profitable for them to send halfe the Romans to dwell at Veyum and because that Citie had a plentifull country about it frequent with buildings and neare neighbouring to Rome halfe of the Romane Citizens might thereby be enrich't without giving any disturbance to the civill government by reason of their neare scituation Which thing the Senate and the graver Romans thought so unprofitable or rather so hurtfull that they freely profess'd they would rather suffer death then agree to any such matter so that the businesse coming to dispute did so iorage the people against the Senate that they had come to blowes and to bloud had not some of the graver and reverenter Citizens oppos'd themselves against their furie whose regard bridled the people so that they proceeded not in their insolencie Here two things are to be noted the first 〈◊〉 people many times deceived by an imaginary good cover their owne ruine and unlesse they be given to understand which is the evill and which the good by some man they trust the Republiques ordinarily run much hazzard And when it so falls out that the people hath no great confidence in any one as sometimes it comes to passe having bin of late deceived either by things or men of necessitie they goe to ruine And Dante to this purpose sayes in his discourse of a Monarchie A populo molte volte grida Viva la sua morte amocoia lavita The vulgar oftimes their own ruine chuse And life for death ignorantly refuse From this increduliti 〈…〉 ises that sometimes in Commonwealths good courses are not taken as formerly it was sayd touching the Venetians when being set upon by so many enemyes they could not resolve till they were quite ruin'd to gain any of them againe by restitution of what they had wrongfully taken Whereupon warre was made against them and a conspiracie of the Princes Wherefore when we consider here that which is easy and that which is hard to perswade a people to this distinction is to be made Either that which thou art to perswade them to represents at the first view gaine or losse or is a course that carryes somwhat in it of courage or cowardise And when in things that are propounded to the people there appears advantage though cover ly therebe disadvantage in it and when it seemes couragious though underneath there be covertly hid the destruction of the Republique it will alwayes be very easy to draw the multitude thereto And so likewise it will bee alwayes very difficult to perswade them to those courses where there appears either cowardise or losse though when it is better weigh'd and advis'd upon therin is contein'd both safety and advantage And what I have said is confirmed with very many examples of the Romans as also with those from abroad both moderne and ancient For from hence grew the evill opinion which was rais'd in Rome of Fab Max. who could not perswade the people of Rome that it was profitable for that commonwealth to proceed slowly in that war to susteine and beare up against Hanniballs violence without fighting for the people deem'd it a base course nor had they judgement to discerne the advantage there was to be gotten by it nor had Fab. reasons sufficient to make it plaine by demonstrations ordinarily the people are so much blinded in these opinions of courage that though they of Rome had committed that error to give power to him that was Commander of the horse under Fab. to fight with Hannib whether F. would or no that by reason thereof the Roman army had like to have bin broken if F. had not succourd it yet this experience serv'd them not but that they afterwards made Varro C. not for any other worth of his but because in al meetings publique places of Rome he had bragg'd he would discomfit Han. whensoever he had power given him to do it whence came the battell discomfiture at Cannae near upon the ruine of Rome I will alleadge one other Ro. example Hanniball had bin in Italy 8. or 10. yeares had fill'd the whole country full of bloudy slaughters of the Romans when there came into the Senate one M. Centenius Penula a very base fellow yet he had had some place of charge in the armie And offer'd that if they would give him authoritie to leavy an armie of voluntaries in what place soever it were in Italie hee would in a short time deliver into their hands Hanniball either prisoner or dead The Senate thought his demand very rash yet they considering that if it were denied him and afterwards his motion were made knowne to the people that some trouble might arise thereupon and so the evill will and envy thereof light upon the Senate they yielded to him being content rather to suffer the hazzard of all those that went out with him then to give any occasion of raising new discontents among the people considering how likely this course was to be acceptable and how hard to be disswaded He went then with this inordinate and rude multitude to seek out Hanniball with whom he no sooner met but he and all his troops were either slaine or routed In Greece in the city of Athens Nicias a very grave and discreet man could never perswade the people that it was not for their good to go and undertake an expedition against Sicily so that they having resolved thereupon contrary to the wise mens likeings there ensued the whole ruine of Athens Scipio when he was made Consull and that he desir'd the province of Affricke promising the utter ruine of Carthage whereunto the Senate not agreeing by the advice of Fabius Maximus threatened to propound it to the people as he that well knew how such like resolutions pleas'd them We could also to this purpose lay downe some examples of our owne city as was that of Hercules Betivogli commander for the Florentines together with Antoni Giacomini after they had routed Bartolomeus Alvianus at Saint Vincenti they went to incampe before Pisa which enterprise was resolv'd on by the people upon the brave promises Hercules made them though many discreet citizens did no way like of it yet they could not hinder it thrust on by the generall desire which was grounded on the commanders large promises I say therefore that there is not an easier way to inlarge a Commonwealth where the people hath the authority then to put them into brave undertakings For where the people is of any worth or valour those will be alwayes well lik'd of and if any man be of different opinion he shall not be of force to perswade it But if hereupon comes the destruction of the city thence proceeds also and most ordinarily the particular ruine of those citizens who are made the commanders of such like undertakings for the people having presupposed the victory when they go by the losse never impute it to their General 's evill fortune or want of sufficient forces but blame
others were built by some Prince not to make his seate there but for his glory and so was Alexandria by Alexander and because these cities have not their beginning free they seldome attain to that greatness as to be esteemed the head cities of Kingdomes The like beginning had Florence whither it was built by Syllaes Souldiers or by chance by the inhabitants of the mountains of Fiesola who taking heart upon that long peace the world enjoyed under Octavian came down dwelt in the plain upon the Arne for it was built under the Romau government neither could it in the beginning make greater increase then what the Princes favour allow'd it The founders of Cities are then said to be absolute and free when any people either led by a Prince or of themselves are forc'd by contagion famine or war to abandon their native Soyle and seek a new dwelling and these are are content to inhabite the Cities in the Country they have conquered as Moses did or build new as did Aeneas In this case appeares the ability of the founder and the fortune of the City founded the which is more or less admirable as he who gave thereto the beginning was of greater or or less abilities which is seen in two kindes the first in choyce of the situation the second in making the lawes And because men act some things upon necessity others by their own election and the greater vertue is there seen where election hath the least power it is to be consider'd whether it were better to chuse barren places to build Cities in to the end men being forc'd to labor for their sustenance might live the better in agreement the poverty of their Country giving less occasion of discord as it was in Raugia and in many other Cities built in like places which choyce without doubt would be wiselier made and more profitable of men were content to live of their own and not seek to rule over others but seeing it not possible for men to live in security without force it is necessary to avoid a barren soyle and to plant themselves in fruitful places where they may be enabled by the plenty of their seat to enlarge and desend their territories against those that would assault them and over-master all that would oppose their greatness And to the end the riches of the country occasion not too much the ease of the people it would be fit to provide that the laws oblige them to take these paines the situation doth not and to imitate those who have liv'd in pleasant and fruitfull countries and apt to breed men given to Luxury loth to use that industry vertue requires and yet were so wise as to prevent those harmes the plenty of the soyle and so consequently the peoples idleness might cause having impos'd such a necessity of labour upon those they brought up to be Souldiers as by means of their strict discipline they far surpassed others who because of their rough and barren countries were borne fierce such was the Kingdome of the Aegyptians that notwithstanding the countries delicacies the laws strictness prevail'd so far as there were bred by them many great personages and if time had not worne out their names it would appeare they had deserv'd as much praise as did Great Alexauder and many others whose memories stories continue fresh amongst us and whosoever had considered the Soldans Kingdome and the Mamalucks order with their military discipline before they were ruin'd by Selimus the great Turke would have seen in that how the Souldiers were train'd up in continuall exercises and therein have known how much they fear'd that case to which the goodness of their Country invited them unless it had been oppos'd with severe lawes I avow therefore the choyce better in a fertile place when that good government takes order for a moderate use of the abundance When Alexander the great had a purpose to build a City for his glory Dinocrates the Architect came to him and shewed him how it might be built upon Mount Athos which place besides that it would be strong he could so order that the City should be made in forme of a man which would be a wonder worthy his greatness and being askd again by Alexander whereupon the inhabitants should live answerd he had not well advis'd of that point yet whereat having laught he left the mountain alone built Alexandria so that people might resort thither as well for the farness of the soyle as the commodity of of the sea and the River Nilus Whoever then shall examine the beginning of Rome if Aeneas be taken for the first founder it must be numberd among the cities that were built by strangers If Romulus among those that were built by the Natives And in what manner soever It were it will appear it had a beginning free of it self without dependence of any and moreover that the Laws made by Romulus Numa and others kept it under in an exact obedience as hereafter shall be said so that neither the fruitfulness of the country the commodity of the Sea the osten victories nor the vastness of the Empire could in many ages corrupt it but maintained it so eminent for vertue that never any commonwealth came near it And because those exploits she did and are recited by T. Livius were acted upon publique or private Counsel and either within or without the city I will begin my discourse upon those things passed within land done upon publique advice which I shall think worthy of remarke adding likewise all the dependences thereupon with which the first book or first part shall end CHAP. II. How many kinds of Commonwealths there are and what was that of Rome I Will sorbear to discourse of those cities which have had their beginnings in subjection under others and speak of such only as were free in their births from forrain serviâ—ude having had instantly the raines of their own government in their own hands either as a Commonwealth or as a Principality which have had as divers beginnings so likewise sundry lawes and ordinances for some either in their beginning or not long after receiv'd their laws from one alone and that at once as the Spartans did theirs from Lycurgus others had their 's casually and at several times and upon occasion as Rome so that it is a great happiness for a Common-wealth to light upon a man of such wisdome so to order the State as without need of alteration it may continue in security under them as we see that Sparta kept the same without change or any dangerous tumult above eight hundred years And on the contrary that City may in some degree be termd unhappy which having not met with a judicious founder is forc'd to give it self a new frame and of these the more unlucky is that which is the more amiss and such is that which together with all its own new ordinances hath much mistaken the right way to perfection for
Whereupon Aristides told the people that Themistocles advice was exceeding profitable but very dishonest For which cause the people wholly resus'd it which Philip of Macedon would not have done nor those other Princes who seeke their owne gaine rather and have made more advantage by breaking their faith than by any way else Touching the breaking of agreements upon the not observance of some particulars therein I meane not to meddle with them being ordinary matters but I speak of those that breake upon extraordinary and maine points Wherein by what we have said I beleeve the people are lesse faulty than the Princes and therefore may better bee trusted than they CHAP. LX. How the Consulship and every other Magistracie in Rome was given without respect of age IT appeares by order of the Story that the Commonwealth of Rome after that the Consulship came among the people bestowed it upon their Citizens without regard of yeares or bloud and indeed they never had respect to age but altogether aimed at vertue whether it were in young or old Which wee perceive by the testimonie of Valerius Corvinus who at 23. yeares of age was made Consul And the same Valerius speaking to his souldiers sayd That the Consulship was the reward of vertuc and not of bloud Which thing whether it were advisedly sayd or no might require much dispute And touching bloud this was yeelded to upon necessitie and this necessitie that was in Rome might be in every Citie that would doe the same things Rome did as otherwhere is sayd for toyle and labour cannot be imposed on men without reward nor can their hopes of obtaining reward bee taken from them without danger And therefore it was fit timely to give them hope of the Consulship and by this hope were they a while fed without having it at length that hope served not but there was a necessity to come to performance with them But the Citie that imployes not their people in any glorious action may treate the mafter their owne manner as other where it was argued But that which will take the same course Rome tooke must make this distinction And grant that it be so for that of time there is no reply nay rather it is necessary for in the choosing of a young man into a degree which hath need of the discretion of an old man it is likely the people being to make the choyce that some very worthy and noble action of his preferres him thereto And when a young man becomes endowed with such vertues that hee hath made himself famous by his heroicke actions it were a very great wrong that that Citie might not serve her selfe of him then but should be put off to expect till that vigour and quicknesse of spirit were grown old and dull whereof in that age his country might have made good use as Rome did of Valerius Corvinus of Scipio and Pompey and many others that triumphed very young THE SECOND BOOKE THE PREFACE MEN do alwaies commend but not alwaies with reason the times of old and blame the present and they take part so much with things past that they celebrate not onely those ages which they have known by the memory writers have lest them but those also which now being old they remember they have seen in their youth And when this their opinion is false as most commonly it is I perswade my self the reasons that bring them into this error are divers And the first I take to be that of matters of old the truth is not wholly known of thoiâ— actions most commonly those things are conceal'd that would bring any infamy upon the times but whatsoever advances their credit glory is set out with magnificence For most writers do so much follow the conquerors fortune that to make their victories glorious they not only augment what they have vertuously done but they so illustrate their enomies actions that those that are afterwards born in any of their countreys either conquering or conquered have cause to admire those men and times and so consequently are forc'd exceedingly to praise and love them Besides this men hating things either for fear or envic two very powerfull causes of hatred are quite spent in things that are passed being they are not able to hurt nor can give occasion of envic But on the contrary part it comes to pass that those things that are now in hand and we see which by reason of the through knowledge we have of them no tittle thereof being conceal'd from us and knowing in them together with the good many things worthy dislike hereupon we are compell'd to judge them much Inferior to matters of old although that in truth the present deserve far more glory and reputation this I say not arguing touching the arts which are now brought to such perfection that the times cannot take from them nor add but little more glory to them but speaking of things belonging to means lives and manners whereof the proofes are not very evident I answer that this custome above written of praising and blaming is sometimes false and sometimes true for sometimes they must needs light upon the truth because all humane things are continually in motion and either rise or fall As we see the civil government of a city or countrey so ordain'd by some rare person that for a time even by reason of the worth of this man the State mends much and is more and more amplified he that is then borne in that State and commends more the times of old than those moderne is much deceiv'd and the cause of his errour proceeds from those things that have bin formerly sayd But those that are afterwards born in that City or countrie whose dayes are onely during their decline from their excellence then erre nor And I devising with my selfe whence these things proceed I think the world hath continued alwayes in one manner and that in iâ— hath beene alwayes as much good as evill but that that good and evill does change from country to country as it appeares by that which is discover'd to us of those ancient kingdomes which alter'd from the one to the other by change of manners But the world continued the same There was onely this difference that where it first had plac'd its vertue in Assiria it afterwards remov'd it into Media then into persia in so much that at length it came into Italie and so to Rome And if after the Romane Empire there succeeded not any other that lasted nor where the world had retired all its vertue together yet we see it was spread abroad into severall Nations where men behav'd themselves very bravely and valouroufly as in the Kingdome of France the Kingdome of the Turks and that of the Soldan so now adayes in Germanie and so among those that were first of the Saracin sect which did great exploits and made themselves masters of so great a part of the world after they had destroyed the Easterne
