in England and under the auspicious influence of her Reign the City flourish'd to such an height of Grandeur whether we respect the concourse of Forreign Merchants from abroad or the stateliness of her publick buildings at home the freedom and security of Traffick and the flowing in of Riches and Wealth thereby the famous exploits perform'd by her Citizens in other Countries and Climates and the foundation in those times laid for much greater atchievements by the necessary preparatives of skill and knowledge in Military affairs gain'd by the more frequent Musters and Warlike exâ—rcises of her Inhabitants than in former times or learn't at that Grand Nursery of Souldiers the Artillery Garden that 't is easie to conjecture how secure her Majesty was in the Ctiizens love and loyalty and how happy they thought themselves in the favour and protection of so good great and gracious a Princess 'T is not therefore to be expected that such turns and changes should occur in her days wherein the City might have occasion to interpose her Authority to settle and secure the Nation against the furious attempts of arbitrary Pretenders or lye under any unavoidable necessity of shewing her Power and Influence over it in contradiction to other mens aspiring and ambitious Designs However I am not destitute of an Instance to demonstrate the consequence of her Example and how much all England was influenced thereby to the manifestation of their zeal love and duty to their Soveraign In 88. a year so famous for the Spanish Invasion the Queens Counsel had demanded what the City would do for her Majesty and their Country and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen had referr'd it to their Honours to make their Proposals whereupon fifteen Ships and five thousand Men being required and two days respite at the Cities desire granted for Answer they returned in convenient time and season and entreated their Lordships in sign of their perfect love and loyalty to their Prince and Country they are Stows words kindly to accept ten thousand Men and thirty Ships amply furnished double the number of what was asked and even as London saith my Author gave President the whole Nation kept ranck and equipage so ready were the other Cities Counties Towns and Villages to follow where London went before A plain instance of her powerful influence deny it who can As to what concerns the frequency of the visits the Queen made to London and the great splendor wherewith they commonly welcom'd her home at the end of her Country progresses I pass them all over though undeniable demonstrations of the present content and satisfaction they took in Queen Elizabeths good Government Neither shall I take notice of the many Companies of Soldiers she several times rais'd at her own charges for her Soveraigns Assistance it having been commonly done before under Princes in whom she took delight because I would hasten to King James the first Monarch of great Britain in whose Person England and Scotland were first united though his present Majesty King James's Grand-son was the first born Heir of that happy Union that was Crowned King of both Realms and the first English King by Birth of the Scottish race that ever sate upon the English Throne that we read of To tell how this City flourish'd under this Prince in wealth and riches in a general encrease of trade by forreign Merchandizes and home-made Manufactures The great ornament she received from her publick and private buildings the strength that accrued to her by the numerousness of her Inhabitants and the enlarging her borders the conveniences procur'd her for water by Midleton's River for Recreations by Morefields and pleasantness by paâ—'d Streets and the various expressions she made of her glory in the many noble Entertainments of King James and other great personages Forreigners and Natives and the rich presents she frequently gave besides the renown she got abroad by sending greater Numbers of her Ships than formerly into all trading Parts of the World and planting Colonies of her own people in Ireland and Virginia would be tiresome perhaps to the Reader and needless for the Writer since that in Stows Chronicle continued by How these particulars have been so largely treated of whether the curious and inquisitive may apply themselves for further satisfaction Neither shall I trouble my self with making large remarks upon the great honour and dignity for the City's sake belonging to the Lord Mayor thereof of which we seem to have an Instance in the beginning of this Kings reign when Sir Robert Lee then Lord Mayor of London subscrib'd in the first place to the invitation sent the King to come into England before all the great Officers of the Crown and all the Nobility This great Magistrate upon the Kings death being said to be the prime person of England than which what greater honour can there be appertaining to a Subject I have indeed read in Cotton that upon a Poll Bill the Lord Mayor paid four pound as an Earl many years ago in King Richard the second days when but few of the Nobility if any besides the blood Royal bore any higher title And find since at our Kings Coronations that he hath had a principal place and part assigned him particularly at his present Majesties April 23d 61. and in the honourable Cavalcade made from the Tower to Westminster the day before in order thereunto where the Suppliment to Baker's Chronicle out of Elias Ashmole the Windsor Heralds Copy hath placed him between the principal Officers of the Crown and the Duke of York a place doubtless designed him as most suitable to his Dignity and the high Office he bore and yet I count none of these Honours comparable to that before mentioned which seems paramount to all others To be the highest by place in the Kingdom of course for a season sounds greater than to be a Second a Third or a Fourth and is more doubtless to the Honour Credit and Reputation of the City that conferrs this place as she pleases But the chiefest point I intend here to insist on with all convenient brevity and perspicuity is the Declaration of the Cities love and affection to King James and the requital made her by him in return The first I know not how it could be better expressed than by the wonderful readiness and hearty gladness as the Annalist words it of the great City of London where the Magistrates and all other inferior Citizens shewed all possible signs of perfect joy and contentment amidst the general applause of the whole English Nation when he was first proclaimed King of the Realm and we have further demonstrations thereof from the Kings honourable Reception when he came near to London by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen in Scarlet Robes and five hundred grave Citizens in Velvet Coats and Chains of Gold all very well mounted like the Sheriffs and their train one of which had threescore men attending him in fair livery Cloaks Another instance
then thought unpardonable by the Londoners who in words and deeds espoused the Queen's Cause seis'd on the Tower of London and kept it for the Queens use and not long afterwards received her into their City with great Joy and Honour A demonstrative evidence in my opinion of the City's strength and power For if London when she pleas'd could maintain the King's peace in the midst of Arms as was shewn above so inviolably as that none dar'd in opposition to break it and afterwards in the very same age and within the compass of half a dozen years did actually assert the Qeens cause and assist her in her proceedings as was pretended for Reformation of the Realm tho the Consequence thereof was in truth the unfortunate Kings resignation what greater instance can there be to shew her great influence upon the whole Nation in those unsetled times London having so visibly appeared in favour of the Queen the Prince and his party and contributed so much towards this notable revolution of affairs we have no reason to think but that out of Common gratitude her Citizens were to be aboundantly rewarded and that they themselves out of self interest and natural Prudence would so well and wisely look to their own affairs as to make hay while the Sun shines to the procuring new grants and Graces and so accordingly we find the event For in the first year of Edward the third Fabian tells us he confirmed the Liberties and Franchizes of the City making the Major Chief Justice in all places of Judgment within the same next the King every Alderman that had been Major Justice of Peace in London and Midlesex and such as had not been Justice in his own Ward Granting them also the Fee-farm of London for three hundred pounds and that they should not be constrained to go out of the City to â—o fight or defend the Land for any need A priviledge greater than what was claimed as their liberty in his Fathers days when unwilling to engage against the Queen and Prince they refused not to go out on condition of returning the same day as is related before But the most beneficial of all the grants was that the Franchises of the City should not be seized into the Kings hands but only for Treason or Rebellion done by the whole City It having before been a Common thing to have their Liberties seized on as hath been plainly manifested in the Precedent Relation on almost every petty disgust conceived by the Court against them were it but for the pretended offence of a particular Officer or for mony alledged to be owing by the City to some great ones at Court or some such like small trivial pretence But now at this time they took such care to have their Liberties setled and secured by this Royal Grant that it may be thought almost if not wholly a thing impossible for the City to forfeit her Charter and have it justly according to that grant taken from her The bringing of Southwark under the Rule of the City and the power allowed their Major to appoint such a Bailiff there as liked him best was a very advantagious favour at the same time by this King Edward bestowed on London but not comparable with the former grant which may most deservedly be esteemed Paramount to all others A particular Officer may offend and oftentimes does nay many may but for a City a whole City so great and glorious a City as London Traiterously to Rebel and so forfeit all her Liberties Priviledges and Franchises at one clap seems to me so great a contradiction as to imply little less than an Impossibility in Nature not to go a step or two higher This King being one of the most powerful Princes of his time and in the strength of his age very succesful in his Wars against the French King 't is not for us hastily to imagine there was any occasion given for so wise and good a King to contest with his Subjects much less with his Loyal Citizens We are rather to expect to hear of the City's Triumphs and glory the Joy and rejoyceing wherewith she often received her Victorious King returning Conquerour from France the frequent Justings Tiltings and Tournaments shewn thereat for his Recreation and entertainment the Wealth Riches and Ability of her head Officers whereof one to Londons great glory is said to have sumptuously feasted four Kings at once in the thirty first of this Kings Reign besides the famous Black Prince many Noble Knights and others to whom with the King he gave many Rich Gifts the splendor of the Citizens in general oâ— publick occasions and the harmonious concord of all in their own private and particular concerns relating more especially to the Cities good order and Government This King may be supposed too great and too good either to create or to permit differences and discord at home He had wherewithal to exercise his Wisdom and valour abroad in forreign Countries and such success too in his Enterprizes as might make him both feared and beloved by his Subjects at one and the same time Yet notwithstanding such still was Londons power strength and resolution to maintain her Liberties that this Victorious Prince Conquerour over others having sent out Justices into the Shires to make enquiry about his Officers offences and delinquences and the City of London not suffering as Stow tells us any such Officers to sit as Justices in their City as Inquisitors of such matters contrary to their Liberties he thought good rather to appoint those Justices their Sessions in the Tower for Inquisition of the damages of the Londoners and they refusing unless conditionally to answer there and a tumult thereupon arising among the meaner sort claiming their Liberties he esteemed it greater prudence to wave the Justices sitting as to that place and forgive all offences than to enter into a contest with such powerful tho Loyal Subjects as the Londoners were and such undaunted assertors of their own rights priviledges franchises and liberties For as 't is plain the City was very potent so we may as certainly perhaps conclude the Citizens no less suspicious of any thing done under the shadow of this Kings Authority if but looking towards the least breach of their Priviledges as the Commons of England in general seem to have appeared jealous of their Common liberty when upon this Kings laying claim to the Kingdom of France they procured a Law whereby it was enacted that the King should not Rule England as King of France and so Subject them to the insolencies of a fellow-Subjects Deputyship Would you know what esteem and respect the house of Commons in this King's reign had for â—he City Look in Cotton's abridgment of the Records â—n the Tower and there you may find the Commons â—ver and anon petitioning the King that the City â—f London may enjoy all her Liberties and the King's â—nswers generally to such petitions seem rather to â—rant than
