd at home as much as they could and King Robert sent them a new General call'd the Conte di Andrea with the title of Conte Novello By his deportment or rather by the Genius of the Florentines whose property it is to increase upon every settlement and to fall afterwards into factions upon every accident notwithstanding their present War with Uguccione they divided again and some were for King Robert and others against him The chief of his Adversaries were Simon della Tosa the Magalotti and other popular familes who had greatest interest in the Government These persons sent first to France and then into Germany to raise men and invite Officers that by their assistance they might be able to rid themselves of their new Governour the Conte But their fortune was adverse and neither could be procur'd Nevertheless they gave not their Enterprize over though they had been disappointed both in Germany and France they found out an Officer in Agobbio having driven out King Roberts Governour they sent for Lando from Agobbio and made him Essecutore or indeed Executioner giving him absolute power over their whole City Laudo being naturally cruel and avaritious march'd with arm'd men up and down the City plundering this place and killing in that as those who sent for him gave him directions and not content with this insolence he Coyn'd false money with the Florentine stamp and no man had the power to oppose it to such grandeur was he arriv'd by the dissention of the Citizens Miserable certainly and much to be lamented was the Condition of this City which neither the Consequences of their former divisions their apprehension of Uguccione nor the Authority of a King was sufficient to unite Abroad they were infested by Uguccione at home they were pillag'd by Laudo and yet no reconciliation The Kings friends many of the Nobility several great men of the Populace and all the Guelfs were Enemies to Laudo and his party Nevertheless the Adversary having the Authority in his hand they could not without manifest danger discover themselves however that they might not be deficient in what they were able to do towards the freeing themselves of so dishonourable a Tyranny they writ privately to King Robert to intreat that he would make Conte Guido da Buttifolle his
one of them consisting of three hundred of the Commons the other of two hundred both Commons and Gentlemen the first was call'd the Council of the People and the second the Common Council The Emperour being arriv'd at Rome he created an Anti-Pope decreed many things to the prejudice of the Church and attempted more which he was not able to carry so that at length he removed with no little disgrace from Rome to Pisa where either disdaining his Conduct or for want of their Pay eight hundred German Horse mutiny'd fortifi'd themselves at Monte Ariaro and as he was departed from Pisa towards Lombardy posses'd themselves of Lucca and drave out Francisco Castracani whom the Emperour had left Governour of the Town Being Masters of that City and their intentions to make what profit of it they could they offered it to the Florentines for twenty thousand Florins but by the advice of Simon della Tosa it was refus'd this resolution would have been much to the advantage of our City had the Florentines persever'd but changing it afterwards it prov'd much to their detriment for refusing it at that time when they might have had it so cheap they bad much more for it afterwards and were denied it which was the occasion that Florence chang'd its Government often to its great inconvenience Lucca being refus'd in this manner by the Florentines was purchased for 30000 Florins by Gherardino Spinoli a Genovese and because People are more slow and indifferent in accepting what is offer'd than in conceiving what is not as soon as it was known to be bought by Gherardini and at how cheap a rate the Florentines were much troubled they had it not themselves and blam'd all those who had any way discouraged them To buy it being too late they sought to gain it by force and to that end sent their Army to over-run and spoil the Country about it About this time the Emperour was return'd out of Italy and the Pope by Order of the Pisani sent Prisoner into France The Florentines upon the Death of Castruccio which follow'd in the year 1328 till the year 1340 continued quiet at Home Intent only upon their Wars abroad In Lombardy upon the coming of Iohn King of Bohemia and in Tuscany upon the account of Lucca they adorn'd their City likewise with many new Buildings and particularly the Tower of St. Reparata according to the directions of Giolto the most Famous Painter in his time Moreover upon an inundation of the River Arnus in the year 1333 in which the Water swelling twelve fathoms high in some places of Florence carried away several Bridges and many Houses were ruin'd they repair'd all with great care and expence But in the year 1340 this tranquillity was disturb'd and they had new occasion of alteration The Grandees of the City had two ways to maintain and increase their Authority One was by ordering the Imborsations so as the Magistracy should fall always either to them or their Friends The other was by making themselves chief in the Elections of the Rettori and thereby obliging them to be favourable to them afterwards in all their determinations And of this second way they were so fond and conceited that not content with two Rettori as they had forformerly A while after they set up a third with the Title of the Captain of the Guards in which Office they plac'd Iacomo Gabrieli d' Agobbio with absolute Power over the Citizens Iacomo in the sight of the Government committed daily many Injuries but more especially to Piero de Baldi and Bardo Frescobaldi Being Nobly descended and by consequence proud they could not endure to have a stranger do them wrong in defiance of their other Magistrates To revenge themselves of him and the Government they enter'd into a Conspiracy with several Noble and Popular Families in the City who were disgusted with their Tyranny The manner concluded upon was that every one should get as many Arm'd Men into his House as he could and that on All-Saints Day in the Morning when all the People were at Mass they should take Arms kill the Captain and the chief of their Governours and afterwards make new Magistrates and new Laws for the State But because dangerous enterprizes the more considered are always the less willingly undertaken it happens that Plots which allow too much time for their Execution are generally discover'd There being among the Conspirators a Gentleman call'd Andrea di Bardi whose fear of Punishment prevailing upon him beyond his desire of Revenge he betray'd all to Iacomo Alberti his Kinsman Iacomo imparted it immediatly to the Priori and the Priori to the Governors And because the design was so near Execution All-Saints day being at hand many of the Citizens assembled in the Palace and judging it unsafe to defer they would needs persuade the Signori to cause the great Bell to be rung and the People commanded to their Arms. Taldo Valori was at that time Gonfaloniere and Francisco Salviati one of the Signori Being Relations of the Bardi they dissuaded the sounding of the Bell alledging it was not secure to Arm the People upon trivial Occasions because Authority given to them without some power reserv'd to restrain them was never known to produce any good and that it was much easier to raise a Tumult than to suppress it They judg'd it better therefore to inquire farther into the verity of the thing and punish it rather Civilly if it appear'd to be true than in a furious and tumultuous manner to corrected it perhaps with the destruction of the whole City But these Arguments serv'd not the turn but with Vilanous language and Insolent behaviour the Signori were constrain'd to cause the Bell to be rung upon which the People immediately took Arms and away to the Piazza The Bardi and Frescobaldi perceiving they were discover'd and resolving to overcome with Honour or die without Shame betook themselves to their Arms hoping they would be able to defend that part of the City beyond the Bridge where their Houses were whereupon they broke down the Bridges and fortifi'd themselves till they should be reliev'd by the Nobility of the Country and other Persons their Friends But that design was frustrated by the People which lived among them in the same part of the City who took up Arms for the Signori finding themselves entermixt and that design not like to succeed they abandon'd the Bridges and retreated to the Street where the Bardi dwelt as stronger than the rest where they made a most valient defence Iacomo d' Agobbio knew well enough that all this Conspiracy was against him and having no great inclination to be kill'd in a terrible fright with his hair standing right up he ran to the Palace of the Signori and secur'd himself among the thickest of the Arm'd Men. The other of the Rettori though not so conscious were much more couragious especially the Podesta call'd Maffeo da Maradi
his integrity every one exhorting him to go on in finding out and punishing the fraudâ— of their Neighbours The Authority of the XX. was much lessen'd the Dukes reputation increas'd and a general fear of him overspread the whole City so that to show their affections towards him all People caus'd his Arms to be painted upon their Houses and nothing but the bare title was wanting to make him a Prince Being now in a condition as he thought of attempting any thing securely he caus'd it to be signifi'd to the Senate that for the good of the Publick he judg'd it necessary they should transfer their Authority upon him and that seeing the whole City approv'd it he desir'd he might have their resignation The Signori having long foreseen the ruine of their Country approaching were much troubled at the message They were sensible of the danger they were in yet not to be deficient in any Act of duty to their Country they refus'd him couragiously As a pretence and specimen of his Religion and humility the Duke had taken up his quarters in the Monastery of St. Croce and being desirous to give the finishing stroke to his wicked designs he by Proclamation requir'd all the People to appear before him the next morning in the Piazza belonging to that Monastery This Proclamation alarmed the Signori more than his message whereupon joyning themselves with such as were lovers both of their liberty and Country upon consideration of the Power of the Duke and that their force was insufficient it was resolv'd they should address themselves to him in an humble and supplicatory way to try if by their Pâ—ayers they might prevail with him to give his Enterprize over or else to execute it with more moderation All things being concluded part of the Signori were sent to attend him and one of them accosted him in this manner My Lord we are come hither mov'd first by your Proposal and next by your Proclamation for assembling the People presuming your resolution is to obtain that by force to which upon private application we have not consented it is not our design to oppose force against force but rather to remonstrate the burden and heaviness of that load you would take upon your self and the dangers which will probably occur And this we do that you may hereafter remember and distinguish betwixt ours and the Counsel of such as advise the contrary not so much out of respect and deference to your advantage as for the venting their own private fury and revenge Your endeavour is to bring this City into servitude which has always liv'd free because the Government has been formerly given by us to the Kings of Naples whereas that was rather an association than a subjection Have you consider'd how important and dear the Name of Liberty is to us A thing no force can extirpate no time can extinguish nor no merit preponderate Think Sir I beseech you what Power will be necessary to keep such a City in subjection All the strangers you can entertain will not be sufficient those which are Inhabitants you cannot prudently trust for though at present they are Friends and have push'd you forward upon this resolution yet as soon as they have glutted themselves upon their Enemies their next Plot will be to expel you and make themselves Princes The People in whom your greatest confidence is placed will turn upon every slight accident against you so that in a short time you will run a hazzard of having the whole City your Enemies which will infallibly be the ruine both of it and your self because those Princes only can be secure whose Enemies are but few and they easily remov'd either by banishment or death but against universal hatred there is no security because the spring and fountain is not known and he that fears every Man can be safe against no Man If yet you persist and take all possible care to perserve your self you do but encumber your self with more danger by exciting their hatred and making them more intent and serious in their revenge That time is not able to eradicate our desire of Liberty is most certain We could mention many good Cities in which it has been reassum'd by those who never tasted the sweetness of it yet upon the bare character and tradition of their Fathers they have not only valu'd but fought and contended to recover it and maintain'd it afterwards against all difficulties and dangers Nay should their Fathers have neglected or forgot to recommend it the publick Palaces the Courts for the Magistrats the Ensigns of their freedom which are of necessity to be known by all Citizens would certainly proclaim it What action of yours can counterpoize against the sweetness of Liberty For what can you do to expunge the desire of it out of the Hearts of the People Nothing at all no though you should add all Tuscany to this State and return every day into this City with new victory over your Enemies The Honor would be yours not ours and the Citizens have gain'd fellow-servants rather than subjects Nor is it the power of your deportment to establish you Let your Life be never so exact your conversation affable your judgments just your liberality never so conspicuous all will not do all will not gain you the affections of the People if you think otherwise you deceive your self for to People that have liv'd free every link is a load and every bond a burthen And to find a state violently acquir'd to accord quietly with its Prince though never so good is impossible of necessity one must comply and frame it self to the other or else one must ruine and destroy the other You have this therefore to consider whether you will hold this City by violence for which all the Guards and Citadels within and all the friends could be made abroad have been many times too weak â— or be content with the Authority we give you to which last we do rather advise because no Dominion is so durable as that which is voluntary and the other however your ambition may disguise it will but conduct you to a height where being neither able to advance nor continue you must tumble down of necessity to your own great detriment as well as ours But the Dukes heart was too hard for such impressions as these He reply'd That it was not his intention to extirpate but to establish their Liberty that Cities divided were the only Cities that were servile and not those that were united That if he by his conduct could clear their City of their Schisms Ambitions and Animosities he could not be said to take away but to restore their liberty That he did not assume that Office out of any ambition of his own but accepted it at the importunity of several of the Citizens and that they would do well to consent themselves as their fellows had done That as to the dangers he was like to incur he
troubled himself hitherto in vain he resolv'd to tempt his fortune no farther and so retir'd peaceable to his house The conflict in the mean time in the Market-place betwixt the People and the Dukes party was great and though the Dukes Creatures were reinforc'd from the Palace yet they were beaten part taken Prisoners and part leaving their Horses to their Enemies got on foot into the Palace Whilst the contest continu'd in the Market-place Corso and Amerigo Donati with part of the People broke up the Stinche burn'd the Records of the Potesta and publick Chamber sack'd the Houses of the Rettori and kill'd all the Dukes Officers they could meet with The Duke on the other side finding he had lost the Piazza the whole City was become his Enemy and no hopes left him of being reliev'd He resolv'd to try if by any act of kindness or humanity he might work upon the People Calling his Prisoners therefore to him with fair and gentle language he gave them their liberty and made Antonio Adimari a Knight though not at all to his satisfaction he caus'd his Ensign to be taken down and the Standard of the People to be set up upon the Palace Which things being done unseasonably and by force they avail'd but little In this manner he remain'd block'd up in his Palace not at all delighted with his condition having coveted too much formerly he was now like to lose all and in a few days was in danger of being famish'd or slain The Citizens to give some form to their Government assembled themselves in the S. Reparata and created XIV Citizens half of the Nobility and half of the People who with their Bishop should have full Power to model and reform the State as they pleas'd The Authority of the Potesta they committed to VI Persons of their own election which they were to exercise till he that was elected should come There were at that time many strangers resorted to Florence in assistance to that City among the rest the Siennesi had sent six Embassadors of honorable condition in their own Countrey to negotiat a peace betwixt the Duke and the People The People refus'd any overture unless Guglielmo da Scesi his Son and Cerrettieri Bisdomini were deliver'd into their hands which the Duke obstinatly deny'd till the threats of those who were shut up with him in the Palace constrain'd him to consent Greater doubtless is the insolence and contumacy of the People and more pernicious the mischiefs which they do whilst they are in pursuit of their Liberty than when they have acquir'd it Guglielmo and his Son were brought forth and deliver'd up among thousands of their Enemies his Son was a young Gentleman not yet arriv'd at eighteen years of age yet neither his youth his comliness nor innocence were able to preserve him those who could not get near enough to do it whilst he was alive wounded him when he was dead and as if their swords had been partial and executed the dictates of their fury with too much moderation they fell to it with their teeth and their hands biting his flesh and tearing it to pieces And that all their Senses might participate in their revenge having feasted their ears upon their groans their eyes upon their wounds and their touch upon their bowels which they rent out of their bodies with their hands their taste must likewise be treated and regal'd that their inward parts as well as their outward might have a share of the Ragoust This Barbarous outrage how fatal soever it was to them two was very lucky to Cerrettieri for the People being tyr'd in the formalities of their execution forgot they had any more to punish and left him in the Palace not so much as demanded from whence the next night he was safely convey'd by his Relations and friends The People having satiated themselves upon the Blood of those two the peace was concluded the Duke to depart safely himself and all that belong'd to him for which he was to renounce all his Claim and Authority in Florence and to ratify his renunciation when he came out of the Florentine Dominions to Casentino The Articles being agreed on the VI. of August attended by a multitude of Citizens the Duke departed from Florence and arriv'd at Casentino where he ratify'd the renuntiation but so unwillingly that had not Conte Simone threatned to carry him back to Florence it had never been done This Duke as his actions demonstrate was covetous cruel difficult of access and insolent in his answers Not being so much effected with the kindness and benevolence of People as with their servitude and servility he chose to be fear'd rather than belov'd Nor was the shape and contexture of his Body less contemptible than his manners were odious He was very little exceeding black his beard long and thin not apart about him but concurr'd to make him despicable In this manner the exhorbitancies of his administration in ten Months time depriv'd him of his Dominion which had been plac'd upon him by the Counsels of ill Men. These accidents happening thus in the City all the Towns under the jurisdiction of Florence took courage and began to stand up for their liberty so that in a short time Arrezzo Castiglione Pistoia Volterra Colle St. Gimignano rebell'd and the whole territory of Florence after the example of its Metropolis recover'd its freedom After the Duke and his Creatures were removed the XIV chief Citizens and the Bishop consulting together thought it better to pacify the People with peace than to provoke them again by War and therefore pretended to be as well pleas'd with their liberty as their own They sent Embassadors therefore to Arrezzo to renounce the Authority they had over them and to enter into an alliance of amity with them that though they might not hereafter command them as subjects they might upon occasion make use of them as friends With the rest of the Cities they made as good terms as they could retaining amity with them all This resolution being prudently taken succeeded very happily for in a few months Arrezzo and all the other Towns return'd to their Obedience and it is frequently seen to decline or renounce things voluntarily is the way to gain them more readily and with less danger and expence than to pursue them with all the passion and impetuosity in the World Affairs abroad being compos'd in this manner they apply'd themselves to a settlement at home and after some debates and alterations betwixt the Nobility and the People it was concluded the third part of the Signoria â—r Senat should consist of the Nobility and half the other Magistracies to be executed by them The City as is said before was divided into six parts out of which sixth six Signori were chosen one out of every sixth only by accident now and then their number was increas'd to XII or XIII and reduc'd it again to six afterwards at length they
told them as follows That being made Gonfaloniere he did not think he had been design'd for the Cognizans and determination of private Causes which have their peculiar Iudges but to superintend the State to correct the insolence of the Grandees and to moderate and rectifie such Laws as were found prejudicial nay destructive to the Common-wealth That in both cases he had been diligent to the utmost and imployed himself with all possible industry but the perversness and malevolence of some men was so untractable and contrary to his good designs they did not only hinder him from perpetrating any â—hing for the benefit of the publick but they denied him their Counsel and refused for to bear him Wherefore finding it was not in his power to be any way beneficial to his Country he knew not for what reason or with what confidence he should continue in an Officâ— which either he did not really deserve or of which he was thought unworthy by others For this cause his intention was to retire and leave the people to the election of another who might be more vertuous or more fortunate than he And having said he departed from the Council towards his own house Those of the Council who were privy to the design and others desirous of novelty raised a tumult thereupon to which the Senators and Colledges immediately resorted and meeting their Gonfaloniere they prevailed with him partly with their authority and partly with their intreaty to return to the Council which by that time was in great confusion many of the Noble Citizens had been threatened and injuriously treated and among the â—est Carlo Strozzi had been taken by the buttons by an Artificer and doubtlesly slain had not the standers-by interposed and with some difficulty sav'd him But he which made the greatest hubub and put the City in Arms was Benedetto de gli Alberti who from a window of the Palace cry'd out aloud to the people to Arm Upon which the Piazza was fill'd with arm'd men immediately and the Colledges did that out of fear which they had denied upon request The Captains of the parties had in the mean time got together what Citizens they could to advise what was to be done against this Decree of the Senate But when they heard of the tumult and understood what had passed in Council they all of them slunk back to their houses Let no man that contrives any alteration in a City delude himself or believe that he can either stop it when he will or mannage it as he pleases Salvestro's intention was to have procur'd that Law and setled the City But it fell out quite otherwise for their humours being stir'd every man was distracted the shops shut up the Citizens assaulted in their houses several remov'd their goods into the Monestaries and Churches to secure them all people expecting some mischief at hand The whole Corporation of the Arts met and each of them made a Syndic Hereupon the Priori call'd their Colledges and were in Counsel a whole day together with the Syndics to find out a way to compose their disorders to the satisfaction of all parties but being of different judgments nothing was agreed The next day the Arts came forth with Ensigns displaid which the Senate understanding and doubting what would follow they call'd a Counsel to prevent the worst which was no sooner met but the tumult increased and the Ensigns of the Arts marched up into the Piazza with Colours flying and store of arm'd men at their heels Thereupon to satisfie the Arts and the multitude and if possible to dispel that cloud of mischief which was impending the Council gave General power which in Florence is called Balia to the Senators Colledges the Eight the Captains of the Parties and the Syndics of the Arts to reform the State as they should think most advantagious for the publick Whilst these things were in agitation some of the Ensigns of the Arts joyning themselves with some of the rabble being stimulated by certain persons who were desirous to revenge themselves of some late injuries which they had received from the Guelfs stole away from the rest went to the Palace of Lapo da Castiglionchio broke into it plunderd it and burned it Lapo upon intelligence of what the Senate had done in contradiction to the orders of the Guelfs and seeing the people in Arms having no variety of choice but either to hide or to fly he absconded first in S. Croce but afterwards fled away to Casentino in the disguise of a Frier where he was often heard to complain of himself for having consented to Piero de gli Albizi and of Piero for having protracted their attempt upon the Government till S. Iohn's day Piero and Carlo Strozzi upon the first noise of the tumult hid themselves only presuming when it was over they had relations and friends enough to secure their residence in Florence The Palace of Lapo being burn'd mischiefs being more easily propagated than begun several other houses ran the same fate either out of publick malice or private revenge and that the greediness and rapacity of their Companions might if possible out-do theirs they broke up the Goals and set the prisoners at liberty and after this they sack'd the Monastery of Agnoli and the Convent di S. Spirito to which many Citizens had convey'd much of their goods Nor had the publick Chamber escap'd their violence had not the awe and reverence of one of the Signori defended it who being on horse-back with some persons in Arms attending him opposed himself in the best manner he could against the fury of the people which being appeased in some measure either by the authority of the Signori or the approach of the night the next day the Balia indemnified the Ammoniti with proviso that for three years they should not exercise any Magistracy in that City They rescinded those Laws which were made in prejudice to the Guelfs They proclaimed Lapo da Castiglionochio and his accomplices Rebels after which new Senators were chosen and of them Luigâ— Guicciardini was made Gonfaloniere Being all lookt upon as peaceable men and lovers of their Country great hopes were conceived the tumult would have ceased notwithstanding the shops were not opened the people stood to their Arms and great Guards kept all over the City so that the Signori entred not upon the Magistracy abroad with the usual pomp but privately within doors and without any ceremony at all These Senators concluded nothing was so necessary nor profitable for the publick at the begining of their Office as to pacifie the tumult whereupon by Proclamation they requir'd all Arms to be laid down all shops to be opened and all persons who had been call'd out of the Country to the assistance of any Citizen to depart They disposed Guards in several places of the Town and ordered things so that if the Ammoniti could have been contented the whole City would have been quiet
But they not being satisfied to attend three years before they should be capable of Office the Arts in favour to them got together again and demanded of the Senate that for the future no Citizen might be admonished as a Ghibilin by either the Senate the Colledge the Captains of the Parties the Consuls or Sindic's of any Art whatsoever requiring likewise that new imborsation might be made of the Guelfs and the old one be burn'd Their demands were presently accepted both by the Senate and Counsels supposing thereupon their new tumult would have ceased But those that are covetous and impatient for revenge are not to be satisfied with bare restitution Such as desired disorder to inrich and wreck themselves upon their enemies persuaded the Artificers they could never be safe unless many of their adversaries were banished ot destroyed Which practices being remonstrated to the Senate they caused the Magistrates of the Arts and the Sindic's to appear before them to whom Luigi Guicciardini the Gonfaloniere spake in this maner If these Lords and my self had not long since understood the fortune of this City and observed that its Wars abroad were no sooner determined but it was infested with new troubles at home we should have more admired and more resented the tumults Which have happened but things that are familiar carrying less terror along with them we have born the late passages with more patience especially considering we were not at all conscious to their beginning and had reason to hope they would have the same end as former tumults have had upon our condescension to their great and their numerous demands But finding to our Sorrow you are so far from composing your thoughts or acquiescing in what has been granted that you are rather exasperated and conspire new injury against your fellow Citizens and endeavour to banish them we must needs say the ignobleness of your proceedings provokes us to displeasure And certainly had we imagin'd that in the time of our Magistracy our City should have been ruin'd either in siding with or against you we should have declin'd that honour and freed our selves from it either by banishment or flight But supposing we had to do with people not utterly destitute of humanity and void of all affection to their Country we willingly accepted of the preferment as hoping by the gentleness of our deportment to be too hard for your ambition and violence But we see now by unhappy experience the mildness of our behaviour and the readiness of our condescensions do but inhanse and elate you and spur you on to more dishonourable demands We say not this to disgust but to inform you let others represent to you what will please it shall be our way to remonstrate what is profitable Tell me upon your words what is there more that you can justly desire of us You proposed to have the Captains of the Parties devested of their authority it is done Yov mov'd the old imborsations might be burn'd and new ones decreed to supply them we consented You had a mind the Ammoniti should be re-admitted to places of honour and trust we granted it Upon your intercession we pardoned those who had burned houses and rob'd Churches and to satisfie you have sent several of our principal Citizens into Exile To gratifie you the Grandees are circumscrib'd with new Laws and all things done that might satisfie you what end therefore will there be of your demands Or how long will you abuse the liberty you enjoy Do you not perceive that we can be overcome with more patience then you can subdue us What will be the conclusion or whither will your dissentions hurry this poor City Can you have forgot how Castruccio an inconsiderable Citizen of Luca taking advantage of the divisions possessed himself of it Do not you still remember that the Duke of Athens from a private person became your Lord and your Sovereign and all from our own differences at home Whereas when we were united the Arch-Bishop of Millan nor the Pope himself were able to hurt us but were glad after several years War to lay down with dishonour Why then will you suffer your own discords in time of Peace too to bring a City into slavery which so many potent enemies in time of War were not able to captivate What can you expect from your divisions but servitude What from the goods you have or shall hereafter take violently from your neighbours but poverty The persons you plunder are they who by our care and appointment supply the City with all things and if it be defeated of them what can we do to sustain iâ— What-ever you gain being unjustly acquir'd you can hardly preserve from whence famine and poverty must necessarily follow These Lords therefore and my self do command and if it be consistent with our Dignity intreat and beseech you that you would compose your selves for this once and be content with our pass'd condescensions or if they be too little and there remains still something to be granted that you would dâ—sire it civilly and not with the force and clamour of a tumult and if your request be just you will not only be gratified but occasion taken away from wicked men to ruine your Country under your shelter and pretence These words being true had great influence upon the people insomuch that they return'd their thanks to the Gonfaloniere acknowledged that he had behav'd himself like a good Lord to them and a good Citizen to the City and promised their obedience to what-ever he commanded To breake the ice the Signori deputed two Citizens for each of the chiefest Offices to consult with the Syndic's of the Arts what in order to the publick good was most fit to be reformed and to report it to the Senate But whilst these things were transacting a new tumult broke out which put the City into more trouble than the former The greatest part of the robbery and late mischief was committed by the rabble and rascallity of the people and of them those who had been most eminently mischievous apprehended when the greater differences were reconcil'd they might be questioned punished for the crimes they had committed and as it always happens be deserted by those very persons who instigated them at first to which was added a certain hatred the inferior sort of the people had taken against the richer Citizens and the Principals of the Arts upon pretence that they were not rewarded for the service they had done with proportion to their deserts For when as in the time of Charles the First the City was divided into Arts every Art had its proper Head and Governour to whose jurisdiction in Civil cases every person in the several Arts were to be subject These Arts as we said before were originally but XII afterwards they increased to XXI and grew to that power and authority that in a few years they ingrossed the whole Government of the City and because among