caused horror even in him that reads them And because of examples to this purpose histories are full fraught I will let this pass CHAP. VIII He that will make alteration in a Republique must consider the subject he is to work upon IT hath been formerly treated how that a malicious Citizen cannot work mischief in a Republique that is not grown corrupted which conclusion is confirmed besides the reasons that then were alledged with the example of Sp. Cassius and of Manlius Capitolinus Which Spurius being an ambitious man and desirous to take upon him extraordinary authority in Rome and gain the people to him by doing them many good turns as was that to sell them those fields which the Romans had taken from the Hermici this his ambition was descâ—yed by the Fathers and so much suspected that when hh spoke to the people and offered to give them those moneys which the Corn was sold for that the Publique had caused to be brought from Sicily they wholly refused them thinking that Spurius meant to give them the price of their liberty But had that people been already corrupted they would not have refused the said price but rather have opened him that way to the tyranny which now they shut against him A fuller example hereof Manlius Capitolinus represents unto us for in him we see what excellencies of mind and body how many brave exploits acted in defence of a mans native Country a brutish desire of rule quite rases out which as it appeared grew in him through the envy he bore Camillus for the honors were done him whereby his understanding was so blinded as not considering the manner of Government used in the City nor examining whereupon he was to work unapt as yet to receive so evil a form betook himself to raise tumults in Rome against the Senate and contrary to the Laws of his Country Wherein the perfection of that City is very evident and the goodness of the matter thereof for in his case none of the Nobility however that they were very eager defenders the one of another never stirred in his favour nor any of his kindred undertook any thing in his defence whereas ordinarily when others were accused they used to accompany them in a rueful manner clad in black and all sorrowful whereby they might gain compassion in favor of the defendant and with Manlius none of these were seen The Tribunas of the people who were wont to favour those things which seemed to be mov'd for the peoples advantage and the more they were against the Nobility so much the forwarder used to thrust them in this case held with the Nobility to suppress a common mischief The people of Rome exceedingly desirous of their own advantage and a great favourer of any thing that thwarted the Nobility however they afforded Manlius many favors nevertheless when the Tribunes cited him and referred his cause to be judged by the people that people being become judge of a defendant without regard condemned him to death Wherefore I believe there is not any example in this History more proper to shew the goodness of that Common-wealths orders then this seeing that not one of this whole City moved in behalf of a very valourous Citizen who as well publikely as privately had done many worthy acts because in all of them the love of their country was of more force than any other regard and they considered more the present danger that depended on him than his fore-past deserts so that by his death they set themselves at liberty And T. Livius says This end had that man who had he not been born in a free State was worthy of admiration Where two things are to be considered the one that by other means a man ought to seek after glory in a City corrupted than in one that lives strictly according to the civil government the other is wich is almost the same with the first that men in their proceedings and the rather in actions of consequence should consider the times and conforme themselves thereunto and those that by their evill choice or natural inclination disagree with the times most commonly live unhappily and their actions have but ill successes The contrary befalls those that can accord with the times and without question by the Historians words which we for merly mentioned we may make this conclusion that if Manlius had been borne in the times that Marius and Silla were where the matter was already corrupted that his ambition could have made some impression therein he might have workd the same effect and had the same success that Silla and Marius had and others afterwards who after them aspird to the Tyranny So in like manner if Silla and Marius had liv'd in Manlius his daies they had been crushd in the very egge for one man may indeed begin with his evill courses and mischievous waies to debauch the people of a City but it is impossible that one mans life can suffice to corrupt it so that he himself can make any advantage thereof And in case it were possible that in tract of time he could do it yet would it be impossible in regard of the manner of mens proceedings who are impatient and cannot defer any passion of theirs long Moreover they erre in their affairs and in those especially which they much desire in so much as either through their small patience or through their error they would venture upon the executing of their purposes in counter time and so come to an evill end Therefore is it necessary if a man would gain authority in a Republick and induce some ill for me thereinto to find the matter already disorderd by time and that by little and little and from age to age is brought into disorder which of force comes thereunto when it is not as formerly hath been said refreshd by vertuous examples or by new â—aws reduc'd to the first principles Manlius â—hen had been a rare man and famous had he been borne in a corrupted City And therefore should those Citizens that in Republicks undertake any thing either in favour of liberty or in favour of Tyranny consider the subject they are to work on and from thence conjecture the difficulty of the worke for it is as hard and dangerous to set free a people that would live in thralâ—om as to inthrall a people that would live free And because we have before rouchd that in all manner of actions men should consider the quality of the times and proceed conformably to those we will speak of them at length in the Chapter following CHAP. IX How a man must of necessity change with the times if he will alwaies have good success in his undertakings I Have many times consider'd how the occasion of mens good or evill fortunes depends upon the manner of the encounter of their proceedings with the times for it is evident that some men proceed in their affaires with violence others with regard and wariness And
every thing Chap. 26. It is very seldom that men know how to be altogether mischievous or altogether good Chap. 27. For what reason the Romans were less ungratefull to their Citizens then the Athenians Chap. 28. Whether of the two be more ungratefull people or a Prince Chap. 29. What means a Prince or Republ should use to avoid this vice of ingratitude and what a Commander or Citizen to be free from their danger Chap. 30. That the Roman Commanders were never extraordinarily punish'd for any error committed nor at all punish'd when either by their ignorance or upon some unlucky resolution taken by them the Commonwealth suffered Chap. 31. A Prince or Republ. should not defer to do good unto men until their necessity require it Chap. 32. When an inconvenience is grown in a state or against a state it is better to bear with it for a while then presently to struggle with it Chap. 33. The Dictators authority did good and not harme to the Commonwealth of Rome and how authorities which the Citizens take upon them of themselves and not those that are given them by the peoples free voices are hurtfull to the government Chap. 34. The reason why in Rome the creation of the Decemvirate was hurtful to the liberty of that Republique notwithstanding that it was made by publique and free voices Chap. 35. The Citizens who have possessed the greatest charges in the Commonwealth ought not disdain the less as unworthy of them Chap. 36. What distastes the Agrarian law gave in Rome and that it is very â—ffâ—â—sive to make a law in a Commonwealth that looks far backwards and yet goes directly against an ancient custome of the City Chap. 37. Weak Commonwealths are hardly drawn to a certain resolution and know not how to determine and the course they ordinarily take they are rather forc'd too then choose of themselves Chap. 38. The same accidents are seen to befall several People Chap. 39 The creation of the Decemvirate in Rome and what therein is to be noted where among many other things is considered how by the like accident a Republique may be preserved or suppressed Chap. 40. Of humble to become proud of mercifull cruell without passing through the due means between these extreams argues indiscretion and turns not to advantage Chap. 41. How easily men may be corrupted Chap. 42. They that fight for their own glory are the good and faithfull soldiers Chap. 43. A multitude without a head is unprofitable and a man should not first threaten and afterwards demand the power Chap. 44. It is a matter of very evill example when he that makes a law neglects the observing of it and it is very dangerous in a State to make a continual practice of cruel executions Chap. 45. Men arise by degrees from one ambition to another and first they ayme no further then that they themselves suffer no harme of others afterwards they strive to be able to hurt others Chap. 46. Men though they are deceived in generalities yet are they not so easily beguiled in particulars Chap. 47. He that would not have a Magistracy given to one that is base and lewd let him cause it to be demanded either by one that is very base and very lewd or by one that is very noble and very good Chap. 48. If those Cities that have had their beginning free as Rome have found difficulty to make laws that can maintain them so those that have had their beginning immediatly servile find almost an impossibility Chap. 49. The power of stopping the publique actions of the City should not be given into the hands of one Council or one Magistracy Chap. 50. A Commonwealth or Prince should make a shew to doe that of a free mind which indeed meere necessity compells them to do Chap. 51. To stay the insolence of one that grows powerfull in a Commonwealth there is no way more secure and less offensive then to seize beforehand and so prevent him of those ways by which he attains to that power Chap. 52. The People deceived by a false shew of good oftentimes seek their own ruine and great hopes and large promises do easily move them Chap. 53. What authority the presence of a great and worthy personage hath to appease and quiet the rage of a multitude Chap. 54. How easily things are ordered in a City where the people is not corrupted and that where a parity is there is no place for a Principality and where that is not a Republique cannot be Chap. 55. Before strange accidents and changes befall a City or Countrey usually there are some prodigies that forerun them or men that foretel them Chap. 56. A Common people united are strong and vigorous but taken apart and separated vile and contemptible Chap. 57. The multitude is more wise and constant then a Prince Chap. 58. What confederation or league is rather to be trusted either that which is made with a Republique or that is made with a Prince Chap. 59. How the Consulship and every other magistracy in Rome was given without respect of age Chap. 60. The Table of the second book VVHich contributed more to the Romans in the conquest of their Empire either their vertue or their fortune Chap. 1. What people the Romans had to make warr withall and how obstinately they fought for the defence of their liberty Chap. 2. Rome became a great City by ruining those that were near neighbors unto her and by admitting strangers without difficulty to share in her dignities Chap. 3. Republiques have taken three particular courses to amplify and inlarge their states Chap. 4. That the changes of Religions and languages together with the chances of flouds and pestilences abolish the memory of things Chap. 5. How the Romans proceeded in making of war Chap. 6. How much land the Romans allowed to each man they sent out to inhabit their Colonies Chap. 7. The occasions wherefore people leave their own native soyles and invade other countreys Chap. 8. Vpon what occasions wars are begun among Princes Chap. 9. Moneys are not the sinews of war according to the common opinion Chap. 10. It is not a match wisely made to joyn alliance with a Prince whose credit is greater then his strength Chap. 11. Whether it is better for a Prince fearing to be assaild by his enemy himself first to begin the war with him or to expect while it comes home to him Chap. 12. That men rise from poore and small beginnings to great fortunes rather by the help of guile then force Chap. 13. They are often deceived who think with humility to overcome pride Chap. 14. Weak States are alwaies irresolute in their determinations and slow deliberations are alwayes hurtful Chap. 15. How much the order used by our soldiers in these modern times differ from those of the ancients Chap. 16. What esteem our modern armies ought to have of artillery and if the opinion which is generally conceived of it be true Chap. 17. How
ought to be undertaken either with ignominy or with glory or whatsoever way it be done it is well defended Chap. 41. Promises extorted by force ought not to be kept Chap. 42. Those men that are bred in the same Country do throughout all ages keep very neere the same nature and dispositim Chap. 43. By sudden supprisal and boldness many times more is obtained then by ordinary means can be gotten Chap. 44. Which course is the better in a battel either at the first to sustain onely the enemies shock and reserve some forces till the latter end to give them a blow withall or else as upon themaine to venture all upon the fury of the first onset Chap. 45. Whence proceeds it that one family in a City holds a long time the same manners and disposition Chap. 46. That a good Citizen for the good of his Country ought to forget all private wrongs Chap. 47. When we see the enemy commit a great error we ought to beleeve there is some treachery in the business Chap. 48. A Republique if one would preserve it free hath every day neeed of provision of new orders and in regard of his good deserts that way Fabius was termed Magnus Chap. 49. FINIS MACHIAVELS DISCOURSES UPON THE First DECADE OF T. LIVIVS Translated out of Italian The Preface WHen I consider the esteem which is made of antiquity and that many times letting pass further examples a small piece of an ancient statute hath been bought at a great rate only to have it at hand to adorn the house withall and that thereby they may be able to cause others who take delight in the art to draw copies thereof and these likewise endeavour as lively as they can to represent it again in all their works and on the other side seeing the most vertuous actions that histories relate us to have been archieved by Kingdomes ancient Common-wealths Kings Captains Citizens and Law-givers and such others who have undergone much for their Countries good that these I say have been rather admired then follow'd or rather by every one have been so much avoided that now the very footsteps of that ancient vertue is utterly defac'd I cannot but both marvaile and grieve and the rather because I perceive that in matters of process arising in a Commonwealth among citizens or in criminal causes recourse is alwaies made to those judgements and those remedies which formerly have been ordain'd and practis'd by the ancients for the civil-lawes are nothing else but the opinions given by ancient Lawyers which since having been reduc'd to a method todirect our Doctors of the Law now a daies in giving of their judgements yet for all this in the ordering of Commonwealths in the maintenance of States in the government of Kingdomes in ordeining of military discipline in waging of war in giving judgment upon the subjects in amplifying of the Empire there are neither Princes nor Republiques Commanders nor Citizens who ever seek after any of these ancient patternes which I perswade my self proceeds not so much from that weakness into which the breeding and customes now a daies have brought the world or from that evill which idleness accompanied with ambition hath done to many Christian countries and Cities as from their want of the true knowledge of histories in that by reading them they conceive not that meaning nor relish that tastethey have in them whence it arises that many who read take delight to hear the variety of accidents which are frequent in them without further regard of imitating them deeming that not only hard but unpossible as if the heavens the sun the elements and men were alter'd from what they were of old in theâ—ir motion order and power Wherefore being desirous to withdraw men from this errour I thought fit to write upon these bookes of T Livius which have escap'd the malice of the times what I thought conformable to moderne and ancient affaires of purpose for the better understanding of them that they who shall well peruse these discourses of mine may there reap that profit for which end the knowledg of historie ought to be sought after And however this be a taske of great difficulty yet by the helpe of those who have incourag'd me to undergoe this burden I beleeve I shall carry it so far onwards that there shall be left for him that comes after me but very little way to bring it to a good end CHAP. I. What were in generall the beginnings of every city and especially that of Rome WHosoever shall reade what beginning the City of Rome had who were the Lawmakers and how it was founded will nothing marvaile that so great vertue was continued so many years in the city and that from thence afterwards there grew so mighty an Empire to which that Commonwealth attain'd And therefore to discourse first of her birth I say that all Cities were built either by the Natives of the place they were built in or by strangers The first comes to passe when the inhabitants being dispers'd in many and small numbers finde they cannot live safe each one not having strength apart as well by reason of their situation as their small number to resist the violence of those that would force them or if they would joyn together for their defence the enemy comming upon them they cannot do it in time and when they should be in one body they must of necessity abandon divers of their retreats so become a sudden prey to their enemies Wherefore to escape these dangers either of themselves or upon the motion of some one of authority among them they confine themselves to dwell together in a place chosen as well for their better commodity of living as more facility of defence Of this sort among many others were Athens Venice The first under the command of Theseus was upon the like occasions built by the scattered inhabitants the other much people being retired into certain little Ilands at the point of the Adriatique Sea to avoid those wars which then were beginning in Italy by reason of those huge and continual inundations of Barbarians upon the declining of the Roman Empire began among themselves without the authority of any particular Prince to live under those lawes they thought most proper for their preservation which prov'd luckily to them for the long quiet their situation gave them that Sea having no outlet and those people which then afflicted Italy not having ships to annoy them so that every little beginning was sufficient to give them that greatness they now have The second sort is when a City is built by strangers which are either absolute of themselves or depend upon others such are colonies which are sent out either by a Commonwealth or Prince to disburden their Towns of inhabitants or for the defence of some country which of late they have gotten and would safely keep without much expence of which sort the Romans built many througouht all their dominions
