Aristotle and Plato and not countenanced by any of them but on the common theatres to satisfie the rude manners and desires of the vulgar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to give them also content in their recreations yet is this musick altogether in use in this Countrey no lesson amongst their protest Musitians that I could hear which had any gravity or solid art shewed in the composition They are pretty fellowes I confess for the setting of a Maske or a Caranto but beyong this nothing which maketh the mufick in their Churches so base and unpleasing So that the glory of perfect musick at this time lyeth between the English and Italian that of France being as trivial as their behaviour of which indeed it is concomitant Mutata musica mutantur mores saith Tully and therefore he giveth us this lesson Curandum itaque est ut musica quam gravissima sedatissima retineatur a good Item for the French CHAP. II. The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester The Wine of Orleans Praesidial Towns in France what they are The sale of Offices in France The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle Defaced by the Hugonots Some things hated only for their name The Bishop of Orleans and his priviledge The Chappel and Pilgrims of St. Jacques The form of Masse in St. Croix Censing an Heathenish custome The great siege of Orleans raised by Joane the Virgin The valour of that woman that she was no witch An Elogie on her WEE are now come into the Countrey of Orleans which though within the limits of La Beause will not yet be an entire County of it self It is a dainty and pleasing Region very even and large in the fields of it insomuch that we could not see an hill or swelling of the ground within eye-sight It consisteth in an indifferent measure of Corn but most plentifully of Vines and hath of all other fruits a very liberall portion neither is it meanly beholding to the Loyre for the benefits it receiveth by that river on which the City of Orleans it self is sweetly seated Of all places in England Worcestershire in mine opinion cometh most nigh it as well in respect of the Countrey as the situation of the Town For certainly that Countrey may be called the Epitome of England as this of France To the richest of the corn-fields of Orleanoys we may compare the Vale of Evesham neither will it yeeld for the choile and variety of fruits the Vine only excepted The hedges in that Countrey are prodigall and lavish of those trees which would become the fairest Orchards of the rest and in a manner recompenseth the want of Wine by its plâ—nty of Perry and Sider In a word what a good writer hath said of one we may say of both Coelum solum adeo propitium habent ut salubritate ubertate vicinis non concedant But the resemblance betwixt the Towns is more happy Both seated on the second river of note in their several Countreys and which are not much unlike in their several courses Severne washing the wals of Glocester and passing nigh unto Bristol seated on a little riveret and its homager divideth the Antients Britains from the rest of the English The Loyre gliding by the City of Tours and passing nigh to Augeire seated also up the land on a little river and one of its tributories separateth the modern Bretagnes from the rest of the French Posita est in loco modico acclivi ad flumen quod turrigero ponte conjungitur muro satis firmo munita saith Mr. Camden of Worcester Orleans is seated on the like declivity of an hill hath its bridge well fortified with turrets and its wals of an equall ability of resistance Sed docuâ—est ab incolis qui sunt numerosi humani ab aedificiorum nitore a templorum numero maxime a sede episcopali saith he of ours in general we shall see it fitly applyed to this in each particular The people of this town are not of the fewest no Town in France the capacity of it considered being more populous for standing in so delicate an air and on so commodious a river it inviteth the Gentry or Nobles of the Countrey about it to inhabit there and they accept it Concerning their behaviour and humanity certainly they much exceed the Parisians I was about to say all the French men and indeed I need not grudge them that Elogie which Caesar giveth unto those of Kent and verifie that they are omnium incolarum longe bumanissimi my self here observing more courtefie and affability in one day then I could meet withall in Paris during all my abode The buildings of it are very suitable to themselves and the rest of France the streets large and well kept not yeelding the least offence to the most curious nosethrill Parish Churches it hath in it 26 of different and unequall being as it useth to be in other places Besides these it contains the Episcopal Church of St. Croix and divers other houses of religious persons amongst which Sr. Jacques of both which I shall speak in their due order Thus much for the resemblance of the Towns the difference betwixt them is this That Orleans is the bigger and Worcester the richer Orleans consisteth much of the Nobles and of sojourners Worcester of Citizens only and home dwellers And for the manner of life in them so it is that Worcester hath the handsomer women in it Orleans the finer and in mine opinion the loveliest of all France Worcester thriveth much on Clothing Orleans on their Vine-presses And questionless the Vine of Orleans is the greatest riches not of the