and created eight Commissioners with their Ministers and dependants to gain themselves reverence and reputation so as at that time the City had two Tribunals and were governed by two distinct Administrations Among the Commissioners it was resolv'd that eight persons to be chosen by the body of the Arts should be always resident in the Palace with the Senators to give Sanction to what-ever the Signori resolv'd upon They took from Salvestro de Medici and Michaele de Lando what-ever in their former Counsels they had conferred upon them assigning several Offices and pensions to many of their friends to support the Dignity of their imployments Having concluded in this manner among themselves to make all the more valid they sent two of their Members to the Senate to demand their confirmation otherwise to let them know that what they could not obtain by civil application they were able to do by force These two Commissioners delivered their message to the Senate with great confidence and presumption upbraiding the Gonfaloniere by his Office and other honours which he had received from them and that in return he had most ungratefully behav'd himself towards them and coming at the end of their objurgation to threaten him Michaele unable to indure so great insolence more sutably to the Majesty of his Place than the meaness of his Birth resolved by some extraordinary way to correct such extraordinary impudence and drawing his sword he cut them very much and caused them afterwards to be manacled and imprisoned This action of the Gonfaloniere was no sooner known but it put all the multitude in a flame and believing they should be able to gain that by violence which they could not compass without they immediately to their Arms and march'd round about the Palace to find where with most advantage they might fall on Michaele on the otherside suspecting the worst resolved to be before-hand as judging it more honourable to fall upon them abroad than to expect them within the walls till they fell upon him and forced him out of the Palace as they had done his Predecessors with great shame and dishonour Gathering therefore together a great number of Citizens who having found their error were resorted to him he marched out as strong as he could on horse-back and advanced to fight them as far as new S. Maries The people as I said before were as forward as he and marching about towards the Palace to take their advantage it happened Michaele made his sally at the same time and they missed one another Michaele returning found the people had possessed themselves of the Piazza and were storming the Palace whereupon he charged them so smartly on the rear that he brake them immediately some of them he chaced out of the City and forced the rest to throw down their Arms and hide themselves This victory being obtained the tumult dissolved and the City became quiet and all by the single valour of the Gonfaloniere who for Courage Generosity and Prudence was superiour to any Citizen of his time and deserves to be numbered among the few Benefactors to their Country for had he been ambitious or ill-disposed the City had lost its liberty and relapsed into greater tyranny than that in the time of the Duke of Athens But his goodness would not admit a thought against the good of the publick and his prudence managed things so that many submitted to him and the rest he was able to subdue These passages amazed the common people and put the better sort of Artificers into an admiration of their own stupidity who could not endure the grandeur of the Nobility were now forced to truckle to the very skum of the people When Michaele had this good fortune against the people at the same time new Senators were drawn two of which were of so vile and abject condition every body desired to quit themselves of so infamous a Magistracy Whereupon the first day of September when the Signori made the first entrance upon their Office the people being so thick that the Palaci was full of arm'd men there was a cry sent forth from among them that no Senator should be made out of the meaner sort of the people and in satisfaction to them the Senate degraded the other two one of which was called Tira and the other Boraccio and in their places Georgio Scali and Francesco di Michaele were elected Afterwards they dissolved the Corporations of the meaner Trades and of all their dependants only Michaele di Lando Ludovico di Puccio and some few other were excepted They divided the Magistracy into two parts one for the greater the other for the lesser sort of Arts. Only it was concluded the Senate should contain five of the lesser Arts and four of the greater the Gonfaloniere to be chosen sometimes out of one and sometimes out of the other This Constitution and Establishment setled the City for a while and although the Government was taken out of the hands of the people yet the Artificers of the meanest quality had more power than the popular Nobility who were forced to comply to satisfie the Arts and divide them from the baser sort of people This was much approved by those who desired the faction of the Guelfs which had handled several of the Citizens with so great violence might be depressed among the rest which were advanced by this new model Giorgio Scali Benedetto Alberti Salvestro de Medici and Tomaso Strozzi were made as it were Princes of the City These proceedings exasperated the jealousies betwixt the popular Nobility and the meaner sort of people by the instigation of the Ricci and Albizi of which two parties because we shall have frequent occasion to discourse many sad and great actions happening afterwards betwixt them we shall for better distinction call one of them the Popular and the other the Plebeian Party for the future This Government continued three years with frequent examples both of banishment and death for those who were at the helm knowing there were many male-contents both within the City and without lived in perpetual fear They who were discontented within attempted or conspired every day something or other against the State Those without having no restraint upon them by means sometimes of this Prince sometimes of this Common-wealth raised several scandals both of the one side and the other At that time Giannozzo da Salerno General for Carlo Durazzo who was descended from the King of Naples happened to be at Bologna attending a design which they said Durazzo had undertaken against Queen Giovanna at the instigation of the Pope who was her mortal enemy There were in Bologna at the same time several Exiles from Florence who held strict intelligence both with Pope Urban and Carle which was the cause that those who governed in Florence living in great jealousie gave credit easily to the calumniations of all those Citizens that were suspected During this general apprehension news was brought
to the Magistrate that Gionnozza da Salerno with the assistance of all those who were banished was to march down with his Army against Florence and that several in the City had ingaged to take Arms in his behalf and to deliver up the Town Upon this information many were accused in the first place Piero de gli Albizi and Carlo Strozzi were named and after them Capriano Mangioni Iacopo Sacchetti Donato Barbadori Philippo Strozzi and Giovanni Anselmi all which were secured except Carlo Srozzi who escaped and that no-body might dare to take Arms for their rescue the Senate deputed Tomaso Srozzi and Benedetto Alberti with a competent number of Souldiers to secure the City The Prisoners being examined and their charge and answer compared they were found not Guilty and the Captain refused to condemn them hereupon those who were their enemies incensed the people so highly against them that in a great fury they forced the Captain to condemn them Neither could Piero de gli Albizi be excused either for the greatness of his Family or the antiquity of his Reputation he having a long time been the most feared and the most reverenced Citizen in Florence Whereupon either some of his true friends to teach him moderation in the time of his greatness or some of his enemies to check and alar'm him with the unconstancy of fortune at a great Treat which he had made for several of the Citizens sent him a salver of Comfits among which a nail was privately conveyed which being discovered in the dish and viewed by the whole Table it was interpreted as an admonishment to him to fix the wheel of his fortune for being now at the height if its rotation continued he must of necessity fall to the ground which interpretation was verified first by his fall and then by his death After this execution the City remained full of confusion both Conquerors and Conquered being affraid but the saddest effects proceeded from the jealousie of the Governors every little accident provoking them to new injuries against the Citizens by condemning admonishing or banishing them the Town to which may be added the many new Laws and Ordinances which they made to fortifie their authority which were executed with great prejudice to all such as were suspected by their party for by them 66 were commissioned with the assistance of the Senate to purge the Common-wealth of such people as they thought dangerous to the State These Commissioners admonished 39 Citizens several of the Populace and debased many of the Nobles and to oppose themselves more effectually against foreign invasions they entertained into their pay an English man called Iohn Aguto and excellent Officer and one who had commanded in Italy for the Pope and other Princes a long time Their alarms from abroad were caused by intelligence that Carlo Durazzo was raising several Companies for the invasion of the Kingdom of Naples and the Florentine Exiles joyned with him in the Expedition but to obviate that danger they provided not only what force but what mony was possible and when Carlo came with his Army to Arrezzo the Florentines being ready with fourty thousand Florines to receive him he promised he would not molest them After he had received their money he proceeded in his enterprise against Naples and having taken the Queen he sent her Prisoner into Hungary His Victory there suggested new jealousie into the Governors of Florence they could not imagine their money could have greater influence upon the King than the friendship his Family had long maintained with the Faction of the Guelfs who were undone by him Apprehensions increasing at this rate enormities increased with them which were so far from extinguishing their fears that they were exceedingly multiplied and the greater part of the City were in great discontent To make things worse the insolence of Giargio Scali and Tomaso Strozzi were added who being grown more powerful than the Magistrate every one feared lest by their conjunction with the Plebeians they should be ruined Nor did this Government seem violent and tyrannical to good men only but to the seditious and debauched for this arrogance of Giorgio's being some time or other of necessity to have an end it happened that Giovanni di Cambio was accused by one of his acquaintance for practising against the State but upon examination Cambio was found innocent by the Captain and the Judge gave sentence that the Informer should suffer the same punishment which should have been inflicted on the other had his charge been made good Giorgio interposed with his intreaties and authority to preserve him but not prevailing he and Tomaso Strozzi with a number of arm'd men rescued him by force plundered the Captains Palace and forced him to hide himself This action made the whole City detest him put his enemies upon contriving his destruction and Plotting which way they might redeem the City out of his hands and the Plebeians who for three years together had had the command of it To this design the Captain gave the opportunity for the tumult being appeased he went to the Senate and told them That he had chearfully accepted the Office to which they had elected him presuming he had served Persons of Honour and Equity who would have taken Arms to have promoted and vindicated Iustice rather than to have obstructed it but his observation and experience had acquainted him with the Governors of the City and their manner of conversation that dignity which so willingly he had taken up for the benefit of his Country to avert the danger and detriment impending he was as ready to lay down The Captain was sweetned by the Senate and much confirmed by a promise made to him of reparation for what he had suffered already and security for the future Hereupon several of them consulting with such of the Citizens as they thought greatest lovers of their Country and least suspicious to the state it was concluded that they had now a fair opportunity to redeem the City of the clutches of Giorgio and his Plebeians most people having alienated their affections from him upon his last insolence and the best way would be to improve it before they had time to reconcile for they knew the favour of the people was to be lost and gained by the least accident in the World For the better conduct of their affairs it was thought necessary that Benedetto Alberti should be drawn into the Plot without whose concurrence the enterprize would be dangerous This Benedetto was a very rich man courteous sober a true lover of his Country and one infinitely dissatisfied with the irregularity of their ways so that it was no hard matter to persuade him to any thing that might contribute to the ruine of Giorgio for that which had made him before an enemy to the Popular Nobility and the faction of the Guelfs was the insolence of the one and the tyranny of the other and afterwards finding the heads of the multitude no
being publickly known it was publickly oppos'd and so far neglected in the Councils that to make them sensible how difficult a matter they had undertaken and to render them odious to the people order was given that the Taxes should be collected with all strictness and severity and in case of opposition it should be lawful for any man to kill him who resist an Officer Whereupon many sad accidents ensued among the Citizens many being wounded and not a few slain so that it was believ'd the Parties would have proceeded to Blood and every sober man apprehended some mischief at hand The Grandees haveing been accustomed to be favour'd could not endure that strictness and the others thought it but just to have all taxed proportionably In these confusions several of the Prime Citizens met and concluded to take the Government upon themselves because their backwardness and remisness had given the multitude confidence to reprehend actions of the State and reincourag'd such as were wont to be the heads of the people After many Cabals and frequent discourses among themselves it was propos'd to meet altogether at a time which they did above LXX of them in the Church of St. Stephano by the connivance of Lorenzo Ridolfi de Fidi and Francesco Gianfigliazzi two of the Senate Giovanni de medici was not at the meeting either not being call'd as a Person in whom they could put no confidence or refusing to come being contrary to his judgment Rinaldo de gli Albizi made a Speech to them all He remonstrated to them the condition of the City how by their negligence the Authority was relaps'd to the people which in the year 1381 their Fathers had taken out of their hands he represented the iniquity of the Government from 1377. to the year 1380. and remember'd them how in that Interim many there present had had their Fathers and Relations kill'd That now the dangers were the same and the disorders no better That the multitude had already impos'd a Tax as they pleas'd and would doubtless by degrees unless greater force or better order was taken to prevent them create Magistrates at their pleasure which if they should do they would usurp their places and ruine a State which for 42 years together had flourish'd with much honour and reputation to the City and Florence fall under the Government of the multitude one half in perpetual luxury and the other in fear or else under the Tyranny of some single Person that should usurp Wherefore he assured himself that whoever was a lover of Honor or his Country would think himself oblig'd to resent it and be put in mind of the Virtue of Bardo Mancini who with the destruction of the Alberti rescued the City from the same dangers and as the occasion of that boldness and incroachment of the multitude proceeded from negligence and remissness in the Magistrate the Palace of the Senate being full of new and inferior men he concluded the best way to remedy it would be to do as they did then to restore the the Government to the Grandees to clip the wings of the inferiour Trades by reducing them from XIV to VII By which means their authority in the Councils would be retrench'd both by the diminution of their number and the restauration of the Nobility who upon the old score of animosity would be sure to keep them under adding that it was great Wisdom to make use of all people opportunity and according to the convenience of their time for if their fore-fathers had done prudently to make use of the multitude to correct the insolence of the Grandees it would be no less discretion now the people were grown insolent and the Nobility under hatches to make use of the Nobility to reduce them to their balance which might be two ways effected either by artifice or force for some of them being in the Commission of Ten it was in their power to bring what numbers they thought good into the City and to dispose them as they pleasâ—d without any observation Rinaldo was much applauded his Counsel by every Body approv'd and Urano among the rest return'd this answer That indeed all that had been said by Rinaldo was true his remedies good and secure when applyable without manifest division of the City and that might be done exactly if Giovanni de Medici could be drawn to their party if he were separated from them the people might rise but could do nothing for want of a head but whilst he was firm to them nothing was to be done without force and if they should betake themselves to that he could not but foresee a double danger either of not gaining the Victory or not injoying it when it was got He modestly remember'd them of his former advices and how they had neglected to prevent these difficulties in time which might easily have been done But that now he thought it unpracticable unless some way could be found to gain Giovanni to their party Hereupon Rinaldo was deputed to attend Giovanni and try what might be done He waited upon him and press'd him with all the arguments he could use to joyn with them and that he would not by favouring and indulging the people make them insolent and sawcy to the ruine both of the City and Government To which Giovanni reply'd That it was the Office of a wise and good Citizen at least in his judgment to preserve the ancient laws and customs of a City nothing being more injurious than those alterations that many being offended it must necessarily follow many must be discontented and where many are so some ill accident or other is daily to be expected That in his opinion this resolution of their's would be subject to two most pernicious effects The first by conferring honors upon them who having born none of them before would understand less how to value them and by consequence complain less for the want of them The other in taking them away from those who have been accustomed to them and would assuredly never be quiet till they be restor'd to them again So that the injury to one party will be greater than the benefit to the other the author of the change gains fewer Friends than Enemies and the latter be much more industrious to do him a mischief than the former to defend him Men being naturally more prone to revenge than gratitude loss for the most part being in the one but profit or pleasure always in the other Then turning about to Rinaldo he said And you Sir if you would recollect what has pass'd and with what cunning and subtilty things have been formerly transacted in this City you would be cooler and less hasty in this resolution for who ever advis'd it as soon as with your power he has divested the people of their Authority be will usurp upon you and become your Enemy by the same means you intend to oblige him Nor will it fall out better to you than it
Men pull'd it down upon their heads There was a person who for a long time had serv'd the Florentines in their Wars against the Duke his name was Nicolo Fortebraccio Son of a Sister of Braccio da perugia This Nicolo was disbanded upon the Peace and at the time of these accidents at Volterra had his quarters at Fucecchio so that the Commissioners made use of him and his Souldiers in that enterprize It was believ'd that whilst Rinaldo was engag'd with him in that War he had persuaded Nicolo upon some pretended quarrel to fall upon the Lucchesi assuring him that if he did he would order things so in Florence that an Army should be sent against Lucca and he have the command of it Volterra being reduc'd and Nicolo return'd to his old Post at Fucecchio either upon Rinaldo's instigation or his own private inclination in Novem. 1429. with 300 Horse and 300 Foot he surpriz d Ruoti and Compito two Castles belonging to the Lucchesi and afterwards falling down into the plain he made great depredation The news being brought to Florence the whole Town was in uproar and the greatest part was for an expedition against Lucca Of the chief Citizens which favour'd the Enterprize there were all the Medici and Rinaldo who was prompted thereto either out of an opinion it would be for the advantage of that Common-Wealth or out of an ambition to be made head of it himself Those who oppos'd it were Nicolo da Uzano and his party And it seems an incredible thing that in one City upon one occasion there should be such contrariety of Judgments For the same people who after ten years Peace oppos'd the War against Duke Philip which was undertaken in defence of their liberties the same Persons now after such vast expence and so many Calamities as their City had undergone press'd and importun'd for a War with the Lucchesi to disturb the Liberties of other People And on the other side those who were for the War then resisted it now So strangely does time alter the Judgments of Men so much more prone are people to invade their Neighbours than to secure themselves and so much more ready are they to conceive hopes of gaining upon others than to apprehend any danger of losing their own For dangers are not believ'd till they be over their heads but hopes are entertain'd though at never so great distance The People of Florence were full of hopes upon intelligence of what Nicolo Fertebraccio had done and did still do and upon certain letters which they received from their Rettori upon the confines of Lucca For their deputies in Pescia and Vico writ them word that if they might have libâ—rty to receive such Castles and Towns as would be deliver'd up to them they should be Masters of the greatest part of the Territory of Lucca and it contributed not a little to their encouragement that at the same time they received an Embassie from the Senate of Lucca to complain of Nicolo's invasion and to beg of the Senate that they would not make War upon a Neighbour City which had preserv'd a constant amity with them The Embassador's name was Iacopo Vicciani who had been Prisoner not long before to Pagolo Guinigi Lord of Lucca for a Conspiracy against him and though found guilty had been pardon'd for his Life Supposing he would have as easily have forgiven his imprisonment as Pagolo had done his offence he imploy'd him in this Embassie and sent him to Florence But Iacopo being more mindful of the danger he had escap'd than the benefit he had receiv'd encouraged the Florentines to the enterprize which encouragement added to the hopes they had conceiv'd before and caus'd them to call a General Council in which 498. Citizens appear'd before whom the whole project was more particularly debated Among the Principal promoters of the expedition as I said before Rinaldo was one who represented to them the great advantage that would accrue to them by the taking of that Town He insisted upon the convenience of the time as being abondon'd by the Venetian and the Duke and not capable of relief from the Pope who had his hands full another way To which he added the easiness of the enterprize the Government having been usurp'd by one of its own Citizens and by that means lost much of its natural vigor and ancient disposition to defend its liberties so that it was more than probable either the people would deliver it up in opposition to the Tyrant or the Tyrant surrender for fear of the people He exaggerated the injuries that Governor had done to their State the ill inclination he still retain'd towards them and the dangers which would ensue if the Pope or Duke should make War upon it concluding that no enterprize was ever undertaken by the State of Florence more easie more profitable or more just In opposition to this it was urg'd by Uzano that the City of Florence never undertook any War with more injustice or hazard nor any that was more like to produce sad and pernicious effects That first they were to invade a City of the Guelfish faction which had been always a friend to the City of Florence and to its own danger and prejudice many times receiv'd the Guelfs into its bosom when they were banish'd or unsafe in their own Country That in all the Chronicles of our affairs it was not to be found that City had ever offended Florence whilst it was free and if at any time since its subjection it had transgress'd as indeed it had during the Government of Castruccio and under this present Lord it was but reasonable to lay the sadle upon the right Horse and to impute the fault rather to their Tyrants than Town If War could be made against the Tyrant without detriment to the City well and good the injustice would be the less But that being impossible he could never consent that a City of so ancient amity and allyance should be ruin'd for nothing However because Men liv'd then at such a rate that no account was made of what was just and unjust he would wave so trifling an argument and proceed to the profit and emolument of that War which was the thing now adays most seriously considered did believe those things were most properly call'd profitable which carried least damage along with them but how that expedition could with any equity be call'd profitable he could not understand seeing the damage was certain and the benefit but contingent The certainty of the damage consisted in the vastness of the expence which must of necessity be great enough to discourage a City that was quiet and at peace much more one that had been already harrass'd out with a tedious and a chargeable War as their City had been The advantages propos'd were the taking of Lucca which he confess'd would be considerable Yet the accidents and impediments with which they might meet were so far from being to be