common people they tooke from the Nobility the meanes to grow rich These quarrells then being taken up against potent persons and they by their resistance thinking to defend the publique whensoever as it is said mention was made of this law the whole city was in an uproare and the Nobility wrought it out with patience and with diligence either by drawing an army forth into the field or by opposing another Tribune against him that propounded it or sometimes by yeelding a part or else by sending a Colony into that place which was to be divided as it befell them of the Country of Antium for which upon a dispute touching this law there was a Colony drawne out of Rome and sent into this place unto whom the said County was consign'd Where Titus Livius uses a notable kind of speech saying that with much adoe they found any one in Rome that would give in their names to go to the said Colony the people being rather desirous of these advantages in Rome then to go and injoy them in Antium And the quarrell touching this law continued a good while till the Romans transported their armes into the uttermost parts of Italy and likewise out of Italy After which as it seemes it ceas'd which so fell out because the fields which the enemies of Rome possessed were farre apart from the peoples sight and in a place where it was not safe to come to cultivate them and therefore grew they lesse desirous of them and the Romans also did lesse use to punish their enemies in that manner And when they did dispossess any towne of the territory they there distributed Colonies so that upon such reasons this law was laid asleepe till the Gracchies time by whom it being afterwards awaked quite ruin'd the Roman liberty For they found their adversaries strength doubled and hereupon kindled such a hatred betweene the people and the Senate that they came to blowes and to bloud without civill meane or order So that the publique magistrates having no power to give remedy hereto nor either of the factions relying on them they sought private helpes each party thinking to make a head should defend them In this quarrell and disorder the people chose Marius and made him foure times Consull and so long he continued his Consulship with small interva's that he had power of his owne selfe to make himselfe thrice more Consul Against which pestilence the Nobility having no other remedy began to favour Sylla and having made him head of their faction they came to civill warres and after much bloodshed and change of chance the Nobility remain'd conquerer These quarrells were anew reviv'd in Caesar and Pompeyes time for Caesar being made head of Marius his party and Pompey of Syllaes coming to fight Caesar remain'd victour who was the first tyrant in Rome so that that city never after injoy'd her liberty such beginning then and end had the Agrarian law And although we shew'd other where how the discords of Rome between the Senat and the People preserv'd Romes liberty because they sprung from those lawes in favor of liberty and therefore the end of this Agrarian law may seeme disagreeing to such a conclusion yet I say that upon this I no way change my opinion for so great is the Nobilities ambition that if by divers wayes and sundry meanes it were not abated in a city it would suddenly bring that city to destruction so that if the strife touching the Agrarian law had much adoe in three hundred yeares to inthrall Rome it is like enough it would have bin brought much sooner into servitude when the people both with this law and also with their other humours had not alwayes bridled the Nobilities ambition We see by this also how much men esteeme wealth rather then honours because the Nobility of Rome if it toucht matter of honour ever gave way to the people without any extraordinary distasts but when it concern'd their wealth so obstinatly did they defend it that the people to vent their humour had their recourse to those extravagant wayes that are above discours'd of The Authors of which disorder were the Gracchi whose intention ought to be commended rather then their discretion For to take away a disorder grown in a Commonwealth and hereupon to make a law that lookes faire backwards is a course ill advis'd of and as formely it hath been said at large it doth nothing else but hasten that evill to which the disorder guides thee but giving way to the time some what either the mischiefe comes slower or of it selfe at length before it comes to the upshot goes out CHAP. XXXVIII Weake Commonwealths are hardly drawne to a certaine resolution and know not how to determine and the course they ordinarily take they are rather forc'd to then choose of them selves THere being in Rome a very grievous pestilence and thereupon the Volsci and the Equi thinking a fit time presented to bring the city of Rome into subjection these two people having got a very great army together set upon the Latini and the Hernici and wasted their country this the Latini and Hernici were constrain'd to give notice of at Rome and intreat that the Romans would undertake their defence to whom the Romans exceedingly afflicted by the plague answer'd that they should take a course to defend themselves with their owne forces because they were not then able to do it Wherein appeares the magnanimity and wisdome of that Senate that even in all fortunes they would reigne and give law to those deliberations their vassalls should make nor were they asham'd to resolve any thing when necessity press'd them to it though contrary to their manner of living and the resolutions usually made by them This I say because at other times the same Senate had forbidden the said people to arme and defend themselves and therefore to a Senat whose judgment had bin weaker then was theirs it would have seem'd an abatement of reputation to have granted them such a defence But they alwayes weighed businesses in their due balance and ever chose the lesser ill in lieu of the greater good for it agreed ill with them to see themselves unable to defend their subjects and they were as little content that they should arme without them for the reasons alleadged and others also that are evident Yet knowing that in any case upon necessity they were to take armes having the enemy upon their backes they tooke the more honourable part and would rather that what they were to do they should do it with their leave to the end that having disobeyed upon necessity they should not be accustomed to disobey voluntarily And though this may well appeare a course fit for every Republique to take the weake and ill advised Common wealths cannot do the like nor know not how to stand upon termes of honour in the like niceties The Duke Valentine had taken Faeuza and made Bologna yeeld to his conditions afterwards desiring to
countrey affords whereby is taken away the occasion of all conversation and the beginning of all corruption For so they could not learn the French Spanish or Italian manners which nations together corrupt the whole world The other reason is because those Republiques where the common liberty is preserv'd and uncorrupted do not permit that any citizen of theirs should live after the manner of a gentleman but rather maintain among them an equality and those that live in that countrey are cruel enemies to the Lords and Gentlemen And if by chance they fall into their hands they put them to death as the principal authors of corruption and occasions of scandal And to make plain this name of gentlemen what it is I say that those are call'd gentlemen that live in idleness yet deliciously of the profits of their estates without having any care to cultivate their lands or to take any other pains necessary to the maintenance of mans life These kind of men are very hurtfull in every Commonwealth and countrey but worse are they that besides the foresaid fortunes hold strong Castles and have vassals that obey them With these two sorts of men the Kingdom of Naples abounds the countrey about Rome Romagna and Lombardia This is the cause that in those countreys there hath never bin any Republique nor any civil government for such kinds of men are enemies to all civil government And if a man had a minde to bring into such countreys the forme of a Commonwealth he would find it impossible but to bring them under some order if any man had the power he could take no other course then reduce them to a Royalty The reason is this because where the matter is so extreamly corrupted that the laws are not able to restrain it it is needfull to ordain together with them a greater power which is the authority of a King who by his absolute and extraordinary power may be of force to bridle the excessive ambition and corruption of the mighty This reason is verified in the example of Tuscany where we see that in a small space of countrey three Republiques have long consisted Florence Siena and Lucca and that the other cities of that countrey serve in such a kind that they have their dispositions and their orders much like them and that they would willingly maintain the common liberty all this arises from hence because there are no lords of Castles in those countreys and never a one or very few Gentlemen but such equality that an understanding man that hath appli'd himself to the knowledg of the ancient civil governments might easily reduce them to a free state But their misfortune hath bin so great that as yet they have not lit upon any man that had either the power or knowledg to put it in execution This conclusion then I draw from hence that he that strives to frame a Republique where there are many gentlemen cannot do it unless he first dspatch them all out of the way and he that would erect a Monarchy or a Principallity where there is much equality shall never effect it unless he drawes out of that equality many of ambitious and turbulent mindes and makes them rather gentlemen in effect then in title enriching them with Castles and possessions allowing them the favor of wealth and men to the end that he being plac'd in the midst of them by their means may maintain his power and they by his favor preserve their ambition and the rest be constrain'd to bear that yoke which force and nothing else can make them endure And there being by this way a proportion from him that forces to him that is forced thereby men continue setled every one in their order And because to bring a countrey to be a Republique which is fit to be a Kingdom and of one fit to be a Republique to make a Kingdome is a subject worthy of a man of extraordinary judgment and authority many there have bin that have endeavor'd it but few have bin able to go through with it because the weight and consequence thereof partly frights them and partly so overbears them that they fail in their first beginnings I think the experience we have of the Republique of Venice will seem a little to contrary my opinion that where there are gentlemen a Republique cannot be instituted for there none can partake of the dignities unless they be gentlemen The answer hereto is that this example makes no opposition against us for the gentlemen in that Republique are rather in name then in effect for they have not great revenues out of possessions and lands but their great wealth is founded upon merchandise and moveable goods and moreover none of them hold any Castles or have any jurisdiction over men but the name of gentleman among them is a name of honor and credit not being grounded upon any of those things that caus'd those in other cities to be call'd gentlemen And as other Republiques have all their divisions under several names so Venice is divided into the Gentility and the Commonalty and their order is that those are capable of all honors these not Which is not any cause of imbroile among them for the reasons we have other where said Let a Common-wealth then be there ordain'd where allthings are reduc'd to an equality and contrariwise let a Prince be made where great inequality is otherwise shall there be neither proportion nor continuance CHAP. LVI Before strange accidents and changes befall a City or a countrey usually there are some prodigies which forerun them or men that foretell them FRom whence this proceeds I know not but it is evident as well by ancient as modern examples that no very heavy accident ever befell any countrey or City that hath not bin foretold either by some Diviners or by some revelations or prodigies or signes from heaven And not to goe too far from home to fetch the proof hereof every one knows how long before the coming of Charles the eighth of France into Italy was foretold by Fryer Jerome Savanarola and how besides this it was said throughout all Tuscany that there were heard in the aire and seen over Arrezzo many men in armes skirmishing together Moreover we all know here that before Laurens of Medici the old mans death the Duemo or principal Church was fir'd with lightning on the top even to the ruine thereof Nor is any man here ignorant how a little before that Peter Soderini who had bin made the Florentines chief Standard-bearer for life was banish'd and depriv'd of his dignities the Palace was in the same manner burnt with lightning A man might alleadge other examples beside these but I leave them rather to avoyd tediousness I shall relate that onely which Titus Livius speaks of before the the Frenchmens coming to Rome and that is how one Marcus Ceditius a Plebeyan told the Senate that he had heard at midnight as he past by the new way a voyce greater
and beaten back into Greece then first was kindled the fire of the Carthaginian wars nor was that quenched til that all the French as well beyond as on this side the Alpes conspired against the Romans so that between Pobolonia and Pisa where now is the tower at Saint Vincenti they were vanquish'd with a very great slaughter After this for the space of 20 years they had not any war of much importance for they had no quarrel with any but with the Ligurians and the remainder of those French that werein Lombardie and so they continued til the second Carrhaginian war begin Which troubled Italie for 16 years space Which being made an end of with great glory that of Macedon sprung up and was ended when that of Antiochus and afterwards that of Asia took their turns After which victorie there remained not in the whole world neither Prince nor Republique that either by themselves or altogether could oppose the Roman Forces But before that last victory he that considers the order of these wars and the manner of their proceeding shall find mingled with their fortune much valour and wisdome so that he who examines the occasion of such fortune shall easily discover it for it is very certain that when a Prince or a people have gained such a reputation that neither prince nor people bordering upon him dares by himself assault him and is afraid of him it will alwaies so fall out that none of them all will set upon him unless forc'd thereto so that it shall be at that great Princes choyce to war with which of his neighbors he shall please and the rest with little pains to quiet Who partly in regard of his power partly beguil'd by some devices he shall make use of to lull them asleep are easily kept from stirring And for other powerfull Princes who are more remote and have no dealing with him they look upon the matter as a thing afar off and nothing belonging to them In which error they continue so long til the fire comes close to their doors which then being come so near they have no means to extinguish it but only to use their own armes which suffice nor the enemy being now grown exceeding mighty I will let pass how the Samnites stood still and look'd upon the Romans while they overcame the Volsci and the Aequi and that I may not be too tedious I will satisfie my self with the Carthaginians who were of great power and estimation when the Romans war'd with the Samnites and Tuscans for even then they were Masters of all Affrica and had Sardinia and Scicily in their hands and had the rule of some part of Spain Who being that their forces were remote from the people of Romes confines never thought of assaulting them nor of giving succours to the Samnites and Tuscans but as if the Romans increase had bin the Carthaginians advantage they made a confederacy with them seeking their friendship nor did they perceive their error committed til the Romans having subdued all those peoples that lay between them and the Carthaginians began to make war with them for the rule of Scicily and Spain The self-same befell the French that hapned to the Carthaginians and so to Philip of Macedon and Antiochus and every one of them beleeved while the Romans were busy with another that that other might chance to vanquish them and that they had time enough either by peace or war to defend themselves from them So that I beleeve that the same fortune herein the Romans had all Princes would have had provided that they proceeded as the people of Rome did and were of equal valour with them To this purpose it would not be unfit to declare the course the people of Rome held in their entryes into other Princes countreys but that inour treaty of Principallities we have discoursed thereupon at laege I will only say this in bries they alwaies did put in practice to make themselves some friends in the Countreys they came newly acquainted with who served them for a ladder to climb up to them or a gate to enter them or a tye to hold them as it appears by means of the Capuans they enterd into Samnium by the Camertins into Tuscany by the Mamertins into Scicly by the Saguntins into Spain by Mafinissa into Affrica by the Ae olians into Greece by Eumenes and other Princes into Asia by the Masilians and the Heduans into France And so they never fail'd of the like supports whereby to facilitate their undertakings either in the inlargement of their dominions or in the maintaining them Which those people that shall observe shall find themselves in less want of good fortune than they who neglect it And to the end that every one may know of what avail our vertue was beyond their for une in the conquest of their Empire we will treat in the Chapter following concerning the quality of those people with whom they were to make war and with what obstinacy they defended their liberty CHAP. II. What people the Romans had to make war withall and how obstinately they fought for the defence of their liberty NOthing made it more painfull to the Romans to vanquish their neighbors near about them as also some other Countreys further off then the affection that in those days many people did bear to their liberty which they so obstinately defended that they had never bin subdu'd but by an excessive valour for by many examples we know to what dangers they expos'd themselves as well for the maintenance as the recovery of it and what revenges they took against those that had laid hold on it We know likewise what dammages peoples and cities receive by servitude And whereas now adayes there is onely one Countrey that can say she hath free Cities in her in ancient-times people liv'd very free in all countreys We see that in those times whereof at this present we speak in Italy from the Alpes which make a partition between Tuscany and Lombardy even to the very point of Italy there were many free peoples as were the Tuscans the Romans the Samnites and many others that dwelt in the other parts of Italy nor does any man relate that there was any King besides those that raign'd in Rome and Porsena King of Tuscany whose race how it came to an end history leaves us no memory But we plainly see that at the same time the Romans went to incamp before Vejum Tuscany was free and so absolutely injoy'd their liberty and withall so much hated the name of a Prince that the inhabitants of Vejum for their defence having made a King among them ask'd aid of the Tuscans against the Romans but they resolv'd after many deliberations taken to give them none whiles they liv'd under a King judging it not right to defend their countrey who of themselves had subjected it to another And it is an easy thing to gueâ—s whereupon it is that people take such an affection to