Town only but of the Countrey also about it For this cause Andre du Chesne calleth it the prime cellar of Paris Fst une pais saith he si heureuse si secunde sur tout en vine qui on la dire l' un de premiers celiers de Paris These Vines wherein he maketh it to be so happy deserve no less a commendation then he hath given them as yeelding the best wines in all the Kingdome Such as it much griev'd me to mingle with water they being so delicious to the palat and the epicurism of the taste I have heard of a Dutch Gentleman who being in Italy was brought acquainted with a kinde of Wine which they there call Lachrymae Christi No sooner had he tasted it but he fell into a deep melancholy and after some seven sighs besides the addition of two grones he brake out into this pathetical ejaculation Dii boni quare non Christus lachrymatus esset in nostris regionibus This Dutch man and I were for a time of one minde insomuch that I could almost have picked a quarrell with nature for giving us none of this liquor in England at last we grew friends again when I had perceived how offensive it was to the
I found a Banquet or Collation provided for me consisting of cold bake-meats choise Marmelets and most excellent Wines and which I looked upon as the greater favour his Wife and Daughters ready for my entertainment We had scarce ended this refreshment when the Bailiff brought word that he had made a boat ready to carry me to the Water-gate whereupon having had the honor to kisse the hands of the women I made accompt to take my leave of the Provost also who on the other side was resolved to accompany me to the water side and not to leave me till he saw me passed thorow the gate whether out of civility to me or compliance with the trust reposed in him I determine not which was done accordingly one of his servants waiting on me till he had brought me to the Inne where I was to lodge July the last we took Post-horse for Bologne if at the least we may call those Post-horses which we rid on As lean they were as Envie is in the Poet Macies in corpore toto being most true of them Neither were they only lean enough to have their ribs numbred but the very spur-gals had made such casements through their skins that it had been no great difficulty to have surveyed their entrails A strange kind of Cattell in my mine opinion and such as had neither flesh on their bones nor skin on their flesh nor hair on their skin sure I am they were not so â—lusty as the horses of the Sun in Ovid neither could we say of them Flammiferis implent hinnitibus auras All the â—eighing we could hear from the proudest of them was only an old dry cough which I 'le assure you did much comfort me for by that noise I first learned there was life in them Upon such Anatomies of horses or to speak more properly upon such severall heaps of bones when I and my Companion mounted and when we expected however they seemed outwardly to see somewhat of the Post in them my beast began to move after an Aldermans pace or like Envie in Ovid Surgit humi pigre passuque incedit inerti Out of this gravity no perswasion could work them the dull Jades being grown unsensible of the spur and to hearten them with wands would in short time have disforested the Country Now was the Cart of Dieppe thought a speedy conveyance and those that had the happinesse of a Waggon were esteemed too blessed yea though it came with the hazard of the old woman and the wenches If good nature or a sight of their journeyes end did chance to put any of them into a pace like unto a gallop we were sure to have them tire in the middle way and so the remainder of the Stage was to be measured by our own feet Being weary of this trade I made bold to dismount the Postilion and ascended the trunk-horse where I sat in such a magnificent posture that the best Carrier in Paris might envie my felicity Behind me I had a good large Trunk and a Port mantle before me a bundle of cloaks a cloak-bag and a parcell of boots sure I was if my stirrups could poise me equally on both sides that I could not likely fall backwards nor forwards Thus preferred I encouraged my companions who cast many an envious eye upon my prosperity And certainly there was not any of them who might not more justly have said of me Tuas un meilleur temps que le Pape then poor Lazarello's master did when he allowed him an Onion only for four dayes This circumstance I confesse might have well been omitted had I not great example for it Philip de Comines in the miâ—dest of his grave and serious relation of the Battail of Mont Hierrie hath a note much about this nature which gave me encouragement which is That himself had an old horse halfe tirâ—d and this was just my case who by chance thrust hâ—s head into a pale of wine and dranke it off which made him lustier and fresher that day then ever before but in that his horse had better luck then I had On the right hand of us and almost in the middle way betwixt Abbeville and Bologne we left the Town of Monstrueil which we had not leasure to see It seemeth daintily seated for command and resistance as being built upon the top and declivity of a hill It is well strengthned with Bastions and Ramparts on the outside hath within it a Garrison of five Companies of Souldiers their Governour as I learned of one of the Paisants being called Lannoy And indeed it concerneth the King of France to look wel to the Town of Monstrueil