this City diffuse the story of our sufferings all over Italy we have waved â—nd declin'd it thinking it unjust to asperse so Noble so Charitable a Common-wealth with the cruelty and dishonour of a Barbarous Citizen whose insatiable avarice had we known or could have but suspected before we had try'd it we would have strain'd and and forc'd our selves to have gorg'd it though indeed it has neither bounds nor bottom and by that means if possible preserv'd part of our Estates by sacrificing the rest But that being too late we have address'd our selves most humbly to your Lordships begging that ye should releive the infelicity of your Subjects that other People may not by our president be terrifi'd or discourag'd from committing themselves under your Empire and Dominion If the infinite and unsupportable injuries we have suffer'd be too weak or few to procure your compassion yet let the fear of God's displeasure prevail whose Temples have been plundr'd and burn'd and his People betraid in the very bowles of his Churches And having said thus they threw themselves before them upon the ground yelling and imploring that they might be reposess'd of their Estates and their Country and that their Lordships would take care seeing their reputation was irrecoverable that at least the Wives might be restored to their Husbands and the Children to their Parents The cruelty and inhumanity of his behaviour having been understood before and now particularly related by the sufferers themselves wrought so highly upon the Magistrates that immediately they Commanded Astorre back from the Army casheir'd him and made him afterwards incapable of any Command They caus'd inquisition likewise to be made after the goods of the Saravezesi such as were found were restor'd what could be found was repriz'd afterwards by the City as opportunity was offer'd Rinaldo de gli Albizi was accus'd on the other side for managing the War not so much for the publick profit of his Country as for his own it was objected against him that from the very hour of his Commission he laid aside all thoughts of reducing Lucca and design'd no farther than to plunder the Country to fill his own pastures with other Peoples Cattel and furnish his own houses with other Peoples goods That his own Bokty and his Officers being too little to satisfie him he barter'd and bought the plunder of his common Soldiers and of a General made himself a Merchant These calumniations being come to his ears netled his honest but haughty mind more perhaps than a wise Man would have suffer'd them to do However they disturb'd him so that in a rage both against Magistrate and City without expecting or so much as desiring leave he return'd upon the spur to Florence presented himself before the Ten and told them That he now found how difficult and dangerous it was to serve an unconstant People and a divided City the one entertain'd all reports and believ'd them The other punish'd what was amiss condemn'd what was uncertain but rewarded nothing that was done well So that if you overcome no body thanks you if you mistake every body blames you if you miscarry every body reproaches you either your friends persecute you for emulation or your Enemies for Malice However for his part he had never for fear of Scandal or imputation omitted any thing which he judg'd might be of certain advantage to his Country But that now indeed the baseness of the calumnies under which at present he lay had master'd his patience and chang'd his whole Nature Wherefore he beg'd the Magistrates would for the future be more ready to justifie their officers that they might act with more alacrity for the good of their Country And that seeing in Florence no Triumph was to be expected that they at least would concern themselves so far as to secure them from obloquy He admonish'd them likewise to reflect that they themselves were officers of the same City and by consequence every hour lyable to such slanders as may give them to understand how great trouble and disquiet honest Men conceive at such false accusations The Ten endeavour'd to pacifie him as much as the time would allow but transfer'd his command upon Neri di Gino and Alamanno Salviati who instead of rambling and harrasing the Country advanced with their Army and block'd up the Town The season being cold the Army was lodg'd at Capanole the new Generals thinking the time long had a mind to be nearer and encamp before the Town but the Souldier objected the ill weather and would not consent though the Ten sent them positive orders to that purpose and would not hear of excuse There was at that time resident in Florence a most excellent Architect call'd Philip the the Son of Brunelesco of whose Workmanship this City is so full that after his Death he deserv'd to have his statute set up in Marble in the principal Church of the Town with an inscription under it to testifie his great excellence to the Reader This Philip upon consideration of the banks of the River Scrchio and the situation of the Town had found out a way to drown it This invention he imparted to the Ten and so convinc'd them that by their order experiment was to be made which was done but it turn'd more to the prejudice of our camp than to the detriment of the Town For the Lucchesi perceiving the design heighten'd and strengthned their banks one that part where the river was to overflow and afterwards taking their opportunity one night they brake down the sluice which was made to turn the water upon them so that their banks being firm and high and the banks towards the plain open it overflowed their Camp and forc'd them to remove This design miscarrying the Ten call'd home their Commissioners and sent Giovanni Guiccardini to command the Army in their stead who clap'd down before the Town and straiten'd it immediately Finding himself distress'd the Governor of the Town upon the incouragement of Antonio dell Rosso a Sienese who was with him as resident from the Town of Sienna sent Salvestro Trenta and Lodovico Bonvisi to the Duke of Milan to desire he would relieve him Finding him cold in the business they entreated him privately that he would at least send them supplies and promis'd him from the People that as soon as they were arriv'd they would deliver both Lord and Town into their hands assuring him that if this resolution were not suddenly taken their Lord would surrender it to the Florentines who had tempted him with several fair proffers The fear of that made the Duke lay aside all other respects wherefore he caus'd the Conte Francesco Sforza his General publickly to desire leave to march with his forces into the Kingdom of Naples and having obtain'd it he went with his Troops to Lucca notwithstanding the Florentines upon notice of his transaction sent to the Conte Boccaccinor Alamanni their friend to prevent it Francesco having
admit he should die or being banish'd never return I do not see what advantage will accure to our state If it be deliver'd from Cosimo it will be in the same danger of Rinaldo and I am of their number who would have no Citizen exceed another in Authority If either of them prevail as one of them must I know not what obligation I have to favour Rinaldo more than Cosimo I will say no more than God deliver this City from private usurpation and when our sins do deserve it particularly from his Do not therefore persuade to a thing that is every way so dangerous do not fancy that by the assistance of a few you can oppose against a multitude all the Citizens you converse with partly by ignorance and partly by malice are dispos'd to sell their Country and fortune is so favourable as to have presented them a Chapman Manage your self therefore by my Counsel for once live quietly and observe and as to your liberty you will have as much reason to be jealous of your own party as the adverse When troubles do happen let me advise you to be a Neuter by it you will stand fair with both sides and preserve your self without prejudice to your Country These words rebated the edge of Barbadoro's fury and all things remain'd peaceable during the war with Lucca But peace being concluded and Uzano deceased the City was left without wars abroad or Government at home every Man driving on his own pernicious designs and Rinaldo looking upon himself was now as Chief of the Party press'd and importun'd all such Citizens as he thought capable of being Gonfalonieri to take Arms and wrest their Country out of the jaws of a person who by the malice of a few and the ignorance of the multitude would otherwise inevitably enslave it These Plots and counter-plots on Rinaldo's side and his Adversaries kept the City in a perpetual jealouse Insomuch that at the creation of every Magistrate it was publickly declar'd how every Man stood affected both to the one faction and the other and at the election of Senators the whole City was in an uproar every thing that was brought before the Magistrate how inconsiderable and trifling so ever created a mutiny all secrets were discover'd nothing was so good or so evil but it had its favourers and opposers the good as well as the bad were equally traduc'd and no one Magistrate did execute his Office Florence remaining in this confusion and Rinaldo impatient to depress the Authority of Cosimo considering with himself that Bernardo Guadagni were it not for his arreers to the Publick was a fit Person to be chosen Gonfaloniere to qualifie him for that Office he discharg'd them himself And coming afterwards to a Scrutiny it fell out that Fortune which has been always a friend to our disorders made Bernardo Gonfaloniere for the Months of September and October Rinaldo visited him forthwith and told him that the Nobility and all People that desir'd to live happily were much rejoyced at his preferment and that it was now his business to carry himself so as they might never repent it he laid before him the danger of dividing among themselves and how nothing could contribute so much to their Union as the depression of Cosimo for he was the Man and no other who kept them down by the immensity of his treasure and rais'd up himself so high that without timely prevention he would make himself Soveraign That as he was a good Citizen it was his Office to provide against it by assembling the People in the Piazza taking the State into his protection and restoring its liberty to its Country he put him in mind that Salvestro de Medici could though unjustly curb and correct the Authority of the Guelfs to whom if for no other reason but for the Blood which their Ancestors lost in that quarrel the Government belong'd and what he did unjustly against so many Bernardo might do justly and therefore safely against one He encourag'd him not to fear for his friends would be ready to assist him with their Arms in their hands The People that were his creatures were not to be regarded for no more assistance was to be expected by Cosimo from them than they had formerly yeilded to Giorgio Scali His riches was not to be dreaded for when seiz'd by the Senate his wealth would be theirs and for conclusion he told him that in doing thus he would unite and secure the Common-wealth and make himself glorious Bernardo reply'd in short that he believ'd what he said to be not only true but necessary and that time being now fitter for action than discourse he should go and provide what force he could that it might appear he had companions in his Enterprize As soon as he was in possession of his Office had dispos'd his Companies and setled all things with Rinaldo he cited Cosimo who though dissuaded by most of his friends appeared presuming more upon his own innocence than the Mercy of his Judges Cosimo was no sooner enter'd into the Palace and secur'd but Rinaldo with all his servants in Arms and his whole party at his heels came into the Piazza where the Senators causing the people to be cal'd 200 Citizens were selected to constitute a Balia reformation of the State This Balia was no sooner in force but the first thing they fell upon in order to their reformation was the process against Cosimo many would have him banish'd many executed and many were silent either out of compassion for him or apprehension of other people by means of which non-concurrence nothing was concluded In one of the Towers of the Palace call'd Alberghettino Cosimo was a Prisoner in the Custody of Federigo Malavolti From this place Cosimo could hear and understand what was said and hearing the clutter of Arms and frequent calling out to the Balia he began to be fearful of his Life but more lest he should be assassinated by his particular Enemies In this terror he absteen'd from his meat and eat nothing in four days but a morsel of Bread Which being told to Federigo he accosted him thus You are afraid to be poison'd and you kill your self with hunger You have but small esteem for me to believe I would have a hand in any such wickedness I do not think your Life is in danger your friends are too unmerous both within the Palace and without if there be any such designs assure your self they must take new measures I will never be their instrument nor imbrue my hands in the Blood of any Man much less of yours who has never offended me courage then feed as you did formerly and keep your self alive for the good of your Country and friends and that you may feed with more confidence I my self will be your Taster These words reviv'd Cosimo exceedingly who with tears in his Eyes kissing and embraceing Federigo in most pathetical and passionate terms he thank'd him for his
to purpose and recommend what is to be debated and resolved upon by the Magistrates in the Council In the same City there are many Noble Families so mighty and potent they are not without difficulty to be brought to any obedience to the Magistrate Of all those Families the Tregosi and Adorni are most powerful and wealthy and from them spring all the divisions of the City and all the contempt of the Laws for differing perpetually among themselves and pretending both to the Dogeship they are not contented to have it fairly decided but came many times to blows by which as one is set up the other is always depressed and sometimes it fals out that that party which is over-power'd and unable to carry that Office otherwise calls in foreign assistance and prostitutes that Government which they cannot enjoy themselves to the dominion of a stranger By this means it comes often to pass that they who have the Government in Lombardy have the command of Genoa likewise as it happened at the time when Alphonso was taken prisoner Among the principal Citizens of Genoa who caused that City to be delivered into the hands of the Duke Francisco Spinola was one who not long after he had been very active to enslave his Country became suspected to the Duke as it often happens in those cases Francisco being highly dissatisfied left the Town and by a kind of voluntary exile had his residence at Caietta being there at that time when the engagement was with Alphonso and having behav'd himself very well in it he presumed he had again merited so much favour from the Duke as to be permitted to live quietly in Genoa but finding the Duke's jealousie to continue as not believing he that had betrayed his Country could ever be true to him he resolved to try a new experiment to restore his Country to its liberty and himself to his honour and security at once believing no remedy could be administred so properly to his fellow Citzens as by the same hand which gave them their wound Observing therefore the general indignation against the Duke for having delivered the King he concluded it a convenient time to put his designs in execution and accordingly he communicated his resolutions with certain Persons which he had some confidence were of the same opinion and encouraged them to follow him It happened to be S. Iohn Baptist's day which is a great Festival in that City when Arismino a new Governor sent them from the Duke made his entry into Genoa Being entred into the Town in the Company of Opicino his predecessor in the Government and other considerable Citizens Francisco Spinola thought it no time to protract but running forth Armed into the streets with such as were before privy to his design he drew them up in the Piazza before his house and cryed out Liberty Liberty 'T is not to be imagined with what alacrity the people and Citizens ran to him at that very name insomuch that if any out of interest or other consideration retain'd an affection for the Duke they were so far from having time to arm and make defence they had scarce leisure to escape Arismino with some of the Genoeses of his party fled into the Castle which was kept for the Duke Opicino presuming he might get thither fled towards the Palace where he had 2000 men at his command with which he supposed he might not only be able to secure himself but to animate the people to a defence but he reckoned without his Host for before he could reach it he was knock'd on the head torn in pieces by the multitude and his members drag'd about the Streets After this the Genoeses having put themselves under new Magistrates and Officers of their own the Castle and all other posts which were kept for the Duke were reduced and the City perfectly freed from its dependance on the Duke these things thus managed though at first they gave the Princes of Italy occasion to apprehend the growing greatness of the Duke yet now observing their conclusion they did not despair of being able to curb him and therefore notwithstanding their late League with him the Florentines Venetians and Genoeses made a new one among themselves Whereupon Rinaldo de gli Albizi and the other chief Florentine Exiles seeing the face of affairs altered and all things tending to confusion they conceived hopes of persuading the Duke to a War against Florence and going upon that design to Milan Rinaldo accosted the Duke as followeth If we who have been formerly your Enemies do now with confidence supplicate your assistance for our return into our own Country neither your Highness nor any body else who considers the Progress of humane affairs and the volubility of fortune ought at all to be surprized seeing both of our pass'd and present actions of what we have done formerly to your self and of what we intend now to our Country we can give a clear and a reasonable account No good man will reproach another for defending his Country which way soever he defends it Nor was it ever our thoughts to injure you but to preserve our Country which will be evident if you consider how in the greatest stream of our victories and success we no sooner found your Highness dispos'd to a peace but we readily embraced it and pursued it with more eagerness than your self so that as yet we are not conscious to our selves of any thing that may make us doubt of your favour Neither can our Country in justice complain that we are now pressing and importuning your Highness to imploy those Arms against it when we have obstinately oppos'd them before in its defence for that Country ought equally to be beloved by all which is equally indulgent to all and not that which despising the rest advances and admires only a few No-body maintains it unlawful in all cases to bear Arms against ones Country Cities are mix'd bodies yet have they their resemblance with natural bodies and as in these many diseases grow which are not to be cur'd without violence so in the other many times such inconveniences arise that a charitable and good Citizen would be more criminal to leave it infirm than to cure it though with amputation and the loss of some of its members What greater distemper can befal a politick body than servitude And what more proper remedy can be applyed than that which will certainly remove it Wars are just when they are necessary and Arms are charitable when there is no other hopes left to obtain justice I know not what necessity can be greater than ours nor what act of charity more commendable than to wrest our Country out of the jaws of slavery Our cause then being both just and charitable ought not to be slighted either by us or your Highness though it were only in compassion But your Highness has your particular provocation besides the Florentines having had the confidence after a peace
so that that might be ruined before Nicolo could be called back or any other sufficient remedy provided That if things were curiously examined it would be found that Nicolo was sent into Tuscany upon no other errand but to divert the Count from his enterprize in Lomberdy and remove the War from his own Country by carrying it into another so that if the Count should pursue him without irresistable necessity he would rather accomplish his desâ—gns and do as he would have him but if they continued their Army in Lombardy 〈◊〉 shifted in Tuscany as well as they could they would be sensible of their ill resolution when it was too late and find that they had lost all in Lombardy irrecoverably without any equivalence or reprisal in Tuscany 〈◊〉 manner every Man having spoken and replyed as his judgment directed him it was concluded to be quiet for some days to see what the agrement betwixt Nicolo and the Malatesti would produce whether the Florentines might rely upon Piero Giam Pagolo and whether the Pope proceeded fairly with the League as he had promised he would This â—â—â—â—lution bâ—ing taken not long after they had intelligence that Piero Giam Pagolo was 〈◊〉 towards Tuscany with his Army and that the Pope was better inclined to the 〈◊〉 at that time than before with which advertisements the Count being confirmed he was content to remain in Lombardy himself that Neri should be dispatched thither with a 1000 of his Horse and five hundred others and if things should proceed so as that his presence should be necessary in Tuscany upon the left summons from Neri the Count engaged to repair to him without any delay Accordingly Neri marched away arrived with his forces at Florence in April and the same day Giam Pagolo arrived there also in the mean time Nicolo Piccinino having settled the affairs of Romagna was designing for Tuscany and being inclined to have marched by the way of the Alps of S. Benedetto and the vale of Montone he found that passage so well defended by the conduct of Nicolo da Pisa that he believed his whole Army would not be able to force it and because of the suddenness of this irruption the Florentines were but indifferently provided either with Souldiers or Officers they committed the passes of the other Alps to the guard of certain of their Citizens with some new raised Companies of Foot among which Citizens Bartholomeo Orlandini had the command and more particularly the keeping of the Castle of Marradi and the pass that was by it Nicolo Piccinino supposing the pass of S. Benedetto insuperable by reason of the courage and vigilance of the Commander chose rather to attempt the other way where the cowardice and inexperience of the chief Officer was not like to give him so great opposition Marradi is a Castle built at the foot of those Alps which divide Tuscany and Romagna but on the side of Romagna at the entrance into the Vale di Lamona though it has no Walls yet the River the Mountains and the inhabitants make it strong For the Men are martial and faithful and the River has worn away the bancks and made such Grotes and hollows therein that it is impossible from the valley to approach it if a little Bridge which lies over the River be defended and on the mountain side the Rocks and the Cliffs are so steep it is almost impregnable but the pusillanimity of Bartolomeo debas'd the courage of his Men and rendered the situation of his Castle of no importance for no sooner did he hear the report of the Enemies approach but leaving all in confusion away he ran with his Party and never stoped til he came at Borgo a San. Lorenzo Nicolo having posses'd himself of that pass strangely surprized to consider how poorly it had been defended and as much pleased that now it was his own marched down into Mugello and having taken several Castles he staid at Puliciano to refresh from whence he made his excursions as far as Monte Fiesole and was so bold to pass the River Arno scouring forraging and plâ—undering the Country within three miles of Florence The Florentines however were not at all dismaid but the first thing they did was to secure the Government of which they were not much afraid both for the intrest which Cosimo had with the people and the method they had taken to reduce the chief Officers of the City into the hands of a few of the most potent Citizens who with their vigilance and severity kept under all such as were discontented or studious of new things besides they had news of the resolutions in Lombardy of Neri's approach with the number of his forces and that the Pope had promised to supply them with more which hopes were sufficient to support them till Neri's arrival But Neri finding the City in some disorders resolved to take the field and restrain Nicolo from foraging so freely and therefore drawing together what Infantry he could out of the People he joyned them with his Horse marched into the field and took Remole which the Enemy had possess'd After the taking of that Town he encamped his Army there obstructed the excursions of Nicolo and gave the City great hopes of sending him farther off Nicolo observing though the Florentines had lost many of their Men it procured no commotion and understanding they were all quiet and secure in the Town he concluded it vain to lose time any longer wherefore he changed his designs and resolved to do something which might cause the Florentines to provoke him to a Battle in which he doubted not to overcome and then all things would follow as he expected of course there was at that time in Nicolo's Army Francesco Conte di Poppi who when the Enemy was in Mugello revolted from the Florentines with whom he was in League the Florentines had a jealousie of him before and endeâ—voured to continue him their friend by enlarging his pay and making him there Deputy over all the Towns which were near him but nothing could do so strongly did his affection incline him to the other party that no fear nor act of kindness what ever was sufficient to divide him from Rinaldo and the rest of the Brethren who had had the Government formerly so that he no sooner heard of Nicolo's approach but he went in to him immediately and solicited him with all imaginable importunity to advance towards the City and march into Casentino discovering to him the whole strength of the Country and with what ease and security he might straiten the Enemy Nicolo took his Counsel and marching into Casentino he possess'd himself of Romena and Bibiena and afterwards encamped before Castle San Nicolo That Castle is placed at the foot of those Alps which divide Casentino from the vale of Arno and by reason it stood high and had a strong Garison in it it was no easie matter to take it though Nicolo ply'd it continually
with his Cannon This siege continued twenty days during which time the Florentines had got together what force they could and had already under several Officers 3000 foot at Fegghine commanded by Piero Giam Pagolo as General Neri Capponi and Bernardo de Medici as Commissioners The Castle of San Nicolo had sent out four Persons to give them notice of their Condition and press them for relief whereupon the Commissioners examining the situation of the place found it was not to be relieved but by the Alps which came down from the Vale of Arno the tops of which might easily be possess'd by the Enemy before they could come at them in respect they had a shorter cut to them and the Florentines could not stir but they must of necessity be seen so that to attempt a thing which was not like to succeed was to expose and cast away their Men without doing any good upon these considerations the Commissioners having commended their courage pass'd advised them to continue it whilst they were able and when they found they could hold it no longer to surrender upon as good termes as they could hereupon after 32 days siege Nicolo became Master of the Castle but the losing so much time upon so inconsiderable a place was in great part the miscarriage of that enterprize for had he invested Florence or but keep it blocked up at a distance the Governor of that City would have been constrained to raise Mony and Men and must have supplied it with provisions with much more difficulty having the Enemy so near them besids many would have been pressing for peace seeing the War so likely to continue but the desire the Count di Poppi had to be revenged of that Garison which had been his Enemy a long time caused him to give that Counsel and Nicolo to oblige him consented to it which was the destruction of both and indeed it seldom happens but private animosity proves a prejudice to the interest of the publick Nicolo pursuing his Victory took Passina and Chiusi and the Count di Poppi persuaded him to continue in those parts alledging that he might extend his Quarters betwixt Chiusi and Pieve as he pleased and making himself Master of the Alps he might as he saw occasion return to the old post in Casentino and the Vale Arno or falling down into Vale di Chiana and the Vale de Fevere be ready upon the least motion of the Enemy But Nicolo reflecting upon the rockiness of those places only he replyed his Horses could swallow no stones and removed to Borgo a S. Sepulcro where he was received with all demonstration of kindness from whence he endeavoured to debauch the Citizens of Castello but they were too firm to the Florentines to entertain any such motion Being desirous to have Perugia where he was born at his devotion he went either with 40 Horse to make them a visit and was honorably treated but in a few days he rendred himself suspected having been wheedling with the Legate and several of the Citizens and made many proposals to them but none of them succeeded so that receiving 8000 Ducats of them he returned to his Army After this he got intelligence in Cortona and was very busie in seducing it from the Florentines but being discovered before it was ripe that also came to nothing Among the principal of that City there was on Bartolomeo di senso who going the Rounds one night by the Captains order was told by a Country Man his friend that if he had no mind to be killed he should have a care and go back Bartolomeo pressing to know his reason he found the whole series of the Plot and went immediately to the Governor and acquainted him how seizing upon the Conspirators and doubling his Gurards thereupon expected the coming of Nicolo according to agreement who came indeed punctually at his time but finding himself descovered returned to his quarters Whilst things ware carried on in Tuscany at this rate with little advantage to the forces of the Duke his affairs in Lombardy were as unquiet but with more detriment and loss for Count Francesco as soon as the season gave leave took the field with his Army and the Venetians having repaired their fleet in the Lake he thought it best in the first place to make himself Master of that and to drive the Duke out supposing when he had done that the rest would be easie Whereupon he caused the Venetian Fleet to set upon the Dukes which they did and defeated them after which he took all the Castles which they had in their possession so that the Enemy which besieged Brescia by land understanding the destiny of their Comerades drew of from the siege and left the Town free after it had been straitned three years Having finished his business there and obtained so important a Victory the Count thought â—it to seek out the Enemy who was retired to Socino a Castle upon the River of Oglio and dislodging them there they retreated to Cremona where the Duke made a head and resolved to defend that part of his Country But the Count advancing daily against him being fearful he should lose all or a great part of his Territory he began to lament the resolution of sending Nicolo into Tuscany and to redress his error he writ word to Nicolo of the condition he was in pressing him with all speed to come back to his relief The Florentines in the mean time had joyned their forces with the Popes and made a halt at Anghiari a Castle at the foot of the mountains which part Val di Tevere from Valdichiana four miles distant from San Sepulcro betwixt which places the way was plain the Country champain sit for Horse and proper for a Battle Having heard of the Counts Victory and that Nicolo was recalled they thought the Victory might be obtained without more hazard or labour and therefore orders was dispatched in all haste to the Comissaries to avoid an engagement by all means for Nicolo could not stay in Tuscany many days These orders coming to Nicolo's ear finding that of necessity he must part that he might have left nothing untryed he resolved to provoke them to a Battle believing he should take them unprovided seeing according to their intelligence they could have no reason to expect any such thing and to this he was much encouraged by Rinaldo the Conte di Poppi and all the Florentine exiles who knew well enough they were undone if Nicolo departed but if they could bring them to a fight there was a possibility of prevailing and if they did lose the Victory they should lose it with honor This resolution being taken the Army moved and being advanced as far as Borgo before the Florentines perceived it he commanded 2000 Men out of that City who relying much upon the conduct of their General and the promises he made them being also desirous of plunder followed him chearfully Marching on from