their liberty because we see by experience that cities have never bin much amplified neither in domition nor riches unless only during their liberty And truly it is a strange thing to consider unto what greatness Athens attained in the space of a hundred years after she had freed her self from Pisistratus his tyranny but above all it is most strange to think unto what greatness Rome attained after she was deliver'd from her Kings The reason thereof is easy to be understood for it is no mans particular goâ—â— but the common good that amplifies the city And without question this common good is not regarded but in Republiques for there whatsoever makes for their advantage is put in practice and though it turns to this or that private mans loss yet are they so many whom the said good concerns that they are alwaies able to put it forward in despight of those few that suffer by it The contrary falls our when there is a prince where most commonly that which makes for him endammages the City and that which makes for the city hurts him so that suddenly where a Tyranny growes upon a free state the least ill that can thence result to those cities is not to proceed nor increase more in power nor wealth but for the most part or rather alwaies it comes to pass that they go backward And if hap would have it that a Tyranc should proove valorous who by his courage and prowess should inlarge his dominions there would thence no profit arise to the Republique but to him alone for he cannot advance any of these citizens that are brave and worthy over whom he tyrannizes unless he desires to give himself some jeulousy of them Nor can he yet subject or make tributary the cities that he conquers to that city which he tyrannizes over for it is not for his advantage to make it powerfull it rather makes for him to hold the state disjoyn'd that each town and province acknowledge him in so much that of his conquests he onely reaps he good and not his countrey And he hat would see the confirmation of this opinion let him read Xenophon in his treaty of a Tyranny It is no marval then that the peoples of old did so extreamly harc Tyrants and lov'd the free gouernment that the very name of liberty was in such request amongst them as it happen'd when Hieronymus nephew of Hiero the Siracusan was slain in Siracusa for the news of his death being brought to his army which lay not far from the city they began to rise up in tumult and take their armes in hand against them that slew him but when they perceiv'd that in Siracusa all cried out liberty allured with the delight of that name they were all appeas'd and laid aside their anger conceiv'd against them that kil'd the Tyrant advis'd together by what means there might be ordain'd in that city a free government And it is no marvail that people take extraordinary revenge of those that have laid hold of their liberty Touching which there are many examples whereof I intend to relate onely one that fell out in Corcira a City of Greece in the times of the Peloponnesian wat where the province being divided into two factions one of which followed the Athenians the other the Spartans it came to pass that of many cities which were divided among themselves the one part follow'd the friendship of the Spartans the other that of Athens it happening so that in the said city the Nobility prevail'd and tooke from the people their liberty but the people by means of the Athenians took heare again and having laid hold on the Nobility shut them up into a prison capable of them all from whence they drew them out by eight and by ten at a time pretending to banish them into severall parts but they put them to death after a cruell manner Whereof they that remain'd having some notice resolv'd as much as lay in their power to avoid this shamefull death so that arm'd with what they could get and fighting with those that sought to enter they defende'd the passage into the prison whereupon the people running together uncovered the top of the house and with the ruines thereof overwhelm'd them There follow'd also in the said province many such other horrible chances so that we find it true that people pursue more agerly the revenge of a liberty once taken from them actually then of that which was onely contriv'd in the intention to be pluck'd from them Weighing then from whence it may arise that in the times of old people esteem'd more of liberty then now a dayes I beleeve it proceeds from the same cause which makes men lesse valiant now adayes then formerly which I thinke is the difference of our education from that of old grounded upon the difference of our Religion from the ancient for our Religion having shew'd us the truth and the true way causes us lesse to make account of the honour of this world whereupon the Gentiles esteeming much of it and placing therein their greatest good became braver in their actions Which may be consider'd from many of their orders beginning from the magnificence of their sacrifices and the poorenesse of ours where indeede the pompe is more delicate then magnificke but not any action of bravery or fiercenesse And with the Gentiles also there was no want of pompe and magnificence in the ceremonies but thereunto was added the action of the sacrifice full of bloud and cruelty slaying a multitude of beasts The sight of which being terrible made men of the same disposition Besides the ancient Religion did not beatificate but onely men fraught with worldly glory as were the Commanders of armies and Princes of nations Our Religion hath rather glorified humble and contemplative men then those of action Moreover it hath plac'd the chiefe good in humility and in the rejecting and contempt of worldly things That other imagin'd the chiefe happinesse to consist in the greatnesse of courage in the strength of body and in all other things fit to make men exceeding valiant and if our Religion requires valour in a man it is rather that he be fit for a strong sufferance then for a strong action This manner of living then as it seemes hath made the world become feeble and given it in prey to wicked persons who may securely rule over it as they list seeing that all men to obtaine paradise think rather of suffering their wrongs then revenging them and though it may appeare that the world is growne effeminate and the heavens disarm'd it proceeds without doubt from the cowardise of men who have given an interpretation of our Religion according to their owne lazy and idle dispositions and not agreeable to vertue for if they would consider how much it allowes the advancement and defence of ones country they should see that it wills that we should love and honour it and so prepare
into their civill government nor have any thing to do with them which are the ordinary occasions of accord among men He ordained likewise that leather money should passe currant thereby to take from every one the defire to come thither and bring any merchandise or art to them so that that citie could never grow big by multiplying her inhabitants And because all our actions imitate nature it is neither possible nor naturall that the slender body of a tree should beare a grosse bough therefore a smal Republique cannot hold cities nor kingdomes of greater power and strength then she her selfe is and if perchance it comes to passe that she layes hold on them it befalls her as it does that tree the boughs whereof are greater then the body that sustaining it with much adoe with every small b'ast it is broken as we see it happen'd to Sparta which having seized on the rule of all the cities of Greece Thebes no sooner rebell'd against her but all the other cities likewise fell from her and so remain'd as the dead trunk of a tree without branches which could never befall Rome having her body and stocke so huge that it was of force with ease to support any bough whatsoever This manner then of proceeding together with those others which we shall afterwards speake of made Rome exceeding great and powerfull Which Titus Livius shewes in few words where he sayes All this while Rome wax'd great upon the ruines of Alba CHAP. IIII. Republiques have taken three particular courses to amplifie and inlarge their states HE that hath read the ancient histories with observation findes that Commonwealths have three manner of wayes to amplify their states The one hath bin that which the ancient Tuscans followed to make a league of many Republiques together where no one is preserred before the other neither in authority nor in dignity and to make other cities partakers with them in their gains just as now adayes the Swisses do and formerly in Greece the Achaeans and Etolians were wont And because the Romans had much war with the Tuscans the better to shew the quality of this first way I will inlarge my self in giving notice of them par ieularly Before the Romans had any great power in Italy the Tuscans were very mighty both by sea and by land and though there is no particular history that touches their affairs yet is there some small remembrance thereof and some signes left us of their greatness and we know how they sent a colony to the sea coast above called by them Adria which prooved of such renown that it gave the name to that sea and the Latins call it the Adri tick to this day Moreover we know that they had conquered all from Tiber to the very foot of the Alpes which encompass the whole body of Italy Notwithstanding that two hundred years before the Romans grew to any considerable strength the said Tuscans lost the dominion of that countrey which is now called Lombardy Which was seized on by the French who either driven by necessity or allured by the delicacy of the fruits especially the wines came into Italy under the conduct of Bellovesus their Captain and having defeated and chased out the natives seated themselves in that place therein built many cities and called the Countrey Gallia from the name they then bare and this they held til they were conquered by the Romans The Tuscans then liv'd with that equality and proceeded in the amplifying their State in that first manner spoken of before and there were twelve Cities among which were Clusium Vejum Desola Aretium and Volaterra and the like who by way of league rul'd their dominions nor could they inlarge their conquests beyond the bounds of Italy whereof also there was a great part left untoucht by them for the reasons which we shall afterwards tell The other manner is to make allies yet not so thought that thou still reservest not to thy self the principal place in the command rule and title of all the exploits which course was alwaies observ'd by the Romans The third manner is to make them immediatly subjects and not allies as did the Spaâ—tans and Athenians of which three waies this last is altogether unprofitable as it appears it was in the two foresaid Republiques which for no other cause went to ruine but for possessing themselves of those dominions which they were not able to hold For it is a thing of great difficulty and pains to hold the government of Cities by violence especially of those that have bin accustomed to live free And if thou beest not in armes and well furnished with good numbers of soldiers thou canst neither command nor rule them And to be able to do this it is necessary to make friends and companions who may assist thee in multiplying the people of thy City And because these two Cities did neither the one nor the other of these their manner of proceeding was of no advantage to them And because Rome which gives us an example touching this third manner did the one and the other therefore grew it to that excessive power and for that she alone took this course of living she alone therefore became so mighty For she having taken to her throughout all Italy many for her companions to help her who in many things liv'd with her upon equal termes but on the other side as is abovesaid reserving to her self alwaies the seat of the Empire and the title of commanding these their companions who were never aware of it with their own pains loss of their own bloud came to bring their own necks to the yoke for when they began to transport their Armies out of Italy and to reduce Kingdomes into Provinces to make thosetheir subjects who for that they were used to live under Kings were never much troubled to become Subjects and receiving Roman Governors over them and having bin overcome by Armies whereof the Romans had the name and title they acknowledged no other head but Rome So that those allyes of Rome that were in Italy found themselves on a sudden begirt round by Romes Subjects and oppress'd by an exceeding vast City as then Rome was and when they perceiv'd the deceit into which they had bin train'd it was too late to help it Rome had then gotten such authority with forrein Nations and was then of such strength within it self the people of their City being grown very numerous and warlike And although those their companions to be reveng'd on them for these injuries conspir'd together against them yet in a short time were they losers by the war making their own conditions worse for of allies they became Subjects Which manner of proceeding as is said hath bin observ'd onely by the Romans nor can a Republique that would enlarge her State take any other for experience hath not shew'd us any course more certain or true This way formerly spoken of concerning the leagues wherein anciently
the Tuscans Acheans and Aerosians liv'd and which now adayes the Swisses use is the better way next after that the Romans took for it being not possible by it to grow very great thou gainest two advantages thereby the one that easily thou drawest no war upon thee the other that what thou gettest thou easily holdest The reason why they cannot grow great is because they are disunited Republiques and placed in divers seats which makes it more difficult to consult and resolve And besides because they are not very greedy of extending the limits of their dominions for that divers Commonalties being to participate of that rule they value not so much such conquests as does a Republique alone which hopes to injoy it all her self Moreover they govern themselves by common advice and counsel and therfore of force they must be slower in every deliberation then they that live within the walls of the same City It is plain also by experience that this manner of proceeding prescribes it self certain bounds which it passes not nor have we any example that they were exceeded And these were to joyn together some dozen or fourteen Commonalties and afterwards never seek to go beyond that for being come to those terms that they think they are able to defend themselves against every one they desire no greater power as well because necessity does not bind them to have greater force as also because they understand not any great profits that arise from such like purchases for the causes formerly alledged for then of necessity they must either go on forward to make themselves allyes and so the multitude would make a confusion or els to make them their subjects and because they see herein many difficulties and no great advantage in holding them they make no account of them Whereupon when they have attaind to such greatness that they think they may live secure they apply themselves to two things the one to entertain others in their protection and undertake their defences and by these means to draw money from every part which they can very easily divide among one another and the other to serve in the wars under another and to take pay of this or that Prince who gives them wages for their service as now adayes the Switzers do and as we read those we spoke of before did whereof Titus Livius bears witness where he sayes that when Philip King of Macedon came to a parley with Titus Quintius Flamminius to treat an accord in presence of a Prercur of the Aetolians the said Pretour comming to some words with Philip was reproved by him for avarice and infidelity saying that the Aeâ—olians were not ashamed to take pay and serve in the wars on both sides so that many times their ensignes were seen in two contrary Armies We know withall that this manner of proceeding by Leagues hath bin alwayes alike and hath prodec'd the same effects We see also that that way of making people become subjects hath bin alwaies weak and brought forth but small advantages and when they have exceeded the due mean they have gone to ruine And if this course of making Subjects be unprofitable in warlike Commonwealths surely in those that are disordered it must needs be far worse as in our daies have bin the Republiques of Italy Wherefore we find that to be the true way which the Romans held which