as being a border Town within two miles of Artoys and especially considering that the taking of it would cut off all entercourse between the Countries of Bologne and Calais with the rest of France Of the like importance also are the Towns of Abbeville and Amiens and that the French Kings are not ignorant of Insomuch that those two only together with that of St. Quintain being put into the hands of Philip D. of Burgundy to draw him from the party of the English were redeemed again by Lewis XI for 450000 crownes an infinite sum of money according to the standard of those times and yet it seemeth the King of France had no bad bargain of it For upon an hope only of regaining these Towns Charles Eal of Charaloys son to D. Philip undertook that war against King Lewis by which at the last he lost his life and hazarded his estate CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized The present of Salt-butter Boulogne divided inte two Towns Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague The forme of it Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church The high Town Garrisoned The old man of Boulogne and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens The fraternity De la Charite and inconvenience of it The costly Journey of Henry VIII to Boulogne Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England Boulogne yeilded back to the French and on what conditions The curtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow WE are now come to the County of Boulonnois which though a part of Picardie disdaineth yet to be so accounted but will be reckoned as a County of it self It comprehendeth in it the Town of Boulogne Estaples and Nâ—uf-Chastell besides divers Villages and consisteth much of Hils and Vallies much after the nature of England the soil being indifferent fruitfull of Corne and yielding more Grasse then any other part of France which we saw for the quantity Neither is it only a County of it self but it is in a manner also a free County it being holden immediately of the Virgin Mary who
good that change For when Meroveus the Grandchilde of Pharamond so he is said to be by Rusener as eldest son of Clodian the son of Pharamond but Paradine the best Herald of all the French speaks more doubtfully of him not knowing whether he were the son or next kinsman of Clodian and others whose authority I have elsewhere followed make him to be the Master of the Horse to Clodian whose children he is said to have dispossessed of the Crown and transferred the same unto himself The reason of the name I could not learn amongst the people That is to say not such a reason of the name as I then approved of my conceit strongly carrying me to the Bellocassi whom I would fain have setled in the Countrey of La Beause and from them derived that name unto it But stronger reasons since have perswaded the contrary so that leaving the Bellocassi near Baieux in the Dukedome of Normandie we must derive the name of La Beause and Belsia by which it is severally called by the French and Latines from the exceeding beautifulnesse of that flourishing Province that which the Latines call Bellus in the Masculine and Bella in the Feminine Gender being by the the French called Bell and Beau as it after followeth Picardie is divided into the higher which containeth the Countreys of Calice and Bologne c. That Picardie is divided into the higher and the lower is a Truth well known though I know not by what negligence of mine they are here misplaced that being the lower Picardie which lyeth next the sea containing the Countreys of Calais and Bologne with the Towns of Abbeville and Monstreuille and that the higher Picardie which liethmore into the Land in which standeth the fair City of Amiens and many other Towns and Territories else where described Both these were born unto the King by Madam Gabriele for her excellent beauty surnamed La Belle Madam Gabriele is brought in here before her time and bâ—ing left out the sense will run as currently but more truly thus Both these were born unto the King by the Dutchâ—sse of Beaufort a Lady whom the King c. And for the children which she brought him though they are named right yet as I have been since informed they are marshalled wrong Caesar Duke of Vendosm being the eldest not the younger son And as for Madam Gabriele she was indeed the King best beloved Concubine one whom he kept not only for his private chamber but carried publickly along with him in the course of his wars Insomuch that when the Duke of Biron had besieged Amiens being then lately surprized by the Spaniards as before was intimated and was promised succours by the King with all speed that might be the King at last came forwards with Madam Gabriele and a train of Ladies to attend her which being noted by the Duke he cryed aloud with a great deal of scorn and indignation Behold the goodly succours which the King hath brought us A Lady in great favour but in greater power to whom the character was intended which by mistake is here given to the Dutchesse of Beaufort though possibly that Dutchesse also might deserve part of it When the Liturgie was translated into Latine by Doctor Mocket Not by him first translated as the words may intimate it having been translated into Latine in Queen Elizabeths time But that Edition being worn out and the Book grown scarse the Doctor gave it a Review and caused it to be reprinted