was at that time Duke of Genoa This Piero finding himself unable to bear up against so powerful a King upon consideration of his own weakness resolv'd at lest to surrender that State to one that should be able to defend it and perhaps sometime or other give him a reasonable reward he sent Embassadors therefore to Charles 7 of France to desire his protection and tender him the Government Charles accepted the offer and to take possession of the City he sent Giovanni d' Angio King Rinato's Son who not long before was returned from Florence into France for Charles was persuaded that Giovanni being acquainted with the humors and customs of the Italians was properer for that Government than any Man he could send besides from thence he believ'd he might prosecute his designs against Naples with more ease and covenience his Father Rinato having been expel'd that Kingdom by Alfonso of Aragon Hereupon Giovanni departed for Genoa was receiv'd honorably by the Town and invested with the whole power both of the City and State This accident was not at all pleasing to Alfonso he found now he had pull'd an old house over his head however he carried it bravely went on with his enterprize and was advanc'd with his Fleet under Villa Marina at Porto Fino when surpriz'd with a sudden distemper he died The death of Alfonso put an end to the Wars against Giovanni and the Genoeses and Ferrando succeeded his Father Alfonso in the Kingdom was in no little trouble having an Enemy upon his hands of such reputation in Italy and a jealousie of several of his Barons who being inclin'd to new changes he was afraid might side with the French besides he was acquainted with the ambition of the Pope and being scarce setled in his Kingdom was fearful lest he should attempt something to supplant him his only hopes were in the Duke of Milan who was no less solicitous for the affairs of that Kingdom than himself apprehending that if ever the French came to be Masters of Naples their next enterprize of course would be against him for he knew they might pretend to Milan as an appendix to that Crown For these reasons as soon as Alfonso was dead Francesco sent letters and Men to Ferrando the first to keep up his heart the other his reputation Upon the death of Alfonso the Pope designed to give his Nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia the Government of that Kingdom and to gloss over the business and make it more plausible to the Princes of Italy he gave out that that Kingdom belonging formerly to the Church his intention was only to reduce it to that condition and therefore he desired the Duke of Milan would not give any assistance to Ferrando and offer'd him such Towns as he had possess'd formerly in that Kingdom But in the midst of his contrivances Calisto died and Pius 2. succeeded him who was a Siâ—nnesi of the Family of the Piccol Huomini and his Name Aeneas This Pope imploying his thoughts wholly for the benefit of Christendom and the Honour of the Church and laying aside all private passion and advantage at the intreaty of the Duke of Milan crown'd Ferrando King of Naples judging it a readier and safer way to compose the differences of Italy by confirming him that was already in possession than by assisting the pretences of the French or setting up as Calisto did for himself However Ferrando took it for a favour and to requite it he made Antonio the Popes Nephew Prince of Malfi married him to his natural Daughter and besides this restor'd Benevento and Ferracina to the Church And now all the Arms in Italy were visibly laid down and Pius as Calisto had begun before was moving all Christendom against the Turk when a new quarrel sprung up betwixt the Fregosi and Giovanni the Lord of Genoa which produc'd a greater and more important War than the last Petrino Fregosi was retir'd to a Castle of his in Riveria much discontented that Giovanni d' Angio having been prefer'd to his dignity in Genoa by him and his Family had not gratified them as they deserved so that by degrees it was come to a feud Ferrando was very well pleas'd with the difference as being the only way to secure him in his Kingdom and therefore he sent Pietrino supplies both of men and mony hoping thereby Giovanni might be expuls'd out of the State of Genoa Giovanni having notice of their intelligence sent for relief into France which having received he march'd out against Pietrino but Pietrino by the access of more supplies from sundry places being grown too strong Giovanni retreated and applyed himself to securing the City which he did not do so carefully but Pietrino in one night surprized several Posts in it but was beaten the next morning himself and most of his Men slain this victory elevated Giovanni so far that he resolv'd to attempt upon Ferrando departing from Genoa in October 1459 with a great Fleet he sail'd to Baia and from thence to Sessa where he was honorably received by that Duke There had joyn'd themselves with Giovanni the Prince of Taranto and the Citizens of Aquila besides several other Princes and Cities so that already that Kingdom was more than half lost Upon which Ferrando desir'd aid of the Pope and the Duke of Milan and to lessen the number of his Enemies made peace with Gismondo Malatesti which peace disgusted Giacopo Piccinino so highly Gismondo being his natural Enemy that he deserted Ferrando and took up Arms under Giovanni Ferrando sent mony likewise to Federigo Lord of Urbin and as soon as could be expected got together a considerable Army according to those times with which he march'd against the Enemy and finding them upon the River Sarni he engaged them but was defeated and his most considerable officers taken after this victory most of the Towns and Castles surrendred to Giovanni only Naples some few neighbouring Towns and Princes adher'd still to Ferrando Giacopo Piccinino advis'd to march directly for Naples and make himself Master of the chief City but Giovanni replyed he would first ruine the Country and then the City would come with more ease but his rejecting the Counsel of Piccinino was the loss of that design for he did not know that the members follow the head more naturally than the head the members Ferrando was fled into Naples and there resorted to him diverse of his Subjects who were driven from their homes whom he receiv'd and having with all possible gentleness gained some monies of the Citizens he got a small body of an Army together he sent new Embassies to the Pope and Duke for supplies and was reliev'd with more plenty and speed than before for they were both of them afraid that the loss of that Kingdom would turn to their prejudice Much strengthened by their supplies Ferrando march'd out of Naples and having recover'd his reputation in part he recover'd some
enterprize against the Turks the time of Pius his whole Papacy was consum'd But Florence fell again into its old factions and dissentions The divisions in Cosimo's party began in 55 upon the occasions aforesaid and by his wisdom as is said before they were restrained But in 64 Cosimo fell sick and dyed generally lamented both by his friends and his Enemies for they who lov'd him not whilst at the Helm seeing their fellow Citizens so rapacious whilst he was living the reverence they bore to his Person making them less insupportable than otherwise they would be could not but fear now he was dead and his influence lost they should be utterly ruined and in his Son Piero they could repose little confidence for though he was of himself a good Man yet being infirm and but young in the State they supposed he would be constrained to comply with them and they become more head-strong and incontrolable in their wickedness so that Cosimo died universally lamented and certainly he deserved it for he was the most famous and memorable Citizen of a Person that was no Souldier that ever Florence or any other City produc'd he exceeded all his contemporaries not only in Authority and Estate but in liberality and prudence which qualities made him a Prince in his Country and beloved by all People his munificence was more eminent after his death than before for when his Son Piero came to look over his writing and to enquire into the particulars of his Estate he found there was scarce a Man of any quality in the City to whom Cosimo had not lent a considerable sum and many times when he heard of the exigencies of any Person of quality he supply'd them unasked His magnificence appear'd in the multitude of his buildings for in Florence he built the Convents of S. Marco and S. Lorenzo and the Monastery of S. Verdiano in the Monti di Fiesoli S. Giralomo and the Abbey in Mugello he not only repaired a Church of the Minor's but he took it down and rebuilt it from the ground besides this in S. Croce in Servi in Agnoli in S. Mineato he erected altars and most sumptuous Chappels all which besides the building he adorn'd with all the utensels and decorations required in so sacred a place Besides his religious houses he built several private houses for himself one in the City sutable to his quality four without at Careggio Fiesole Cafaggivolo and Trebi all of them fitter for Princes than private Men and as if his buildings in Italy were too few to make him famous he built an Hospital in Ierusalem for the reception and relief of poor and infirm pilgrims brought thither by their devotion in which fabrick he laid out a vast sum of Money and albeit in his actions and buildings he behaved himself like a King and was the only Prince in Florence yet he was so moderate and untransported in all things that in his conversation his Parades his allyances and his whole manner of life he retained the modesty of a Citizen for he was sensible that ostentation and Pomp in that which is every day to be seen contracts more envy than moderation and gravity Being to seek for matches for his Sons he did not endeavour for the alliance of Princes but married his Son Giovanni to Cornelia Alessandri and Piero to Lucretia Tornabuoni and contracted his Grand-children by Piero Bianca to Gulielmo di Pazzi and Nannina to Bernardo Rucellai Among all the States Princes and civil Governments of his time no person came near him for sagacity and intelligence Hence it was that in all the variety of his fortunes when the City was so uncertain and the people so voluble He kept his Authority 31 years for being a wise man and of great prospect he foresaw any mischief at a distance and was ready to prevent it before it proceeded too far or to frustrate the effects of it if it did Whereby he did not only subdue all domestick and private ambition at home but restrained it so happily in several Princes that whoever confederated with him and his Country came off upon equal terms if not worsted their enemies and whoever oppos'd him either lost their money their time or their State and of this the Venetians can give ample testimony who whilst in League with him against Duke Philip were always victorious but that League was no sooner broken but they were beaten both by Philip and Francesco and when they joyned with Alfonso against the Republick of Florence Cosimo with his own credit drained Naples and Venice so dry that they were glad to except what terms of peace he would allow Of all the difficulties therefore which Cosimo encountred both within the City and without the conclusion was still honorable for him and destructive for his enemies so that the civil discords gain'd him authority at home and his foreign Wars power and reputation abroad insomuch that to the territory and Dominion of his Country he added the City of Borgo a Sepulcro Montedoglio Casentino and Valdi Bagno and by his virtue and fortune snppress'd his Enemies and exalted his friends He was born 1389. on S. Cosimo and Damiano's day The first part of his life was full of troubles witness his banishment his imprisonment and his dangers in being killed From the Counsel of Constance after Pope Iohn was ruin'd whom he had attended thither he was forced to fly in disguise or otherwise he had been slain but after the fortieth year of his age it was more pleasant and happy not only such as were employ'd with him in publick affairs but the managers also of his private treasure in foreign parts participating of his felicity From him many Families in Florence may derive their great estates particularly the Fornabuoni the Benci the Portinari the Sapetti and in short all that had dependance either upon his counsel or fortune Though his disbursements were vast in building his Houses and Temples and in his distributions to the poor yet he would complain sometimes among his friends that he had not laid out so much to the honour of God as he was oblig'd and that if he had done much more he must confess himself his debtor His stature was ordinary his complexion worthy his presence venerable his learning was not great but his eloquence admirable he was naturally prudent courteous to his friends merciful to the poor profitable in his converse cautious in his counsels speedy in his executions and in his sayings and replies both solid and facetious When he went first into Banishment Rinaldo de gli Albizi drolling upon his exilement sent him word The hen was hatching to which Cosimo returned that she would have but ill hatching so far from her nest To some of his Rebels who in a threatning way sent him word They were not asleep he reply'd he believ'd it for he had spoil'd their sleeping When Pope Pius was encouraging and pressing all Christian Princes against the Turk
you have taken will deprive your Country of its liberty your self of your authority me of my Estate and others of their Country At the first news of this tumult the Senate had caused their Palace to be shut up where they kept themselves close with the Magistrats without appearing for either side the Citizens especially those who had followed Luca seeing the party of Piero armed and the other disarmed began to contrive how they might shew themselves his friends not how they might express themselves his Enemies Whereupon the principal Citizens and the heads of the factions met in the Palace before the Senators where many things were debated relating to the Government of the City in that juncture and the ways of reconciliation but because Piero could not be there in respect of his indisposition all agreed to go to him to his house except Nicolo Soderini who having recommended his Children and family to the protection of Tomaso was retired to his Country house to attend there the conclusion of these troubles which he expected would be unhappy to him and fatal to his Country The rest being arrived at Piero's Palace one of them being deputed complained to him of the condition of the City by reason of the tumults declared that they who took Arms first were most conscious of them that understanding Piero was the Man and his design unknown they were come to him to be informed from himself and if it appeared to be for the advantage of the City they promised to comply To which Piero replyed that he who takes Arms first is not in the fault but he who gives the occasion that if they considered more seriously of their behaviour towards him they would not wonder at what he had done for his own preservation for they would find it was their conventions in the night their subscriptions and practices to defeat him both of his Authority and life which had forced him to his Arms yet having extended them no farther than his own house he conceived it was good evidence his intentions were innocent and rather to defend himself than injure any body else that he desired nothing but his own security and had never given them occasion to suspect him of other that when the Authority of the Balia expired he never attempted to revive it in any extraordinary way but was willing if they were so themselves that the Magistrats should have the Government of the City that Cosimo and his Sons knew how to live honorable in Florence either with or without the Balia and that in 58 it was for their interest not his that it was restored But this was not sufficient he found them of opinion that whilst he was in Florence there would be no safety no tranquillity for them a thing truly so far from his belief he could never have imagined or thought upon it that his own friends and his Father should not endure to live with him in the same City seeing no action of his had ever express'd him otherwise than a quiet and peaceable Man Then turning about to Diotisalvi and his Brothers who were all present he reproached them severely by the favours they had received from Cosimo by the confidence he had placed in them and the great ingratitude which they had returned which reprimende was delivered with so much zeal and efficacy that had not Piero himself restrained them some there present were so much enraged at their deportment towards him they would certainly have killed him and at last he concluded that what ever they and the Senate determined he would consent to for he desired nothing of them but to live quiet and in peace Hereupon many things were proposed but nothing concluded only in general it was thought necessary the City should be reformed and new Laws created The then Gonfaloniere de Giustitia was Bernardo Lotti a person in whom Piero had no confidence and so resolved not to do any thing whilst he was in office which he conceived would be no great prejudice to his affairs because his time was almost expir'd But at the election of Senatours in September and October following 1466. Roberto Lioni was chosen Gonfaloniere who was no sooner settled in his office but all others thing being prepared to his hand he called the People together into the Piazza and created a new Balia all of Piero's creatures who fell presently upon the creation of new Magistrats and chose them as Piero directed Which manner of proceeding so terrisied the heads of the adverse party that they fled out of the City most of them Agnolo Acciaivoli to Naples Diotisalvi Neroni and Nicolo Soderini to Venice But Luca Pitti remained behind presuming upon his late alliance and the promises which he had received from Piero Giovanni the Son of Neroni at that time Archbishop of Florence to prevent the worst banished himself voluntarily to Rome All the fugitives were proclaimed rebels and the family of the Neroni dispersed Many other Citizens were banished likewise and consined to particular places nor was this all a solemn procession was ordered to give God thanks for the preservation of the State and the unity of the City in the time of which solemnity certain Citizens were apprehended tortured and then part of them put to death and part of them banished But in all the inconstancy and variations of fortune nothing was so remarkable as the fall of Luca Pitti He quickly learned the difference betwixt Victory and misfortune betwixt honor and disgrace His house which was formerly thronged with the visits and attendancies of the better sort of Citizens was now grown solitary and unfrequented When he appeared abroad in the streets his friends and relations were not only afraid to accompany him but to owne or salute him some of them having lost their honors for doing it some of them their Estates and all of them threatned The noble structures which he had begun were given over by the workmen the good deeds which he had done were requited with contumely and the honors he had confer'd with infamy and disgrace So that many persons who in his authority had presented him largely in his distress required it again pretending it was lent and no more and these very People who before commended him to the skies cried him down again as fast for his ingratitude and violence so that now when it was too late he began to repent himself that he had not taken Nicolo's advice and died honorably seeing he could not live so Nevertheless Agnolo Acciaivoli being than at Naples before he attempted any thing of innovation he resolved to try Piero and see if there was no hopes of reconciliation to which purpose he writ to him this following letter I cannot but smile to observe the wantonness of fortune and what sport she makes her self in turning friends into Enemies and Enemies into friends according to her own humor aâ—d capriccio you may remember how at the banishment of
all Italy be involved in a War For this they can have no excuse if any Man have offended them they might have offended him again and not blended and confounded private injury with publick revenge This is it which revives our calamities though the Authors are extinct That is it which has brought the Pope and King of Naples upon us with their Armies though their declaration be only against me and my family I wish to God it were true and that their design was no farther the remedy would be easie and your deliverance at hand I should not be so ill a Citizen as to postpone the publick to my private security no I would willingly quench your flames though with my own blood and destruction but because the injuries of great persons are alway cloathed with some plausible pretence they have chosen this to exasperate you against me if you think I deserve it I am now in your hands to be continued or rejected as you please you are my Fathers you are my Patrons what ever you command I will endeavour to do and not refuse with my own blood to finish this War which is begun with my Brothers The Citizens could not contain from tears whilst Lorenzo was speaking and with the same pity as they had heard him he was answered by one deputed by the rest That the whole City did acknowledge the merits both of his ancestors and himself That he should be of good cheer for with the same readiness and devotion as they had revenged his Brothers death and prevented his they would preserve his person and reputation and expose their whole Country rather than desert him That their actions might be commensurate they appointed him a guard to secure him against domestick designs and payed them out of the publick treasure after which they addressed themselves to the War and raised what Men and mony they were able They sent for aid to the Duke of Milan and the Venetians according to the league and the Pope more like a Wolf than a Shepherd being ready to devour them they tried all ways to justifie themselves that they could think of possess'd all Italy with his treachery against their state remonstrated his impieties to all the World and that he exercised his Papacy with as much injustice as he gained it for he had sent those whom he had advanced to the highest degree of Prelacy in the company of Traitors and Murderers to commit treason in the Church in the time of divine service and the Celebration of the Sacrament and after that having been unable to kill all the Citizens alter the Government and sack the City he interdicted it with his Pontifical maledictions and threatned to destroy it But if God were just and the violences of Men offensive to him he must needs be displeased at the proceeding of his Vicar and permit that Men having no other refuge might resort unto him For which reason the Florentines not only refuse his interdiction but forced their Priests to celebrate divine service as before They called a Council in Florence of all the Tuscan Prelats within their jurisdiction and appealed to them concerning their differences with the Pope against which in justification of his cause it was alledged that it belonged properly to the Pope to supplant Tyrants to suppress ill Men and to advance good all which he was to remedy as opportunity was offered But that secular Princes had not right to imprison Cardinals to execute Bishops to kill or dismember or drag about the streets the bodies of the Priests and to use the innocent and the nocent without any difference or distinction Nevertheless the Florentines not at all refusing his quarrels and complaints dismissed the Cardinal which was in their power and sent him back to the Pope yet the Pope without any regard to that civility caused them to be invaded with all his forces and the Kings both their Armies under the Command of Alfonso Duke of Calabria Ferrando's eldest Son and Federigo Conted ' Urbino entred Chianti and by means of the Siennesi who were of the Enemies party â—took Radda several other Castles and plundered the whole Country Next they encamped before Castellina the Florentines seeing themselves thus fiercely attacked were in great fear as having but few men of their own and the assistance of their friends coming in very slowly for though the Duke indeed had sent them supplies yet the Venetians refused it as not thinking themselves obliged to relieve them in their particular quarrels for as they pretended private animosities were not in reason to be defended at a publick expence So that the Florentines to dispose the Venetian to better things sent Tomaso Soderini Embassador to that State whilst in the mean time they raised what Men they could and made Hercules Marquess of Ferrara their General Whilst in this manner they were employed in their preparations the Enemy had brought Castellina to such distress that despairing of relief the Garison surrendered after forty days siege From hence the Enemy advanced towards Arezzo and sat down before Monte S. Senino The Florentine Army was by this time drawn out and being marched towards the Enemy had posted it self within three miles of them and incommoded them so that Federigo sent to Urbino to desire a truce for some few days which was granted but with so much disadvantage to the Florentines that those who requested it were amazed when they had obtained it for without it they must have drawn off with disgrace But having those days allowed to recollect themselves when the time was expired they went on with their siege and took the Town under the very nose of our Army By this time Winter being come to provide themselves good quarters the Enemy drew his Army into the Country of Sienna the Florentines where they thought most convenient and the Marquess of Farrara having done little good to himself or other People returned from whence he came About this time Genoa was in rebellion against the State of Milan and upon this occasion Galeazzo being dead and his Son Giovan Galeazzo a minor and unfit for the Government difference arose betwixt Sforza Lodovico Ottaniano Ascanio his Unckles and Medona Bona his Mother each of them pretending to the tuition of the Child In which competition Madona Bona the Dutchess Dowager prevailed by the Counsels of Tomaso Soderini the Florentine Embassador in that Court at that time and Cecco Simonetto who had been secretary to the late Galeazzo whereupon Sforzi flying from Milan Ottaniano was drawn as he was passing the Adda and the rest dispersed into several places Roberto de san Severino ran the same fortune and fled having forsaken the Dutchess in those disputes and joyned himself with the Unckles The troubles falling out not long after in Tuscany those princes hoping from new accidents or new success every one of them attempted what he thought likely to restore him to his Country King Ferrando observing the only
of Roberto da Rimino who since the death of Count Carlo was the chief and best reputed officer among them knowing what it was that set the Enemy agog they resolved to attend him and coming to a Battel not far from the Lake in the very place where Hannibal gave the Romans that memorable defeat the Popes Army was routed The news of this victory was extreamly welcome in Florence both to the Magistrates and People and it would have been great honor and advantage to that enterprize had not disorders in the Army at Poggibonzi spoiled all and the victory over the one Camp been interrupted by a mutiny in the other for that Army having got much plunder in the Country of Sienna when they came to divide there fell out great difference betwixt the Marquess of Ferrara and the Marquess of Mantoâ—a so that they came to blows and did one another what mischief they were able The Florentines finding no good was to be expected from them together consented that the Marquess of Ferrara with his forces might march home by which means the Army being weakned without a head and very disorderly the Duke of Calabria being with his Army not far from Sienna took a resolution of falling upon them but the Florentines hearing of his advance not trusting to their Arms their numbers which was much greater than the Enemy nor the situation of their Camp which were very strong without expecting their coming or seeing so much as the face of their Enemy as soon as they preceived the dust they fled and left their Amunition and Carriages and Artillery behind them and so cowardly and poor spirited that Army was become that the turning of a horses head or tail gave either victory or defeat This Rout filled the King's Souldiers with prize and the Florentines with fear for that City was not only afflicted with War but with so violent a pestilence that most of the inhabitants were forced to leave the Town and betake themselves to the Country This overthrow was rendred more terrible by sickness for those Citizens who had Estates in the Val di Pisa and the Val Delsa being driven thither and secure were forced upon this rout to hurry back again to Florence as well as they could and that not only with their goods and their Children but with all their families and dependants for every hour they were afraid the Enemy would have presented himself before the Town They who had the administration of the War being sensible of these disorders commanded their Army which was victorious in Perugia that leaving their designs there they should march into the Val Delsa and oppose themselves against the Enemy who since their last victory over-run that whole Country And though that Army had so straitned Perugia it was every hour expected to surrender yet the Florentines chose rather to defend themselves than to gain upon any body else and raising their siege they were conducted to S. Cassiano a Castle about eight miles from Florence as the only place where they might lie secure till the other Army was rallied and brought to them The Enemy on the other side being at liberty in Perugia upon the withdrawing of the Florentines took heart and made their inroads daily into the countries of Arezzo and Cortona and the other Army which under the command of the Duke of Calabria had routed them at Poggibonzi took Poggibonzi and Vico pillaged Certaldo made great spoil and got great prize in that Country after they sat down before Colle which in those times was looked upon as extraordinary strong and being well man'd and provided with all things it was hoped it might entertain the Enemy till their Armies could be united The Florentines having joyned all their forces at S Cassiano and the Enemy proceeding very fiercely in their leaguer they resolved to march towards them and post themselves as near them as they could supposing they should thereby not only encourage the Garison to defend themselves but make the Enemy more cautious in all his attacks Hereupon they removed from S. Cassiano and encamped at S. Giminiano about five miles from Colle from whence with their Horse and the lightest of their foot they daily molested the Dukes Camp but this was not enough for the Garison in Colle for wanting all things that were necessary they surrendered the 13 of November to the great displeasure of the Florentines but the great joy of the Enemy especially the Siennesi who besides their common hatred to Florence had a particular quarrel against this Town Winter was now at the height the season unfit for War and the Pope and King to give them hopes of peace or to enjoy their victory quietly themselves offered a truce for three Months to the Florentines and allowed them ten days for an answer which proffer was accepted but as a wound is more painful when cold than when 't is first given this small repose gave the Florentines greater sence of the miseries which they had endured insomuch as they began to talk freely and upbraid one another by the miscarriages in the War charging one another with the greatness of the expence and the inequality of their taxes and these exprobrations were not only in the streets and among the ordinary sort of People but even in their conventions and publick counsels in which one of them took the confidence to tell Lorenzo to his face that the City was weary and would have no more War and that therefore he should bethink himself of peace upon which Lorenzo discerning the necessity advised with such of his friends as he judged most faithful and able and it was concluded by all that seeing the Venetians were cold and uncertain the Duke young and imbroiled in new troubles at home their best way would be to seek out for new alliance and try what that would contribute to their success Their great scruple was into whose arms they should cast themselves whether into the Popes or the King 's of Naples and upon serious debate it was resolved into the King's as a person of more stability and likely to yield them better protection in regard of the shortness of the Popes lives and the changes upon their successions For the small fear the Church has of any Prince and the small regard it has of any body else in all its resolutions causes that no secular Prince can repose any intire confidence or communicate freely in his affairs with any of the Popes for the that associats with him in war and in dangers may perhaps have a companion and a sharer in his Victories but in his distress he shall be sure to be alone his holiness being still brought off by his speritual influence and authority It being therefore determined more profitable to reconcile with the King there could be no way thought of so likely as by Lorenzo himself for by how much the more that King had tasted of his liberality by so much the more