is the rather to be admired in somuch as there was no other example thereof before that of Rome nor since hath bin any that hath imitated it And touching the leagues there are the Switzers onely the Swevian league that follows them And as in the conclusion of this matter shall be said so many orders observ'd by the Romans as well concerning the affairs within the City as those without in these our times are not onely not followed but made no account of some of them are deem'd untrue some unpossble others nothing to purpose or unprofitable so that whiles we stand still in this ignorance we become a prey to any that invades our Countrey And though it should seem difficult to imitate the Romans yet ought it not seem so to follow the steps of the ancient Tuscans especially to the Tuscans now living for though they were not able for the reasons alledged to make themselves an Empire like that of Rome yet could they gain them that power in Italy that their manner of proceeding would permit them which for a long time was with great glory of their rule and wars and with exceeding great commendation of their manners and religion Which power and glory was first abated by the French and afterwards quite put out by the Romans and so put out that of this power which two thousand years since was very great at this present we have no memory left Which hath made me muse what the cause is that matters are thus forgotten whereof in the Chapter following we shall treat CHAP. V. That the changes of Religions and Languages together with the chances of floods or pestilences abolish the memory of things TO those Philosophers who would have made men beleeve that the world is eternal I think one might have replyed that if such antiquity were true it would be consequent that we should have some notice of more then five thousand years time past being that it is not apparent how the remembrances of times by several occasions were abolish'd Whereof part proceeds from men and part from heaven Those that proceed from men are the changes of sects and tongues for when a new sect begins that is a new religion the first endeavor to gain it self reputation is to blot out the memory of the old and when it so falls out that the founders of the new sect are of a different language they easily extinguish it which thing is known by considering the waies which the Christian Religion used against the Sect of the Gentiles whereby it hath cancel'd all their orders and ceremonies and defac't the whole remembrance of thatancient Theology It is true that they attaind not thorowly to wipe out the knowledge of the prime men thereof which was occasioned by their maintaining of the Latin tongue to which they were forc't being they were to write this new Law in it for if they could have writ it in a new tongue considering the other persecutions they made against it there would have bin no remembrance left of things past And whosoever reads what courses St. Gregory took and the other heads of the Christian Religion shall see with what obstinacy they persecuted all the ancient memorials burning all the Poets and Historians works defacing their images and destroying every other thing that gave any lightwww of that antiquity so that if to this pâ—rsecution they had added a new language we should have seen every thing in a short time forgotten It is very likely therefore that what the founders of the Christian Religion did against the sect of the Gentiles they of
their conquests cost them more then they get by them as the Venetians the Florentins did who have bin much weaker when the one commanded all Lombardy and the other Tuscany then when the one was contented with the seaonley and the other with six miles round of territories for al this preceeded from their desire to conquer their ignorance to take the right course and they deserve the more blame in that they have very little excuse having seene the ways the Romanes went because they might have followed their example being that the Romanes without any patterne to follow by their own judgment found out a fit way to go Moreover sometimes such gains gotten do no smal harm to a well govern'd Commonwealth when either such a city or country is conquer'd that abounds with pleasures where by conversation with them their manners are learned as it happen'd to Rome at first in the conquest of Capua afterwards to Hannibal And had Capua been of further distance from the City that the soldiers error had not had the remedy near hand or that Rome had been in some part corrupted without question that conquest had prov'd the Roman Republicks ruine And T. Livius witnesses the same in these words Even then was Capua little good for the military discipline which being the instrument of all sorts of pleasures besotted the soldiers minds so that they forgot their native Countries And truly such like Cities sufficiently avenge themselves on their Conquerors without fight or loss of blood for by infecting them with their contagious vices they expose them to the conquest of whoever assailes them And Juvenal could not better have expressed this then where in his Satyres he saies that by their conquests of forrain nations their minds were possessed with forrain vices in exchange of parsimony other excellent vertues Glutrony and luxury making their habitation there revenged the worlds Conquest on them If therefore these gettings were likely to have been dangerous to the Romans in the times that they proceeded with such wisdome and vertue how will they prove to those who go on in much different waies from them and who besides the other errors they run into whereof we have formerly spoken enough serve themselves of either mercenary or auxiliary soldiers whereupon those mischiefs often befall them which we shall mention in the following chap. CHAP. XX. What hazzard that Prince or Commonwealth runs which is serv'd by auxiliary and mercenary soldiers IF in another work of mine I had not treated at large of mercenary and auxiliary soldiers how unprofitable they are and how very profitable the native soldiers of the Country are I would much more have inlarged my self in this discourse than now I purpose but having otherwhere discours'd hereupon at length I shall now only point at it Not yet did I think fit wholly to pass it over having found in Titus Livius so large an example belonging to those soldiers for auxiliary soldiers are those that a Prince or Commonwealth sends with their Captains and pay ready furnish'd in thy aid And comming to the text of T. Livius I say that the Romans having in severall places broken two armies of the Samnites with their forces which they sent to succor the Capuans and thereby freed them from that warr the Samnites made against them purposing to return to Rome to the end the Capuans dispoyl'd of ayd should not a new becom a prey to the Samnites left behind them in the country about Capua two legions to defend them Which legions growing corrupt through idleness began to be insnar'd with the delicacies thereof So that having for gotten their owne country and the reverence they ought to the Senate they resolved to take armes and make themselves Lords of that Country which they by their valours had defended thinking those inhabitants not worthy to injoy those goods which they knew not how to defend Which thing the Romanes having had some inkling of it before was stopped and punished by them as where we speak of conspiracies it shall be show'd at large Therefore I say again that of all kindes of souldiers the auxiliaries are the most dangerous Because among those that Prince or Republique that uses them for ayd hath no authority but onely he that sends them for auxiliary souldiers are those that are sent thâ—e by a Prince as I have sayd under the command of his own Captaines under his own ensignes and pay also as this army was which the Romanes sent to Capua These kinds of souldiers when they have vanquished most commonly pillage as well them that have hir'd them as the enemy against whom they have hired them and this they do either through the maligne disposition of their Prince that sends them or through their owne ambition And however the Romanes had no intention to violate the agreement and conventions made with the Capuans yet the facility wherewith those souldiers thought themselves able to take their towne was such that it might have been of force to perswade them to think of taking the town and State from the Capuans Many examples to this purpose may be alledg'd but this and that of the inhabitants of Rhegium shall suffice me from whom both lives town were taken by one legion of soldiers which the Romans had there left in garrison Therefore a Prince or a Republick should rather take any other course than seek to bring auxiliary soldiers into his Country principally when he is most to rely upon them for any accord or agreement though very hard to which he shall yeeld with his enemy shall be more tolerable than this And if things past were well call'd to mind and those that are present well consider'd on for one that hath had good success in such a business a man shall find exceeding many who have been abus'd And a Prince or an ambitious Republick can never have a fitter opportunity to seise on a Town or Country than when they are requir'd to send their armies for defence thereof Wherefore he that is so ambitious that not only for his own defence but for offence to another calls in such like aids seeks to gain that he cannot hold and which also he that gets it for him can at his pleasure take from him But so great is mans ambition that if he can fulfill his desire for the present he is never aware of that evill which shortly after may thence redound to him Nor do the ancient examples avail any thing with him as well in this as in other things we have treated of for were men hereby mov'd they would perceive that the more freely and fairly they dealt with their neighbours and the farther of they were from making themselves masters of them the more readily would they offer to cast themselves into their armes as hereafter shall appear by example of the Capuans CHAP. XXI The first Pretour that the Romans ever sent to any place was to Capua four hundred
Genua was subject to its battery It happend afterwards in the year of our Lord God 1512. when the French were driven out of Italy for all the fortress Genua rebelled and Octavian Fregoso recovered the State thereof who by his industry in the terme of 16 moneths took it by famine and as every one beleeved so he was advised by many to reserve it for his refuge in any accident But he as he was exceeding wise knowing that they were not fortresses but mens good wills that preserved Princes in their state razed it to the ground And so without laying the foundation of his dominion upon the fortress but rather upon his own valour and judgement he hath continually held it and holds it yet And whereas a thousand foot were formerly of force to charge the state of Genua his adversaries have since assailed it with ten thousand and have not been able to hurt him By this therefore it appears how the demolishing of the fortress hurt not Octavian at all nor did the building of it advantage the King of France for when he was able to come into Italy bringing an army with him he might recover Genua though he had no fortress there but when he could bring no army with him into Italy neither could he keep the Genueses in obedience though he had a fortress there It was therefore an expence to the King to build it and a shame to lose it and to Octavian a glory to regain it But let us come to those Republiques that raise up fortresses not in their native countries but in those they have conquered And to shew this fallacy if that example of France and Genua suffice not this of Florence and Pisa may where the Florentines had built a cittadel to keep that town in subjection And never advised themselves that a City which had alwaies been a prosessed enemy to the Florentines having lived free which hath a recourse to liberty for a colour of Rebellion it was necessary being desirous to keep her to use that manner the Romans had either to take her as a companion into the state or to deface and ruine her for of what value cittadels are we saw in King Charles his comming into Italy to whom they were yeelded either through the treachery or cowardise of their governors Whereas if they had not been the Florentines would never have grounded their ability of keeping Pisa stil upon them nor would the King have been of power that way to have bereaved the Florentines of that City and those means whereby untill that time it had been maintained would peradventure have been of force to preserve it And without doubt they could not have made a worse triall then that of the fortresses I conclude therefore that for the safety of ones native Country a strong hold is but hurtfull to keep under Towns that are conquered cittadels availe little And hereunto the Authority of the Romans shall suffice me who dismantelled the Towns they intended to hold by force never built up their walls and if any one against this opinion should alledge me the example of Tarentum in ancient times and in these modern that of Brescia which places by means of the cittadells were recovered from the subjects rebellion I answer that at the years end Fabius Maximus was sent with the whole Army to recover Tarentum who would have been able to recover that though thete had been no cittadell there And though Fabius put those means in practise yet had they never been he would have us'd some other which would have produced the same effect And I know not what advantage a cittadell yeelds that to regain thee the Town requires a Consular Army and a Fabius Maximus for commander before it can be done And that the Romans in any case had recover'd it plainly appears by the example of Capua where there was no cittadell but they got it by the soldiers valor But to that of Brescia I say that seldome chances which befell in that rebellion that the fortress which is possessed still by thy forces the Town being fallen into rebellion should have a great army to friend and near hand as was that of the French for the Lord De Fois the Kings General being with his army at Bolonia when he understood the loss of Brescia by means of the Fortress indeed recover'd the Towne Therefore that Fortress yet stood in need to do any good of such a one as was the Lord of Fois and a French army that in three daies might relieve them so that this example against those on the contrary side is of small weight for many fortresses have been taken in the wars in our daies and recover'd by the same fortune that the field hath been taken and recovered again not only in Lombardy but in Romania in the Kingdom of Naples and in all parts of Italy But touching the building of sortresses for defence against forrain enemies I say they are not usefull to those people nor Kingdoms who have good armies on foot they are rather unprofitable because that good armies without fortresses are of force to keep them but fortresses without good armies cannot defend thee And this we see by experience of those who have been held excellent in matters of state and government and other things as we know the Romans and Spartans were for if the Romans built no fortresses the Spartans did not only forbear from them but suffered none of their Cities to be wall'd in neither because they would have no other guard but a mans own valor to defend him Whereupon when a Spartan was asked by an Athenian whether the walls about Athens were not very faire he answered him yes if all the inhabitants of the Town were women To that Prince then that hath good armies when upon the maritime frontiers of his state he hath a fortress that for some few daies he is able to sustain the enemy till things are somewhat order'd it would sometimes be of small avail but of no necessity But when a Prince hath no strong army fortresses either in the heart of his State or at his frontiers are hurtfull or unprofitable hurtfull because he easily loses them and being lost they make war upon him or put case they are so strong that the enemy cannot take them they are left behind by the enemies army and so they become of no service For good armies if they meet not with very sharp encounters enter far into their enemies Countries 〈◊〉 thout regard either of Town or fortress they leave behind them As it was evident in the ancient Stories and as we see Francis Maria did who in these latter times without any regard of them left ten of the enemies Cities behind him to assayl that of Vrbin That Prince then that can raise a good army can do well enough without having any strong holds but he that cannot have an army ready should never build any well may he fortifie the City of his