together with Bishop Jewels Apologie the Articles of the Church of England the Doctrinal points delivered in the Book of Homilies with some other pieces which being so reviewed and published gave that contentment to many sober minded men of the Romish party which is after mentioned In the Relation of the second Journey I finde no mistakes requiring any Animadversions as written in a riper judgement and with greater care because intended to a person of such known abilities Nor was I lesse diligent in gathering the materials for it then carefull that it might be free from mistakes and errors not only informing my self punctually in all things which concerned these Islands by persons of most knowledge and experience in the affairs and state of either but with mine own hand copying out some of their Records many whole Letters from the Councel and Court of England the whole body of the Genevian Discipline obtruded on both Islands by Snape and Cartwright the Canons recommended by King James to the Isle of Jarsey besides many papers of lesse bulk and consequence out of all which I have so enlarged that discourse that if it be not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it comes very near it Certain I am that here is more delivered of the affairs of these Islands and on their accompt then all the Authors which have ever written of them being layed together can amount unto For in pursuance of this part I have took a full survey of those Islands which I went to visit together with such alterations in Religion as have hapned there both when they were under the Popes of Rome and the Bishops of Constance as since they have discharged themselves from the power of both The Reformation there being modelled according to the Genevian Plat-form occasioned me to search into the beginning growth and progresse of the Presbyterian government with the setling of it in these Islands together with the whole body of that Discipline as it was there setled and some short observations on the text thereof the better to lay open the novelty absurdity and ill consequents of it That done I have declared by what means and motives the Isle of Jarsey was made conformable in point of discipline and devotion to the Church of England and given the Reader a full view of that body of Canons which was composed and confirmed for regulating the affairs thereof in sacred matters and after a short application tending to the advancement of my main design do conclude the whole Lastly I am to tell the Reader that though I was chiefly drawn to publish these Relations at this present time for preventing all impressions of them by any of those false copies which are got abroad yet I am given to understand that the first is coming out if not out already under the Title of France painted out to the life but painted by so short a Pensil as makes it want much of that life which it ought to have By whom and with what colour that piece is painted thus without my consent I may learn hereafter In the mean time whether that Piece be printed with or without my name unto it I must protest against the wrong and disclaim the work as printed by a false and imperfect copy deficient in some whole Sections the distribution of the books and parts not kept according to my minde and method destitute also of those Explications and Corrections which I have given unto it on my last perusal in this general Preface
and finally containing but one half of the work which is here presen 〈…〉 Faults and infirmities I have too many of mine own Nam vitiis nemo sine nascitur as we know who said and therefore would not charge my self with those imperfections those frequent errors and mistakes which the audaciousnesse of other men may obtrude upon me which having signified to the Reader for the detecting of this imposture and mine own discharge I recommend the following work to his favourable censure and both of us to the mercies of the Supreme Judge Lacies Court in Abingdon April 17. 1656. Books lately printed and reprinted for Henry Seile DOctor Heylyn's Cosmography in fol. Twenty Sermons of Dr. Sanderson's ad Aulam c. never till now published Dr Heylyn's Comment on the Apostles Creed in fol. Bishop Andrewes holy Devotions the 4 Edition in 12. Martiall in 12. for the use of West minster School John Willis his Art of Stenography or Short writing by spelling Characters in 8. the 14 Edition together with the School master to the said Art SYLLABUS CAPITUM OR The Contents of the Chapters NORMANDIE OR THE FIRST BOOK The Entrance THe beginning of our Journey The nature of the Sea A farewell to England CHAP. I. NORMANDY in generall the Name and bounds of it The condition of the Antient Normans and of the present Ortelius character of them examined In what they resemble the Inhabitants of Norfolk The commodities of it and the Government pag. 4. CHAP. II. Dieppe the Town strength and importance of it The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son The custome of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts The breaden God there and strength of the Religion Our passage from Dieppe to Roven The Norman Innes Women and Manners The importunity of servants in hosteries The sawcie familiarity of the attendants Ad pileum vocare what it was amongst the Romans Jus pileorum in the Universities of England c. p. 9. CHAP. III. ROVEN a neat City how seated and built the strength of is