it a reputation the first thing they did was to ratifie the peace which Lorenzo had made with the King and they appointed Antonio Ridolfi and Piero Nasi Embassadors to the Pope Notwithstanding this Peace the Duke of Calabria departed from the Country of Siena with his Army pretending he was retained by the dissentions of that City which were so great that being quartered not far off he was invited into the Town and their defferences referred to his arbitration The Duke accepted the overture fin'd several of the Citizens imprisoned several banished some and some he put to death so that he became suspicious not only to the Sienesi but to the Florentines also that his design was to make himself Prince of that City nor could they devise any remedy seeing they had entred into a League with the King and thereby made both Pope and Venetians their Enemies And this suspicion was not only got into the brains of the multitude in Florence a subtile interpreter of affairs but into the minds also of the Governors so that it was generally concluded the liberty of that City was never in more danger but God who has always had a particular care of it in all its extremities averted that evil and by an unexpected accident gave the King the Pope and the Venetians a diversion which imported them more than their advantages in Tuscany Mahomet the great Turk was with a great Army encamped before Rhodes and had lien before it several months though his forces were numerous and his diligence great yet the valour of the besieged was not to be mastered for they defended themselves so bravely he was forced to draw off and quit the siege with a great deal of dishonor Having left Rhodes he sent part of his Fleet under the command of Giacometto Bascia towards Velona and either upon consideration of the easiness of the enterprize or express command from the Grand Signore to that purpose coasting about Italy on a sudden he landed 6000 Men assaulted the City of Otranto took it plundered it killed all the Inhabitants and when he had done fortified both the Town and the harbour as much as possibly he could and with a good party of Horse scowred the whole Country about it The King being much alarmed at this invasion as knowing how great a Monarch he had to deal with sent his Embassadors about to every Body to let them know his condition and to beg their assistance against the common Enemy besides which he pressed the Duke of Calabria with all imaginable importunity to leave his designs at Siena and come back with all his forces this invasion though it was very dreadful to the Duke and all the rest of Italy yet it was welcome to Florence and Siena the one thinking its liberty most miraculously preserved and the other themselves as strangely delivered from those dangers which would of necessity have destroyed them Which opinion was much encreased by the unwillingness wherewith the Duke departed from Siena complaining and cursing his fortune which by so unreasonable and an unexpected accident had defeated him of the Dominion of Tuscany The same thing changed the Counsels of the Pope and whereas before he would never admit any Embassador from Florence he was grown now so meek he would hear any body speak of a general Peace and word was sent to the Florentines that when ever they found themselves enclined ask pardon of the Pope they would be sure to have it The Florentines thought not fit to slip so fair an occasion and therefore sent 12 Embassadors to the Pope who entertained them with diverse practices after they were arrived at Rome before he admitted them to audience yet at length it was adjusted how all Parties should comport for the future and what every one should contribute in time of Peace as well as in War after which the Embassadors were admitted to the feet of the Pope who was placed in great Pomp with his Cardinals about him The Embassadors to extenuate what had passed laid the fault sometimes upon their own necessities sometimes upon the malignity of other People sometimes upon the popular fury sometimes upon their own just indignation as being so unhappy to be forced either to fight or to die and because death is the most terrible of all things and all things will be tried before that will be embraced they had endured the War the excommunications and all the ill consequences which followed rather than suffer their liberty which is the life of a Commonwealth to be taken from them and extinguished nevertheless if their necessity had run them upon the rocks and forced them to do any thing which was displeasing to him they were ready to make him satisfaction and did hope according to the example of their gracious Redeemer he would be as ready to receive them into his most merciful Arms. To which excuses his Holiness replyed with great heat and indignation reproaching them by all the mischiefs which they had done to the Church nevertheless to preserve the Commandments of God he was contented to grant them their pardon as they desired but intimated withal that they were to be more obedient for the future and if again they transgressed that liberty which now they were only like to have lost should be then taken wholly and that justly away because they who deserved to be free were such as practised good things and not bad and liberty abused was destructive both to themselves and other People for to neglect their duty either to God or his Church was not the office of good Men but of such as were dissolute and lewd the correction of which belongeth not only to Princes but to all that are Christians so that for what was to be passed they were to lay the fault upon themselves who by their ill deeds had given occasion of the War and continued it by their worse but now that was at an end yet it was attributed more to the goodness of other People than any merit in them after which he gave them his benediction and the form of the agreement to which he had added besides what had been debated and concluded on in Counsel that if the Florentines expected any fruit from his blessing they should furnish out fifteen Gallies and keep them in their pay till the Turk was beaten out of Italy The Embassadors complained grievously to have an article of that weight superadded to what was concluded in the Treaty but by all the friends they could make and all the arts they could use they could not prevail to have it expunged whereupon returning to Florence that Senate to perfect the Peace sent Guid Antonio Vespucci who not long before was returned from France their Embassador to his Holiness and by his prudence he brought the terms to be tolerable and as a greater sign of his reconciliation received several other marks of his Holiness favour The Florentines having put an end to all
advanced against the Castle and having planted their Guns they battered it exceedingly This attack was new and unexpected to the Florentines insomuch that they drew what force they were able together under the command of Urginio Ursino at Pisa and made their complaints to the Pope that whilst he was in treaty with them for peace the Genoeses had invaded them after which they sent Piero Corsini to Lucca to preserve that City in its allegiance they sent likewise Pagocantonio Soderini their Embassador to Venice to try the minds of that Commonwealth They desired aid likewise of the King of Naples and Signor Lodovico but neither of them supplied them the King pretending apprehension of the Turkish fleet and Lodovico with other shifts delaied to relieve them so that the Florentines as they usually are were left alone in their necessity finding no body so well disposed to assist them as they were to assist other People Nevertheless being not strange to them they were not at all discouraged but raising a great Army under the Command of Giacopo Guicciardini and Pietro Vettori they sent them against the Enemy who had lodged himself upon the River Magra In the mean time Serazanello was closely besiged and what with mines and batteries brought to great danger of being taken Whereupon a Counsel being called it was resolved to leave it and the Enemy not at all declining they came to an engagement in which the Genoesi were defeated Lodovico dal Fiesco and several of their principal officers taken Prisoners yet this Victory could not encline the Serezanesi to surrender they rather prepared more obstinately for their defence and the Florentine Commissaries being as diligent on their side it was couragiously both assaulted and defended This Leaguer proving longer than was expected Lorenzs de Medici thought it expedient to go himself to the Camp where his arrival animated his own Souldiers and discouraged the adversary for upon observation of the vigour of the Florentines and the coldness of their supplies from Genoa freely without any capitulation they threw themselves into the arms of Lorenzo and except some few who were more eminently active in the Rebellion they were all courteously treated by the Florentines During this siege Signor Lodovico had sent his Horse to Pontremoli in appearance in our favour but holding a correspondence in Genoa a party mutinied against the Government and by the help of those forces secured the Town for the Duke of Milan About this time the Germans made War upon the Venetians and Boccelino d' Osimo Nella Marca had caused Osimo to revolt from the Pope and made himself Lord of it This Boccelino after many accidents was contented upon the persuasion of Lorenzo di Medici to deliver up that Town again to the Pope which he did and coming to Florance he lived there under Lorenzo's protection very honorable a considerable time but afterwards removing to Milan and not finding the same faith as he had done at Florance he ws put to death by Lodovico's command The Venetians being set upon by the Germans near the City of Trento were utterly defeated and Signor Roberto da San Severino their General was slain After the loss of this Victory according to their usual fortune the Venetians made a peace with the Germans but upon terms as exceedingly honorable as if they had been the Conquerors About the same time great troubles arose likewise in Romagna Francesco d' Orso of Furli was a Man of great authority in that City and falling under the suspicion of the Count Girolamo he was many times threatned by him so that Francesco living in perpetual fear he was advised by his friends and relations to be before hand with the Count and seeing his intention was manifestly to take away his life he should strike the first blow and make sure of the Count and so by the death of another Person secure himself This Counsel begin given and as resolutely undertaken they appointed the time to be at the Fair at Furli for several of their friends in the Country coming to the Town on course that day they thought they should have enough of them present without the danger of inviting them It was in the month of May in which the greatest part of the Italians have a custom of supping by day light The Conspirators thought their best time to kill him would be after he had supped when the servants were gone down to their own and left him as it were alone in his Chamber Having agreed upon the time Francesco went to the Counts Palace and having left his accomplices below and told one of his Servants that he desired to speak with the Count he was admitted and finding him alone after some previous and pretended discourse he took his opportunity and killed him then calling up his Companions the Servant was slain likewise and then the Captain of the Castle coming in by accident with some few in his company to speak with the Count they fell upon him and murdered him with the rest Having finished their work and raised a great hubub in the House the Count's body was thrown out of the window a great cry made of liberty and the Church and the people exhorted to Arm who abominating the cruelty and the avarice of the Count fell upon his Houses plundered them and made the Countess Catherina his Lady and her Family Prisoners and this was done with so little opposition that there was nothing but the Castle which hindered the accomplishment of their designs but that Captain being obstinate and not to be wrought upon by them to surrender they desired the Countess to try if she could persuade him which she promised to endeavour if they would let her go to him into the Castle and as Hostage for her fidelity she would leave them her Children The Conspirators believed her and gave her leave to go to him but she was no sooner in the Castle but she began to swagger and threaten them with death in revenge of her husband's and when they told her they would kill all her Children she bid them do their worst for she knew how to have more The Conspirators were not a little dismaid at this accident they saw the Pope sent them no succours and hearing that Lodovico the Countesses Unckle was sending forces to her relief they pack'd up what they could and away they went to Castello so that the Countess being restored she revenged the death of her husband with all possible cruelty The Florentines had news of what happened to the Count and immediatly took occasion to attempt the Castle of Piancaldoli which had been formerly taken from them by the said Count and accordingly sending their forces thither they retook it but with the death of Ciecco a most excellent Architect About the same time that this tumult happened in the City another of no less importance fell out in the Country of Romagna Galeotto Lord of Faenza was married to
and fia il combatter Corto Che l' antico valore Ne ' gl' Italici curr ' non e ancor morto Virtue shall arm 'gainst rage and in short sight Prove th' Roman Valour 's not extinguish'd quite The Original of the words Guelf and Ghibilin so much mentioned in History THese two Factions so famous in History were eminent in Italy two ages before Castruccio was born Machiavel in his Treatise of the Wars of that Country affirms that Pistoia was the first place where those names of distinction were used but the account wherewith the publick Libraries supply me runs thus These two words Guelf and Ghibilin deduce their original from a schism which molested the Church in the year 1130. by the competition of two Popes Innocent 11. and Anaclet the greatest part of Christendom acknowledged Innocent who was particularly supported by the Emperors of the West Anaclet the anti-Pope had persuaded into his interests Roger Comte de Naples and Sicily a martial Prince and descended from the Normans who had conquered that Country The pretence of this double Election having kept a War on foot eight years together which was still favourable to Roger the Emperor Conrad the third march'd himself at the head of an Army of Germans into Italy leaving his Grand-son Prince Henry to come after Roger to oppose him with men of his own Nation allured to the defence of his Countries Guelf Duke of Bavaria During the course of this War which began in the year 1139. it hapned sometimes that the Emperors Army was commanded by the said Prince Herny who was brought up in a Village in Germany called Ghibilin whose situation being very pleasant made the very name of it â—ear to him One day the Armies being drawn up and ready to engage the Bavarians to encourage their Comrades cryed out in their language a Guelf a Guelf and the Emperors Troops being at the same time as well disposed to their General to comply with the kindness he had for that place cryed out on the other side a Ghibilin a Ghibilin These words seemed barbarous to the Italians that were with Roger who came to Guelf to know what they meant He told them the Pope's Party were intended by the word Guelf and the Emperors by the word Ghibilin from that time those names grew so common in both Armies that by them they answered their Who goes there and they were given to the Italians according to their several sides 'T is true at first they were used to discriminate only Anaclet's Party from the Emperors but afterwards Roger having vanquished and taken prisoner Pope Innocent as the price of his liberty he oblig'd him to erect the Countries of Naples and Sicily into Kingdoms by which treaty Roger being taken off from the interest of the anti-Pope and engaging entirely with the Church he affix'd the name of Guelf to the Pope's Party and confirm'd the name Ghibilin to the Faction of the Emperor The Italians would fain have the credit of the Etymology themselves and by a certain gingling of words and that mightily strain'd would have Guelf deriv'd from Guardatori di fe because forsooth 't is they who defend the Faith of the Church and that by corruption the word Ghibilin was form'd from Guida belli that is Guidatori di Bataglia a great Title and sutable to the Majesty of the Empire Be it which way it will these two Factions were in the height of their emulation two hundred years after that is to say about the year 1320. which was very near the time that Castruccio was in his prosperity And in Europe the face of affairs stood thus The Popes driven from Rome by the violence of the Emperors of the West had transferred the Holy Chair to Avignon in France In the year 1320. it was possessed by Iohn XXII a Prince of himself firm and entire but one who by the precipitate counsels of other people had excommunicated the Emperor Lewis of the house of Bavaria and been too busie with his fulminations against five more Princes of Italy who being treated by him like Tyrants confederated against him their names were Castruccio Sovereign of Lucca Scaliger Lord of Verona the Marquess d' Esti Lord of Ferrara and Visconti and Gonzague the first Sovereign of Milan and the other of Mantoua which created troubles to Italy The Empire of the East was at that time torn and distracted by the ambition of the Paliologi and others whilst in the mean time the Sultan Orchan son of Ottoman swept away Lycaonia Phrygia and all the Coast of the Hellespont from the Greeks The Empire of the West was then in dispute betwixt Frederick of Austria and Lewis of Bavaria whom Machiavel by mistake or inadvertency has called Frederick Lewis after long and bloody Wars overcome his Competitor and made several Voyages into Italy to invigorate and reinforce Castruccio and the Ghibilins France was governed by Philip le Long who at the solicitation of Pope Iohn passed an Army into Italy to the relief of the Guelfs which Army was commanded by Philip de Valois afterwards King but his Expedition did not answer expectation for either the cunning or bribes of the Ghibilins had dispelled the storm which our preparations threatned upon Lombardy or our Forces were recalled upon some secret apprehension of a fourth War with the English or by the vast projects of a fifth Expedition to the Holy Land Spain was divided into five Kingdoms each of which had its peculiar King four of them were Christians and one a Mahumetan Navar had the same King with France Philip the Long found a way to extend the Salick Law into that Country and defeat his Niece Iane of France Daughter of Lewis Hutin of both Kingdoms at once Alphonso XI as Mariana calls him the XII as Garibay had at that time the Scepter of Castile but his minority transferr'd the Conduct of Affairs into the hands of the two Infanti Don Pedro and Don Iohn insomuch as by the jealousie and division betwixt the two Regents that Kingdom was exposed to such disorders as are inseparable from the minority of a Prince At length the two Infanti were slain in the year 1320. in a Fight which their rashness caused them to lose to the Mores under the walls of Granada Arragon was in obedience to Don Iacques the second of that name He was Brother to Fredrick who reigned in Sicily to the prejudice of Robert a Prince of the House of Anjou This Robert was King of Naples sided with the Guelfs and leagued himself sundry times with the Florentines against Castruccio Iames King of Aragon designing to establish himself in Italy and judging that the Conquests which he mediated upon the Isles of Corsica and Sardinia depended much upon the Concord of his Subjects at home He caused a General Assembly of his Estates to be held in the year 1320. in which was concluded the Union of the Kingdoms of Aragon and Valentia with the Principality
charge So eminent a Victory as this must needs put Castruccio into a reputation beyond expression but Huguccione had like to have died with meer jealousie he foresaw that nothing of all this would redound to him but the vain honour of commanding in chief and that the real advantage would all fall to his Lieutenant so that to use him at that rate was to rob him of his Soveraignty whereupon nettled exceedingly in great envy of his Fortune he resolved he should die Whil'st he was in this black resolution and attended nothing but some specious pretence to get Castruccio to him and so draw him into his Net it hapned that Agnolo Micheli a Person of great alliance as any in Lucca was murther'd by one who took Sanctuary in Castruccio's House and was protected Huguccione's Officers pursued and demanded the Criminal but Castruccio denyed them and suffered him to escape Huguccione who was then at Pisa unwilling to lose so fair an opportunity to revenge himself sent for one of his Sons called Nerli whom he put before into possession of the Soveraignty of Lucca commands him to repair thither with all speed and get Castruccio to his house under pretence of supping with some of the most eminent in the Town and private Orders were given for the making him away Nerli lay'd his ambush for Castruccio very handsomly for suspecting nothing he came to the Feast and was arrested before he went out of the Palace But Nerli being over circumspect and imagining it might work some alteration in the Spirits of the People if he killed him bluntly without any formality writ to his Father to know how he should dispose of him Huguccione mad at his unseasonable prudence departed from Pisa at the head of 400 Horse to go himself in person to dispatch Castruccio but Huguccione was scarce got to Bagni before the Pisans revolted cut his Deputies throat and slew all his Family that were left behind and that he might be sure they were in earnest they chose the Conte de Guerardescâ— and made him their Governor Though he had news of this Rebellion before his arrival at Lucca yet he thought it inconvenient to return on the contrary he made all the hast thither that he could to be there if possible before the report lest if the news got before him it might have ill effect upon the Luccheses and prevail with them to exclude him their City But the Luccheses had heard it before had such designs of their own and the liberty of Castruccio was the thing they were to pretend Huguccione was admitted but his presence was not sufficient to keep them in their duties They began to assemble in parties to whisper and speak slightly of him in private then to murmur then to tumultuate and taking Arms by degrees they came boldly and demanded Castruccio should be enlarged and this they did in so positive and audacious a manner that Huguccione apprehending the consequences delivered him to them Castruccio not contented with that conceiving vaster designs than formerly and egg'd on by an equal impulse of honour and revenge he assembled his friends and taking the benefit of the favourable disposition of the People he resolved to oppose himself against Huguccione and forcing of him out of Lucca with all his party Huguccione retired into Lombardy to the Lords of Scala where not long after he died very poor This was a happy turn for Castruccio from the incommodities of a Prison to the Supremacy of a Prince and yet this was not enough Finding himself accompanied by a great number of his Friends which encouraged him and by the whole body of the people which flattered his ambition he caused himself to be chosen Captain General of all their Forces for a Twelve-month and resolving to perform some Eminent action that might justifie their choice he undertook the reduction of several places which had revolted from that City in favour of Huguccione Having to this purpose entered into strict alliance with the City of Pisa they sent him supplies and he marched with them to besiege Serezane But the place being very strong before he could carry it he was obliged to build a Fortress as near it as he could This new Post in two months time render'd him Master of the whole Country and is the same Fort that at this day is called Serezanello repaired since and much enlarged by the Florentines Supported by the credit of so glorious an exploit he reduced Massa Carrara and Lavenza very easily he seized likewise upon the whole Country of Lunigiana and to secure his Communication with Lombardy he took Pont Remoli by force and drove out Anastasio Palavicini the Sovereign So that full of glory he returned to Lucca where the People thronged to meet him and received him with all possible demonstrations of joy This was the happiest conjuncture for Castruccio in the world for having been so discreet before to make his interest with the most considerable of the Luccheses and among the rest with Poggio Portico Baccansachi and Cecco Guinigi the favour of these great men concurring with the inclination of the people and every thing else contributing to his happiness he was solemnly chosen their Soveraign Prince About this time Frederick de Baviere King of the Romans passed out of Germany into Italy to be crown'd Emperor there Castruccio who had already wrought himself in some measure into his favour put himself at the head of 500 Horse and went to wait upon him having left as his Deputy in Lucca Pagolo Guinigi his Pupil whom he had treated all along as he had been his own Son in consideration of the benefits he had received from his Father Frederick received Castruccio with much kindness and having done him several honours and granted him many signal perogatives he made him his Lieutenant in the whole province of Tuscany besides all this the Inhabitants of Pisa at the same time mutining against their Governor Gerardesca and driving him out of the Town to defend themselves against his resentment addressed to Frederick for protection and he gave the Soveraignty of that Town to Castruccio His choice was not unpleasing to the Inhabitants who knew not where to find a better support against the Faction of the Guelfs and particularly against the attempts of the Florentine After this Frederick return'd into Germany having made a Lieutenant General of all Italy and left him in Rome There was not at that time either in Lombardy or Tuscany any of the Ghibilins of the Emperor's party but looked upon Castruccio as the true head of their Faction Those who were banished their Country upon that score fled to him for protection and promised unanimously that if he could restore them to their Estates they would serve him so effectually that the Soveraignty of their Country should be the recompence of his kindness The chief of them were the Guidi Scolari Uberti Gerozzi Nardi and Buomoccorsi all Exiles of Florence So that flattered by
their promises and encouraged by the strength of his own force he entertained a design of making himself Master of Tuscany and to give more reputation to his affairs he entred into a League with Matteo Visconti Prince of Milan He put out a Proclamation afterwards that all his Subjects which were capable to bear Arms should be ready at a certain warning to put themselves into Service and for the better order of the Muster Rolls by which his Militia was to be regulated the City of Lucca having five Gates he divided the whole Country into five parts and disposed every Soldier under his officer with so much exactness that in a short time he could march with 20000 Men besides what he could draw out of Pisa. Whil'st he was fortifying himself with Soldiers and Friends it fell out that the Guelfs in Plaisansa having driven out the Ghibilins and received considerable succours from Florence and the King of Naples came thundering down upon the Territories of the Prince of Milan The Prince desired Castruccio to give the Florentines diversion to carry the War into their Country to withdraw them from Lombardy and thereby to put them upon the defensive Castruccio desired no more and fell with a flying Army into the Valley of Arno took Fucechio and San-Miniato and ravaged the Country so effectually that the Florentines were constrained to call back their Troops out of Lombardy but the necessity of another diversion called back Castruccio to the recovery of Lucca In his absence the Family of the Poggi which had been always his friends and contributed more to his Elevation than any of the rest regreting that they had not been rewarded according to the merits of their Services conspired with several others of the Inhabitants to bring the City to revolt They began the tumult one morning and having put themselves in Arms they killed the Chief Officer which Castruccio had established for the administration of justice But whil'st they were disposing themselves to push on their Sedition Stephano Poggio an old Man of a peaceable temper and one who had not medled at all in the Conspiracy of his Relations made use of the authority he had with them caused them to lay down their Arms and offered his intercession to Castruccio that they might obtain their demands Upon the first notice of this Commotion Castruccio drew a party out of his Army and leaving the rest under the Command of Pagolo Guinigi he marched with all diligence back to Lucca where finding things quieter than he expected he knew very well how to make his advantage of so temperate a submission and disposed his Troops and his Friends in all the Posts that might make him Master of the Town Stephano Poggio who thought in this juncture he had highly obliged Castruccio came to make him a visit and judged it unnecessary to beg any thing of him all that he requested was that he would pardon his Family allow something to their ancient Services and give some little Indulgence to the transports of their youth Castruccio received him with much affection and told him that he was more pleased to find those troubles appeased than he had been offended at the news of their Commotion and having pressed him to bring the Male-contents to him he added that he thank'd his stars for giving him such an opportunity of signalizing his Clemency Upon Stephano's importunity and Castruccio's promise they came all to attend him but Castruccio apprehending that this new Service of Stephano might some time or other be reproached to him again he resolved to make a signal Example and accordingly regulating himself by the severe politicks of Usurpers who upon such nice and critical occasions make no bones to sacrifice the innocence of particular man to the conservation of the multitude he commanded that the Mutineers and Stephano with them should be conducted to Prison and from thence to Execution Whil'st he was thus employed the Florentines recovered San Miniato and Castruccio holding it imprudence to keep in the Field whil'st he was insecure in the Town resolved to give some relaxation to his Arms He endeavour'd privately to feel how the Florentines stood disposed to a Truce and the War having exhausted their Coffers he found them so coming that it was concluded for two years upon condition that either party should retain what was then in their possession Castruccio being disintangled from his foreign Embarrasments applyed himself wholly to his security at home and under several pretences to quit himself of all those who were likely to dispute his Soveraignty of Lucca not sparing his Confiscations and Proscriptions against the Exiles nor the Executions of any who were under his hands To excuse himself he gave out that he had had too much Experience already of the infidelity of those people to trust them again But a strong Citadel which erected in the City was the true way to continue his Authority and to give the more terror to the Citizens he caused the houses of his adversaries to be demolished and the Citadel to be built of their Materials His peace with the Florentines and his Fortifications at Lucca employ'd him not so much as to lessen his thoughts how he might make himself greater being unwilling again to come to an open War he entertained private correspondencies both on one side and the other He had an ardent desire to make himself Master of the Town of Pistoia persuading himself it would give him footing in Florence and in this prospect he held a secret Commerce of amity with the different parties which were predominant in Pistoia This double intelligence was managed with that slyness and delicacy that each of them believed they were particularly in his Confidence It was a long time that these two opposite Cabals had divided or rather distracted that City The one called the Faction of the Bianchi had Bastiano da Possente for its head and the other called the Neri was commanded by Iacopo de Gia. Each of them boyling with desire to supplant its competitor repos'd much upon the promises of Castruccio and these two Heads of the Factions who had long been suspected to one another took Arms at length both at a time Iacopo posted himself towards the Gate that goes to Florence and Bastiano towards that which leads to Lucca At first it was in debate severally by each of them whether they should call in the Florentines but finding Castruccio more active and his Forces better Soldiers each of them sent privately to him to solicit his assistance Castruccio carried it very demurely and promised succour to both He told Iacopo that in person he would relieve him and to Bastiano he sent word he would do it by Pagolo Guinigi his Lievtenant General and the person of the world he loved best for he regarded him as his Son Having acquainted them both that they should expect their supplies about midnight he agreed with Pagolo and causing him to march with part of