done against a publick State or against a private person WHat indignation may cause men to do is easily known by that which befell the Romans when they sent the three Fabij for Ambassadours to the French who came to invade Tuscany and in particular Clusium for the people of Clusium having sent to require aide at Rome the Romans sent their Ambassadors to the French to let them know they were to forbear from making warr against the Tuscans which ambassadours being upon the place and fitter to play the Soldiers part then the Ambassadors the French and the Tuscans comming to fight they rank'd themselves amongst the foremost to combat the French whence it came that being known by them they converted all the hatred they bore the Tuscans against the Romans which hatred became greater for the French by their Ambassadors having complained to the Senate of this injury and required in satisfaction of the dammage that the aforementioned Fabij should be given into their hands they were not only not given them or in any other manner punished but when the time of their Assemblies came they were made Tribuns with Consular power insomuch that the French perceiving those to be honored that should have been punipunished took all this as done in despight and disgrace to them and thus incensed with rage and disdain they came to assaile Rome which they took the Capitoll excepted Which destruction fell upon the Romans only for their inobservance of justice for their Ambassadors having offended against the law of nations when they should have been punished were honored Therefore it is worthy consideration how much every Republick or Prince should beware of doing the like wrong not only against a nation but also against any particular man for if a man be exceedingly offended either by the publick or by any private man and hath had no reparation made him to his content if he lives in a Commonwealth he will seek even with the utter ruine thereof to avenge himself if he lives under a Prince and be a man of any courage he will never rest till in some kind or other he be revenged on him however that he knows he draws thereby his own destruction on his head And to verify this there is not a fitter nor truer example then that of Philip of Macedon Alexanders Father In his Court there was a very handsome young noble man named Pausanias and of him one Attalus one of the cheifest men that was neer about Philip was inamourd who having several times tryed if he would yeeld to him and finding him far off from consenting to any such thing determined to gain that by a trick and by force which no way else he saw he could attain to And having made a solemn invitation whereat Pausanias and many other noble men met after that every one had liberally eate and drinke caus'd Pausanias to be taken and brought to some by-chamber were not only by force he satisfied his beastly lust upon him but the more to disgrace him he made him be so used by many others in the like manner Of which injury Pausanias several times made his complaint to Philip who having held him a long time in hope of revenging him instead thereof made Attalus governour of a Province in Greece whereupon Pausanias seeing his enemy honored and not punished converted his indignation not against him that had injured him but against Philip that had not aveng'd him And on a morning when Philips daughter was solemnly married to Alexander of Epirus as Philip went to the Temple to celebrate the espousals he slew him between the two Alexanders the son and the son in law Which example is much like that of the Romans and is remarkeable for all those that rule who should never value any man at so low a rate as to think that by heaping injury upon injury he that is thus wrong'd will not devise some way to be reveng'd though it be with his own utter loss and destruction CHAP. XXIX Fortune blinds mens minds when she will not suffer them to prevent her designes IF we consider well the course of humane affaires wee shall many times see things come to pass and chances happen which the heavens altogether would not that order should be taken to prevent And in as much as this which I speak of befell Rome where there was so much valor so much Religion and good order it is no marvail if the same thing often fall out in a City or Country that wants the said things and because this place is very remarkable to shew the power heaven hath over human things T. Livius at large and with words of very great efficacy represses it saying that the heavens would for some end that the Romans should know their power and therefore caus'd those Fabij to erre that were sent Ambassadors to the French and by their means provokt them to make war against Rome And afterwards ordaind that for the suppressing of that war there was nothing done in Rome worthy of the Romans having first ordain'd that Camillus who only was able to remedy so great a mischief should then be banished to Ardea And then the French comming towards Rome they who to resist the fury of the Volsci and many their neighbouring enemies had several times created a Dictatour now upon the approach of the French never created any Moreover for their choyce of Soldiers it was very weake and without any extraordinary diligence they were so slow in taking of arms that they were hardly time enough to incounter the French at the river Allia ten miles from Rome Here the Tribuns pitcht their campe without any ordinary diligence not viewing the ground first neither incompassing it with trench or paliâ—ado making use neither of human nor divine helps And in ranging of their battell they left their ranks so thin and weak that as well the Soldiers as the Captains did nothing worthy of the Roman discipline They fought afterwards without any effusion of blood for they fled before they were assayl'd the greater part went thence to Veium the other retir'd to Rome who never going into their own houses went unto the Capitoll so that the Senate taking no care to defend Rome did not so much as shut the gates and part of them fled from thence and part got into the Capitoll yet in defence thereof they had not such disorder for they did not cloy it with unusual people they furnished it with all the Corne they could possibly get that it might endure out the siege and the greater part of the unprofitable multitude of old men women and children fled unto the neighbouring Towns about the rest staid at Rome for a prey to the French So that whoever should have read of the brave atchievements of that people many years before and afterwards of these times following them would have much a do to beleeve it were the same people And T. Livius having reckon'd up the aforesaid disorders
within his dominions because his men are not so well disciplin'd in the wars as to keep the enemy from entring into the heart of their Country Whence it proceeds that to keep the enemy off he allows some provision of moneys to those Princes or people that border upon his Country And thereupon those States make some resistance upon the confines only which when the enemy hath past they have no kind of remedy left and they perceive not that this their manner of proceeding is quite contrary to all good order for the heart and the vital parts of a body are to be arm'd and not the extremities thereof for it can live without those but if these be hurt it dyes but these States keep the heart disarm'd and arme their hands and feet What this disorder hath done at Florence hath been and is daily seen for when any Army posses the frontiers and enters near to the heart of the Country there is no further remedy Wee saw not long since the same proof of the Venetians and had not their City been begirt by the waters we should have seen an end of it Wee have not so often seen this tryal in France because it is so great a Kingdom that it hath few enemies mightier than it nevertheless when the English invaded that Country in the year 1513. the whole Country quak'd and the King himself and every one thought that one defeat alone would have been sufficient to lose him the State The contraty befell the Romans for the nearer the enemy approached to Rome the more able he found the City to make resistance And it was evident when Hannibal came into Italy that after three defeats and the slaughters of so many Captains and soldiers they were not only able to sustain the enemy but to vanquish him All this proceeded from that they had well armd the heart and made small account of the extremities for the foundation of their State was the people of Rome and the Latins and the other Townes their allyes in Italy and their Colonies from whence they drew so many Soldiers that with them they were able to fight with and keep in awe the whole world And that this is true it appears by the question Hanno the Carthaginian put to Hannibals agents after that great overthrow at Canna who having exceedingly magnified Hannibals great acts were asked by Hanno whether any of the Komans were yet come to demand peace or if any Town of the Latins or any of their Colonies had yet rebelld against the Roman and they denying the one and the other Hanno reply'd Then is the warr yet as intire as it was at first We see therefore by this discourse and what wee have otherwhere said what difference there is between the proceedings of Republicks now adayes and those of the ancients Wee see also hereupon every day exceeding great losses and wonderfull great conquests for where men are but of small valour and resolution fortune shews much power and because shee is alwaies various therefore do Common-wealths and States change often and will alwaies change till at length some one stand up who is so much a lover of antiquitie as to regulate her that she take not occasion to shew at every turne of the Sun how great her power is CHAP. XXXI How dangerons a thing it is to give credit to men that are banished out of their Country MEthinks it is not out of purpose to treat among these other discourses how dangerous a thing it is to trust those that are banished out of their Country these being matters that every day are practis'd by those that are Rulers of States especially seeing it may be prov'd by a memorable example out of T. Livius in his history though this thing be out of his purpose quite When Alexander the Great passed into Asia with his Army Alexander of Epirus his kinsman uncle came with certain troopes into Italy being cald upon by some outlawd Lucans who put him in hope that by their means he might become master of that whole Country Whereupon it came to pass that he being come into Italy upon their word and assurance was slain by them their Citizens having promisd them their return into their Country if they slew him Therefore should it be consider'd how vain their words and promises are who are banished their Countries for in regard of their word it is to be thought that whensoever by other means than thine they can be restord to their Country they will forsake thee and cleave to others notwithstanding all the promises they have made thee And this is the reason why there is no hold to their word because so extream is their desire to return to to their native homes that naturally they beleeve many things that are false and some things out of their own cunning they adde so that between what they think and what they say they think they put thee in such hopes that grounding thereupon thou art brought to a vain expence or to undertake somwhat that proves thy destruction I will satisfie my self with the aforesaid example of Alexander and only this other of Themistocles the Athenian who being outlawd fled to Darius in Asia where he promised him so much when he should invade Greece that Darius undertook the enterprise But Themistocles not being able to make good his promises either for shame or fear of punishment poisoned himself And if Themistocles a rare man committed this error what should we think but that they do much more erre who because of their less vertue will suffer themselves to be more violently drawn by their own passions and desires And therefore a Prince ought to proceed very slowly in undertakings upon the relation of exil'd men for otherwise he suffers either great shame or dammage by them And because it seldom comes to pass that Towns and Countries are taken by stealth or by intelligence that any one hath in them methinks it is not much out of purpose to treate thereof in the Chapter following adding thereunto by how many waies the Romans got them CHAP. XXXII How many waies the Romans used to make themselves masters of townes THe Romans applying themselves all to the war did evermore make it with all advantage possible as well for the expence as for every thing else belonging thereto From hence it proceeded that they were alwaies aware of taking of townes by long sieges thinking it a matter of great charges and incommodity that surpasses far the profit their conquest thereof can bring And for this cause they though it more for their own advantage to take a town any way else then by siege Whereupon in such great and so many wars we have very few examples of sieges made by them The waies then whereby they got their townes were either by conquest or yeilding And this conquest was either by force or open violence or by force mingled with fraud Open violence was either by assault without beating the
Prince There may then his brothers or his sons be left or other of his allyes to whom the Principality may belong may be left alive by thy negligence or upon some occasions formerly spoken of that may execute this revenge as it befell John Andreas of Lampognano who together with his Complotters having slain the Duke of Milan and there being left alive one son of his and two brothers they were ready at hand time enough to revenge his death And truly in this case these conspirators are excusable because they have here no remedy but when any of them survives for lack of good advisement or through their negligence then indeed thereis no excuse to be made for them Some conspirators at Forly slew Count Ierolamus their Lord took prisoners his wife and sons which were but little ones and thinking they could have no security unless they became masters of the fortress which the governour was not willing to give into their hands whereupon the Lady Katherine for so the Countess was called promised the Traitors that if they would let her enter therein she would cause it to be delivered up to them and that they should keep her sons for pledges They upon her word thus given suffered her to enter in who so soon as shee was within the walls reproached them with the murder of her husband and threatned them with all manner of revenge to let them know shee had no regard of her children she shewed them her privy parts saying she had the means left her to bring forth others so that they not knowing what to do and too late perceiving their own error suffered perpetual exile in punishment of their lack of wit But of all dangers that can befall after the execution there is node mone certain nor more terrible then when the people is a friend to that Prince thou hast slain for against this the conspirators can have no remedy for they can never secure themselves We have Caesar for example hereof who because he had the people of Rome to friend was by their means revenged for when they had chased the conspirators from Rome they caused all of them in several places to be slain Treasons that are practised against ones own Countrey are less dangerous for those that work them then those that are practised agaist Princes for in the ordering of them the dangers are less then in the others and in executing of them they are the same and after the execution there is none at all In the plotting and working them the dangers are not many for a Citizen may frame himself so as to be capable of power without manifesting his mind therein or intention to any one and unless those his purposes receive some interruption he may happily proceed in his design but if any law made chance to cross them he must stay his time and seek some other course This is to be understood of a Republique where in corruption is entred in some part for in one not corrupted no evil beginning taking 〈◊〉 place there these thoughts cannot enter into the heart of any citizen The Citizens then may by several means and many waies aspire unto the Principality where they run no hazard of being oppress'd as well because Republiques are more slew then a Prince and stand less in doubt â—â—h refore are less wary as also because they carry more respect towards their principal citizens and therefore are they the more audacious and more insolent to practise against them Few there are but have read Catalines conspiracy written by Salust know how that afterwards when it was discovered Cataline did not only abide in Rome but came into the Senate-house spoke in villanous termes against the Senate and the Consul so great was the respect that that City bore to her Citizens so that when he was departed from Rome and had his Armies already on foot Lentulus nor those others had never been layd hold on had not there been letters of his own hand brought against him which manifestly accused him Hanno the most potent Citizen in Carthage aspiring to a Tyranny had provided at the marriage of one of his own daughters to poison all the Senate and afterwards make himself Prince When this matter was known the Senate took no other order then to make a law which limited the excess of expences anbanquets and weddings such was the respect they bore to men of their qualities It is very true that in the executing of a treason against ones native Country there is more difficulty and greater dangers for very seldome is it that thy own forces suffice being to conspire against so many for every one hath not an Army at his command as Cesar Agathocles or Clâ—omenes and such like who at one pluck have been able to seise on the Country for unto such the way is easie and safe enough But others that have not such advantages of forces must do it either with some slight or artifice or by the aide of forraine forces As for slights and tricks Pisistratus the Athenian having over come the Megarenses and thereby got credit with the people one morning came out among them wounded saying The nobility through envy had thus wrong'd him and ask'd leave of them for his defence to have a guard of armd men about him By this power he easily attain'd to such greatness that he brought Athens under his Tyranny Pandulfus Petrucci return'd himself with others that were out-law'd into Siena there he had the charge given him over the common guard of Justice as a Mecanick office and which others refus'd yet in time those arm'd men gave him such reputation that shortly after he became Lord of the Town Many others have used other endeavors and other waies and in a short space and without danger have attained to the same Those that by their own force or by help of forrain-forces have conspir'd to make themselves Lords over their native Countries have had several successes as fortune hath befriended them or otherwise Cataline we spoke of before was ruined thereby Hanno of whom we formerly made mention when the poison took not effect armed many thousands of his partisans who with himself were all slain Some of the prime Citizens of Thebes to the end they might become Lords of the Town called to their aid a Sparian army and so took upon them the rule of that City So that when we shall have examined all the conspiracies made against a Country we shall not find any at least very few that in the plotting thereof have been suppressed but all of them either have taken effect or bin ruined in the execution rather When they are once acted they carry not with them any further dangers then the nature of a Principality hath in it self for when a man hath once gotten to be a Tyrant he hath his own proper and ordinary dangers belonging to him against which there are no other remedies then those we have