St. Katharines mount The Church of Nostre dame c. The indecorum of the Papists in the severall and unsutable pictures of the Virgin The little Chappell of the Capuchins in Boulogne The House of Parliament The precedency of the President and the Governor The Legend of St. Romain and the priviledge thence arising The language and religion of the Rhothomagenses or people of Roven p. 19. CHAP. IV. Our journey between Roven and Pontoyse The holy man of St. Clare and the Pilgrims thither My sore eyes Mante Pontoyse Normandy justly taken from King John The end of this Booke p. 26. FRANCE specially so called OR THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. France in what sense so called The bouuds of it All old Gallia not possessed by the French Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate though the Inhabitants are changed The quality of the French in private at the Church and at the table Their language complements discourse c. p. 33. CHAP. II. The French Women their persons prating and conditions The immodesty of the French Ladies Kissing not in use among them and the sinister opinion conceived of the free use of it in England The innocence and harmelesnesse of it amongst us The impostures of French Pandars in London with the scandall thence arising The peccancy of an old English Doctor More of the French Women Their Marriages and lives after wedlock c. An Elogie to the English Ladies p. 41. CHAP. III. France described The valley of Montmorancie and the Dukes of it Mont-martre Burials in former times not permitted within the wals The pros cuting of this discourse by manner of a journall intermitted for a time The Iown and Church of St. Denis The Legend of him and his head Of Dagobert and the Leper The reliques to be seen there Martyrs how esteemed in St. Augustine ' s time The Sepulchres of the French Kings and the treasury there The Kings house of Madrit The Qeen Mothers house at Ruall and fine devices in it St. Germains en lay another of the Kings houses The curious painting in it Gorramburie Window the Garden belonging to it and the excellency of the Water-works Boys St. Vincent de Vicennes and the Castle called Bisester p. 50. CHAP. IV. Paris the names and antiquity of it The situation and greatnesse The chief strength and Fortifications about it The streets and buildings King James his laudable care in beautyfying London King Henry the fourths intent to fortifie the Town Why not actuated The Artifices and wealth of the Parisians The bravery of the Citizens described under the person of a Barber p. 64. CHAP. V. Paris divided into four parts Of the Fauxburgs in generall Of the Pest-house The Fauxburg and Abbey of St. Germain The Queen Mothers house there Her purpose never to reside in it The Provost of Merchants and his authority The Armes of the Town The Town-house The Grand Chastellet The Arcenall The place Royall c. The Vicounty of Paris And the Provosts seven daughters p. 73. CHAP. VI. The University of Paris and Founders of it Of the Colledges in general Marriage when permitted to the Rectors of them The small maintenance allowed the Scholars in the Universities of France The great Colledge at Tholoza Of the Colledge of the Sorbonne in particular that and the House of Parliament the chief Bulwarks of the French liberty Of the Polity and Government of the University The Rector and his precedency the disordered life of the Scholars there being An Apologie for Oxford and Cambridge The priviledges of the Scholars their degrees c. p. 80. CHAP. VII The City of Paris seated in the place of old Lutetia The Bridges which joyn it to the Town and University King Henry's Statua Alexander ' s injurious policy The Church and revenues of Nostre Dame The Holy water there The original making and virtue of it The Lamp before the Altar The heathenishnesse of both customes Paris best seen from the top of this Church the great Bell there never rung but in time of Thunder the baptizing of Bels the grand Hospital and decency of it The place Daulphin The holy Chappel and Reliques there What the Antients thought of Reliques The Exchange The little Chastelet A transition to the Parlament p. 90. CHAP. VIII The Parliament of France when begun of whom it consisteth The digniiy and esteem of it abroad made sedentarie at Paris appropriated to the long robe The Palais by whom built and converted to seats of Justice The seven Chambers of Parliament The great Chamber The number and dignity of the Presidents The Duke of Biron afraid of them The Kings seat in it The sitting of the Grand Signeur in the Divano The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds and ever