the management of War in the administration of Justice in the enlargement and propagation of Empire there is not to be found either Prince Republick great Captain or Citizen which repairs to Antiquity for example which persuaded me it proceeded not so much from niceness and effeminacy our present Education has introduced upon the world nor from the mischief which turbulent and seditious idleness has brought forth in many Provinces and Cities in Christendom as from our ignorance or inadvertency in History not taking the sense of what we read or not minding the relish and poinancy with which it is many times impregnated from whence it comes to pass that many who read are much pleased and delighted with the variety of accidents contained in History but never think them intended for their imitation that being a thing in their judgments not only difficult but impossible as if the Heaven the Sun the Elements and Mankind were altered and dispossessed of the motion order and power with which they were primitively invested Being desirous to reduce such as shall fall into this error I have Judged it necessary to write upon all those Books of Titus Livius which by the malignity of time have not been intercepted what I according to ancient and modern opinion shall think useful for their further explanation to the end that they which shall peruse these my discourses may extract such advantage and document as is necessary for their proficiency and improvement by History and though my enterprize appears to be difficult yet by the assistance of those who put me upon it I do not despair but to discharge my self so as to leave the way much more easie and short to any man that shall desire to come after me CHAP. I. What have been generally the principles of all Cities and particularly of Rome THose who shall read the Original of the City of Rome by what Legislators advanced and by what Government ordered will not wonder it shall remain firm and entire for so many ages afterwards so vast an Empire spring out of it as that Common-wealth arrived to Being to discourse first of its Original it is convenient to premise that all Cities are built either by natives born in the Country where they were erected or by strangers The first happens when to the Inhabitants dispersed in many and little parties it appears their habitation is insecure not being able apart by reason of their distance or smalness of their numbers to resist an invasion if any Enemy should fall upon them or to unite suddenly for their defence without leaving their Houses and Families exposed which by consequence would be certain prey to the enemy Whereupon to evade those dangers moved either by their own impulse or the suggestions of some person among them of more than ordinary authority they oblige themselves to live together in some place to be chosen by them for convenience of provision and easiness of defence Of this sort among many others Athens and Venice were two the first that built under the authority of Theseus upon occasion of the like distance and dispersion of the natives The other there being many people driven together into certain little Islands in that point of the Adriatick Sea to avoid the War which every day by the access and irruption of new Armies of Barbarians after the declension of the Roman Empire grew intolerable in Italy began by degrees among themselves without the assistance or encouragement of any Prince to treat and submit to such Laws as appeared most likely to preserve them and it succeeded to their desire by the long respite and tranquillity their situation afforded them that Sea having no passage at that end and the Barbarians no ships to disturb them so that the least beginning imaginable was sufficient to exalt them to their present authority and grandeur The second case when a City is raised by strangers it is done by people that are free or depending as Colonies or else by some Prince or Republick to ease and disburthen themselves of their exuberance or to defend some Territory which being newly acquir'd they desire with more safety and less expence to maintain of which sort several were by the people of Rome all over their Empire otherwise they are sometimes erected by some Prince not for his residence so much as for his glory and renown as Alexandria by Alexander the great But these Cities not being free in their Original do seldom arise to any extraordinary height more than to be reckoned the heads or chief of some Kingdom Of this sort was Florence for whether built by the Souldiers of Silla or perchance by the Inhabitants of the Mountain di Fiesole who presuming upon and being encouraged by the long Peace under the Reign of Augustus descended from their Mountain to inhabit the plain upon the River Arms it was built under the Roman Empire and could not upon those principles exalt it self higher than the courtesie of the Prince would permit The Founders of Cities are free when by themselves or the Command of their Soveraign they are constrained upon occasion of sickness famine or war to abandon their own inquest of new Countries and these do either possess themselves of such Towns as they find ready built in their Conquests as Moses did or they build them de novo as Aeneas In this case the power of the builder and the fortune of the building is conspicuous and honourable according as the cause from whence it derives its Original is more or less eminent His virtue and prudence is discernible two ways by the election of the Seat and institution of the Laws and because men build as often by necessity as choice and the judgment and wisdom of the builder is greater where there is less room and latitude for his election it is worthy our consideration whether it is more advantagious building in barren and unfruitful places to the end that the people being constrained to be industrious and less obnoxious to idleness might live in more unity the poverty of the soil giving them less opportunity of dissention Thus it fell out in Raugia and several other Cities built in such places and that kind of election would doubtless be most prudent and profitable if men could be content to live quietly of what they had without an ambitious desire of Command But there being no security against that but power it is necessary to avoid that sterility and build in the fruitfullest places can be found where their numbers encreasing by the plentifulness of the soil they may be able not only to defend themselves against an assault but repel any opposition shall be made to their grandeur and as to that idleness to which the richness of the situation disposes it may be provided against by Laws and convenient exercise enjoyn'd according to the example of several wise men who having inhabited Countries pleasant fruitful and apt to produce such lazy people improper for service
taken away without manifest danger It was but equitable therefore that the people should be capable of the Consulship that being nourished a while with only the hopes they might at length be so happy as to have it in effect A City that employs not its people in any great affair may order them as it pleases but if it designs to extend its Empire and do as the Romans did there must be no distinction And that no regard ought to be had of any man's age appears by this That in the election of a young man to a degree in which the wisdom of an old man is requisite the multitude being to elect it is necessary that the young man be recommended by some extraordinary Exploit and when a young man is so happy as to have made himself conspicuous in the City by some honourable Atchievement it were not only hard but inconvenient if the said City might not receive the benefit of his virtue immediately but be forced to attend till his mind as well as body was super-annuated and all that vigour and promptitude lost which at that time might have been so serviceable to his Country at which age Valerius Corvinus Scipio Pompey and many others did great things and were permitted to triumph for their pains THE DISCOURSES OF Nicholas Machiavel CITIZEN and SECRETARY OF FLORENCE Upon The First Decade of LIVY TO ZANOBI BVONDELMONTI AND COSIMO RVCELLAI LIBER II. The Preface IT is the common practice of Mankind to commend the ancient and condemn the present times but in my judgment not always with reason for so studiously are they devoted to things of antiquity that they do not only admire what is transmitted by old Authors but applaud and cry up when they are old the passages and occurrences in their youth But my opinion is This their way of computation is many times false and that upon several accompts First because of such very ancient things we can have no absolute knowledge for most commonly in the Narrative of affairs what is infamous or ill done is pretermitted in silence whilst what is well done and honourable is related with all the Arts and amplifications of Rhetorick for so much are Historians accustomed to attribute to the fortune of the Conqueror that to encrease his praise they do not only exspatiate upon his Conduct and Exploits but they do likewise so magnifie and illustrate the very actions of the Enemy That they who come after beholding things at a great distance have reason to admire those times and those men and by consequence to love them Besides it being envy or fear which disposes people to hatred neither of those passions extending to what cannot possibly hurt them two great causes are wanting of finding fault with Antiquity for as things so long passed cannot any way prejudice so they cannot provoke to envy or discontent But present things which are obvious to our own sence are universally known and no circumstance that passes whether good or bad that can be totally conceal'd from whence it proceeds that observing with the excellence and virtue of our present affairs whatever is concomitant of imprudence or vice we are in a manner compelled to postpone them to things of antiquity where the good only is displayed and the bad passed by though perhaps the present things are more worthily glorious I do not intend any thing hereby of the Arts and Sciences of our predecessors so highly improved and illustrated that 't is not in the power of time either to add any thing or substract I only speak of the manners and civil conversations of men in which indeed we have not so many virtuous examples as were to be found among our Ancestors So that it is not altogether unjustly if antiquity be prefer'd yet are not our present transactions to be always condemn'd as worse than the former as if antiquity had no errors at all Humane affairs are in perpetual fluctuation and have their times of decrease as well as advancement A City or Province founded by some excellent person upon good Principles and Laws not only stands but flourishes and increases a long time in honour authority and wealth and those persons whose happiness it is to be born under those governments whilst they are glorious and powerful are apt to prefer their old Customs to the disparagement of the new yet they are in an error and for the reasons abovesaid But those who are born when the State is in its declension do not so much transgress when they commend what is pass'd and decry what is present which things having seriously considered with my self I conceive to be caused because the world has been always the same and made up promiscuously of good things and bad yet these good and bad things have varied sometimes and as it were transmigrated from one City and one Province to another so that in those places where virtue has been a long time predominant vice has stoln in by degrees and supplanted it which is evident by the revolutions of Kingdoms and Empires where virtue and justice has had its time and been transfused afterwards into other Countries However the world was the same though its virtue and magnanimity was unstable removing and shifting from the Assyrians first to the Medes from the Medes to the Persians and from them to the Romans and if after the Roman Empire there has been no government so great as to comprehend and ingross the virtue of the whole world yet the same virtue that was of old among the Romans is not extinct but dispersed and branched out into several Kingdoms and Provinces as the Kingdom of France the Kingdom of the Turks the Kingdom of the Soldan the Empire of the Germans and the Sect of the Saracins which conquered so many Provinces and committed such devastations as were the ruine of the Empire of the East In these Kingdoms rent and divided from the Empire of the Romans the old Roman virtue is diffused and retains still something of its pristine lustre so that it may without injustice be admired in some places Which being so he who is born in those Provinces where the Roman virtue and discipline is still in being but declining if he applauds his old Country-men and blames his Contemporaries his error is not great But he that is born in Italy and is not in his heart a Tramontan or in Greece and is not a Turk must needs bewail his own times and cry up his Predecessors in which he will find many things well worthy his admiration whereas in these there is nothing but wickedness and obloquy no Religion no Laws no Discipline but all things impure and brutish and they are the more detestable and deplorable by how much the same persons who would be imitated and are set aloft to command all and correct those that are vitious are most dissolute and most vitious themselves But to return to our discourse I say That though humane judgment is frail
reputation that no neighbour-Prince or people dares venture to invade him unless compelled by indispensible necessity he may do what he pleases 't is in his Election with whom he will make war and with whom he will be at peace for his neighbours being afraid of his power are glad to be his friends and those Potentates who are farthest off and have no commerce with them look on as unconcern'd as if the consequence could have no reflexion on them and in this error they do many times continue till the calamities be brought home to their own dores and then when 't is too late they have nothing but their own private force to oppose which is too weak when the enemy is grown so strong I will not enlarge upon the Samnites nor recount how they stood still and look'd on while the Romans conquered the Aequi and the Volsci but to avoid prolixity I shall pass to the Carthaginians who were of great power and authority when the Romans were at war both with the Somnites and Tuscans they had the command of all Africk and were supreme in Sicily Sardinia and great part of Spain Blinded with their power and as they thought secure in their distance it never came into their heads to invade them at that time or to give any assistance to the Samnites or Tuscans but according to the practice of the World with things that are new and encreasing they rather sided with them and desired their friendship not so much as perceiving their error till the Romans had conquered all the intermediate States and began to contend with them for the Empire of Sicily and Spain And what hapned to the Carthaginians hapned likewise to the French to Philip of Macedon and to Antiochus each of them believing whilst the Romans were employed in their wars with other people that they would either be overcome or that they themselves should have time enough to make peace or war with them as they saw it most for their advantage so that considering what is good I am of opinion that the same fortune and prosperity may be expected by any Prince or State which exercises the same virtue and industry as the Romans have done before them And here we might very properly discourse of the Roman method in the invasion of other Provinces but we have done that at large in our Treatise called the Prince yet this I shall say in short that the Romans made always sure of some friend or other in the Provinces against which they design'd that might be a means to admit them and gave them enterance and help afterwards to keep what they had been instrumental in getting So by intelligence with the Capuans they invaded Samnium by the help of the Camertines they got into Tuscany by the Mamertines into Sicily by the Saguntines into Spain Massinissa gave them enterance into Africk the Etoli into Greece Eumenes and other Princes into Asia and the Massilienses and Hedai into France and as by their correspondence they conquered most of those Countries so by their interest they preserved them which way if diligently observed by other people it will be found that their prosperity depended less upon fortune than those States who observed not that course but to illustrate what we have said and make it so plain and perspicuous that every one may see how much more their virtue than their fortune contributed to their Empire in our next Chapter we will consider what those people were whom the Romans subdued and with what obstinacy they defended their liberty CHAP. II. With what Nations the Romans contended and with what obstinancy those Nations resisted NOthing made it so difficult for the Romans to conquer their Neighbours and some other remoter Provinces as the love which the people of those times did bear to their liberty for in defence of that they were so indefatigably studious that nothing but singular and extraordinary virtue could have subdued them and this is demonstrable by the many and great dangers to which they exposed themselves sometimes to preserve and sometimes to recover it as also by the severity of their revenge upon those who had usurp'd it 'T is evident likewise in History what detriment the People and Cities have suffered whilst they were in servitude and subjection and whereas now a-days there is but one Province which can boast of free Cities in ancient times there was not one Province but had plenty In Italy from the Alps which divide Tuscany and Lombardy to the extremest part of that Country there were many free States as the Tuscans the Romans the Samnites and others nor is there mention of any King but what reigned in Rome besides Porsena King of Tuscany the extinction of whose Line though not set down in History yet it is manifest that Tuscany was free at the time when the Romans encamped before Veii so well satisfied with their liberty and so abhorring from the very name of a King that the Veientes having for their better defence created one in their own Town and sent to the Tuscans to implore their assistance against the Romans after a grave and solemn debate it was resolved no assistance should be sent whilst they were under the dominion of a King as thinking it unfit to engage in the defence of a Country that had betraid it self and prostituted to the dominion of a single person Nor is this universal affection to liberty so wonderful in the people Experience tells us that no Cities have augmented their Revenues or enlarged their Territories but whilst they were free and at liberty and certainly 't is a prodigious thing to consider to what height and grandeur in an hundred years time the City of Athens arrived after it had freed it self from the tyranny of Pisistrates but much more to consider the greatness of Rome upon the expulsion of her Kings and the reason of all is because in Common-wealths private wealth and emolument is not so much aim'd at as the improvement of the publick nor is there any where so much care of the publick as in free States where what-ever is equitable and for the common advantage is decreed and executed without respect to particular persons who may perhaps be sufferers thereby whereas in Cities that are governed by a Prince it falls out quite contrary for there what makes commonly for the advantage of the Prince is prejudice to the publick so that when a free-State degenerates into a Tyranny the least mischief that it can expect is to make no further advancement in its Empire and no farther encrease either in riches or power but for the most part it goes backward and declines and if it should so happen that the Tyrant should be a virtuous man and one who by his courage and military discipline should enlarge his Dominions yet what-ever he took would be converted to his own private use without any benefit to the publick For he dares not advance any of those Citizens
miscarried in the Expedition but it was more by the falshood than gallantry of the Enemy for relying too much upon their promises he was reduced to such distress for Provisions that he and his whole Squadron were lost nevertheless in the midst of these exigences being in an open and Champian Country where there were no Mountains no Woods no Rivers to shelter or ease them far from all relief and nothing left to sustain them the Foot brought themselves off under the command of M. Anthonie and behaved themselves so well in the opinion of the Parthians themselves that their vast Army of Horse durst not venture upon them But to what purpose do we trouble our Reader with examples so remote we have testimony nearer home that will do it effectually We have known in our time 9000 Swizzers at Novara attack 10000 Horse and as many Foot being most Gascoignes they never regarded After this 26000 Swizzers set upon the King of France in Milan who had with him 20000 Horse 40000 Foot and a hundred pieces of Artillery and though they did not vanquish him as at the Battel of Novara yet they fought him bravely for two days together and though worsted at last yet the greatest part of them got off Marcus Regulus Attilius placed such confidence in his Foot that he not only opposed them to the Enemies Horse but to their Elephants and though his success did not answer his expectation yet it hindered not but that as great matters might have been expected from his Foot So then whoever would defeat a Body of Foot well ordered must do it with another Body better ordered than they or it is never to be done In the time of Philip Visconti Duke of Milan 16000 Swizzers having made a descent into Lombardy Carmignuola the said Dukes General marched against them with about 1000 Horse and some Foot for not being acquainted with their way of fighting he thought they would have been sufficient but having fallen upon them with his Horse and been repulsed with loss being a wise man and one that knew how to frame himself to every accident he recruited very well marched against them again and coming to an engagement caused all his Cuirassiers to dismount and at the Head of his Foot fall on upon the Swizzers who were not able to resist them For the Cuirassiers being compleatly arm'd forced their way into the Body of the Swizzers without any loss so as their whole Army was defeated and cut off and none left alive but what were preserved by the humanity of Carmignuola I do not doubt but many people are well enough satisfied in their judgments that Foot are more serviceable than Horse yet such is the infelicity of our times that neither ancient nor modern examples nor the confession of those who have tryed them are sufficient to prevail with our Princes to correct this Error or to believe that to give reputation to the Arms of a Province it is necessary to revive this Order countenance their Foot and see them well pay'd and then doubtless they will repay him by their noble Exploits But they deviate from this way as they do from the rest and therefore no wonder if their Conquests be more to the detriment than augmentation of their State CHAP. XIX The Conquests of Commonwealths that are ill governed and contrary to the Model of the Romans do conduce more to the ruine than advancement of their affairs THese false opinions of the use and excellence of Horse and Foot are so rooted in the minds of men and so confirmed with ill Examples that no body thinks of reforming our late errors or restoring the old Discipline of the Romans Thirty years since who could have persuaded an Italian that 10000 Foot could have assaulted 10000 Horse and as many Foot and have beaten them Yet this was done by the Swizzers at Novara For though all Histories ring of it yet none of our people will believe that it is possible to do now what was anciently done They object the excellence of our Horse and say they are so well arm'd that they are able to repulse not only a Body of Foot but even a Mountain or Rock and by these kind of fallacious Arguments they deceive themselves not considering that Lucullus with a few Foot defeated 150000 of Tigranes Horse and yet they had a sort of Cuirassiers among them like ours This Exploit of Lucullus we have seen acted over again by the Germans in Italy as if on purpose to convince us of our error Which if Princes and Common-Wealths could be persuaded to believe they would commit fewer faults be more strong against the insults of the Enemy and not place all their hopes in their Heels as they do at this day and those who had the Government of any Civil State would know better how to conduct and manage themselves either as to the enlargement or conservation of their Dominion and find that Leagues and Confederacies rather than absolute Conquests sending Colonies into what they had conquered making publick feuds of the spoils of the Enemy to infest and perplex the Enemy rather with Excursions and Battels than Sieges to keep the publick rich and the private poor and with all possible caution to keep up the Discipline of the Army are the ways to make a Common-Wealth formidable and great These are the true ways of enlarging an Empire all the rest are uncertain or pernicious and if thereby any to whom these ways are not pleasing they are by any means to lay aside all thoughts of extending their Dominion to think only of regulating their Laws at home and providing for their defence like the little States in Germany which by so doing have lived in peace and tranquillity for many years together But how industrious and careful soever we are in abstaining from injury or using violence to our Neighbour some body or other will be injuring us and it will be impossible to live always in quiet from which provocation will arise not only a desire in us but a necessity of vindicating our selves and retaliating upon them and when this desire is once kindled if our Neighbors do not supply us with occasion we can find it at home as will inevitably fall out where Citizens are opulent and strong And if the Cities of Germany have continued free and at peace a long time it proceeds from a peculiar disposition in that Country which is scarce to be found any where else That part of Germany of which I now speak like France and Spain was subject to the Empire of the Romans But when afterwards that Empire began to decline and the title of the Empire was removed into that Province Those that were the wealthiest and most powerful of the Cities taking advantage of the pusillanimity or distresses of their Emperors made themselves free paying only a small annual Rent for the redemption of their Liberties which being permitted by degrees all those Cities which held immediately
of the Emperour and had no dependance upon any body else redeemed themselves in that manner Whilst these Cities were imployed in this Traffick with the Emperour it fell out that several Corporations that belonged to the Duke of Austria rebelled and having established their Liberty they encreased so fast in reputation and wealth that instead of returning to their subjection to the Duke they became terrible to all people about them From hence it is that in our days this Province is said to consist of the Swizzers the free Towns the Princes and the Emperor And if in the diversity of their constitutions no Wars do arise or at least continue any time it is from their universal respect and defence to the Emperour who though his force be not great has such reputation among them that upon any controversie betwixt them he can easily compose it and this it is that has kept them quiet so long that in man's memory they have had little or no troubles but what hapned betwixt the Swizzers and the House of Austria and though for many years past the title of Emperour has been in the said House yet has it not been able to reduce the pertinacy of the Swizzers though it has attempted it very solemnly Nor did the rest of the Princes and free Towns in Germany contribute their assistance against the Swizzers partly because they were favourers of Liberty and partly because being poor themselves they had no mind the House of Austria should be rich Germany being constituted in this ballance and aequilibrium it rather reverences than fears the Authority of the Emperour and is quiet and at peace because the particular Princes and States being contented with their own moderate Dominions and in awe one of another do forbear those injuries and encroachments which are common in other places whereas if its constitution was otherwise the people would certainly think of enlarging as well as their Neighbors and by consequence interrupt that happy tranquillity which at present they enjoy In other Countries where there is not that exact proportion and equality of power betwixt the Princes and free Towns 't is not so easie to preserve them in peace so that those Commonwealths which have an ambition of extending their Empire must do it by confederation or by the ways of the Romans and whoever takes any other course rather ruines than advantages himself for new Conquests are prejudicial a thousand ways and especially when your force does not encrease with your Territory and you are not able to keep what you conquer and this happens when the expence of an Enterprise is greater than the profit though it succeeds This was the case with our Florentines and the Venetians who after they had conquered Lombardy and Tuscany were much weaker than before when one of them was contented with the Dominion of the Gulf and the other with a territory of six miles about We all think of getting what we can but take no care which way we shall keep it which is the more inexcusable because we have the Roman example before our eyes which we may follow if we please whereas they had no such advantage but wrought all out by their own industry and wisdom But there is another way by which new Conquests do a great deal of mischief and especially to a well ordered Commonwealth and that is when the City or Province that is conquered is voluptuous or effeminate as it hapned first to the Romans and then to Hannibal in the Conquest of Capua where the contagion of their ill manners spread it self so suddenly among the Soldiers that had Capua been farther off the remedies not so near or the Romans in the least measure corrupted themselves that Conquest would have been the ruine of their State For it was true what Livy told us in these words Iam tunc minime salubris militari disciplinae Capua instrumentum omnium voluptatum delinitos militum animos avertit a memoria patriae Capua at that time was no place for Military Discipline for being the instrument and contriver of all sorts of sensuality it debauched the minds of the Soldier from the memory of his Country And certainly such Cities and Provinces do revenge themselves of their Conqueror without effusion of Blood for diffusing their ill manners among his people they become so weak and enervated thereby that they are at the mercy of whoever assails them which Iuvenal has excellently well expressed when he tells us that by their conversation among strangers the Roman manners were so changed that instead of their old temperance and parsimony they were given up wholly to luxury and excess Stevior armis Luxuria incubuit victumque ulciscitur Orbem What by the Conquer'd world could never be Reveng'd by force is done by luxurie Things being thus and even the people of Rome notwithstanding the excellence of their constitution and discipline being subject to suffer and be corrupted by their new acquisitions what will become of those who have no such virtue nor education to defend them but besides all the errors above-mentioned are guilty of another as dangerous as the rest and that is by making use in their Wars not of their own Subjects or Soldiers but of Auxiliaries and Hirelings CHAP. XX. No Prince or Commonwealth without manifest danger can employ foreign Forces either Auxiliary or Mercenary HAd I not discoursed at large in another place about the inconvenience of Auxiliary or Merâ—â—â—â—â—â— Forces in respect of ones own I would have taken this opportunity to have spoken more of it here than I shall do now but having done it already I shall only touch upon it at present which I cannot forbear upon a new occasion which I have met withal in Livr I call those Forces Auxiliaries which a Prince or Confederate sends to your assistance under his own Officers and pay Of this sort were the two Legâ—ons which after the defeat of the Samnites upon the importunity of the Capuâ—◠〈◊〉 left with them for the security of their City But those Legions which were intended for the defence of that City languishing in ease and wallowing in luxury began to forget the Disciplne of their Country and their Reverence to the Senate and contrive how they might make themselves Masters of the Town conceiving the Inhabitants unworthy to enjoy those possessions which they were unable to defend But this Conspiracy was diâ—covered in time and not only prevented but punished by the Romans as we shall shew more largly hereafter At present I shall only say this that of all Soldiers none are employed with so much hazard as your Auxiliaries For first neither Soldiers nor Officers receiving pay from you but from the Prince or State by whom they are sent they have but little regard either to your interest or authority but when the War is done give themselves wholly to pillaging and mischief and that not only with the Enemy but their Friends moved sometimes by their own and