own For if a man will abide in the field and not fight the surest way is to keep himself fifty miles off from his enemy at least and then keep good espiouns so that if he chance to bend towards thee thou maist avoid him at leisure Another course is to immure himself up in a City but the one and the other of these two courses is very pernicious In the first he leaves his Country in prey to the enemy and a valiant Prince will rather hazard the battel than prolong the war with so much dammage to his Subjects And in the second the loss is evident for it must needs be that retiring thy self within the walls of a Town with thy Army thou be besiged and at length suffer famine and so be forced to yeeld insomuch as to avoid battel by either of these two means must needs prove very hurtful The course that Fabius Maximus held to abide in strong places is very good when thou hast an Army so valorous that the enemy dares not come to find thee in thy advantages Nor can it be said that Fabius avoided fighting but rather that he would fight at his advantage For if Hannibal had gone to find him Fabius would have staid for him and fought with him but Hannibal durst not deal with him after his manner So the battel was as well avoided by Hannibal as by Fabius but if one of them had been desirous to have hazarded in any case the other had but one of these three remedies to wit those two we have before mentioned or to flie There are many examples and maximes in the war which the Romanes made with Philip of Macedon Father of Perses to make good what I say for Philip being assailed by the Romanes resolved not to come to battel and therefore first he thought to do as Fabius Maximus had done in Italy and placed himself with his Army upon the top of a mountain where he fortified himself all he could deeming that the Romans had not the heart to come and find him there but when they went thither and fought with him and drove him from the mountain being not able to withstand them he fled with the greater part of his people and that which saved him was the roughness of the Country so that the Romans could not follow the pursuite Philip then being unwilling to fight and having pitcht his campe near the Romans had no other mean but to fly and having found by this experience that when they meant not to fight it was not enough for them to get upon the top of the mountains and having no mind to inclose himself in any Town resolved to take the other course to remove many miles distant from the Romanes Campe. Whereupon if the Romanes were in one Province they went into another and so always they went thither from whence the Romanes were parted and considering in the end how that in prolonging the war this way his own estate declined and how that his Subjects were sometimes by himself otherwhile by his enemies daily oppressed resolved to put it to the tryal of a day and so came to a set battel with the Romanes It is profitable then not to fight when the Armies have these conditions which Fabius his Army had or that then had that of Cneus Sulpirius which are to have an Army so good that the enemie dares not come and find thee within thy fortifications and that the enemy though he be in thy Country yet hath he not much footing therein where he may suffer want of provisions and in this case the course is advantagious for the reasons Titus Livius alledges Vnwilling to stand at fortunes discretion on a tryal against his enemy whom time and a strange Country would daily weaken and consume But in any other case the battel cannot be avoided but with thy shame and danger for to flie as Philip did is the same that it is to be routed and that with the more disgrace by how much the less thou hast made proof of thy valor And however he had the luck to escape another could not have had the like unless he had help by the scituation of the Country as well as he That Hannibal was a master in the art of war I think every one will acknowledge and being to oppose Scipio in Affrica if he had seen any advantage in prolonging the war without doubt he would have done it and peradventure could too being a good Commander and having a good Army as well as Fabius did in Italy But being he did it not we may well believe that some important reason perswaded him so for a Prince that hath an Army levied and sees that for want of moneys or friends he cannot keep them long together is a very fool if he ventures not his fortune before his Army falls asunder for by delaying he certainly loses whereas hazzarding he might overcome Another thing there is yet much to be accounted of which is that a man ought even in his losing seek to gain glory and it is more glory to be overcome by force than by any other inconvenient that may have made thee lose Therefore it must needs be that Hannibal was forc't by these necessities and on the other side Scipio if Hannibal would have protracted the war and he durst not have adventured to go seek him in his Trenches had not suffered therein in that he had already overcome Siphax and taken so many Towns in Affrick so that he could have continued there with security and conveniency as well as in Italy Which was not so with Hannibal when he had to deal with Fabius nor with those French-men when they were opposed by Sulpitius So much the less also can he avoid the fight that with an Army invades another mans Country he must whensoever the enemie faces him fight with him and if he incampes before any Town so much the rather is he obliged to fight as in our days it befell Duke Charles of Burgundy who being set down before Morat a Town belonging to the Swissers was assaulted by them and broken and so it chanc'd to the French Army that incamping at Novarra was in like manner routed by the Swissers CHAP. XI He that hath to deal with many however that he be the weaker provided that he can but support their first violence overcomes THe Tribunes of the peoples power in Rome was great and necessary as many times we have said for otherwise it would never have been possible to bridle the Nobilities ambition which would much sooner then it did have corrupted that Commonwealth yet because in every thing as is often said some evil proper to every thing lies lurking in it which causes new accidents to arise it is needful with new orders to remedy them Wherefore the Tribunitial power being grown insolent and terrible to the Nobility and to all Rome some very hurtful inconvenient to the Romane liberty would have risen if the way had
such decrees And if the other Citizens whose magistracies were prorogued had been wise and vertuous as L. Quintius this inconvenient would never have fallen out whose goodness in one example is remarkable for there being an agreement made between the Commons and the Senate and the Commons having prolonged the Tribunes charges for one year judging them able to resist the Nobilities ambition the Senate would for strife sake with the Commons and not to seem of less power then they prologue T. Quintius his Consulship who absolutely denyed this determination of theirs saying that they should endeavor to blot out and cancell evil examples rather then increase their number with another evil one and so would needs have them make new Consuls Which goodness and wisdom had it been in all the Cities of Rome it would never have suffered the introducing of that custome to prolong magistracies and from thence they would not have proceeded to the continuation of Commands over Armies which thing at length ruined that Republike The first who had his command continued to him was P. Philo who being incamped before the City of Palepolis and his Consulship coming to an end the Senate thinking he had need upon gotten the victory sent him no successor but made him Proconsul so that he was the first Proconsul Which thing though propounded by the Senate for the publike good was that which in time brought Rome into bondage for the further abroad the Romans went with their Armies the more thought they such prorogation necessary and the more they used it which thing produced two inconveniences the one that a smaller number of men were imployed and practised in commands and by this the reputation hereof came to be restrained to a few the other was that one Citizen continuing long time commander of an Army got it to himself and made it of his own faction For that Army in time forgot the Senate and took him only for their head Hereby it came that Sylla and Marius could finde soldiers that would take their parts against the Publike By these means could Caesar make himself Lord of his native country Yet if the Romans had not prolonged these magistracies and commands they had never so quickly attained so great power and had their conquests been more slow they would not so soon have faln into servitude CHAP. XXV Of Cincinnatus and many other Roman Citizens poverties WEE have otherwhere discoursed that the most profitable ordinance that can be made in a free State is that the Citizens be kept bare and poore And however in Rome it appears not what order that was which wrought this effect especially considering the Agrarian law had such opposition never theless it was seen by experience that four hundred years after Rome was built there was very great poverty nor is it credible that other greater order produc'd this effect than to see that poverty was no bar to any preferment whatsoever or any honor and that they went to find out vertue in what cottage soever she dwelt Which manner of living made people less covet wealth This appears plain because when Minutius the Consul besieged with his Army by the Equi Rome was exceedingly afraid least that Army should be lost so that they created a Dictator being the last recourse they had in their difficulties and this was L. Quintius Cincinnatus who at that time was in his little Country farm which he then manured with his own hands Which thing is celebrated by T. Livius in golden words saying It is worth the while to bear them talke that value nothing in regard of wealth nor think they a man can have access either unto honours or vertue but where riches flow abundantly Cincinnatus was then at plough in his Country Village which exceeded not the quantity of four acres of ground when from Rome Deputies were sent him by the Senate to let him know the election of his Dictatourship and to shew him in what danger the Commonwealth then was Hee then having taken to him his gown came to Rome and levied an Army and went thence and deliverd Minutius and having broken and despolyed the enemies and set him free would not permit that the besieged Army should partake of the prey saying these words I will not allow thou shouldst partake of thâ—â— prey whose prey thou wert to have been And deprived Minutius of the Consulship and made him Lieutenant telling him Thou shalt stay at this degree till thou knowest how to be Consul He had made L. Tarquinius General of his horse who out of meer poverty served afoot It is observable as is said what honour they did unto poverty and how that to a good and worthy man four acres of land were sufficient to maintain him Which poverty we see that it was also in the dayes of Marcus Regulus for being with the Armies in Affrica he asked the Senate leave he might turne to his Country farme which was spoyled by his husbandmen Where wee see two very notable things thè one the poverty and how they were contenâ—cd therewith and how it sufficed these Citizens to gain honour from the wars the profits thereof they left to the publick for if they had purposed to grow rich by the wars it would little have troubled them that their fields were spoyled The other is to consider the generous rage of those Citizens who when they were made Commanders of an Army exceeded any Prince in magnanimity of spirit they valued neither Kings nor Commonwealths nothing affrighted or terrified them and afterwards when they were returned to live private men became parsimonious humble and men that themselves husbanded and took pains in manuting their own small possessions obedient to the Magistrates reverencing their superiors so that it seems impossible that the same mind could endure such change This poverty continued yet till the days of Paulus Emilius which were in a manner the last happy daies of that Republick where a Citizen who by his triumph enrich'd Rome notwithstanding kept himself very poor And moreover so much was poverty in esteem that Paulus for reward of behaving himself bravely in the war gave a silver cup to a son-in-law of his which was the first peece of Plate he ever had in his house It were easy with a long discourse to shew how much better fruits poverty produces than riches and that the one hath honored Cities Countries and Religions and the other hath been the destruction thereof had not this subject been handled several times by other writers CHAP. XXVI How that upon the occasion of women States have been ruined THere fell out in the City of Ardea between the Nobles and the Commons a debate by reason of an alliance where a young woman that was an heire being as yet to marry one of the Commons and one of the Nobles woed her at the same time and she having no Father alive her Tutors desired to bestow her on the Plebeyan and her Mother on the
encourage such Princes to fortifie and guard their own Capital city and of the countrey about not to hold much account and whoever shall have well fortified that town and touching other matters of governments shall have behaved himself towards his subjects as hath been formerly said and hereafter shall be shall never be assaild but with great regard for men willingly undertake not enterprises where they see difficulty to work them through nor can much facility be there found where one assails him who hath his town strong and wel guarded and is not hated of his people The cities of Germany are very free they have but very little of the countrey about them belonging to them and they obey the Emperor when they please and they stand not in fear neither of him nor any other Potentate about them for they are in such a manner fortified that every one thinks the siege of any of them would prove hard and tedious for all of them have ditches and rampires and good store of Artillery and alwaies have their publick cellars well provided with meat and drink and firing for a yeer besides this whereby to feed the common people and without any loss to the publick they have alwaies in common whereby they are able for a year to imploy them in the labor of those trades that are the sinews and the life of that city and of that industry whereby the commons ordinarily supported themselves they hold up also the military exercises in repute and hereupon have they many orders to maintain them A Prince then that is master of a good strong city and causeth not himself to be hated cannot be assaulted and in case he were he that should assail him would be fain to quit him with shame for the affairs of the world are so various that it is almost impossible that an army can lie incampt before a town for the space of a whole yeer and if any should reply that the people having their possessions abroad in case they should see them a fire would not have patience and the redious siege and their love to themselves would make them for get their Prince I answer that a Prince puissant and couragious will easily master those difficulties now giving his subjects hope that the mischiief will not be of durance sometimes affright them with the cruelty of their enemies and other whiles cunningly securing himself of those whom he thinks too forward to run to the enemy Besides this by ordinary reason the enemy should burne and waste their countrey upon his arrival and at those times while mens minds are yet warme and resolute in their defence and therefore so much the less ought a Prince doubt for after some few dayes that their courages grow coole the dammages are all done and mischiefs received and there is no help for it and then have they more occasion to cleave faster to their Prince thinking he is now more bound to them their houses having for his defence been fired and their possessions wasted and mens nature is as well to hold themselves oblig'd for the kindnesses they do as for those they receive whereupon if all be well weigh'd a wise Prince shall not find much difficulty to keep sure and true to him his Citizens hearts at the beginning and latter end of the siege when he hath no want of provision for food and ammunition CHAP. XI Concerning Ecclesiastical Principalities THere remains now only that we treat of the Ecclesiastical Principalities about which all the difficulties are before they are gotten for they are attained to either by vertue or Fortune and without the one or the other they are held for they are maintaind by orders inverterated in the religion all which are so powerfull and of such nature that they maintain their Princes in their dominions in what manner soever they proceed and live These only have an Estate and defend it not have subjects and govern them not and yet their States because undefended are not taken from them nor their subjects though not govern'd care not think not neither are able to aliene themselves from them These Principalities then are only happy and secure but they being sustained by superior causes whereunto humane understanding reaches not I will not meddle with them for being set up and maintained by God it would be the part of a presumptuous and rash man to enter into discourse of them Yet if any man should ask me whence it proceeds that the Church in temporal power hath attaind to such greatness seeing that till the time of Alexander the sixt the Italian Potentates and not only they who are entituled the potentates but every Baron and Lord though of the meanest condition in regard of the temporality made but small account of it and now a King of France trembles at the power thereof and it hath been able to drive him out of Italy and ruine the Venetians and however this be well known me thinks it is not superstitious in some part to recall it to memory Before that Charles King of France past into Italy this countrey was under the rule of the Pope Venetians the King of Naples the Duke of Milan and the Florentines These Potentates took two things principally to their care the one that no forreiner should invade Italy the other that no one of them should inlarge their State They against whom this care was most taken were the Pope and the Venetians and to restrain the Venetians there needed the union of all the rest as it was in the defence of Ferrara and to keep the Pope low they served themselves of the Barons of Rome who being divided into two factions the Orsini and Colonnesi there was alwaies occasion of offence between them who standing ready with their armes in hand in the view of the Pope held the Popedome weak and feeble and however sometimes there arose a couragious Pope as was Sextus yet either his fortune or his wisdome was not able to free him of these incommodities and the brevity of their lives was the cause thereof for in ten years which time one with another Popes ordinarily liv'd with much ado could they bring low one of the factions And if as we may say one had near put out the Colonnesi there arose another enemy to the Orsini who made them grow again so that there was never time quite to root them out This then was the cause why the Popes temporal power was of small esteem in Italy there arose afterwards Pope Alexander the sixt who of all the Popes that ever were shewed what a Pope was able to do with money and forces and he effected by means of his instrument Duke Valentine and by the ocasion of the French mens passage all those things which I have formerly discoursed upon in the Dukes actions and however his purpose was nothing at all to inlarge the Church dominions but to make the Duke great yet what he did turnd to the Churches advantage