lawes had condemned This that King then granted and all the following Kings even to this time have successively confirmed it I omit the ceremonies and solemnities wherewith this prisoner is taken from his irons and restored to liberty It is not above nine years agone since a Baron of Gascoyne took occasion to kill his wife which done he fled hither into Normandy and having first acquainted the Canons of Nostre dame with his desire put himself to the sentence of the Court and was adjudged to the wheel Ascension-day immediately coming on the Canons challenged him and the Judge according to the custome caused him to be delivered But the Normans pleaded that the benefit of that priviledge belonged only to the natives of that Province and they pleaded with such sury that the Baron was again committed to prison till the Queen Mother had wooed the people pro ea saltem vice to admit of his reprievall I deferred to speak of the language of Normandy till I came hither because here it is best spoken It differeth from the Parisian and more elegant French almost as much as the English spoken in the North doth from that of London or Oxford Some of the old Norman words it still retaineth but not many It is much altered from what it was in the time of the Conqueror few of the words in which our lawes were written being known by them One of our company gave a Litleton's tenure written in that language to a French Doctor of the Lawes who protested that in three lines he could not understand three words of it The religion in this Town is indifferently poized as it also is in most places of this Province The Protestants are thought to be as great a party as the other but far weaker the Duke of Longueville having disarmed them in the beginning of the last troubles CHAP. IV. Our journey between Roven and Pontoyse The holy man of St. Clare and the Pilgrims thither My sore eyes Mante Pontoyse Normandy justly taken from King John The end of this Booke JUly the second we take our farewell of Roven better accommodated then we came thither yet not so well at I desired We are now preferred ab Asinis ad equos from the Cart to the Waggon The French call it a Coach but that matters not so they would needs have the Cart to be a Chariot These Waggons are the ordinary instruments of travell in those Countries much of a kin to Gravesend's barge You shall hardly finde them without a knave or a Giglot A man may be sure to be merry in them were he as certain to be wholesome This in which we travelled contained ten persons as all of them commonly do and amongst these ten one might have found English Scots French Normans Dutch and Italians a jolly medley had our religions been as different as our Nations I should have thought my self in Amsterdam or Poland if a man had desired to have seen a Brief or an Epitome of the World he would no where have received such satisfaction as by looking on us I have already reckoned up the several Nations I will now lay open the severall conditions There were then to be found amongst these ten passengers men and women Lords and serving men Scholars and Clowns Ladies and Chambermaids Priests and Laie-men Gentlemen and Artificers people of all sexes and almost all ages If all the learning in the world were lost it might be found again in Plutarch so said Budaeus If all the Nations in the world had been lost they might have been found again in our Waggon so I. Seriously I think our Coach to have been no unfit representation of the Ark. A whole world of men and languages might have grown out of it But all this while our Waggon joggeth on but so leisurely that it gave me leave to take a more patient view of the Countrey then we could in the Cart. And here indeed I saw sufficient to affect the Countrey yea to dote on it had I not come out of England The fields such as already I have described every where beset with Apple-trees and fruits of the like nature You could scarce see any thing which was barren in the whole Journey These Apples are both meat and drink to the poor Paisant For the Country is ill provided with Vines the only want I could observe in it and Beer is a good beverage at a Gentlemans table Sider then or Perry are the poor mans Claret and happy man is he which once or twice a week can aspire so high above water To proceed through many a miserable Village Burghs they call them and one Town somewhat bigger then the rest called Equille we came that night to St. Claire 10 French miles from Roven a poor Town god wot and had nothing in it remarkable but an accident There dwelt a monk there grown into great opinion for his sanctity and one who had an especiall hand upon sore eyes yet his ability herein was not generall none being capable of cure from him but pure Virgins I perswade my self France could not yield him many patients and yet from all parts he was much sought unto Hope of cure and a charitable opinion which they had of themselves had brought to him divers distressed Damosels which I am confident had no interest in his miracle In the same Inne Alehouse I should say where we were to be harbored there had put in a whole convoy of these Ladies errant Pilgrims they called themselves and had come on foot two dayes journey to cleer their eye-sight They had white vailes hanging down their backs which in part covered their faces yet I perceived by a glimpse that some of them were past cure Though my charity durst allow them maids it was afraid to suppose them Virgins yet so far I dare assure them they should recover their sight that when they came home they should see their folly At that time what with too much watching on shipboard what with the tartnesse of the water and the violence of the winde working upon me for almost 40 houres together whilst I lay on the Hatches mine eyes had gotten a rheum and a rednesse my Hostess good woman perswaded me to this holy Eye-wright but I durst not venture Not that I had not as good a title to my Virginity as the best there but because I had learned what a grievous sentence was denounced on Ahaziah king of Israel for seeking help of Belzebub the god of Eckron When I hap to be ill let my amendment come on Gods name Mallem semper profanus esse quam sic religiosus as Minutius Foelix of the Roman Sacrifices Let my body rather be stil troubled with a sore eye then have such a recovery to be a perpetuall eye-sore to my conscience Rather then go in Pilgrimage to such a Saint let the Papists count me for an Heretick Besides how durst I imagine in him an ability of curing my bodily eyes who had