to the truth And because men of these excellent qualifications in corrupted States especially in times of peace by reason of the envy or ambition of other people are subject to be hated such Counsels are frequently followed as the deluded Commons think best or such as are recommended by those who are more solicitous of the favour than the benefit of the people But their errors being discovered in the time of their adversity necessity directs them to those persons whom in the time of prosperity they dispised as shall be shown at large in convenient place Moreover humane consultations are subject to certain accidents by which men are frequently deluded unless their experience be more than ordinary which accidents are apt by their likelyhood and probability to persuade people to whatever they desire This I mention in consideration of the advice of Numisius the Proetor after the Latins were defeated by the Romans and of what was not long since generally believed when Francis I. of France invaded Milan which was defended by the Swizzers For Lewis XII being dead and Francis d' Angolesme succeeding in that kingdom he had a great design of recovering Milan which not many years before had been taken from them by the Swizzers at the encouragement of Iulius II. To facilitate his Enterprize he made it his business to gain a party in Italy and having made sure of the Venetians he addressed himself to the Florentines and Pope Leo X. conceiving it would be a great corroboration to his affairs if he could make them seeing the Forces of the King of Spain were in Lombardy and the Emperours at Verona Pope Leo could not be brought to consent being persuaded as is said by his Counsel that if he kept himself Neuter he should be certain of Victory for it was not for the interest of the Church that either the King of France or the Swizzers should be too potent in Italy but he who would restore it to its ancient Liberty must deliver it from the servitude both of the one and the other And because both of them together were not to be dealt withal nor indeed either of them apart as things stood then occasion was to be expected and they were to attend till the King of France and Swizzers had fought and one of them beaten the other and then before the Conquerour had recruited or recovered what he had lost in the Battel the Pope and his Friends should fall upon him and so both of them be expulsed It was impossible he should ever have a fairer opportunity for the Enemy were both of them in the Field and the Popes Army strong upon the borders of Lombardy under pretence of securing the Territories of the Church where it might attend the event of the Battel which the vigor and strength of both Armies portended would be bloody and when they had destroyed one another and were both of them weaken'd then might his Army fall securely upon them possess it self of Lombardy and govern all Italy as he pleased himself These were the Counsels which were given his Holiness and at first they seemed solid enough but how vain they prov'd afterwards the event did clearly demonstrate for the Swizzers after a long and bloody Fight being defeated the Popes and the King of Spains Forces were so far from taking that opportunity of falling upon the French as they had promised themselves That they prepared to run away nor would that have secured them had not they been befriended by the humanity not to say laziness of the King of France who contenting himself with one Victory never regarded a second but strook up a Peace with the Pope And truly at a distance these Counsels seem'd not unreasonable though in reality they were irrational and idle for the Conqueror seldom loses many men what he loses is in the Fight and the greatest part of the execution is in the pursuit but grant a Battel is a long time before it be decided which notwithstanding happens but seldom and that many are slain and disabled of the conquering side yet the reputation of Victory gives the Conqueror such esteem and strikes such awe and terror into all people as transcends the consideration of any loss he can sustain so that he is in an egregious error who thinks a victorious Army may be the more easily overcome by reason of the prejudice it received in the Fight for 't is madness to attempt such an Army with a less number than you would have engaged it before because their late fortune will add to their courage This appeared by the experience of the Latins by the Counsel of Numisius the Praetor and by the losses of the people who followed it For the Romans having beaten the Latins with much ado and such slaughter of their own men that they seemed to have got nothing of a Victory but the Name Numisius proclaimed it up and down that then was the time to recover their liberty and that if with new Forces they fell suddenly upon the Romans before they were recruited or had any expectation of being invaded they would certainly be overthrown Upon which the Latins believing him raised a new Army and fell upon the Romans but they were presently defeated and suffered the inconvenience to which all people are subject that follow such Counsels CHAP. XXIII How the Romans upon any accident which necessitated them to give judgment upon their Subjects avoided always the mid way JAm Latio is status erat rerum ut neque bellum neque pacem pati possent The Latins were now in such a condition that they were neither fit for War nor Peace And what Livy said of Latium is true every where else That Prince or Commonwealth is at the highest pitch of unhappiness which is in such a condition as that he can neither receive Peace nor maintain War And this happens when people are conquered and necessitated to submit upon such hard terms as in their hearts they disdain or else to go on with the War are constrained to implore their assistance who will make them a prey The ways by which we are brought into so sad a condition are commonly ill Counsels for want of just consideration of our affairs both as to Mony and Men. For that Commonwealth or Prince who takes right measures in those shall very hardly fall into the dâ—â—â—resses of the Latins who accepted the condition of the Romans when they should have refused them and declared War against the Romans when they should have desired a Peace so that as they ordered the matter the enmity and amity of the Romans did equally afflict them The first that overcame them was Manlius Torquatus and after him Camillus who seized upon all their Cities and putting Garisons in them return'd to Rome and in his account to the Senate acquainted them that the whole Country of the Latins was then in their hands And because the Sentence and Judgment of the Senate at that time upon
or foreign supplies have had various events as fortune was pleased to befriend them Cataline was ruined Hanno of whom we have spoken before failing in his poison arm'd many thousands of his Partisans which were all slain with him Certain of the principal Citizens of Thebes by the help of a Spartan Army made themselves Masters of that City and tyranniz'd over it so that if all conspiracies against their Country be examined there will none or but very few be found to have miscarried in the management but the whole stress of their good or bad fortune has layn upon the execution which being once pass'd they are subject to no more dangers than what depend upon the nature of the Government for when a man usurps and makes himself a Tyrant he exposes himself to those natural and inseparable dangers which are the consequences of Tyranny against which he has no other remedies than what have been described before This is what I have thought convenient to write upon the subject of Conspiracies and if I have discoursed only of those which are executed by the sword and not by poison it is because they have the same orders and methods True it is the way of poison is the most dangerous as being the more uncertain because every one has not convenience but is forc'd to confer with other people and the necessity of that Conference is much to be feared besides many things happen which makes your potion ineffectual as it fell out to those who killed Commodus who having disgorg'd his poison forc'd the Conspirators to strangle him Princes then have no Enemy to which they are more dangerously exposed than to these Conspiracies because they are never undertaken against any of them but they take away his life or reputation If they succeed he dies if they miscarry and the instruments be put to death it is look'd upon as a pretence and invention of the Prince to satiate his avarice or cruelty upon the blood or fortunes of his enemies My advice therefore is both to Prince and Commonwealth that upon the discovery of a Conspiracy before they think of revenge seriously to consider the quality of it and to compare the condition of the Conspirators with their own if they find them potent and strong till they have furnished themselves with a proportionable force no notice is to be taken if notice be taken they are unable to defend themselves and certainly ruined for the Conspirators finding themselves discovered will grow desperate and be under a necessity of venturing let the success be what it will The Romans may be an example of this way of dissembling for having as we said before left two of their Legions at Capua for the security of that City against the Samnites the Commanders of the said Legions conspir'd to make themselves Masters of the Town The Romans having notice of their designs committed the prevention of it to Rutilius their new Consul who to lull and delude the Conspirators gave out that the Senate had confirmed that Station to those Legions for another winter which the Legions believed and thinking then they should have time enough they neglected to hasten their design till at length observing the Consul to draw them away insensibly and dispose them into other parts they began to suspect and that suspicion made them discover themselves and put their plot in execution Nor can an example be brought more properly for either sides for by it we may see how cool and remiss people are when they think they have time enough and how sudden and vigorous when necessity presses them And the Prince or Commonwealth which would defer the discovery of a Plot cannot do it with more advantage to himself than by giving the Conspirators some handsom occasion to believe that they may execute it with more ease and security another time for thereby the Prince or Commonwealth will have more leisure to provide for their defence they who have proceeded otherwise have but hastened their own ruine as we have seen in the case of the Duke of Athens and Gulielmo de Pazzi The Duke having made himself Sovereign in Florence and understanding there were Conspiracies against him without enquiring farther into the business caused one of them to be apprehended which giving an alarm to the rest they immediately took arms and turn'd the Duke out of his Supremacy Gulielmo being Commissary for that City in the Val di Chiana in the year 1501 having news of a great Plot in Arezzo in favour of the Vitelli and that their design was to renounce the dominion of the Florentines he marched thither directly without considering the power of the Conspirators or his own or so much as furnishing himself with what Forces he might have done and by the advice of the Bishop his Son causing one of the Conspirators to be seized the rest fell presently to their arms disclaim'd the Florentines and took their Commissary prisoner But when Conspiracies are weak and in their infancy if they be discovered they are to suppress them out of hand without any suspence and not to follow the example either of the Duke of Athens or Dion of Syracuse of whom the first caused a Citizen who had discovered a plot to him to be put to death that the rest observing how unwilling he was to believe any thing of them might be the more secure and hold themselves obliged Dion on the other side suspecting the affections of some people caused one of his Confidents called Calippus to pretend a Conspiracy and see if he could draw them in but both these practices succeeded very ill for by the first all people were discouraged from making any discovery and all Conspirators confirmed and by the other a way was recommended for the murdering of himself for Calippus finding he had an opportunity to practice without danger he did it so effectually that it cost Dion both his Government and Life CHAP. VII How it comes to pass that in the changes of State from liberty to servitude and from servitude to liberty some are very innocent and others very bloody SOme people perhaps may wonder how it should come to pass that Governments should be changed from one form to another sometimes easily and without blood and sometimes with great difficulty and slaughter be the variation as it will either from liberty to tyranny or from tyranny to liberty And this diversity of mutations is so strange that as History tells us they happen sometimes with infinite effusion of blood and at other times without the least injury to any body as in Rome when the Government was taken from the Kings and put into the hands of the Consulâ— no body was expulsed or so much as molested but the Tarquins but in other alterations it has been otherwise and the cause of this diversity may in my judgment be deduced from the manner in which that State was acquired if it was obtained by force it could not be without injury
promoted it highly not so much in respect of the publick good as their own private advantage expecting that the management of that war would be placed in their hands But Nicias a person of the greatest reputation in Athens dissuaded it and his great argument to make the People believe he spake his judgment and more for the benefit of the Commonwealth than any interest of his own was that he advised rather contrary to his own advantage because in time of peace there were many of his fellow Citizens before him but in time of war he knew he should be the first by which we may see it has been an ancient infirmity in Commonwealths not to value persons of worth in time of peace which disobliges them doubly to see themselves deprived of their dignities and to see others preferred to them of less sufficiency than they which error has been the occasion of much confusion for those persons who find themselves neglected and know the reason of all is the tranquillity of the times make it their business to embroil them and put their Country upon war though never so much to its prejudice And thinking sometimes with my self what remedies were most proper I could light but on two one was to keep the Citizens from growing too rich that wealth without virtue might not be sufficient to advance any man or able to corrupt other people or themselves the other so to prepare and adapt themselves for war that they may never be surprized but have always employment forthe bravest of their Citizens as Rome had in the time of her prosperity For that City having Armies always abroad there was constant exercise for the virtue of their Citizens nor could a man of worth be degraded nor an improper man be prefer'd in his place because when ever such a thing was done whether by way of error or experiment it was the same the disorders and dangers which followed were so sudden and great that they quickly found their mistake and return'd to their old method again But other Cities and States not so well constituted as that which make war only in cases of necessity cannot defend themselves from those inconveniences but are always in trouble and disorder when ever that excellent Citizen which is neglected is vindicative and hath any reputation or part in the City And though for some time Rome kept her self free from these inconveniences yet after she had conquered Carthage and Antiochus as has been said before and seemed to be past all fear of war for the future she chose several Commanders for her Army not so much for their conduct or virtue as for those qualities which were likely to recommend them to the people Paulus Aemilius stood many times for the Consulship and was repulsed nor could he ever be made Consul till the Macedonian war which was committed unanimously to his conduct because they saw it was like to be dangerous and difficult After the year 1494 our City of Florence being engaged in several wars in which none of our Citizens had perform'd any great matter at last the City hapned upon a person who shewed them after what manner an Army was to be commanded his name was Antonio Giacomini whilst the war was dangerous and there was any trouble or difficulty to manage it Antonio was free from the ambition of his fellow Citizens and had no competitor in his election to be Commissary and General of their Armies but when those were past and new wars that were more easie and honourable were to be undertaken he had so many competitors that when three Commissaries were to be chosen for the reduction of Pisa Antonio could not obtain to be one and though it be not manifest what inconveniences accrewed to the Commonwealth by the waving of Antonio yet it may be easily conjectured for the Pisans being distressed for want of provisions and having nothing left wherewithal to defend themselves had Antonio been there would have been forc'd to have surrendred at discretion but being besieged by such Officers as knew not how to streighten or press them they held out so long that the Florentines were glad to buy them out at last whereas they might as well have had them by force No question but Antonio resented it highly and he had need be a good man and of more than ordinary patience not to think of revenging himself though with the subversion of the whole City if he could and the ruine of every private Citizen which is to be carefully prevented by every State as shall be shewn in the following Chapter CHAP. XVII A man is not to be disobliged and employed afterwards in any matter of importance A Commonwealth is diligently to provide that no Citizen be entrusted in any weighty affair who has received any remarkable injury Claudius Nero who divided the Army which was designed to confront Hanibal and marched away with a strong party into la Mara to joyn with the other Consul and engage Asdrubal before he got up with his supplies to Hanibal having formerly commanded the Roman Army in Spain against the said Asdrubal had come off with dishonour for though he had enclosed Asdrubal and his whole Army and so possest himself of all passes that he must either fight with disadvantage or perish with hunger yet he was over-reach'd with the subtilty of the Carthaginian who drill'd him on with pretended overtures of peace till at length in the night he stole his Army thorow the woods and got of where he was safe This passage being known in Rome was no small diminution to Nero's reputation both with the Senate and the People but being afterwards made Consul and sent with an Army against Hanibal he ventured upon that desperate counsel of dividing the Army which was a thing so doubtful and uncertain in the opinion of the Romans that the City was in strange anxiety and suspence till they had the news of his Victory It is reported that when Claudius Nero was questioned afterwards by his friends what it was that mov'd him to so hazardous an enterprize in which without necessary provocation he had ventured the whole liberty of their Country he answered he had done it because he knew if he succeded he should recover that honour which he had lost in Spain if he miscarried and his design should have a contrary end he should have had the satisfaction to have been revenged of the City and Citizens by whom he had been so ingratefully and so indiscreetly calumniated And if the indignation arising from these kind of provocations could work so strongly upon a Roman Citizen in those times when Rome was in its innocence we may easily imagine what prodigious effects it may have upon persons in a City not so well constituted as that and because against these kind of disorders to which all Commonwealths are subject no certain remedy can be prescrib'd it follows that no Commonwealth can be possibly perpetual forasmuch as a
thousand unexpected accidents fall in to hasten its destruction CHAP. XVIII Nothing is more honourable in a General than to foresee the Designs of his Enemy IT was the saying of Epaminondas the Theban that no one quality was more useful and necessary in a General than to be able to know the resolutions and designs of his Enemy and discover that by conjecture which he could not do by any certain intelligence Nor is it difficult only to understand his designs but his actions and of those actions not only such as are perform'd privately or at a distance but such as are done as it were before his Face For it many times falls out that when a Battel continues till night he who has the better believes he has the worst and who has lost all supposes he has the Victory Which mistakes has put the Generals many times upon pernicious counsels as it hapned betwixt Brutus and Cassius for Brutus having defeated the Enemy with his Wing Cassius supposing he had been lost and his whole Body dispers'd killed himself in despair In our times at the Battel of S. Cilicia in Lombardy Francis King of France coming to an engagement with the Swizzers the Fight continued till night a body of the Swizzers remaining entire and hearing nothing of the defeat and execution of their Comrades concluded the Victory was theirs which error was the occasion that they marched not off as they might have done but kept their ground till the next morning at which time they were charged again and overthrown The same error had almost ruined the Armies of the Pope and King of Spain who upon a false alarm of the Victory of the Swizzers passed the Po and advanced so far that ere they were aware they had like to have fallen into the mouths of the victorious French The like fell out of old in the Camps of the Romans and Aequi Sempronius the Consul being commanded out with an Army against the enemy and forcing him to a Battel it continued till night without any visible advantage on either side Night coming on and both Armies sufficiently spent neither of them retir'd to their Camps but betook themselves to the neighbouring hills where they believed they should be more safe The Roman Army divided into two parts one went with the Consul and the other with Tempanius the Centurion by whose courage the Roman Army was preserved that day The next morning the Consul hearing no more of the enemy retreated towards Rome the Aequi with their Army did the same for both of them though they had been beaten and marched away without regarding the loss or plunder of their Camps it hapned that Tempanius being behind with his squadron and marching off as the rest he took certain of the wounded Aequi prisoners who inform'd him that their Generals were gone out of the field and had quitted their Camps Upon enquiry finding it to be true he entred into the Roman and secured it but the enemies Camp was given in prey to the Souldier after which he returned with Victory to Rome which Victory consisted only in having the first intelligence of the enemies disorder from whence it is observable that two Armies engaged may be each of them in the same distress and despair and that that Army goes away with the Victory which has first notice of the necessities of the other and of this I shall give a pregnant example of late days and at home In the year 1498 the Florentines had a great Army in the Country of Pisa and had besieged that City very close The Venetian having undertaken its protection and seeing no other way to relieve it to divert the enemy and remove the war they resolved to invade the Territory of the Florentine to which purpose they raised a strong Army marched into their Country by the Val di Lamona possessed themselves of the Town of Marradi and besieged the Castle of Castiglione which stands above upon an hill The Florentines upon the alarm resolved to relieve Maradi and yet not weaken their Army before Pisa whereupon they raised a new Army both Horse and Foot and sent them thither under the Command of Iacopo Quarto Appiano Lord of Piombino and the Count Rinuccio da Marciano The Florentine Army being conducted to the hills the Venetian raised his siege before Castiglione and retreated into the Town the Armies being in this posture and facing one another for several days both of them suffered exceedingly for want of all manner of Provisions at length neither of them being very earnest to come to a Battel and each of them being ignorant of the others distress they resolved the next morning to break up their Camp and each of them to retire the Venetian towards Berzighella and Faenza and the Florentine towards Casaglia and Mugello The morning being come and the Baggage sent away before a poor Woman hapned to come into the Florentine Camp from Marradi to see some of her Relations who were in the service of the Florentine by this Woman the Florentine Generals had notice that the Venetians were gone whereupon reassuming their courage they altered their counsels pursued the enemy and writ Letters to Florence that they had not only beaten the Venetians but made an end of the War Which Victory proceeded from nothing but because they had the first news of the retreat of the Enemy which if it had come to the other side as it did to them the consequence would have been the same and the Florentines have been beaten CHAP. XIX Whether for the Government of the multitude obsequiousness and iâ—dulgence be more necessary than punishment THe Roman Commonwealth was perplexed with the dissentions betwixt the Nobility and the people nevertheless their foreign Wars requiring it they sent forth with their Armies Quintius and Appius Claudius Appius being rough and cruel in his commands was so ill obeyed by his Soldiers that he was defeated and fled out of his Province Quintius being more gentle and benign was better obeyed and carried the Victory where he was from whence it appears more conducing to the well governing of a multitude to be rather obliging than proud and pitiful than cruel However Cornelius Tacitus tells us and many others are of his mind In multitudine regendâ— plus paena quam obsequium valet That to the managing of a multitude severity is more requisite than mildness And I think both may be true to his distinction of Companions and Subjects if those under your command be Companions and fellow Citizens with you you cannot securely use them with that severity of which Tacitus speaks for the people of Rome having equal authority with the Nobility was not to be used ruggedly by any man that was put over them for but a while And it has been many times seen that the Roman Generals who behaved themselves amicably towards their Souldiers and governed them with mildness have done greater things than those who used them with austerity and
arrive at their greatness by any extraordinary exploit In Rome the highest reward of those persons who behaved themselves gloriously for the good of their Country was a triumph besides which they had other inferior honours for more inferior services to restrain or punish the ambition of those who went about by private and clandestine ways to disturb the peace of their Country their greatest remedy was to accuse them to the people and when those accusations were insufficient the people being blinded by some specious pretence of benefit and advantage they created a Dictator who with a kind of regal authority was to reduce the delinquent from his aberrations or punish him as he did Spurius Melius and the leaving of one such fault unpunished is enough to ruine a Commonwealth for a single example afterwards will hardly be effectual CHAP. XXIX That the transgressions of the people do spring commonly from the Prince PRinces cannot reasonably complain of the transgressions of their subjects because it is necessarily their negligence or ill example that debauches them and if the people of our times are infamous for thefts and robberies and plundering and such kind of enormities it proceeds from the exorbitance and rapacity of their Governors Romania before Pope Alexander VI exterminated those Lords who had the command in those parts was a place of all kind of dissoluteness and iniquity every day and every trivial occasion producing notorious murders and rapines which was not so much from any depravity in the nature of the people as some persons would have it as from the corruption of their Princes for being poor of themselves and yet ambitious to live in splendor and magnificence they were forced upon ill courses and indeed refused none that could supply them To pass by several others one of their detestable ways was to make Laws against such and such things which after they were published they themselves would be the first that should break to encourage others to do the same nor was any man ever punished for his inobservance till they saw enough involved in the same premunire then forsooth the Laws were executed most strictly not out of any true zeal to justice but out of a desire to be fingring the Fines from whence it followed that by grievous mulcts and expilations the people being impoverished were constrained to use the same violences upon those who were less potent than they by which means men were not so much corrected as instructed to do ill and all these mischiefs proceeded from the iniquity of their Princes Livy has a story to this purpose where he tells us that the Roman Embassadors passing with a great present to Apollo which was taken out of the spoils of the Venetians were taken by the Corsairs of Lipari in Sicily and carried with it into that Island Timasitheus Prince of that Town understanding what the Present was whither it was going and from whom it was sent though born at Lipari behaved himself in that like a Roman and remonstrated to the people the impiety of the fact which he prest upon them so home that by common consent the Present was restored and the Embassadors dismissed the words of the Historian are these Timasitheus multitudinem religione implevit quae semper regenti est similis which agrees with that saying of Lorenzo de i Medici Et quel che fa li Signor fanno poi molti Che nel Signor son tuttigl ' occhi volti A Prince does nought or regular or rude But 's followed straight by th'gaping multitude CHAP. XXX A Citizen who would do any great matter by his own authority must first extinguish all envy In what manner things are to be ordered upon the approach of an enemy and how a City is to be defended THe Senate of Rome having intelligence that the Tuscans had made new levies of men to make a new inroad into their Country and that the Latini and Hernici formerly in amity with the Romans had confederated with the Volsci implacable enemies to the very name of a Roman they concluded that War would be dangerous Camillus being Tribune at that time and invested with Consular authority they thought he would be able to defend them without creating a Dictator if the rest of his Colleagues would intrust him with the chief Command to which they readily condescended Nec quicquam says Livy de majestate suâ detractum credebant quod Majestati ejus concessissent Nor did they think any thing substracted from their authority that was added to his Upon which Camillus taking their paroles for their obedience caused three Armies to be raised The first he designed against the Tuscans and commanded it himself The second was to continue about Rome to attend the motions of the Latiny and Hernici and was commanded by Quintus Servilius The third was left in the City as Guards for the security of the Gates and the Court and to be ready upon any accident that should arise and the Command of this Army was committed to Lucius Quintius The care of his Magazines was refer'd to Horatius one of his Colleagues who was to see them furnished with such arms and provisions and other things as were necessary in times of War He caused another Tribune of his Colleagues called Cornelius to preside in the Senate and publick Counsel that he might be present in all their debates and ready to advise in all their daily transactions So excellent were the Tribunes in those times that when the safety of their Country was at stake they were equally disposed either to command or obey And here may be observed the great ability which a wise and good man has to do good by the suppression of envy which is many times a great impediment to the good which some persons would do could they but get up into such authority as is requisite in affairs of importance This envy is extinguished two ways either by some great and difficult accident in which every man forseeing his own ruine lays his ambition aside and submits himself voluntarily to the obedience of some person from whose virtue he may hope to be delivered such a person was this Camillus who having been three times Dictator and acted in all his administrations more for the good of the publick than any benefit of his own and given many excellent testimonies of his integrity and conduct besides his Colleagues were not scrupulous to transfer their authority nor the people at all apprehensive of his greatness nor any how great soever ashamed to be inferior to him Wherefore it was not without reason that Livy used that expression Nec quicquain c. The other way of extinguishing envy is when either by violence or the course of nature your competitors die that is such persons as envying your reputation and grandeur and disdaining that you should be above them cannot contain themselves and be quiet but rather than not satisfy the perversity of their minds will be contented