in this Case be by the advice and discretion of the Justices thereto assigned To mitigate it doubtless not inhance it at pleasure to ruin particular persons and annihilate the City's Liberties by pretending the loss of her Charter How respectful King Lords and Commons in Parliament assembl'd shew'd themselves to this honourable City hath been sufficiently declar'd prov'd and made manifest I presume already in the foregoing Relation Let us now call off our Meditations from this particular point and fix our thoughts upon an other Argument highly demonstrative of the City's power drawn from no less uncouth a Topick than tumults and disorders insurrections and Outrages of unruly people There having pass'd an Act of Parliament in the fourth of this King to impower him to Collect and Gather Poll money throughout the Land and many exactions thereupon and incivilities being committed by the new Collectors and other Officers some of the Courtiers having procur'd the Kings Commissions for a review and a more exact Collection under the notion of the Kings being cheated and defrauded through the unfaithfulness of his former Tax gatherers the Commons thought themselves so abus'd and oppress'd that in many places they took Counsel together to make resistance and in several Counties assembled themselves in great numbers to the no small disturbance of the Land Amongst these the Commons of Kent and Essex are reckon'd the greatest bodies gathered together under such heads as Wat Tyler Jack Straw and the like obscure Fellows These we find quickly coming to London where they soon obtain entrance notwithstanding the Mayors intended opposition and then quickly carry all before them behead whom they thought good do what they would burn great mens Palaces at their Pleasure the Gates of the Tower are set open to them the King rides to 'm in fear unarm'd and ill guarded at their sending for and grants them as large Charters as they desired none of his Courtiers daring to oppose or resist their Insolencies so that they seem to have had all things for a small season under their sole Power Direction and Command as remaining Masters of the Field without a stroak stricken by any opposite Party such a terrour did their numbers and boldness strike into mens minds at the first and so effectual was their success in getting within the Walls of London either through the joynt assistance of many Commons there inhabiting or else rather under the repute of having the whole City at their beck But when the first brunt was over and it was visible that the greatest best and most of the Citizens joyn'd not with the Country Commons to approve or abet them in their furious outrages and violences the tide was soon turn'd and deliverance brought both to the King and Court by the courage of this Loyal City The Mayor himself as their Head made the first open beginning was seconded by his Brethren the Aldermen and quickly followed by the worthy Citizens He being a man of great boldness by the Kings permission first arrested and afterwards grievously wounded one of the chiefest of the Rebells Jack Straw saith Fabian Wat Tyler saith Stow to the great encouragement of those about the King among whom this Arch Rebel receiv'd his death and daunting of the Rebellious Commons to which valiant Deed the City is indebted for Walworths Dagger some say inserted upon this Account in her Coat of Arms. After this Act away rides the Mayor with one Servant only the Annalist tell us into the City and crying out to the Citizens to come speedily to the Kings assistance raises a considerable strength who well arm'd under the leading of Sir Robert Knowles came in good time into the Field where the King was among the tumultuous Commons not so well attended but that the unexpected coming of the Mayor and the armed Citizens is expresly said to have caus'd rejoycing in the minds of the King and those few Knights and Esquires then about him and the Issue acquaints us with the great consequence hereof when we read of the Commons throwing down their weapons immediately falling also themselves upon the ground and beseeching pardon who but a little before gloried that they had the Kings life in their own power and so possibly might have continued boasting had not the Citizens thus rous'd up themselves to the Kings relief and timely dispers't these seditious Rioters in the midst of their insulting Pride That this was a piece of Loyalty as well as valour most timely and seasonably shewn is evident from the great influence what was but barely done at London though without London's consent had upon the Countrey For from the Annalist we are given to understand that there were the like Insurrections in Suffolk and Norfolk and in express words told that these overthrew House and Mannors of great Men and of Lawyers slew the Students of the Law c. according to the manner of them at London having for their Captain an ungracious Priest nam'd John Wraw who had been at London just before had seen what was done there and came thence with Instructions from Wat Tyler So that what 's done in the City is very likely to be imitated in the Countrey A disorderly Rout of people were got together round about and within the City and committed many unsufferable Outrages and several parts of the Country were resolv'd to follow the Fashion and do the like The Citizens courage quel'd these Tumultuous Commons in London and then they were quickly suppress'd we hear in other Places Then had the King reason to reward the Mayor and several Aldermen with the honour of Knighthood and other recompences and time to assemble an Army of his Loyal Friends and Subjects at London to guard him till the Principals of these dispersed Rebels were brought to condign Punishment by Law which was quickly done thanks to the worthy Londoners who had thus vigorously asserted the Kings Right defended his Royalty rescued his Person and regained him the exercise of his Kingly Power well near lost before through the Rebellion of his meaner Commons and cowardly Faintheartedness of his Courtiers Men it seems that could speak big at the Council-board and talk high upon the Bench under the shelter of the Kings Authority but when they were to come into the Field of War to fight for their Prince they prov'd meer Courtiers all words and no deeds The Citizens were the Men of valour They lay still the King was like to be undone and the Court ruin'd They appear'd to oppose the vaunting Enemies they fled before them and the King regain'd his own This one famous City the terror of her Enemies the joy of her Friends cooperates in the grand turns and changes of affairs in the Brittish world or else such attempts for the most part at least if not always prove vain fruitless and insignificant And where 's the wonder of this The whole City as a compact Body with Strength and Beauty fitly united may well be
temper and inclination he lays Claim to the Crown in open Parliament and had it at last Entail'd upon himself and his Heirs King Henry to retain the Name and Honour of King during Life if he did not voluntarily Resign and the Duke of York to be Declared Heir Apparent to the Crown and Protector of the King's Person Lands and Dominions with some other Conditions Exceptions and Reservations This we may suppose was as much as they then â—ound the Citizens willing to agree and consent to â—or the present For we have it from Stow on the â—ne hand that the Duke of York when he Challeng'd â—he Kingdom as right Heir which Cotton's Abridgeâ—ent fixes upon the 16th of October purposed to have â—een Crowned on Allhollan-day next following and â—n the other side that the King was very much faâ—oured and highly honoured by the common People for his Holiness of life and abundant Clemency Whether the Citizens would have yielded to more or not I cannot be positive but this I am sure of that they so far gave way that now the York Party had got much the better end of the Staff by an Act of Parliament as well as by Arms Title and the Cities Affections and made use of it accordingly to the Old Kings actual Deposition and the setting up of a New one at London before the next Spring was over by the concurrent consent of many substantial Citizens thereof This the Yorkist Faction had reason enough notwithstanding their prosperous success in the Country to acknowledge as a great favour of the Commonalty of London and impute the following success to their Corstancy in adhereing to their Party after a double overthrow given the Yorkists by the Lancastrians when the Magistracy seemed in part at least to have altered Opinions and Resolutions if not their Affections For would but the Commons have sate still and continued Neutral in the Contest the other side was in a fair way to have made their Party good against the Yorkists but the Commons opposition to their Mayors Proceedings stem'd the Current to the others benefis and the manifest disadvantage of the Queen and the Court. Whereby we may observe where lies the orength of the City and who are likeliest in the end to carry the day the Mayor or the Commons when they vary in their Sentiments and as different Parties pull two contrrry ways The whole Story the Occasion and the Consesequences are to be seen in our English Historians who among the diversity of their Relations in many things and wonted variety in expressing the Transactions of the Times concur nevertheless in the Issue and Event of the Actions then iâ— hand For let any of them write never so partially out of Favour and Affection the Truth will out at last and shall prevail against all opposition The Queen with her Northern Army had overthrown and slain Richard Duke of York and routed his Party at Wakefield and afterwards discomfitted the Earl of Warwick and his Power at Saint Albons upon Bernard Heath and so delivered King Henry out of their hands who pretended to be his Life Guard but were in reality his Keepers Observes Overseers and Governours or in an yet harsher term though as true a sence his Jaylors upon which important Successes the Queen sent to the Mayor of London willing and commanding him in the King's Name speedily to send her Victuals without delay for her Army which Command the Mayor strove presently with great diligence to put in Execution by preparing several Cart-Loads of Lenten Provision and sending them to Cripple-Gate towards the Lancastrians Camp at Saint Albans But there the Commons unanimously withstood their further passage and by strong hand kept the Carts from going out of London saying It did not behoove them to feed their Enemies who intended to Rob the City and having repulsed the Northern Horsemen robbing in the Subberbs upon their attempt to enter that way into the City and slain three of them continued so firm and fixt in their Resolutions that let the Mayor do what he could by Exhortation and Arguments to shew them the danger that might ensue by stopping the Carts he could neither reclaim nor alter their minds nor by any means prevail upon them but in the end was fain to send the Recorder and some of the Aldermen to the Kings Council to request the Northern Mens Dismission besides two Female Mediators to interceed for him to the Queen and excuse his not using force in those dangerous and doubtful times against the Commons opposition least their fury being once stir'd it might not so easily have been allaid again Whereupon the Queen was sending some of the Lords with 400 Soldiers to the City to take a view of the peoples demeanour but having her hands full upon certain notice that the Earl of March Yorks Eldest Son and the Earl of Warwick with joint Forces were coming up in all haste to London she departed with the King her Husband and Son into the North her only refuge having little trust in Essex less in them of Kent but least of all saith Stow in the Londoners so little avail'd it to have the Mayor and some of the chief Commoners on her side as Fabian intimates when the Commonalty i. e. the vast majority held with the Duke of York and his party wherefore upon the Courts departure from St. Albans the Earl of March with his Yorkists entered the City in Lent with a great Attendance and was joyfully received the people resorting to him in great numbers out of Kent Essex and other parts to see aid and assist this lusty Prince as the Annalist words it in whom the hope of all their joy consisted as soon as his coming thither was known where he was quickly Proclaimed and acknowledged King by consent in the beginning of March and after eight or ten Battels actually Crowned in June with great Royalty and a splendid appearance of Lords and Commons Mayor Aldermen and Citizens In so high a degree did the Cities actions sway the Country and such an advantage was it to the Yorkists to have gained her over to their Party I need not here remark the prevalency of the Commonalty over the Temporising Mayor and his time-serving Interest the event plainly she wing in these particulars Vox Populi to have been Vox Coeli because I have touched upon this string already But this however I am warranted from History to observe that the Londoners after they had once throughly placed their hearts upon the House of York they continued so fixt and firm to their Interest that no shocks of Fortune nor the Troubles and Commotions about the middle of King Edwards Reign could shake the firmness of their adherence to him so fast was he Rivetted in their Affections nor yet the Popularity of the great Earl of Warwick himself so much greater than a King as that which makes is greater than that it makes whose Hospitality may be supposed to have