up in the discipline and exercise of armes give himselfe much to the chase whereby to accustome his body to paines and partly to understand the manner of situations and to know how the mountaines arise which way the vallyes open themselves and how the plaines ars distended flat abroad and to conceive well the nature of the rivers and marrish ground and herein to bestow very much care which knowledge is profitable in two kinds first he learnes thereby to know his own countrey and is the better enabled to understand the defence thereof and afterwards by meanes of this knowledge and experience in these situations easily comprehend any other situation which a new he hath need to view for the little hillocks vallies plaines rivers and marrish places For example they in Tuscany are like unto those of other countries so that from the knowledge of the site of one country it is easie to attain to know that of others And that Prince that wants this skill failes of the principall part a Commander should be furnisht with for this shows the way how to discover the enemy to pitch the camp to lead their armies to order their battells and also to besiege a town at thy best advantage Philopomenes Prince of the Achayans among other praises Writers give him they say that in time of peace he thought not upon any thing so much as the practise of warre and whensoever he was abroad in the field to disport himselfe with his friends would often stand still and discourse with them in case the enemies were upon the top of that hill and we here with our army whether of us two should have the advantage and how might we safely goe to find them keeping still our orders and if we would retire our selves what course should we take if they retir'd how should we follow them thus on the way propounded them all such accidents could befall in any army would heare their opinions and tell his owne and confirme it by argument so that by his continuall thought hereupon when ever he led any army no chance could happen for which he had not a remedy But touching the exercise of the mind a Prince ought to read Histories and in them consider the actions of the worthiest men marke how they have behav'd themselves in the warrs examine the occasions of their victories and their losses wherby they may be able to avoyd these and obtaine those and above all doe as formerly some excellent man hath done who hath taken upon him to imitate if any one that hath gone before him hath left his memory glorious the course he took and kept alwaies near unto him the remembrances of his actions and worthy deeds as it is said that Alexander the great imitated Achilles Caesar Alexander and Scipio Cyrus And whoever reads the life of Cyrus written by Xenophon may easily perceive afterwards in Scipio's life how much glory his imitation gaind him and how much Scipio did conforme himselfe in his chastity affability humanity and liberality with those things that are written by Xenophon of Cyrus Such like wayes ought a wise Prince to take nor ever be idle in quiet times but by his paines then as it were provide himself of store whereof he may make some use in his adversity the end that when the times change he may be able to resist the stormes of his hard fortune CHAP. XV. Of those things in respect whereof men and especially Princes are praised or dispraised IT now remaines that we consider what the conditions of a Prince ought to be and his termes of government over his subjects and towards his friends And because I know that many have written hereupon I doubt left I venturing also to treat thereof may be branded with presumption especially seeing I am like enough to deliver an opinion different from others But my intent being to write for the advantage of him that understands me I thought it fitter to follow the effectuall truth of the matter than the imagination thereof And many Principalities and Republiques have been in imagination which neither have been seen nor knowne to be indeed for there is such a distance between how men doe live and how men ought to live that he who leaves that which is done for that which ought to be done learnes sooner his ruine than his preservation for that man who will professe honesty in all his actions must needs goe to ruine among so many that are dishonest Whereupon it is necessary for a Prince desiring to preserve himselfe to be able to make use of that honestie and to lay it aside againe as need shall require Passing by then things that are only in imagination belonging to a Prince to discourse upon those that are really true I lay that all men whensover mention is made of them and especially Princes because they are placed aloft in the view of all are taken notice of for some of these qualities which procure them either commendations or blame and this is that some one is held liberal some miserable miserable I say nor covetous for the covetous desire to have though it were by rapine but a miserable man is he that too much for bears to make use of his owne some free givers others extortioners some cruell others pitious the one a Leaguebreaker another faithfull the one effeminate and of small courage the other fierce and couragieus the one courteous the other proud the one lascivious the other chaste the one of faire dealing the other wily and crafty the one hard the other easie the one grave the other light the one religious the other incredulous and such like I know that every one will confesse it were exceedingly praise worthy for a Prince to be adorned with all these above nam'd qualities that are good but because this is not possible nor doe humane conditions admit such perfection in vertues it is necessary for him to be so discret that he know how to avoid the infamie of those vices which would thrust him out of his State and if it be possible beware of those also which are not able to remove him thence but where it cannot be let them passe with lesse regard And yet let him not stand much upon it though he incurre the infamie of those vices without which he can very hardly save his State for if all be throughly considered some things we shall find which will have the colour and very face of Vertue and following them they will lead the to thy destruction whereas some others that shall â—s much seeme vice if we take the course they lead us shall discover unto us the way to our safety and well-being The second blemish in this our Authours book I find in his fifteenth Chapter where he instructs his Prince to use such an ambidexterity as that he may serve himselfe either of vertue or vice according to his advnatage which in true pollicy is neither good in attaining the Principality nor
a man of good worth and esteeme and the Assassine fled into Castruccio's house where the Captaines and Serjeants going to apprehend him were affronted and hindred by Castruccio so that the murtherer by his ayd escaped which thing Vguccion who was then at Pisa hearing and deeming then he had just occasion to punish him calld unto his owne sonne Neri to whom he had now given the command of Lucca and chargd him that under colour of inviting Castruccio he should lay hold on him and put him to death Whereupon Castruccio going familiarly into the commanders pallaces not fearing any injury was first by Neri entertaind at supper and afterwards seised on And Neri doubting lest by putting him to death without any publick justification the people might bee inraged kept him alive till he were better informd by Vguccion what was farther to be done in that case who blaming his sonnes slownesse and cowardise for the dispatching hereof went out of Pisa with four hundred Horse towards Lucca and hardly yet was he arriv'd at the Baths but the Pisans took armes and slew Vguccions Lieutenant and the rest of his family that remaind at Pisa and made Count Gaddo of Gerardesca their Lord Vguccion before he came to Lucca had notice of this accident befalne in Pisa yet thought he it not fit to turne back left the Luccheses like as the Pisans should also shot their gates against him But the Luccheses understanding the chance at Pisa notwithstanding that Vguccion was enterd Lucca taking this occasion to free Castruccio first began at their meetings in the Piazze to speake slightly of him afterwards to make some hub-bub and from thence came to armes demanding Castruccio to be set free insomuch that Vguccion for feare of worse drew him out of prison Whereupon Castruccio suddenly rallying his friends with the peoples favour made an assault upon Vguccion who finding no other remedy fled thence with his friends and so went into Lombardy to the Lords of Scala where afterwards he dy'd poorly But Castruccio being of a prisoner become as Prince of Lucca prevaild so by his friends and with this fresh gale of the peoples favour that he was made Generall of their Forces for a yeare which being compassed to gaine himselfe further credit in armes he purposd to recover for the Luccheses severall towne which rebelld after Vguccions departue and went also by the Pisans favour with whom he had enterd into league at the campe to Serezana and to winne that he had built over it a fort which being afterwards changed by the Florentines is now calld Serezanello and in two monthes space tooke the towne and afterwards in strength of this credit he wonne Massa Carrara and Lavenza and in short time all Lunigiana and to stop the passage that comes from Lombarby into Luginiana he tooke Pontremoli and drew out thence Mr. Anastasia Palivicini who was Lord thereof Returning then to Lucca with this victory he was met by the whole people whereupon Castruccio resolving not to deferre longer to make himselfe Prince by meanes of Pazzino of Poggio Puccinello of Porcico Francisco Boccansecehi and Cecco Guinigi at that time of great repute in Lucca but corrupted by him made himself Lord thereof and so solemnely and by resolution of the people was elected their Prince At this time Frederck of Baviere King of the Romans came into Italy to take the Imperiall crown whom Castruccio made his friend and went to him with five hundred Horse having left for his Lieutenant at Lucca Paulo Guinigi whom in remembrance of his father he made account of as his owne child Castruccio was entertaind very honourably by Frederick who gave him many priviledges and made him his Deputy in Tuseany and because the Pisans had expelld Gaddo of Gerardesca and for feare of him askd succours of Frederick he made Castruccio their Lord whom the Pisans accepted for feare of the Guelfes faction and in particular because of the Florentines Frederick then being returned into Germany and having left at Rome a governour for his affairs in Italy all the Gibellins as well Tuscans as Lomdarbs that followd the Imperial faction had their recourse to Castruccio and each promisd him the Principality of their native country provided that by his meanes they might be restord among whom was Mattheo Guidi Nardo Scolare Lapo Vberti Gerozzi Nardi and Piero Buonacorsi all Gibellins and outlawd Florentines and Castruccio plotting by helpe of these and with his owne forces to become Lord of all Tuscany to gaine himselfe credit the more entred into amity with Mr. Metthem Viscoti Prince of Milan and traind up all the men ofhis owne city and country to armes and because Lucca had five gates he divided the country into five parts armd them and distributed them under Captaines and colours so that on a sudden he was able to bring together above twenty thousand men into the field besides the help he might have from Pisa He then being environd with these forces and freinds it fortun'd that Mr. Mattheo Visconti was assayled by the Guelfes of Piacuza who had driven out the Gibellins in whose behalfe the Florentines and King Robert had sent their troopes Whereupon Mr. Mattheo intreated Castruccio to affaile the Florentines that they being constraind to defend their owne homes should call back their men out of Londarby So Castruccio with a good army entred the Vale Arno took Fucachio and St. Miniato with great dammage of the country and upon this occasion the Florentines were forc'd to call back their troopes who were hardly returnd into Tuscany but Castruccio was compeld upon another necessity to haste back to Lucca And in that City the Family of Poggio being of such power and authority as that it had made Castruccio not only great but Prince also and not taking themselves to have been requited as they had deservd agreed with other Families of Lucca to move the city to rebellion and to chace Castruccio thence whereupon taking occasion one morning they came armd upon the Deputy whom Castruccio had there ordaind over Justice and slew him and further purposing to raise the people to commotion Steven of Poggio an arcient and peaceable man who had no hand at all in this conspiracy came before them constrain'd his friends by his autority amongst them to lay aside their arms offering himselfe to mediate with Castruccio for them that he should satisfie their desires Thus they layd down their armes but not with greater discretion than they had taken them up for Castruccio having had notice of these novelties befalne in Lucca without making any delay with part of his troops leaving Paul Guinigi Commander of the residue came thence to Lucca where having found the tumult appeasd beyond his expectation deeming he might with the more ease secure himselfe disposed those of his party in severall places as best was for his turne Steven of Poggio thinking with himselfe that Castruccio was beholding to him went to him and intreated not for
having layd hold of a fit occasion made a law that all the Magistrates within or without the Citie should continue still in their offices till new choice were made and their successours appointed And thus they tooke away from that counsell all opportunity of enabling them with the Commonwealths danger to stop the publique actions CHAP. LI. A Commonwealth or Prince should make a shew to doe that of a free mind which indeed meere necessitie compells them to doe WIse men gaine themselves alwayes the thanks of every thing in their actions although in truth meere necessitie constraines them in any case to doe them This discretion was well made use of by the Romane Senate when they resolv'd to ad a dayly stipend out of the Common treasury to those that served in the warres it being then of custome there to serve as their own proper charges But the Senate ceiving that after that manner they could not long make warre and hereupon neither could they besiege townes nor lead their armies farre off and judging it needfull they should doe the one and the other they determined to allow the sayd stipends which they did in such a way that they got themselves thanks for that to which they were bound by necessitie And this present was so acceptable to the people that all Rome seem'd overjoyd with it they thinking it to be a great benefit which they never had hopes of nor of themselves had ever sought after And though the Tribuns did their best to blot out these thanks by shewing it was a matter of grievance and not of case to the people seeing of necessitie they were to impose greater taxes on them wherewith to pay these stipends yet could they not prevayle so much but that the people tooke it very thankfully Which also the Senate augmented by the course they tooke in ordering of the tributes For the greatest and heaviest were those they layd upon the Nobilitie and so were those that were first payd CHAP. LII To stay the insolence of one that growes powerfull in a Commonwealth there is no way more secure and lesse offensive than to seike before hand and so prevent him of those wayes by which he attains to that power WEe see by the above written discourse how great credit the Nobility got with the people upon the demonstrations make for their advantage as well by the stipend appoined as also by the course they tooke in imposing the taxes in which way if the Nobilitie had continued they had wholly avoyded all manner of tumult in that Citie and they had taken from the Tribuns the credit they had with the people and by consequence their authority And truly it is not possible in a Commonwealth especially in those that are corrupted by any better way lesse hurtfull and more easy to oppose the ambition of any Citizen than to prepossesse those wayes by which a man perceives he takes his course to attaine that dignitie hee aymes at Which meanes if they had put in practise against Cosmus of Medici his adversaries had gotten more by the bargaine than by chasing him from Florence For if those Citizens that were at brabble with him had taken the course to favour the people they had without any imbroyle or violence taken out of his hands those weapons which were to him of greatest advantage Peter Soderini gain'd himself credit with this onely in the Citie of Florence that he favou'd the universality Which universality gave him the repute to be a lover of the Cities libertie And surely for those Citizens that envyed his greatnesse it was much easier and had bin a businesse of fairer carriage of lesse danger and dammage to the Commonwealth to lay hold before hand of those wayes by which he became great than by offering to oppose him lest that in ruining him the whole remainder of the Common-wealth also should have fallen to ruine For if they could have taken out of his hands the forces whereby hee became strong which they might easily have done they could in all their publique counsells and resolutions have oppos'd him without suspicion or regard And if any man should reply that if the Citizens that hated Peter committed an orrour in not prepossessing the wayes wherby he gain'd upon the people Peter also came to commit an errour in not laying hold beforehand of those wayes by which his adversaries frighted him I answer that Peter deserves excuse as well because it was hard for him to doe it as because the meanes were not fit for him to use For the wayes by which he was hurt were to favour the house of Medici by which favours they overmaster'd him and at last ruin'd him Yet Peter could not fairely take his part because hee could not with any good repute destroy that libertie over which hee was appointed as guardian and seeing these favors could not passe in private they were suddenly exceeding dangerous to Peter for what way soever it had bin that he had bin discover'd to be a friend of the Medici he had fallen into the jealousie and incurr'd the hatred of the people Whereupon his enemyes had had greater power to suppresse him then formerly they had Therefore men ought in every resolution consider the defects and dangers thereunto belonging and not fasten on any one of them when they carry with them more danger then profit notwithstanding that they seeme well to tend to the end propounded for being otherwise in this case it would befall them as it befell Tullius who by going about to diminish Marc Antonius his power increas'd it For Marc Antonius being judged an enemy of the Senate and he having got together a great army good part whereof had followed Caesars faction Tullius to take these souldiers from him perswaded the Senate to set up the reputation of Octavianus and seng him accompanied with the Consuls and an armie against Marc Antonius alleadging that so soone as ere the souldiers that followed Marc Antonius should heare the name of Octavianus Caesars nephew and that would be call'd Caesar too they would forsake the other and follow this So that Marc Antonius being dispossest of his advantages would easily be suppressed Which fell out cleane contrary For Marc Antonius got Octavianus to his part who leaving 〈…〉 lius and the Senate joyned forces with him Which thing proov'd wholly the ruine of those great mens party Which also it was easy to have conjectur'd nor was that credible which Tullius perswaded himselfe but he should rather have made account that neither that name that with so great glory had exterminated his enemies and gain'd himself the principality in Rome nor yet his heirs or adherents would ever suffer them quietly to injoy their libertie CHAP. LIII The people deceiv'd by a false shew of good oftentimes seek their owne ruine and that great hope and large promises doe easily move them WHen the â—yentes Citie was taken the people of Rome were possess'd of an opinion that it would be