is resolved every man's chief business is to put himself into a condition of giving the Enemy Battel and fighting him fairly in the field To enable himself for this it is necessary to raise an Army to raise an Army there is a necessity of men of arming them disciplining them exercising them and that in great as well as small bodies of teaching them to encamp and acquainting them with the Enemy by degrees either by frequent facing or confronting him or by encamping somewhere near his march where they may have the prospect of his Army as he passes by In this the whole address and industry of a Campania or field War consists which doubtless is more necessary and honorable than any other and he who understands well how to draw up an Army and present his Enemy Battel may be excused for all his other errors in the management of the War but if he be ignorant or defective in that though in other things he be sufficient enough yet he shall never bring his War to any honourable conclusion For win a Battel and you cancel all your former miscarriages lose one and all that ever you did well before evaporates and comes to nothing It being so necessary then to find men the first thing to be done is to know how to make our choice which the ancients called Delectus and we Levies of which I shall give you some light They who have given us rules of the management of War have recommended to us to make our Levies in temperate regions that our Soldiers may be both valiant and cunning For hot Countries are observed to produce wise and subtle people but not couragious cold Countries on the other side do afford stout men and hardy but then they are seldom discreet This Rule was proper enough for a Prince that was Monarch of the whole world and might make his Levies where he pleas'd But to give a rule that all may follow I must needs say that all Commonwealths or Kingdoms are to make their Levies in their own Countries whether hot or cold or temperate it 's the same thing because by ancient experience we find that in any Country Exercise and Discipline makes good Soldiers for where Nature is defective industry will supply and in this case it 's the better of the two And indeed to raise men in other Countries cannot be call'd properly a delectus for delectum habere is to pick and cull the best men in a Province and to have power to choose those who are unwilling as well as those who are willing to the War which kind of delectus cannot be made exactly but in your own dominion for in Countries belonging to another Prince you must be contented with such as are willing it being not to be expected that you should have liberty to choose as you please Cosimo Yet among those who are willing you may pick and choose take and leave what you think good and therefore it is not so improper to call that a delectus Fabritio You are in the right as to one way but if you consider the secret defects of such an Election you will find that in strictness it is not an Election and that for these following reasons First those who are not your Subjects but are willing to the Wars are none of the best but generally the lewdest and most dissolute persons in the Province for if any be scandalous idle incorrigible irreligious disobedient to their Parents Blasphemers Cheats and altogether ill bred they are those who are most likely to list themselves for the War and there is nothing so contrary to good and true discipline as such kind of humors When of such kind of Cattle you have more offer themselves than the number you design to entertain you may take your choice indeed but the whole mass being bad your choice can never be good But many times it falls out that there being not so many of them as you have occasion to employ you are glad to take all and in that case you cannot not be said habere delectum so properly as milites conscribere And of such kind of disorderly people the Armies of Italy and most other places do consist at this day only in Germany it is otherwise because there no man is press'd or listed barely upon the Emperor's command but as he stands willing and disposed to the Wars himself you may judge then what part of the ancient discipline of the Romans can be introduced into an Army made up of such a medly of wickedness Cosimo What way is to be taken Fabritio That which I recommended before which is to choose out of your own Subjects and to exercise your authority in your choice Cosimo If your election be made in that manner can any ancient form be introduced Fabritio You know it may if it be in a Kingdom and he who command be their Prince or lawful Soveraign and if in a Commonwealth it is the same so he be a great Citizen and made General for that time otherwise it is no easie matter to do any thing that shall succeed Cosimo Why Sir Fabritio I shall tell you that hereafter at present this may suffice that no good is to be done any other way Cosimo Well then these Levies being to be made in your own Territory is it best to make them in the Cities or Country CHAP. VI. Whether it be best to choose you men out of the Cities or Country Fabritio THose Authors who have writ any thing of this Nature do agree unanimously that the best choice is in the Country where they are inur'd to difficulty and labour acquainted more with the Sun than the shade accustomed to the Spade and the Plough and to carry burdens without any shifting or mutiny But Because our Armies do consist of Horse as well as Foot my advice is that the Horse be raised in the Cities and the Foot in the Country Cosimo Of what age would you choose them Fabritio Were I to raise a new Army I would choose them betwixt seventeen and forty were I only to recruit an old one I would have them always of seventeen Cosimo I do not well understand your distinction Fabritio I will tell you were I to raise an Army or settle a Militia where there was none before it would be necessary to make choice of the most apt and experienced that I could find provided their age was sutable to the War to instruct them as I shall direct But if I were to raise men to recruit and reinforce an Army that was grown weak I would take none above seventeen because those who are there already will be able to teach them Cosimo You would order your Militia then as ours is ordered with us Fabritio You say well but I would Arm and Officer and exercise and Order them in a way I know not whether you be acquainted with in your Country Cosimo Then you are for Train'd Souldiers Fabritio Why would
idle after many mischiefs and depredations in the Country they took Monte-Carlo upon conditions after which they encamp'd at Uzano that the Lucchesi being straitned on all sides and made desperate of relief might be constrained to surrender The Castle was strong and furnished with a good Garrison so that was not so easily to be carried as the rest The Lucchesi as was but reason seeing themselves distressed had recourse to the Duke and recommended their case to him with all manner of expression sometimes they commemorated the services they had done him sometimes they remonstrated the cruelty of the Florentines what courage it would give the rest of his friends to see him interpose in their defence and what terror it would infuse to see them expos'd for if they lost their liberty and their lives he would lose his honor and his friends and the fidelity of all those who had ever expos'd themselves to any danger for his sake which words were deliver'd with tears that if his obligations should fail his compassion might move him to assist them Insomuch that the Duke adding to his old animosity to the Florentines his late engagements to the Lucchesi but above all being jealous of the greatness of the Florentine which of necessity would follow so important acquest he resolved to send a great Army into Tuscany or else to fall so furiously upon the Venetians that the Florentines should be constrain'd to quit that enterprize to relieve them he had no sooner taken this resolution but they had news at Florence that the Duke was sending forces into Tuscany which made them suspicious of their designs and therefore to find the Duke imployment at home they solicited the Venetian very earnestly that they would attack him in Lombardy with all the power they could make but they were not only weakened but disheartened by the departure of the Marquess of Mantoua who had left their service and taken arms under the Duke Whereupon they return'd this answer that they were so far from being able to ingross the War they could not assist in it unless they sent Conte Francesco to command their Army and oblig'd him by Articles to pass the Po. with them in person seeing by the old agreement he was not to go so far for without a General they would undertake no War nor could they have confidence in any but the Count nor in him neither unless he oblig'd himself to pursue the War in all places alike The Florentines were of opinion the War was to be carried on briskly in Lombardy yet on the otherside to remove the Conte was to destroy their designs against Lucca and they were very sensible that demand was made not so much out of any necessity they had of the Conte as to defeat that enterprize The Conte for his part was by contract oblig'd to to go into Lombardy whenever he should be requir'd by the League but now he was unwilling to forfeit his hopes of that allyance which the Duke had promis'd him by marrying him to one of his relations So that betwixt the desire of conquering Lucca and the fear of having Wars with the Duke the Florentines were in no little distraction But their fear as it always happens was the stronger passion of the two insomuch as they were content as soon as Uzano was taken the Conte should pass into Lombardy But there was still a difficulty behind which not being in their power to dissolve gave the Florentines more trouble and jealousie than any thing else and that was that the Conte would not be oblig'd to pass the Po and without it the Venetians would not entertain him there being no way to accommodate this difference but of necessity one of them must submit the Florentines persuaded the Conte that in a letter to the Senate of Florence he should oblige himself to pass that river alledging that a private promise not being sufficient to dissolve a publick stipulation he might do afterwards as he pleas'd and which way soever he acted this convenience would certainly follow that the Venetians having begun the War would be compelled to pursue it and that humor be inevitably diverted which was so much to be fear'd To the Venetians they intimated on he other side That that letter though private was sufficient to bind him and that they ought to be satisfied therewith that whilst it might be done securely it would be best to conceal it and indulge his respects to his Father-in-Law for it would be neither for his nor their advantage to have it discovered without manifest necessity and in this manner the Florentines concluded upon the Conte's passage into Lombardy and the Conte having taken in Uzano cast up certain new works about Lucca to keep from fallying recommended the War to the Commissioners which succeded he pass'd the Alpes and went to Reggio where the Venetians being jealous of his proceedings to discover his inclinations put him at first dash upon passing the Po and joyning the rest of their Army which the Conte peremptorily refus'd and many ill words passed betwixt him and Andrea Mauroceno who was sent about it from the Venetians upbraiding one another by their pride and infidelity and after several protestations on both sides on the one that he was not oblig'd to it on the other that he should not be paid without it the Conte returned into Tuscany and his adversary to Venice The Conte was quarter'd by the Florentines in the Country of Pisa and they were not without hopes of prevailing with him to reassume his command against the Lucchesi but they found him not dispos'd for the duke not understanding he had refus'd to pass the Po in compliment to him fancying by his means he might preserve Lucca he desired him that he would be an instrument to make peace betwixt the Lucchesi and the Florentines and if he could to comprehend him also insinuating by the by that in convenient time he should marry his Daughter This march had great influence upon the Conte who persuaded himself the Duke having no heirs Males might thereby in time come to the Government of Milan Upon which grounds he discouraged the Florentines from prosecuting the war affirming that for his own part he would not stir unless the Venetians paid him his arreers and performed the rest of their Covenants for his pay alone would not do his business wherefore it concern'd him to secure his own State and therefore he was to look out for other allies and not depend only upon the friendship of the Florentines that seeing he was abandon'd by the Venetians he was obliged to a stricter regard to his own affairs and threatened very slily to make an agreement with the Duke These tricks and expostulations were not at all to the Florentines satisfaction They found their design upon Lucca lost and their own State in danger whenever the Duke and the Conte united To prevail with the Venetians to make good their termes Cosimo de
every one would suspect him which would facilitate and hasten his ruine Others were not satisfied with this delay affirming that time would be more for his benefit than theirs and if they would proceed by cold delatory gradations Piero would run no hazard but they should run many For the Magistrats though they were his Enemies suffering him to enjoy the priviledges of the City his friends would make him Prince as had happened in 58 to their utter destruction and that though that Counsel was honest and peaceable yet this was wiser and more secure and therefore to be executed whilst the minds of the People were incensed the way they proposed was to arm at home and to entertain the Marquess of Ferrara into their pay abroad and when a Senate of their friends happened to meet then to rise and secure themselves as well as they could The result of all was that they should attend such a Senate and then make the best of their time Nicolo Fedmi who was employed as Chancellor was one of this Council who being tempted by greater and more practicable hopes discovered the whole Plot to Piero and gave him a list of the Conspirators and a Catalogue of the subscriptions Piero was astonished at the number and quality of his adversaries and upon consultation with his friends it was concluded that he also should take subscriptions and having committed the care of them to some of his confidents he found the Citizens so sickle and unstable that many of them who had subscribed to the Enemy came over and obliged themselves to him Whilst things were in this distraction the time came about in which the supream Magistracy was to be renewed to which Nicolo Soderini was advanced by the Gonfaloniere de Giustitia It was a wonder to see the concourse not only of the better sort of Citizens but of the common People which attended him to the Palace and put on an Olive Garland upon his head by the way to signifie that he was the Person upon whom the safety and the liberty of their City did depend By this and many examples of the same nature it is evident how inconvenient it is to enter upon the Magistracy or Government with more then ordinary acclamation for not being able to perform as is expected and for the most part more is required the People abate of their esteem and come by degrees to despise you Thomaso and Nicolo Soderini were Brothers Nicolo was a person of greater Spirit but Thomaso the more prudent Thomaso being a friend to Piero and knowing the humor of his Brother that he desired the liberty of the City and that the Government might be preserved without offence to any body he encouraged him to a new Squittini by which means the Borsi might be filled with the names of such Citizens as were lovers of liberty and the Government continued without violence as he desired Nicolo was easily persuaded by his Brother and suffered the time of his Magistracy to expire in the vanity of that opinion and his friends which were of the Conspiracy were well enough contented as being already emulous of him and not desiring the reformation should fall out during his authority presuming they could effect it when they pleas'd though another was Gonfaloniere Whereupon his office expired with less honor than he entred upon it by reason he had begun many good things but perfected nothing This accident fortified the party of Piero exceedingly confirmed his friends and brought over such as were neuter so that though all things were ready on all sides they were delaid for several months and not the least tumult appeared Nevertheless Piero's party encreasing his Enemies began to resent it and met together to perform that by force which they might more easily have done before by means of the Magistrates in order to which they concluded to kill Piero who was at that same time sick at Câ—rreggi and cause the Marquess of Ferrara to advance towards the City for when Piero was dead they resolved to come armed to the Palace and force the Senate to settle the Government as they should direct for though all of them were not their friends yet they doubted not but to fright them into a concurrence Diotisalvi to disguise his designe visited Piero very often discoursed with him about unitâ—â—ing the factions and advised him very frankly But Piero was informed of the whole conspiracy and besides Domenico Martegli had given him notice that Francesco Neroni the Brother of Diotisalvi had been tempting him to their party assuring him of success Hereupon Piero resolved to be first in arms and took occasion from their practices with the Marquess of Ferrara He pretended he had received a Letter from Gicvanni Bentivogli Prince of Bologna importing that the Marquess of Ferrara was with certain forces upon the River Albo and that it was given out his design was for Florence upon which intelligence Piero pretended to arm and attended by a great number of armed men he came to the City At his arrival his whole party took arms and the adversary did the same yet not in so good order as Piero for his men were prepared and the other surprised Diotisalvi's Palacebeing not far from Piero's Diotisalvi judged himself insecure at home and therefore went up and down sometimes exhorting the Senate to cause Piero to lay down his Arms sometimes seeking out Luca and encouraging him to be constant but the briskest and most couragious of them all was Nicolo Soderini who taking Arms immediatly and being followed by most of the Populace of his quarter went to Luca's house intreated him to mount and march with him to the Palace for the security of the Senate who he assured him were of his side by doing of which the Victory would be certain but if he remained in his house he would run the hazard of being slain by those who were armed or abused by those who were not and then he would repent him when too late whereas now it was in his power by force of Arms to ruine Piero if he pleased or if he desired peace it was more honorable to give conditions than to receive them But all his Rhetorick could not work upon Luca he had altered his mind and received new promises of Alliances and rewards from Piero and already married on of his Nieces to Giovanni Tornabuoni so that instead of being persuaded by him he admonished Nicolo to lay down and return quietly to his house for he ought to be satisfied that the City should be governed by its Magistrats for whether he was satisfied or not it would be so all People would lay down their Arms and the Senate having the stronger party would be Judges of their quarrel There being no remedy and Nicolo having no where else to dispose himself went back to his house but before he departed he told him thus I cannot alone do this City any service but I can prognosticate its miseries The resolution
secretly or suddenly but the people would have smelt it and have turned the violence of their affection into as furious and hatred which would have made his destruction much more easy to his enemies for who-ever was but suspected to be a favourer of the Medici was thought ipso facto an adversary to the people It is necessary therefore in all deliberations to weigh all things to consider what danger and what advantage every thing will yield and make choice of what is least dangerous otherwise it will happen to you as it did to Marcus Tullius who raised and augmented the greatness of Mark Anthony by the same way which he intended for his destruction for when Mark Anthony was declared an enemy by the Senate having a great Army attending him and most of them of Caesar's old Soldiers Cicero to draw them off from him persuaded the Senate to put Octavius at the head of their Army and sent him with the Consuls against Antonius pretending that the very name of Octavius being Nephew to Caesar would bring over all his Unckles party to him whereby Antonius would be so weakned it would be no hard matter to reduce him But it hapned quite contrary for Antonius having gained Octavius to his side they joyned their Forces against Tully and his Senate and ruined their whole Party Which might have been easily foreseen nor ought Cicero so imprudently to have reviv'd the name of Caesar by whom the whole world was brought into servitude and especially Rome nor have persuaded himself that a Tyrant or any of his race would ever restore that liberty which his Predecessor had suppressed CHAP. LIII The people deceived with a false appearance of good do many times desire that which turns to their destruction and how great hopes and large promises do easily debauch them AFter the taking of Veii by the Romans a report being spread of the convenience and pleasantness of the Town and richness of the Country about it the people of Rome began to fancy that it would be much for their advantage to transplant one half of their City aud send them thither to inhabit for there were many fair houses to receive them and it could be no weakning or diminution to Rome seeing the distance betwixt the two Cities was so small Veii would be taken rather for a member of Rome than a distinct and particular City The Senate and graver sort of Citizens had so little inclination to this design that they resolved to die before ever they would consent to it The people were so mad upon it on the other side that when it came to a debat and it was to be resolved what was to be done the dispute was so hot they had proceeded to blows and the whole Town been engaged in blood had not the Senate interposed certain ancient and eminent men who by their interest and veneration among the people defended the blow and appeased them for that time In which passage there are two things considerable the first that the people being deceived with a false imagination of good do many times solicit their own ruine and run the Commonwealth upon infinite dangers and difficulties unless some person in whom they have great confidence strikes in to instruct them which is the good and which is the evil and when by accident it falls out that the people having been formerly deceived either by persons or things cannot repose that confidence in any one then of necessity all goes to wrack and nothing can prevent it to this purpose Dante in his discourse about Monarchy tells us Il popolo molte volte grida Vivala sua morte muoia la sua vita The enraged multitude do often crie Give us our death our life we do defie This incredulity is many times the occasion that good counsels are neglected as it hapned to the Venetians when invaded by several enemies at one time they could not take off any one of them by restoring what they had taken wrongfully from other people which was the occasion of the war and almost of their ruine From whence we may consider the easiness and difficulty of persuading the people and make this distinction if the affair proposed be in appearance either magnanimous or profitable though at the bottom it be never so distructive the people are always easie to be persuaded on the other side if any thing be offered how honourable how useful soever with the least shew or glance of cowardize or inconvenience they are never or with great difficulty to be wrought to it To confirm this we have many examples both modern and ancient in Rome and other places From hence sprang their jealousies against Fabius Maximus who could never beat it into the heads of that City that it was better for their Common wealth to protract and spin out the war than to push things on and bring all to the hazard of a Battel for the people looking upon it as cowardly and base counsel and not discerning the utility at the bottom would by no means admit it and Fabius wanted rhetorick to enforce it upon them and so strangely are they blinded sometimes with their bravery and courage that though the Romans had committed the same error once before and given authority to Fabius his Master of the Horse to fight when he saw occasion whether Fabius would or not which authority had like to have ruined the whole Army had not Fabius with his prudence prevented it yet that experiment doing no good they were guilty again and invested Varro with the same power upon no other account but because he had swagger'd up and down the Town that when-ever they qualified him with such a Commission he would fight Hanibal cut him to pieces they believe what he said give him authority and what followed Why they were beaten at Cannas the Roman Army cut off and the Roman Empire almost extinguished And not unlike this was the example of Marcus Centenius Penula a mean person and considerable for nothing but some small command in the Army who presented himself one day to the Senate and offered if they would give him power to raise an Army of Voluntiers where he pleased all over Italy he would undertake in a short time to beat Hanibal out of it The Senate was sensible the proposition was rash yet considering withal that if they should deny him and report should come of it afterwards to the people it might dissatisfie them beget some tumult in the City and be the occasion of envy and animosity to themselves they granted his request choosing rather to expose all those who were so ill advised as to follow him than run the hazard of new dissentions at home Having got his Commission and afterwards his Men with a confused and disorderly Army he marches against Hanibal and fought him but he failed of his promise for he was killed himself and most of his Forces In Greece in the City of Athens Nicias a
grave and wise Citizen could never persuade the people against an Expedition into Sicily but persuing it against all sober advise they miscarried and their own Country was ruined Scipio when he was made Consul desired that he might have Africk for his province and he would undertake to demolish Carthage but the Senate being averse upon the judgment of Fabius Maximus Scipio threatned to propose it to the people as knowing very well how gratfâ—ul it would be to them We might produce examples of the same nature out of our own City of Florence as when Hercules Bentivogli General of the Florentine Army with Antonio Giacomini having defeated the Forces of Bertolomeo at San Vincenti they went to besiege Pisa which enterprize was debated and concluded by the people upon the great promises which Hercules had made though indeed the wiser sort of Citizens were against it but the multitude were possessed with great matters that would be done and nothing could dissuade them I say then there is not an easier way to ruine a State where the authority is in the people than to put them upon some gallant but desperate enterprize for where there is any thing of magnanimity in their nature it is sure to be embraced and it is not in the wit of men to dissuade them but as this is many times the ruine of the State so it is more often and more certainly the destruction of those Citizens which promoted and commanded it for the people full of expectations of victory when they find they have miscarried never impute it to an ill accident or fortune but throw all upon the ignorance or treachery of their Commanders which seldom escape without being banished imprisoned or killed as has hapned to several of the Carthaginian and Athenian Captains Nor does it avail that they have been victorious before for their present misfortune drowns all as it fell out to Antonio Giacomini our General who not taking Pisa as he promised and the people expected fell into so great disgrace with them that notwithstanding the many great things which he had done he was permitted to live more by the favour and humanity of the Governors than by gratitude or good nature of the people CHAP. LIV. How great the authority of a grave man is to asswage the tumultuousness of the people THe second thing remarkable that was mentioned in my last Chapter is that their is nothing more certain to appease a popular tumult and reduce the people to reason than the interposition of some wise person of authority among them as Virgil has told us with very good reason Tum pietate gravem ac meritis si forte virum quem Conspexere silent arrectisque auribus adstant If in their tumults a grave man appears All 's whist and nothing stirring but their ears He therefore who commands in a mutinous Army or in a seditious City and desires to appease either the one or the other is in my judgment to present himself with the most grace and advantage that he can adorned with all the ornaments of his dignity and what-ever else may make him venerable to the people Not many years since Florence was divided into Factions the Frateschi and the Arabiati and their animosity was so great they came to blows and the Frateschi were overthrown and Pagolantonio Soderini slain among the rest who was as eminent a Citizen as most of his time upon the strength of this Victory the people ran in a tumult to his house with intention to plunder it but his Brother Francesco then Bishop of Volterra and Cardinal now being accidently there as soon as he understood how things were and perceived the rabble to encrease he called for the richest of his Robes and having put them on and his Episcopal Rochet over them he marched out into the croud and by the Majesty of his person and the efficacy of his language prevailed with them to forbear and to return peaceably to their houses which action was so grateful to the City that it was celebrated publickly many daies after I conclude therefore that there is not a surer nor more necessary way to compose the distractions of the people than the appearance of some grave person in such a posture as may make him venerable to them To return therefore to what we said before it may be seen from hence with what obstinacy the Romans accepted of that proposition for transplanting to Veii because they thought it profitable and did not perceive the inconvenience that was in it for as there hapned many tumults thereupon so much more mischief had followed had not the Senate and some other grave persons interposed and by good fortune restrain'd them CHAP. LV. How easily things are managed in a City where the Commons are incorrupt how hard it is to erect a principality where there is an equality and where it is not a Commonwealth is impossible THough we have declared before what we thought was to be expected from a City whose inhabitants were totally corrupt yet that will not hinder us from considering the subtilty of the Senate in relation to a vow which Camillus had made to consecrate the tenth part of the spoils of the Veientes to Apollo which spoils being fallen into the clutches of the Common people the Senate had no way but to publish an Edict requiring all of them at a certain time and place to bring in the tenth part of their gains 'T is true that Proclamation had no great effect because another expedient was found out to satisfie the vow yet it is remarkable the confidence the Senate had in the good nature and complyance of the people and the great opinion that they would punctually bring in what-ever they were commanded On the other side it is observable that the people went not about to shuffle or defraud the Edict by bringing in less than their due but declared frankly against it as a thing illegally required Which example with many other which I have mentioned before are brought to shew the probity and religion wherewith that people was endued and what good might be expected from them and certainly where there is not that submission and conformity no confidence is to be had as in those Provinces which are corrupted at this day in Italy above all the rest and I may say in France and in Spain which are likewise in some measure under the same corruption for tho they are not perhaps subject to so many and so dangerous disorders as we are in Italy yet it proceeds not from the meliority of the people but from the excellence of their constitution being governed by a Monarchy which keeps them united not only by the virtue and example of their Prince but by the Laws and Customs of each Kingdom which are preserved to this day Germany is the place of the whole World where the footsteps of the old Romans virtue and fidelity is conspicuous and that fidelity is the cause why so many