Money and the good will of the Citizens by lying with their wives as looking at first appearance too Comical and Jocular to be sound when sifted to the bottom Why else did this Experiment never succeed before nor since I don't think but there have been other Princes besides this Amorous Yorkist sitting upon the English Throne whose Consciences would never have boggled at borrowing Money and then Cornuting their Creditors if this Recipe could have shewn its Probatum est But whatever Reasons History or Phancy suggests this is most undeniably certain as being matter of fact that the City was visibly ingag'd in the Yorkists Interest before ever that Family could attain to the height of their desires From whence I doubt not to conclude that had the Citizens been otherwise inclin'd and continued firm and fixt to the House of Lancaster the Duke of York might indeed have laid his Claim and pleaded Title with many other fair-spun pretences as the Prerogative of Birth Priviledge of Law the impossibility of altering a Native Right by previous Contracts Vows Oaths or Prescription and the Injustice of breaking the Thread of an Orderly Succession but all this notwithstanding he might still have remained for ought we can be sure of far enough off from compassing his Ambitious Desires or from the possibility of coming within view of his Journeys End the City standing between him and the wished for Haven The Observation is obvious from several passages aforegoing The City in it self is too great to be over-aw'd and her influence over the Country consequently too powerful to have it long quietly over-rul'd by any Party whatsoever with whom she refuses to concur Another Observation give me leave to make en passant and that shall be upon the time and season not of the Citizens manifesting their Affections but of their actual appearance in behalf of the Duke and his Party This I observe to have been not presently and immediately in the fore-front and the very first beginning but upon the coming up of the Yorkists to London with Swords by their sides and resolution in their minds So that they seem first to have been approvers and then Seconds to the Dukes Party in their designs upon their open Declaration Before that the Commonalty so openly and resolutely refused to let Provisions pass to the Lancastrians Camp at St. Albans the Duke of York had declared himself in the midst of his Friends and Adherents at London ready to assist him and though he was then dead having been slain in Battle and the Lancastrians so near the City at that very same time yet his Eldest Son being in the Head of an Army in the Country was soon come to London received Elected approved and set up for King by their approbation consent and good liking This likewise may be observed to have been the common custom and usage of the City as an ordinary English Reader may easily find in several places of this Relation upon a review or careful recollection of what hath been before set down or else to satisfie his Curiosity without trusting to this Transcription he may search after the passages himself in such Authentick Authors as Fabian Stow Speed Baker or the like Chronicles of the English Affairs which being easier met with than the Original Writers of these times he will be put to the less trouble upon any doubt occurring in any things here delivered for matter of Fact in that I have chose to draw up this Treatise for the most part out of these laborious Collectors Where it is observable that the Cities inclinations being by some one or other overt act as manifestly declared or else plainly perceived or shrewdly guessed at by the industry and vigilence of the discrning Spirits of the Age the discontented Nobles were quickly encouraged thereupon and inclined to withdraw into the Marches of Wales or the Borders of Scotland and there gathering together their Party and Raising as great Forces as time and opportunity would permit away they come in all hast as fast as they can up to London where being joyfully and gladly received with great applause and approbation the Courtiers were often compelled to fly for their safety and the Governing Party desperse elsewhere to try it out by dint of Sword at which they were commonly worsted or else quietly yield to such conditions as would be approved in the City and were acceptable to the Party the result whereof generally was the calling of a Parliament as the desire of the Subject though the dread and fear of the Court But for the better illustration of this remark I shall produce modern experience and instance in what hath hapned within the memory of thousands yet living That under the late Usurpation the City was very desirous of a Free-Parliament is not to be doubted of And yet we find she sate still quiet and pretty well contented to outward appearance amidst the various changes from an Old Protector to a New one from that to the Rump and thence to the Committee of Safety as if over ridden or like a wearied Beast silently couching down under her heavy burthens almost wholly insensible and as one unconcerned But as soon as General Monk out of Scotland had openly declared his dislike of the Armies extravagancies and was come up from Coldstream amidst the Visits of the Gentry and Acclamations of the people so near the City as Harbrow we hear presently of Commissioners come thither to him from the City and their proposing a re-admission of the Secluded Members that the Parliament might be made full and free This was the first Publick Address I meet with looking that way but after this we read of many from various parts of the Land and almost all Counties of the same Nature with that from the Capital City of the Nation as if all had been animated by the influential Rays of her Inclinations and her Results were the superior faculties of the Soul ove-ruling the inferior Members of the Body But the City staid not here for as she addressed so she was resolved for a full house before she would pay any publick Taxes And tho' Monk upon stricter declar'd Resolutions put her into a great Consternation for a time by pretending to over-aw her with his Soldiers which was not in any wise expected at his hands yet upon his application to her Common-Council when he return'd the next day with his Army to regain their almost lost favour and what then might not they have done of themselves when their amazement sprung from the suddenness of the unexpected surprise was abated they approv'd of his Intentions to have the House of Commons fill'd up demonstrated it with Bells and Bonfires persuaded and procured his continuance amongst them whereby his own Security was consulted and those Designs most successfully carried on which laid the way open to his present Majesties Peaceable Restauration For this Concurrence of the City with General Monk's Resolutions brought about the Restitution
dearly belov'd Liberties when they might with greater ease and as effectually gently walk them down as a certain Person is said to have express'd it on a much later Occasion The City petition'd and address'd and she was follow'd by the Country She waited a while with patience and the secluded Members that were chosen in forty and from forty eight kept out of the house till fifty nine for almost twelve years space were restor'd in peace and quietness though under some few Obligations And so there was again the face of a House of Commons Being restor'd they dissolv'd themselves in a short time after to make way for another assâ—mbly call'd a Parliament though some thought in thâ—se times that the Parliament of Forty had been dissolv'd long before by his late Majesties death and so might haply think this a needless Ceremony It being most certain that that Parliament ow'd its beginning to the Kings Writ although its continuance was thought to depend on the continuing Act as long as the King liv'd Yet notwithstanding the House of Commons had actually dissolv'd themselves and it was become the receiv'd opinion that the Parliament of Forty was in Law dissolv'd before upon the old Kings death the next Assembly Stylo Communi Parliament would not barely stick to either of these ways but thought good likewise themselves by vertue of their Authority to declare that Parliament of Forty dissolv'd Whether or no they thought that the bare Act of a single house of Commons without King and Lords could not in Law be took for a formal Repeal of the former continuing Act made by King Lords and Commons joyntly and so rejected it as really insignificant in its self though made use of for the time and out of a Cautious foresight dreaded some ill consequences attending the receiv'd opinion of the long Parliaments being dissolv'd by the Kings death whether or no the continuing Act were formally repeal'd by as good Authority as made it lest thence in time no body knows when occasion might be taken to argue that if a Kings death repeals one unlimited Act it may likewise on the same ground vacate all by him made and so by affirming the same of all other Princes since the first William a foundation might be laid for the Introduction of Arbitrary Power when evil minded Pretenders are absolute enough to attempt it with hopes of Impunity I pretend not to determine For I remember my self to be a Relater of matters of Fact not a Reader of Law Cases Therefore I proceed to acquaint the Reader that that Assembly though call'd without the Kings Writ yet by his Majesty afterwards most Graciously own'd and acknowledg'd for a Parliament thought it fitting and convenient to declare and enact that the Parliament begun and holden at Westminster the third day of November in the sixteenth year of the Reign of the Late King Charles of blessed Memory is fully dissolved and determined They are the words of the Act to be seen in the Statute-book Cap. 1. 12 Car. 2. This was the Assembly that blessed us with his Majesties actual Restauration towards which there had been made so many steps a little before by the Loyal Nobility Gentry and Commonalty of the Land and the Worthy Citizens of this Honourable City Whose publick Reception and Triumphant Cavalcade through the City of London to White hill was very remarkable for the splendid appearance of the Citizens to conduct him the Gallantry shewn by them on so acceptable a Solemnity and the many demonstrations of joy and gladness they gave him worthy themselves and that glorious day which they had so long expected and contributed so much of their assistance to hasten For which I have a passage or two more to produce besides what hath been already brought For the first out of the supplement to Baker I quote his Majesties most Gracious Letter To his Trusty and well belov'd the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common Council of the City of London wherein he Honourably acknowledges the publick and frequent Manifestations of their affections to him and the Encouragement and good Example â—hey gave the Nation to assert the Ancient Government and thereupon concludes with large Promises of Extraordinary kindness to this his Native City to the Renewal of their Charter Confirmation of all priviledges granted by his Predecessors and the adding of new favours to advance the Trade Wealth and Honour thereof The next is a Commemoration of the Cities Joyful Resentment of this Letter and the Kings Declaration enclos'd in it as it was was express'd by the Grateful Duty of the Common-Council who immediately upon the reading of them ordered a Present of Ten thousand Pounds to be made to His Majesty and a thousand pounds to each of his Brothers And likewise deputed several of the Aldermen and worthy Citizens to attend upon His Majesty from the City with a Presentment of their most Dutiful acknowledgments for his Clemency and Goodness towards them So desirous were they to give him the greatest demonstrations of their affection and Loyalty before his Return and Judiciously Wise as well as Loyal to set all parts of the Nation a good Example to imitate in a ready manifestation of their Duty and Allegiance to him after his Return Neither in this would they be behind hand with any of them all For the City of London as being the first the richest and most Honourable and the Seat of Kings for many ages might Judge it self oblig'd as the Supplementer insinuates in point of duty and Reputation to exceed all the rest in the Glory of their performances towards their Soveraign But whatever the Citizens did think of the Obligation on either side certain enough it is that the reiterated expressions of their Loyalty to the King were Honourable and Meritorious to the highest degree For to the splendor of their former Preparations at his first Reception and Triumphal Entrance they added the cost of a most magnificent Entertainment at Guild-hal for that very purpose richly beautified and adorned whither the King his two Brothers the Lords of the Privy Council the two Houses of Parliament and the chief Officers of State were conducted July the fifth 1660. in great Pomp by the Lord Mayor and the Grandees of the City and treated in a Royal manner with the choicest of Delicacies with excellent Musick and whatever else could be thought on or delightful for so Illustrious an Assembly As if the Citizens thought it not enough to entertain the King but for his sake were resolv'd to put themselves to the charge of gratifying others for their Loyalty Where 's now the Man can bring me a parallel hereto General Monk appear'd and London concur'd and then the House of Commons of the Parliament of forty is immediately reviv'd a face of the Ancient Government restor'd a new Parliamentary Assembly call'd the King sent for home to enjoy his Fathers Throne and most peaceably settled therein without the noise of War or
that it became the fixt Metropolis of the Nation Yet in the Time of the Saxon's Heptarchy we find mention made of this Noble City several times and on several Occasions As upon account of Mordred's choosing this City to be Crown'd in when he rebell'd against King Arthur The holding of it by Mordred's Son against Constantine Son of Cador till he was slain The Flying away of the Bishops of London and York and other Ministers with their Goods and Reliques for fear of the Saxon's Cruelty under Ethelfride Whereby the Commonalty were left without Spiritual Guides the City without Her chief Pastors The setting up an Arch-Bishoprick there by Austine the Monk and the making of Melitus Bishop of the same in Ethelbert's Days The Building of St. Pauls either by the same Ethelbert or else by Sigebert King of the East-Angles as some affirm In this Ethelbert's Time we read in Fabian of the Building the First Church of Westminster in Honour of St. Peter by a Citizen of London in the West-End of London in a Place called Thorny now Westminster which before was over-grown with Bushes and Briars But Stow affirms Sebert King of the East Saxons to have Built it In the Time of Ethelwolph Son of Egbert King of the West-Saxons London is said to be spoild by the Danes and so not likely then to be of any great Strength though we find the Danes drawing themselves thitherward in Alured or Alfred's Days after an Agreement concluded between them But now again begins this City to be often mentioned in Story and grows more Famous every Day after that King Alured having Victoriously repeal'd the Danes return'd thereunto repair'd those Places that before had been injur'd by the Danes and committed it to the Guiding of Ethelred Earl or Duke of Mercia who was his Son-in-Law by Marrying his Daughter Elfleda Hence may we date another Beginning as it were of it's Glory and Lustre from this new Resurrection out of the Ashes of its former Ruines Some of the next News we hear of this Honourable City is of the Londoner's beating away the Danes who Landing in Sussex and comeing to the Town of Lewes and thence towards London had Builded a Castle near the River of Lewes the more to annoy the Country but the Citizens Valour with the Countrys Help soon demolished it In the Reign of Edward the Eldest Son to the forenamed Alured we find London thought so considerable that the King took it under his own Rule not entrusting even his own Sister therewith thinking it probably too important a Charge to be committed to any Subject never so nearly related to him because of the Power that would accrue to the Possessor thereof and the Danger might thereby happen to him the King in those troublesome Times upon any the least Difference arising between them When Egelred or Etheldred Son of Edgar rul'd the Land we read of the Danes coming to London they being ready enough to haunt any Place that could afford them Spoil and Pillage but we find that then they were repel'd by the Citizens The City it seems was strong enough to defend their own But soon after that another sad Accident befell the City against which it was not so well able to defend it self viz. A great Fire whereby a large Part of it was destroyed So rare is it for any thing great in this World to arrive at it's Greatness from small Beginnings without being Subject to many Mischances and meeting with many Turns and Changes of Fortune before it can arrive at the height of its Grandeur Fabian tells us in his Chronicle that the City had then the most Building from Ludgate towards Westminster and little or none where the Chief or Heart of it now is except that in diverse Places there were Houses but they stood without Order This he professes to have known by an Old Book in the Guild-Hall named Domesday But where-ever the Building stood in those Days or how great Harm soever the Fire did it nevertheless it continued of such Strength and Riches that the Danes were willing to have got it into their own Power and in Order thereunto besieged it but that they took it at that season I read not Yet some Years after I find the Londoners sending Gifts and Pledges to the Danes to divert them then coming towards London 'T was in Egelred's Days that the Danes thus harrassed the Land and did almost whatever they pleased selling the English Men Peace for their Money and then breaking it again at their Pleasure to get a greater Sum. This gave the first Occasion to the Imposition of that Tax upon the Land called Danegelt And the Pride and Lordly Imperiousness of the insulting Danes gave Original to the opprobrious Name of Lurdane as now it is esteem'd though then it was Lord Dane a Term the English were for fear compell'd to give those proud lazy Danes that Rul'd and Domineer'd in many of their Houses at the right Owner's cost Neither is it much to be wondred at that this Land was brought into so great Misery by these Hectoring Strangers when as we fiâ—d Dissention amongst the Lords and such treacherous Dealing that whatsoever was devis'â— by Some for the Hurt of their common Enemies it was quickly by Others of the same Councel betraâ—'d and made known to them The King giving himself to a vicious and incontinent Life and to get Money any manner of way sticked not to 〈◊〉 Men of their Possessions for small or seigned Causes according to the History and after cause them to redeem their own for great Sums of Money In London 't was that I find this unfortunate Egelred more than once residing for his own Security it seems more than for any Aid he attempted to get of the Londoners to defend his Land Here he fell sick died and was also Buried and with him some of the English Men's Shame and Dishonour For Edmund Ironside his Son favoured by the Londoners and some other Lords was Crown'd in that City and thence departing with his Strength so hotly pursued Canutus the Danish King that he was several Times put to the worst and in fair likelihood to have been utterly over-thrown had not the false Edric who having got an Habit of Treachery in Egelreds Days could not so easily forâ—ake his Old base Conditions oft disappointed King Edmund by his Treacherous Dealing By â—his Edric's Treachery I have read That Edmund lost his Life afterwards for which Fact the â—alse Traytor expecting a great Reward at the â—ands of Canutus had his Head exalted according â—o the others Promise above all the Lords of Engâ—and it being stricken off pitch'd upon a Spear â—nd after set upon the highest Gate of London But about the King's Death and Edric's Authors are found much to vary Neither is it any marvel that Writers differ so often and so much in their Relations of Things done so many Ages since Whenas in things but as it were of yesterday we
Consent therâ—unto And yet it might have seemed as hard tâ— them to have remained under the Sweeds wheâ— they had but little hopes of having much Share 〈◊〉 the Government or be lookt upon and dealt with â—therwise than as a Conquer'd People The Fame 〈◊〉 may be of this succeeding Policy of the Daniâ—â— King with the Excitation of some of the Boutifeâ—â— of Europe may be supposed to have put somâ— thoughts of the like Nature into the Polish King'â— Head if all be true that hath been reported oâ— the Sloth and Negligence laid to his Charge by 〈◊〉 Senator of the Land of his Backwardness to call 〈◊〉 General Diet of the Nation and of the Purport â—â— a Speech made to him once within these few Yearâ— by an Ambassador from out of these Parts of Europâ— Hence likewise may have proceeded the Fears anâ— Jealousies of the Sweeds hinted to us in Forreign News lest their King by his Neighbours Example â—â—ould be encouraged to attempt the like Which â—â—ems since to have been very much legitimated by â—he Alteration lately made in the Senate of that â—ingdom if our Modern Intelligencers have given â—s a true Account and Relation of that Affairs After that Elective Princes have thus obtained to â—e made Hereditary Monarchs one of their next deâ—â—res is to render themselves Absolute in their Goâ—ernment Wherein they may have received no â—mall Encouragement from the Successful Attempts â—f some such Tyrannical Invader of other Mens â—ights as the present Hector of France And no litâ—le Help in the neat way of subduing and inslaâ—ing their own Country they may have learnt â—rom some such contriving Paâ—e as was one of â—he Catholick Kings of Spain who with an Army â—ut of one of his Kingdoms subverted the Liberty of â—nother So ambitious are some Men of the so much â—nvied Honour of ceasing to be Kings of Men and â—ecoming Tryants over Slaves at their Pleasure With some such kind of Disease do we find King â—ohn also to have been infected in his time But â— Chargeable Disease you may well call it which cost â—im the Loss of much of his Territories abroad the â—earts of many of his Subjects among both the Spiâ—itualty and Temporalty at home and his Peace â—nd Tranquility within together with a free Imperiâ—l Crown and all the Regalities attending it and â—et he dyed at last without obtaining his so much-â—esired Remedy as I doubt not to make sufficientâ—y Evident in the following Relation In the Second Year of this King John by Counâ—el of the Burgesses of the City of London Thirty â—ive of the most substantial and wisest Men are Recorded to have been chosen and after some caâ—led the Council of the City of which yearly weâ—â— Elected the Eayliffs as long as they lasted anâ— after them the Mayor and Sheriffs Which nameâ— we meet with in few Years after For about thâ— latter end of this King 's Nineth Year we read 〈◊〉 a Grant made to the Citizens and confirmed by thâ— King's Letters Patents whereby they had Poweâ— to chuse Yearly a Mayor and Two Sheriffs Tâ—â— First Mayor upon Record is Henry Fitz Alwiâ—â— sworn and charged upon Michaelmas-day in thâ— Tenth Year of this King Anno Christi 1210. whâ— continued several Years Mayor The Sheriffs werâ— Peter Duke and Thomas Neel sworn the same timâ— And the former Name and Rule of Baylâ—ffs clearâ—â— discharged St. Matthew's Day Nine Days befoâ—â— Mâ—chaelmas was the time the Citizens then alloted for their Sheriffs Election and on Michaelmâ—â— day was the Mayor Ordained by the like Ordeâ— to be chosen and charged then with the other though now this in part is altered This same Year is likewise noted in Fabian as fâ—â— the altering of the Rulers of the City from Bayliâ—â— to a Mayor and Sheriffs so also for the changiâ—â— of the Bridge from Timber to Stone which 〈◊〉 perfected about this time by the Aid of the Ciâ—â—zens and Passengers it having been Thirty 〈◊〉 Years in building according to Stow who plaâ—â— the Beginning hereof as high as Henry the Second days So that thence forward we may expect 〈◊〉 find the Power of the City and its Glory more anâ— more encreasing every Age. That the Government of the City should be thâ— changed at the Request of the Citizens and in favâ—â— of them fixt as they would have it argues that the Strength then was thought considerable their â—â—fluence upon the rest of the Nation esteemed not to 〈◊〉 small For at this time was K. John over-pressed by â—he Pope and his Clergy and reduced to so low an Ebb â—f Fortune that but few Years passed before he â—as fain to buy his Peace at no less a price than the â—esignation of his Crown And therefore in the â—idst of his distress by these Acts of Favour he â—ay be thought to endeavour to fix the City to his â—â—terest as hoping thereby to oblige the Citizens 〈◊〉 appear in his behalf against the Pride of these â—â—sulting Priests An Argument doubtless of their â—ower and the King's Esteem of it The Occasion of the difference between the King â—â—d the Pope which brought such Woe to the â—and and Trouble to the King was the displeaâ—â—re he took against the Monks of Canterbury for â—â—eir Electing one to the Arch-Bishoprick contrary 〈◊〉 his Mind together with his Refractoriness in â—ot hearkning to the advice of his Lords and â—â—iends who would have had him have yielded to â—â—e Pope then too potent an Adversary safely to be â—â—ntested with To which may be added his conâ—â—nued Obstinacy in not yielding to terms of Acâ—â—mmodation and Accord when as his Enemies â—â—ew more powerful and his own Strength was â—uch weakned by the loss of Normandy A sharp â—â—rrection it proved to the King to have much of 〈◊〉 Territories abroad his Normans antient Inheâ—â—tance took from him by the War which the â—â—ench King made upon him by the Pope's exciting â—ccording to some Authors to have his Land â—â—d Himself accursed at home his Lords absolved 〈◊〉 their Allegiance that they might be enabled to â—â—e against him and depose him and he himself â—t last compelled for his own security to give aâ—ay his Crown and Dignity and take it again of the Pope at a certain Rent As hard measure had the Kingdom to have the Doors of Churches and other Places of Divine Service shut up in City and Country in London and in the other Parts of the Land that no Religious Worship might be useâ— publickly but the Dead must be buried likâ— Dogs in Ditches and Corners No Sacramentâ— administred no Baptisms no Marriages or 〈◊〉 there were in any Places it must be by special Licence purchased it may be at great rates and all this for the Offence of one Man or a few 〈◊〉 which most probably did neither consent to noâ— could amend without breaking former Laws and Oaths and offending against the Principles of Honesty and the Christian Religion Suppose the Heaâ— Shepherd had offended yet what
care and vigilance Whâ—â— the occasion of this difference was I have not yet read â—ut to appease it I find a Counsel of the Lords called 〈◊〉 Westminster Fabian gives it likewise the Title of a Parliament which continued Three weeks and more To this Council came the Lords with great companies â—articularly the two contesting Parties intending it seems 〈◊〉 have lodg'd within the City So desirous so ambitiâ—us of pretending to London's favour that such seem 〈◊〉 have thought the bare lodging therein might have â—dded to their strength But upon the Mayors consultâ—â—g with such as the King had left Rulers in his Abâ—â—nce and through the advice of the King's Brother it â—as concluded that neither the said Edward nor the said â—arl should come into the City there to lodge nor any â—â—at held upon either side And further it was proviâ—ed that all within the City of the Age of 15 years â—nd above should be in Arms to watch and keep the â—ity day and night and that the Gates should be kept â—ut by day and certain men in Arms keep every Gate 〈◊〉 the City For the further safeguard of the City and 〈◊〉 keeping of the Peace therein the aforementioned â—ulers came into London and there lodged with their â—ompanies and such other persons as they assigned to â—â—rengthen the City if need required Do people 〈◊〉 mathematical Demonstration Look here and see â—hat care's taken to keep the City safe and harmless â—nd in Peace as if then the Land must needs be in â—uiet too Preserve the City and its just Liberties and â—â—en the Nations Quietness Peace and Safeguard is â—â—rongly secured Behold here the Eyes of the Nation 〈◊〉 upon the City of London and her Actions and â—here's the party that dare strike while she Guards â—â—eps and preserves the Kings Peace while he is â—â—eased to busie himself in foreign Countries Such as â—ill not believe but what they see and so know let â—â—em here credit their own Eyes if they be not Popish Transubstantiators or shut them to keep the light 〈◊〉 After the King was returned to London from 〈◊〉 the Sea by his order many of their lodgings 〈◊〉 altered direction was taken between the aforesaid 〈◊〉 testing Parties and a new Assembly of Parliament 〈◊〉 signed Anno 44. William Fitz Richard being Mayor 〈◊〉 Browning Richard Coventre Sheriffs after Candlâ—â—â—â— by the Kings Command a Folk-Moot was called 〈◊〉 Pauls-Cross whither he came in person with his Bâ—â—ther Richard King of the Romans and many othâ—â— Nobles and commanded the Mayor that every strâ—â—ling of 12 Years and above should before his â—â—dermen be sworn the day following to be true to 〈◊〉 King and his Heirs Kings of England and that 〈◊〉 Gates of the City should be kept with armed Men 〈◊〉 before was determined Not long after this we 〈◊〉 of more suspicions of a breach between the King 〈◊〉 his Barons which in few years broke out into an 〈◊〉 War What did all this swearing then avail Those amoâ—â—â— the Children of men who look abroad into the world 〈◊〉 take notice of the common course of the Generality of 〈◊〉 living or are much conversant with the Monuments 〈◊〉 the dead may find it no very difficult matter to obserâ—â— that let men take never so many Oaths make never so â—â—ny Covenants Promises and Compacts that if they 〈◊〉 come to have Apprehensions that those to whom thâ— have sworn themselves endeavour to make use of thâ— religious Ties and Obligations designed at first 〈◊〉 mutual preservation to encroach upon their Liberâ—â— deprive them of their Priviledges their Propertiâ—â— their Birth-rights to the enslaving of them and thâ— whole Posterity all former Subscriptions Oaths 〈◊〉 Promises Pacts and Covenants will scarce avail 〈◊〉 with the most But if Experience should chancâ— legitimate their doubts and Fears by the others actual endeavours in the open face of the World it is rarely seen but that notwithstanding past transactions they will make the greatest opposition they can against the others arbitrary pretences And so all former religious Bonds are snapt asunder like Tow burnt by the Fire They who imposed Oaths for such ill intents might have considered if they pleased that many in such cases would not have scrupled at all to have broke them Or if any of the more devout had been a little â—â—icer they could not doubtless be ignorant in those days what Remedies might have been bought for Money out of the Popes publick Store-house if other common ways of Evasion would not have pass'd currant with them How many of that nature have â—affed up and down in the World it may not be unworâ—hy of our consideration sometimes to revolve in our minds if it be a thing feasible to bring them within â—hat compass True indeed quoth the subtile Sophiâ—ter I have sworn Allegiance but a latter lesser Tie 〈◊〉 invalid when a greater Obligation lies upon me True an Oath lies upon me but here 's my Liberty Life and Religion lying all at stake I was born free what can dispense with me to deprive me of my Birth-â—ight Life is sweet Self-preservation is near and â—ear to me by the Instinct of Nature 'T is natural to â—reated Beings to defend their Lives against such as â—â—ould destroy them what then can oblige me to sufâ—er my Life violently to be taken away by anothers inâ—â—ry whenas I dare not deprive my self thereof by my â—wn Endeavours unless I will run into so foul an Ofâ—â—nce so unnatural a Fact as to proclaim my self to â—â—e World a Self-Murtherer and so force my Soul to â—y out of my Body before I know 't is my Creator's â—ill she should My Religion is to obey God above â—â—d before Man my Soul is his that gave it me and where 's the Obligation that can impower me justly 〈◊〉 give away that which is not my own to bestow 〈◊〉 my Religion which I believe is according to the Laâ— of the Almighty stand or fall at another mans pleasure Must I take the matter manner and height of my Dâ—votions from the imperious dictates of another's 〈◊〉 and that too upon the account of my Oath Must destroy my Religion in effect or else I cannot keep in shew Besides know ye not that my Oath was coâ—ditional Mutual Bonds make mutual Obligation Service was vow'd where Protection was promised anâ— expected Can any but an Idiot be supposed to sweâ—â— away himself to be destroyed instead of being defended Must I still pay Obedience upon account of former Câ—â—venants where I cannot get due Protection and haâ—â— but little encouragement to expect it though it was 〈◊〉 first promised since that now thence I fear utter ruiâ—â— and infallible destruction instead thereof With 〈◊〉 Inventions some may chance to be full and it may 〈◊〉 to make them seem more authentick they can produâ—â— them under the Printer's Hand 'T is in Print an Aâ—gument which may sometimes weigh much with 〈◊〉 inconfiderate inobserving Persons who consider 〈◊〉 how
to have been there kept and that the King and his Lords parted thence all at Discord Besides the mutual Strength of People on either side The Barons had the Acts of Parliament made by the King Lords and Commons for of such I have elsewhere read these Assemblies were composed in those days to fight for which to observe the King and many others had been sworn besides a solemn Curse denounced against the Attempters to break them The King with his Party had the Popes Bull of Absolution the Sentence of the Council of Lords at Westminster and the Judgment given on the Kings side by Lewis the French King for their Incitement Such then being the cause contended for these being the mutual advantages to strengthen either side the difference is brought in the Spring into the Field to be decided All things in a manner thus tending to War the Barons drew towards London that 's their Place of Rendezvous where new Assurances by Writing indented was made between them and the Commonalty of the City without Consent of many of the Rulers thereof Whether they were swayed in their minds to the other side by Reasons they carried in their Pockets I find not or thinking they had most to lose they feared to be the greatest Sufferers if the chance of War should fall cross or else out of Envy and Emulation to the Commons who had already been entrusted with so much Power by the so often named Statutes and were in probability likely to get more if the Barons should prevail or at least keep what they had gotten Hence 't is plain that the Commons of the City were the men that stood by the Lords in defence of the Parliament Acts Many of the Rulers seem not to have appeared Wherefore the Commons as men enraged made to themselves Two Captains Thomas de Pywelden and Stephen Bukkerel whom they named Constables of the City At whose Commandment by tolling the great Bell of St. Pauls all the City should be ready in Arms to give Attendance upon the said Captains About the beginning of Lent the Constable of the Tower Sir Hugh Le Spencer came with a fair Company of men at Arms into the City and desired Assistance of the forenamed Constables who commanded the said Bell to be toll'd By means whereof the People shut their Shops and came out in Arms in great Multitudes who after Proclamation made that they should follow their Captains without knowledge what to do or whither to go followed them unto Thystleworth beyond Westminster and there spoiled the Manour of the King of the Romans Richard the King's Brother setting it on Fire and afterwards with great noise and cry returned unto London This Richard King of the Romans appears to have been a Mediator of Peace between the Two Parties but after this outrage what else could be expected but that he should become the Barons Enemy to the utmost of his Power Though 't is commonly seen that from War most come home by Weeping Cross yet there are still too too many found that desire to fish in troubled Waters Would any but such as were in Love with Blood and Wounds have counselled such a Fact as this in the midst of Civil broils thus to compel the only Mediator of Peace likely to prevail to become a man of War and which was worse an Enemy a powerful Enemy instead of a peaceable Friend In the time of these intestine Jarrs between Men of the same Country and Religion 't was much if the Jews should have escaped free who were strangers of different Rites and Customs and so odious to the Common People That they did not escape the enraged Multitudes Fury we find by mention made of Five Hundred of them said to be slain at one time in London on Palmsunday week The occasion is related to be for that a Jew would have forced a Christian to have given him more than Two Pence a Week for the use of Twenty Shillings This being the stinted Usury then permitted the Jews by the King's Grant According to which rate they might take iâ— any Summ lent greater or lesser A reasonable man would have thought this might have satisfied the greedy Minds of most ordinary griping Extortioners Eight Shillings Eight Pence by the Year in the Pound Forty three Pounds Six Shillings Eight Pence in the Hundred Usury unconscionable enough of any sense While the Land stood thus divided into Parties the Jews felt the Peoples rage in the City and the Country did not altogether scape tasting the miseries of Civil Wars King Henry by divers places came at length into Sussex with a strong Power whereof the Lords hearing made preparation to go towards him Accordingly in the end of April the Barons with many of the Citizens in the vaward departed from London taking their Journey towards the King and hearing he was at Lewes with a great power by common consent drawing up a Letter sent it in the name of all the Barons to the King But the Answers were so rough and in such a stile that it plainly shewed that the Sword could be the only decider of the Quarrel and final determiner of the Contest so much were their Minds exasperated each towards other though of the same Nation and Kindred The Barons well perceiving by these Answers that there was no other way but to decide the Quarrel by dint of Sword they went forward towards the King Wednesday May the 24th 1263. is the day that may be writ in Red Letters for the great quantity of Blood spilt thereon in the Battle fought at Lewes between the King and his Barons wherein by the Will of Providence the Victory sell to the Barons with such a total rout to the other Party that they took Prisoners the King his Brother his Son with many other Noble-Men to the number of Twenty five Barons and Banerets above Twenty Thousand being slain according to my Author's Account After this so compleat a Victory the other Prisoners being sent elsewhere the Barons kept the King his Brother and Son till they came to London This was the place wherein they had found Shelter and had had such considerable Assistance from the Londoners that there seemed a kind of Obligation lying on them and it implied somwhat of a Recompence due to the City there to shew the Trophies of their Victory Now we may easily conclude that the forenamed Statutes are to stand in full force even by the Kings Consent And so acccordingly we find a Grant made and an Agreement that if any were thought unreasonable they were to be corrected and amended by four Noble Men of the Realm Two of the Spiritualty and Two of the Temporalty And if the four accorded not the Earl of Anjou and the Duke of Brittain were to be Judges in the case To continue this accord the firmer the King's Son and his Brother were to remain the Barons Prisoners till it was compleated A Parliament was also appointed to be
so far as to acquaint us that even the Duke of Lancaster John of Gaunt appeared likewise in their favour an Intercessor unto the King Whether out of respect to them or secret dislike of his Nephews proceedings forgetfulness of Londons past opposition or his desire at last to become Popular and to ingratiate himself with the Citizens whose power he had before try'd to his loss I dare not venture to resolve upon such unsure grounds as my own bare surmizes But this I presume may easily be granted me that he was then grown ancient and the burning fires of his Ambition were much â—abated if not altogether quenched through forâ—â—er disappointments length of time and the visible increase of years old age growing fast upon him So that the first heats being over he might probably be inclin'd to try his fortune in foreign Countries and content himself with the titulary â—onour of a King abroad now that he had long 〈◊〉 the smart of a frustrated expectation at â—ome London having then such powerful Friends of â—ame and note in the time of her adversity parâ—icularly exprest in History how many more may 〈◊〉 presume she had not expresly mention'd of 〈◊〉 same or somewhat inferior rank and quality â—ho either out of their own affection and particular respect or through the prevalency of these great Examples ingag'd themselves in the Cities interest and became Reconcilers and Repairers of her late Breaches But if the Readers candour will not yield me this not irrational supposition these doubtless in themselves are enough to make out the truth of my assertion and free me from the undesirable imputation of a vain pretender when I offer'd to shew the esteem the Lords singly consider'd in themselves had for this great and honourable City The aforementioned passages shew their good will yet all this notwithstanding somewhat else was expected at Court which the Cities Enemies mainly drove at and seem resolv'd by one means or other to compass and bring about The City was Rich in Priviledges Rich in Glory Rich in Coyn besides the Spirit and Courage of her Citizens all which conjoyn'd made her powerful at home and abroad fam'd in Foreign Countries for Trade and Commerce and highly honour'd within the Circle of the Brittish-Isle through which she was known I lanet-like to dart her over-ruling influences Among Arbitrary Designers these have been generally look't upon as Malign and therefore no wonder if at Court ill-affected Their Liberties and Priviledges are thought too great let 's then have 'em lesâ—ened now time serves And so they were For the Londoners being Commanded to come to Windsor there to shew them and product then Charters both old and new some of them arâ—â—atified some condemn'd some restor'd others detain'd Their Glory likewise is to be made to suffer if possible a diminution in the eyes of the world and therefore almost all the Lords are gather'd together at Windsor against their coming thither and also a great Army that the people might think them terrified thereby and frighted into submission and so have the less esteem for them hereafter as such as may easily be accus'd of offences and as easily be made to undergo grievous penalties for them whoever was originally in fault These Preparations must needs occasion considerable charges but the Londoners must pay the shot if they are Covetous of peace and quietness And so they did at last to their no small expences 'T was not the Honourable Cavalcade of principal Citizens sent out in one Livery to meet and Conduct the King and Court through the City 'T was not the Triumphant Reception of him in his passage through a lane of Livery-men lowdly ecchoing forth his Name the running of Cheapside Conduit with more than one sort of Wine the adorning the Windows and Walls of the Streets with Tapistry Cloth of Gold Silver and Silk nor other gawdy shows to entertain him 'T was not the Rich and Chargeable Presents made to him and his Queen as they pass'd along or afterwards the next day the Costly Crowns and Tables of Gold Horses with their Noble Trappings Plate of Gold and Silver Cloth of Gold Silk Velvets Buttons and Ewers of Gold Gold in Coyn Precious Stones and Jewels so Rich excellent and Beautiful that the value and price was inestimable that could fully appease the Angry King or rather satisfie the ravenous Courtiers Covetuousness until they had laid down also Ten thousand pounds in ready mony And this did the feat for that time And but for that time as far as I can find For new Lords new Laws New Favourites produce new Changes and old ones being cast out of Doors they are for finding out new Crimes Pretences and Devices to empty other mens Purses and enrich themselves under the common notion of levying Fines and Amercements for the King King Richard had received Royal Gifts and Noble Presents of his truly Royal Chamber of London in the sixteenth year of his Reign Yet within less than half a dozen years space this was forgotten and quite out of memory or else so well remembred as to make some heartily desirous of more such Boons as hoping that some of Daâ—ae's showers might descend also into their own laps These being the true Chymical Drops to restore enliven and invigorate the tir'd spirits of such hunger-starv'd Expectants And where throughout the whole British World are they to be had in greater plenty than at London And by the sequell of the story we may believe this was an approved Recipe in those days For some Informations had been given in against the Londoners which incens'd the King to such a degree that the Commonalty Fabian tells us was indicted with other Sheriffs and therefore consequently their own likewise which might have brought great damage afresh to them but that Providence then rais'd them up two Potent Friends and Favourers among the Spiritual Lords by whose advice they made an humble supplication to the King and so by their aid and assiâ—â—ance with help of other Lovers of the City the Kings anger was much appeased But yet nevertheless Blank Charters were brought into the City and many of the most substantial meâ— thereof forc't to seal them highly to their disadvantage which was likewise soon after put in practice in many other Counties So fatal was the Citizens Example to the rest of the Land and so little gain'd they themselves in these Conjunctures by their Submissions Resignations and other like compliances to the Court besides expence charge and much trouble and the continual fears of greater molestations for the future But when was this and how was it brought about If we trace the Serids of times and affairs a little backwards by the unerring Clue of Authentick History we shall find these transactions to bear date some years after the end of the Parliament that wrought wonders when possibly 't was almost forgot and it's Statutes by some Mens Artifices slighted through disuse and inexecution
the Honour and Renown of this so famous and powerful a City without offering at all the attesting Proofs and confirming Evidences that are to be found on Record And if this Attempt shall be well accepted it may haply be an encouragement to some more Learned more Able more Skilful Pen to produce the other more convincing Arguments scatter'd up and down in the Annals Chronicles and other Monuments of Historians and by gathering together all the divided fragments of Remark reduce them into one solid firm and lasting Peice or make better improvement of the Arguments and Evidences here produc'd Come we now to Henry the 5th A Prince not so wild in his Youth when a Subject and by his Father supsected of ambitious designs thoughâ— Causlesly and on no better grounds and reasoâ—â— than the Calumnies Slanders and detractions oâ— evil dispos'd persons about the Court as celebrated when King for the prudent Reformation oâ— his own Person wise Conduct of his affairs and happy Government of the Realm for his Valour Magnanimity and Heroical Actions and the 〈◊〉 Glorious Achievements of his Reign being one oâ— the most Martial Princes that ever sate upon thâ— English Throne and beyond all his Predecessoâ—â— Succesfull in his French Expeditions So that 〈◊〉 Cressy and Poictiers have highly advanced 〈◊〉 Name and Renown of the famous Black Prinâ—â— Agincourt shall eternize Henry of Monmâ—â—â—â— through all Generations and with this addition 〈◊〉 unparalleld Glory That he liv'd and dyed in thâ— heighth of Grandeur and his Victories were not sullied with after Reproaches Under therefore so Renowned a Conqueror and so Good a King 't is no marvel that we read of no troubles in our English Jerusalem nor hear of Complaints in her Streets We may expect rather to hear of the Gallantry of Rareeshews and fine sights Pageants and Presents the harmonious concent of Trumpets and Drums and the tunable Musick of Bells the loud sounding Acclamation of People and the unaccountable Number of Bonfires and fire-works the Common consequents of Victories and Tryumphs and the usual Entertainment of Conquerours Wherefore I should now pass on of course to the next Kings reign but that by the way I shall venture to trespass a little upon the Readers Patience and to make an Observation or two upon the grounds and occasional Causes of reviving the War with France which was under this King attended with such a Train of Victories We are to know then from such Authentick Authors as â—abian Baker and the like that the Commons â—arping upon the same string they did in Henry the 4th days viz. the Clergies Temporaltyes by bringing in a Bill to take them away the Bishops to divert the storm put the King upon claiming France as his Right and offered him considerable sums of mony to engage and assist him â—herein whereby the Cloud before hanging over â—heir heads was made to break upon the French Coasts they who by their Office should have apâ—â—ov'd themselves the Peace-makers of the world 〈◊〉 up the Furies of War destruction and inciâ—â—d their Country-men to sheath their Swords in their Neighbours Bowels to preserve to themselves â—â—eir large Revenues and worldly grandeur their much envied Lands Honours and Preferments Another advantage they likewise laid hold on to Promote their own Earthly advancement by making use of this opportunity to suppress the growth and encrease of the Wicklivists the Puritans and Presbyterians of the age whose Numbers began now more and more to encrease in City and Country and grew formidable to the whole Popish Hierarchy These men whom they could not vanquish by dint of Argument so conformable were their Doctrines to the Scriptures they thought it easier to oppress by the Civil Authority and the Power of the Magistrates Sword whereon they had of late set a keener Edg by procuring some laws to be made against them under the Name and Notion of Lollards And yet such was the ill fate of opposing the spreading of the Gospel that these Assertors of it's verity like the Primitive Christians of old dayly encreast in Numbers and Repute under their oppressions and grew every age more mumerous in spight of all the malice and opposition of their cruel and blood thirsty Enemies and much too by the same way and methods the Evidence of truth and influence of good lives and Exemplary Conversations Like the ancient Christians they were driven into holes and secret places into private Conventicles and separate Assemblies And though they were not like them at every turn cal'd upon to be cast to the Lions for disobeying the Emperours Edicts and Commands yet away with them to the fire and to burning of the Hereticks or in a little softer phraise to putting the Kings Laws in Execution were the common outcryes made against them But because the diversity of their Religion and their difference in opinion from the rest of the Nation were not thought Incentives strong enough to stir up the popular Rage Fury a more Compendious way was found out instead of charging on their account all the Mischiefs Miseries and Disasters of the Times to lay the detestable Crimes of Treason and Conspiracy at their doors Hence may we conclude sprung the Informations given into the King of some that had conspir'd suddenly to have Slain Him and his Brethren and of numerous Assemblies meeting in St. Giles's Fields to that End Hereon possibly may we ground the Rumour spread abroad of great offers made of Money by Sir John Oldcastles Favourers to the Scots to invade the Realm in the Kings absence in France of the meeting of Sir John himself who was a known Wicklivist with Douglas the Scot at Pomfract on the same Errand and of Indentures and other Writings made betwixt him and the Duke of Albany containing Instructions to the Scots to besiege Roxborough and Barwick Such Stories may we look upon as Reports likely enough to have been purposely spread abroad to stir up the Peoples Animosities against the Dissenters of the times Hitherto likewise haply may we impute the Original of the Schedules said to be nail'd upon the Church doors in London with threats of an hundred thousand Men ready to rise upon Occasion Stow indeed out of Walsingham the Monk charges them upon Wicklists favourers yet have we reason to suspect the first Author as too partial in the Case and question whether these were not Popish Shams put upon the Nation by the Wicklivists Enemies to raise a colour for an Out-cry against them For at the Parliament of the Fifth of this King we read in Cotton's Abridgment of an haynous complaint against Insurrections in the end mind this they suspect they were Lollards Traitors which made a way for a Request that Commissions at all times be granted to enquire of them Whoever was Originally in fault we may see from this where the blame should light and the severest Prosecution too could the Popish Prelates have had their Will notwithstanding the
evil May-day when we read of the King 's pardoning the many hundreds Indicted for that day's Riot and Insurrection at the three Queens intercession upon Cardinal Woolsey's Advice and perchance in Complaisance to the City Not to mention that eminent Instance of the King's Charity Love and Affection to the City when in so great a scarcity of Bread therein that many died for meer want he freely and frankly sent thither out of his own Provisions 600 Quarters of Corn which serv'd for a very seasonable Supply till more could be brought from other Parts But as to the former I dare aver it from the consequence of the Contest between the City and the Cardinal in the 17th year of this King out of Stow and thence prove beyond denial how like her self the City always continued in opposing the Arbitrary Power and Exorbitances of over grown Favourites Commissions were sent forth by Order of the Council into every Shire to Levy the Sixth Part of every Man's Substance towards the King's passage into France but this was so vehemently oppos'd by the People as contrary to ancient Laws and Customs and not granted by the Paliament that the King thought good to deny that he ever knew of that Demand and by soothing Letters sent to London and elsewhere he requested only his Subjects Benevolence This was a Term more plausible than a set Demand and a fix'd Contribution and the Cardinal forsooth would needs undertake personally to induce the City's consent thereto and therefore sent for the Mayor the Almen and the most substantial Common-Councel-Men to Westminster thinking by fair Speeches good Words and large Promises to have overperswaded them To him indeed they lent their Ears but we don't find them over hasty to part with their Purses However they sent Deputies to him Four Aldermen and Twelve Commoners to return him their thanks and every Alderman assembles his Ward and makes a Motion for a Benevolence which was openly deny'd them by the Commonalty Then the Cardinal sends again for the Mayor and his Brethren who informs him what they had done Whereupon he would have examined them apart and demands a benevolence of them in the King's Name But for Answer was told by a City Councellor that the Motion was against an Act of Parliament which could not be disprov'd though it was in part gain-said Thereupon the Mayor resolutely denies to grant any thing so that upon his coming home to London all publick endeavours were laid by and it was declar'd that every man should come to the Cardinal and grant privily what he would This was so little grateful to the Citizens and upon the Mayor's endeavours to qualifie them by promising they should be gently treated and exhorting them to go when sent for they were so highly offended thereat that in their fury they would have had several expell'd the Common-Councel and so without further answer angrily departed home Whereby we may be well assur'd of the truth of Hall's Observation that though the Mayor and Aldermen had granted the Demand the Common-Councel would never have assented For we must know this was done at the Common-Councel call'd the next day after my Lord Mayor came from Court The Result therefore of all was in the Issue that the King openly protests in a great Council call'd at York-place now White-hall that his mind was never to ask any thing of his Commons that might sound to the breach of the Laws and so this Project was rejected and laid aside by order of the Kings Letter sent into all Counties For seeing that the City refused how was it possible to perswade the Country who look upon London as their principal Guide and Directress and so generally square their Actions by the Citizens Rule Doth not then this seem a clear Example of the Londoners constant fixedness to their old Principles of Liberty And if the Reader likewise please it may pass for an Instance of the Citizens disclaiming their Mayor's Resolves and the prevalency of the Commonalty over the Magistracy when resolute in their just opposition As an Overplus I shall cast in a Passage out of Baker's Chronicles where we find it upon Record under the Title of King Henry's Taxations how that when in the Fourteenth Year a Tenth Part of all Mens Substance was required by the Cardinal towards the Charges of the King's Wars and he would havâ— had every Man sworn to tell what he was worth The Londoners thinking this very hard they were thereupon excus'd for taking the Oath and allowed to bring in their Bills upon their Honesties from whence may be argued either the Strength Greatness and Power of this honourable City whom the Court nor the Cardinal durst not displease or the great respect then shewn her in regard of those many glorious Rays of Influence she sheds all over all the Land when the Word of a Citizen went as far and was as well accepted as another Man's Oath If such then was the Honour and Respect of the City heretofore what may we think it to be now that London hath since receiv'd so considerable an Addition and Augmentation in several respects by the happy concurrence of many more Circumstances to render it eternally famous Was this City able to hold a Contest with so grand a Favourite and potent a Courtier as Cardinal Woolsey and at last to come off with flying Colours to the vindicating her own Rights and the Liberties of all the Nation besides and the forcing King Henry in the strength of his Age as stout as he was to so great a Compliance as hath been hinted before 'T is plain then she was strong and her Citizens not destitute of Spirit Did the King as cruel as he was to others of his Subjects shew himself favourable to London 'T is evident he had great cause and reason so to do unless he was desirous to be tax'd with ungratitude so un-Prince-like a Crime For we may observe the Citizens were ready enough to please him in any thing wherein their All was not concerned and in that I never yet found them ever prone to humour the Follies of any King living Witness their readiness on all Occasions for the Honour of the King to appear in the most splendid Equipage on publick Solemnities Among which the most remarkable in my Opinion were the Coronation of Queen Ann Mother of the never to be forgotten Queen Elizabeth of blessed Memory with the Preparatives thereto the Celebrity of her Attendance by Water from Greenwich to the Tower and her honourable Conveyance from thence through the City amidst the great variety of pleasing Shews and delightful Objects to Westminster particulariz'd in Stow and the glorious appearance of the Citizens at the great Muster in St. Iames's-Park May the 8th Anno 31. to the Number of Fifteen Thousand in bright shining Armour with Coats of white Silk or Cloth and Chains of Gold where the Citizens strove in such sort to exceed each other in bravery of
held up their heads above ground is evident from the many supplies they had from London of Men Mony and Arms the frequent applications they made to her on all extremities and the constant endeavours they us'd to cultivate her friendship and preserve her affections But over these Transactions I shall choose rather to cast a vail of silence than industriously endeavour to lay open the bleeding wounds of the Nation in those days as being fully assur'd of the impossibility of guiding my pen so dextrously in delivering the truth the whole truth and nothing but the truth as not to subject my self to censure nor incur the anger displeasure and indignation of any one Suffice it then to say that in the long Vacation of Parliaments under King Charles the first such seeds of discontent were sown in City as well as Country that upon the first opportunity they sprung up into bitter herbs and sour fruit and who tasted most thereof I think all the European world knows sufficiently by this time of day But if any in this age is so ignorant as to wonder how it was possible for the two Houses in forty one to bear up against the King without being dismis'd from Westminster by vertue of the Kings Prerogative the usual method of ancient times and the known practice of later days he is to know and understand that his late Majesty had formally pass'd away his grand Power of Prorogations Adjournments and Dissolutions by an Act of Parliament and so put the staff out of his own hands that he could never recover as long as he lived by force nor intreaty An act of Grace this was that is hardly to be parallel'd and yet perhaps it may be likâ—ned to the Statute made in the second of Richard the second of which I have made mention before against abrupt and untimely dismissions only that this is plainer worded and seems enlarged to a further extent Otherwise considering the use that might have been possibly made of the former it might have look't like the same book with additions new Printed in Octavo which before was bound up in decimo sexto Neither of these are to be found in our New Printed Statute books they pretending not to set down all the Antiquated Repeal'd or expir'd Statutes that ever were in being Therefore if any one desires to humour his curiosity he must apply himself to Cottons Abridgment of the Tower Records for the one and search after the other in some of those books that treat of the affairs of the late times Now the Observator in such a case tells us of Scobel and Husbands Collections Upon which so Authentick an Authority as some esteem it if we have recourse to Scobels Collections of the best Edition 't is ten thousand to one but we shall there find the Statute in this manner following Whereas great summs of mony must of necessity he speâ—dily advanced and provided for the relief of His Majesties Armâ— and People in the Northern parts of this Realm and for preventing the imminent danger tâ—â—s Kingdom is in and for supply of other His Majesties present and urgent occasions which cannot be so timely effected as is requisite without Credit for raising the said monies which credit cannot be obtained until such obstacles be first removed as are occasioned by fears jealoâ—sies and apprehensions of divers his Majesties Loyal Subjects that this present Parliament may be Adjourned Prorogued or Dissolved before Justice shall be duly executed upon Delinquents publick grievances redressed a firm Peace between the two Nations of England and Scotland concluded and before sufficient provision be made for the repayment of the said monies so to be raised All which the Commons in this present Parliament assembled having duly considered do therefore humbly beseech your most excellent Mâ—jâ—sty that it may be declared and Enacted And be it declared and enacted by the King our Sovereign Lord with the assent of the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament Assembled and by the Authority of the same That this present Parliament now Assembled shall not be dissolved unless it be by Act of Parliament to be passed for that purpose nor shall be at any time or times during the continuance thereof Prâ—râ—gued or Adjourned unless it be by Act of Parliament to be likewise passed for that purpose And that the House of Peers shall not at any time or times during this present Parliament be Adjourned unless it be by themselves or by their own Order And in like manner that the House of Commons shall not any time or times during this present Parliament be Adjourned unless it be by themselves or by their own order And that all and every thing and things whatsoever done or to be done for the Adjournment Proroguing oâ— Dissolving of this present Parliament contâ—â—ry to this Act shall be utterly void and of none effect This Act in Gâ—neral prov'd the destruction of that branch of the Royal Prâ—rogative which related to calling or dissolving Parliaments and that particular clause in the end that all and every thing and things whatsoever done or to be done for the Adjournment Proroguing or dissolving of this present Parliament contrary to this Act shall be utterly void and of none effect was we may believe from subsequent passages a Plea the wits of the age durst have ventur'd to have stood by against any attempts to discontinue disappoint or frustrate the meeting of the two Houses of Parliament if they had Spiâ—it and Courage enough to have own'd any thing of the Law So that upon a ground work so firm and a foundation so sure the Parliamentarians valued not all the subtile Arts and devices of their Enemies nor stood in â—ear of those Mercuâ—ial Engines Pen Ink and Papâ—r so they could bâ—t defend themselves against those Martial Arguments the bright-shining Sword and the thundring Cannon By vertue of this Clause we may conclude that after the House of Commons was violently depriv'd of many Members thereof the House of Lords wholly put down and that small remainder of a Parliament forc'd out of Doors by Oâ—iver and the Soldiers after two Protectors and several Assemblies that took on them the venerable Name of Parliaments and some of them too chosen by the People part of the Commons House nevertheless again got into power and being once more thrust out by the Army afterwards Recover'd possession and the whole House was in a fair likelyhood to have been fill'd up by the Re-admission of the secluded Members till they to make way for a greater turn did all that lay in the power of a single House to dissolve the Parliament which with us consists of the King and his two Houses Treating now of the late times and having drawn a vail over the Transactions in the last Wars wherein the City was more particularly concern'd though 't is well known that her power and Influence was very considerable in the many turns and changes through which the State
was then hurried I shall not stand to shew how much she was Courted by Oliver and the rest of the Usurping powers on all emergencies and the great care was taken to secure her to their interest and party though both are touch'd upon in the supplement to Bakers Chronicle but passing all over I come now to demonstrate the great influence she had upon the Nation in that remarkable turn of the times which produc'd so unparallel'd a wonder as the peaceable Restauration of an exil'd Prince to his Father's Crown and Kingdom without blood Which to prove I need go no further than the aforesaid supplement where several evidences and convincing circumstances are to be found besides matters of fact already else where related and I doubt not but sufficiently demonstrative These to Marshal in their order I begin first of all with the Citizens discontentedness at the Committee of safety and Fleetwoods doubtfulness of them and proceed to General Monk's Letter sent to the Lord Mayor and Common Council some time after he had declared his Resolution to reduce the Military power under the Civil though principally intending we are since told the Kings Restauration to heigthen their diffâ—rences wherein upon a Declaration of his open intenâ—ions he expresses his Expectation of their Assistance lest it should be too late for them by their own strength to assert their freedom if he miscarried through the want of their timely aid and dishonourable if he succeeded for so Famous a City and so much concern'd that it's Liberties should be asserted without its own help In the next place comes the encouragement the Letter sent from some of the old Council of State privately met at London among whom we find Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper that Fam'd Earl of Shaftsbury a Principal Agent through the whole course of those affairs and an active Instrument in bringing in the King to Monk brought his Officers in Scotland and the reason given thereof viz. That the wisest of them did conclude from these appearances of action at London that their party was encreased in England imagining that otherwise they durst not have so openly acted Then follows the Intelligence he receiv'd when at Coldstream from his Brother Clarges that there were many great differences in London between Fleetwood and the City that the Prentices and several others in favour of him had many Consultations to make disturbances and were framing a Petition to the Lord Mayor and Common Council to press their interposition for the restoring the Parliament and preservation of Magistracy their rising in a Tumultuous manner upon a Proclamation emitted by the Committee of Safety to prohibit all gathering of hands to Petitions and the shutting up of Shops upon Hewson's coming to suppress them the affronts put upon his Soldiers by scornful reproaches and Hissings to that degree that they were asham'd to March and many Officers when they went into the City durst not wear their Swords for fear of the like and which was as material as any that the Lord Mayor and several Aldermâ—n had had many ineffectual Treaties with Fleetwood and the Chief of the Army and Committee of Safety the City deâ—anding the mannagement and conduct of their own Militia and the instant Restauration of the Parliament or the calling another which being refus'd much augmented their discontents These were Preparatives to the resitting of part of the Commons house which soon after was invited to reassume their former power Enter next to General Monk at Morpeth the Sword bearer of London with a very respectful Letter from the Lord Mayor and Common Council After this we hear of Clarges's Advice to Monk to get the Parliament Soldiers remov'd out of London and to march his own men in thither so to be Master of the City with the reason laid down that otherwise he could never expect to do any good for his Country since in all those times it had been experienced that to whatever was done at London where they hâ—d nine or ten thousand men to justifie their actions all the rest of the Regiments submitted Now follow Commissioners from the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common Council of London to the General and their Proposition for the readmission of the sâ—cluded Mâ—mbers that the Parliament might be made full and free Then the discontented carriage of 〈◊〉 City the high debates in the Common Council about the Government and their resolution to pay no publick Taxes till the House were filled up with equal Representatives After this the Generals intercession to those then of the Commons House for a mitigation of their Commands laid on him among other severities to take down Londons Gates and Portcullices for this reason that such sâ—vâ—re acting would highly incense the City and the Compliment of thanks to please the Lord Mayor and Aldermen sent them from the House for their moderation in that time of disorder in the City But to close all with a sutable instance Clarges's Counsel to General Monk to endeavour the speedy recovery of the City's good opinion almost lost by his rough actings therein just before brings up the rear wiâ—h the effectual representation he made him of the ill Consequences of his proceedings in London and the prevalent motives urgent reasons and good grounds laid down by him to back his Advice As that the influence the City had by commerce and other Occasions all over England would quickly diffuse the Infamy of the Fact And all the Cities and Towns would be alarm'd believing if that great City should be made a Village that all their Franchises and Priviledges would be quickly subverted So that he had no way to redeem his Reputation but the very next morning to return into the City with his Army and declare for a free Parliament This Counsel presently followed terminated in a successful event and very happy to King and Kingdom by the Miraculous Restauration of his most gracious Majesty Charles the Second to his Patrimonial inheritance and the Throne of his Father Thus have I muster'd up my Evidences in Rank and File all which conjoyn'd like the old Country-man's rods in the Fable bound up together in one bundle will make doubtless a very convincing Argument of the great power and influence London had upon the Nation in this grand turn of the Times I shall therefore leave it to the Reader to make sutable remarks thereon it being so obvious to an unprejudic'd Person that great was the encouragement General Monk and his Officers receiv'd from London considerable was the hope and confidence he put therein when he undertook so Heroick an Enterprise as the freeing his poor Country from the Tyranical exorbitancies of the unruly Soldiers and thought of marching up thither in Arms with all convenient speed to that end and most highly advantagious to his Designs was the unanimous concurrence of this great honourable and powerful City which was not so furiously rash presently to attempt to run down the encroachers upon their
the cries of the wounded in our streets A Miraculous effect of the Cities influence For what parts of the Land are so inconsiderate to oppose when London is engag'd and resolv'd Former Examples may teach them future wisdom These having been the necessary preparatives in sixty one on Saint Georges day April the 23. comes the Kings Coronation the fairest day except the Preceding in which he made his Cavalcade through London the Nation enjoy'd both before and after if the supplementers Observation be well grounded notwithstanding it began to Thunder and Lighten very smartly towards the end of Dinner time and soon after that another meeting of King Lords and Commons at Westminster whither the Kings Writs had Summoned them to make a New Parliament the former Assembly having been dissolv'd the December before by his Majesties Order and Command How acceptable the Actions of that Assembly were to City and Country hath been hinted before and the concurrence of the King when restor'd was not wanting to Authorize their proceedings yet this new Assembly notwithstanding thinking the manner of it's Assembling not to be drawn into Example and that therewas some defect as to the necessary point of Legality in the Statutes then made or at least desirous to remove all doubts fears and scruples about them would not let several of those Acts pass without being formally ratified and confirm'd anew by it's own Authority And therefore consequently not trusting to the receiv'd opinion of the dissolution of the Parliament of forty by the late Kings Death nor relying on the House of Commons Act to dissolve themselves in fifty nine nor the dissolution of the Lords and Commons in sixty another Declaration was made in the point in these word To the end that no Man bereafter may be misled into any seditious or unquiet demeanor out of an opinion that the Parliament begun and held at Westminster upon the third day of November in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred and forty is yet in being which is undoubtedly dissolved and determined and so is hereby Declared and Adjudged to be fully Dissolved and Determined And it was further Enacted by the same Authority That if any Person or Persons at any time after the four and twentieth day of June in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred sixty and one shall Malitiously and Advisedly by Writing Printing Preaching or other Speaking Express Publish Vtter Declare or affirm that the Parliament begun at Westminster upon the third day of November in the year of our Lâ—rd one thousand six hundred and forty is not yet dissolved or is not yet determined or that it ought to be in being or hath yet any continuance or Existence that then every such Person and Persons so as aforesaid offending shall incur the danger and penalty of a Premunire mentioned in a Statute made in the sixteenth year of the Reign of King Richard the second Thus then were all disputes upon this point effectually stil'd and suppress'd by this Authority and Command of King Lords and Commons and the greatness of the penalty incur'd by the person offending which amounts to no less than to be put out of the Kings Protection and have his Lands and Tenements Goods and Chattels forfeited to the King and his Body Attach'd if to be found and brought before the King and his Council there to Answer the premises or that process be made against him by Praemunire facias and if return'd non est inventus than to be Outlaw'd Next I proceed to observe that 't was Petitioning and addressing that prepar'd the way for His Majesties Restauration and therefore doubtless the remembrance thereof should be always grateful and acceptable to the Loyal Such preparatories to great turns and changes being alwaies preferrable to the other rougher methods of drawn Swords and loaded Pistols which are the general effects of Civil Broils and Commotions while these are the rational results of Wisdom and Prudence With the King was that part of the English Clergy likewise restor'd which appropriates to it self the name of the Church of England A Term much gloried in by many as if none but themselves were the constitutive parts thereof and which some now adays pretend freer from Ambiguity than the more general Name of Protestants What we understand by that Term we know very well and are not asham'd thereof Yet by the way I don't think but 't is as lyable to exceptions where Cavils take place as the other title of Protestants so much of late turn'd into ridicule by some few pretenders to wit and sense above the vulgar For if by Church we understand barely an Assembly of Men met together in one place then doubtless without any incongruity it may be applied to many a civil meeting of Men together about their own private concerns If by Church we mean a society of Men conjoyn'd in Spiritual duties or the Ordinances of Divine Worship then I hope it will be no Solecism in common Speech to affirm many of the Dissenters meetings may reasonably lay claim to the Name And if a due Celebration of the Sacraments will make a Church why then may not the Denomination as well belong to some private Conventicles as to the publick Oratories If it should denote only the Association of many distinct Assemblies under the same Ecclesiastical Government what should hinder the Presbiterians from enjoying the Title in those places where they are allowed to exercise their power in Classical Provincial or National Synods Which Power they once exercis'd in England publickly within the Memory of Man But if the Law of the Land makes the difference and the established Government of the Country in Ecclesiastical affairs as with us in England then I am apt to beleive this Expression the Church of England is not without it's Ambiguities and may be a denomination comprehensive of Men of as many different modes and forms as some would fain have us think the word Protestant admits of Heretofore at the first planting of the Gospel in this Isle among the Britains we may call it the British Church When Austin the Monk came in bringing with him the Customs and Ceremonies of the Church of Rome and introduc'd them among the converted Saxons then we may term it the Romish Church When the Monks and Fryers like the Frogs in Egypt had over-spread the whole face of the Land then we may give it the Epithite of Monkish In succeeding Generations when Popery was arriv'd to its height we may name it the Popish Church In King Edward the sixth days it may properly be called Reformed Under the Marian Persecution 't was certainly Popish Queen Elizabeth brought back the Reformed Religion under an Episcopal Government and therefore I venture to give it the Name of the Reformed Episcopal Church A little before the late Wars when the Hierarchy was arriv'd at its highest pitch of Pomp and Grandeur by the Laudean principles and practises It was certainly