homager being slain and a homager being accused To this summons John refused to yeeld himself a Counsell rather magnanimous then wise and such as had more in it of a English King then a French Subject Edward III a Prince of finer metall then this John obeyed the like warrant and performed a personall homage to Philip of Valoys and it is not reckoned amongst his disparagements He committed yet a further errour or solecisme in State not so much as sending any of his people to supply his place or plead his cause Upon this non-appearance the Peers proceed to sentence Ilfut par Arrestdela dite cour saith Du Chesne condamnè pour atteint convaincu da crime de parricide de felonie Parric de for killing his own Nephew and Felony for committing an act so execrable on the person of a French Vassall and in France John du Serres addeth a third cause which was contempt in disobeying the Kings commandment Upon this â—â—rdict the Court awarded Que toutes les terres qu' il aveit parde la demoureroient aquâ—ses confisquces a la Couronne c. A proceeding so fair and orderly that I should sooner accuse King John of indiscretion then the French of injustice When my life or estate is in danger let me have no more finister a tryall The Erglish thus outed of Normandy by the weaknesse of John recovered it again by the puissance of Henry but being held only by the swoÌ„rd it was after 30 years recovered again as I have told you And now being passed over the Oyse I have at once freed the English and my self of Normandy here ending this Book but not that dayes journey The End of the First Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE specially so called OR THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. France in what sense so called The bounds of it All old Gallia not possessed by the French Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate though the Inhabitants are changed The quality of the French in private at the Church and at the table Their language complements discourse c. July the third which was the day we set out of St. Claire having passed through Pontoyse and crossed the river we were entred into France France as it is understood in its limited sense and as a part only of the whole for when Meroveus the Grandchild of Pharamond first King of the Franci or Frenchmen had taken an opportunity to passe the Rhine having also during the wars between the Romans and the Gothes taken Paris he resolved there to set up his rest and to make that the head City of his Empire The Country round about it which was of no large extent he commanded to be called Francia or Terra Francorum after the name of his Frankes whom he governed In this bounded and restrained sense we now take it being confined with Normandy on the North Champagne on the East and on the West and South with the Province of La Beausse It is incircled in a manner with the Oyse on the Northwards the Eure on the West the Velle on the East and a veine riveret of the Seine towards the South but the principall environings are made by the Seine and the Marne a river of Campagne which constitute that part hereof which commonly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is called by the name of the Isle of France and within the main Island makes divers little petty Isles the waters winding up and down as desirous to recreate the earth with the pleasures of its lovely and delicious embraces This Isle this portion of Gaul properly and limitedly sty led France was the seat of the Francs at their first coming hither and hath still continued so The rest of Gallia is in effect rather subdued by the French then inhabited their valour in time having taken in those Countries which they never planted so that if we look apprehensively into Gaule we shall finde the other Nations of it to have just cause to take up that complaint of the King of Portugall against Ferdinand of Castile for assuming to himself the title of Catholick King of Spain Ejus tam non exigua parte penes reges alios as Mariana relateth it Certain it it that the least part of all Gallia is in the hands of the French the Normans Britons Biscaines or Gascons the Gothes of Languedoc and Provence Burgundians and the ancient Gaules of Poictou retaining in it such fair and ample Provinces But it is the custome shall I say or fate of lesser and weaker Nations to lose their names unto the stronger as wives do to their husbands and the smaller rivers to the greater Thus we see the little Province of Poland to have mastered and given name to the Pruteni Mazovii and other Nations of Sarmatia Europaea as that of Mosco hath unto all the Provinces of Asiatica Thus hath Sweden conquered and denominated almost all the great Peninsula of Scandia whereof it is but a little parcell and thus did the English Saxons being the most prevailing of the rest impose the name of English on all the people of the Heptarchie Et dedit imposito nomina prisca jugo And good reason the vanquished should submit themselves as well unto the appellation as the laws of the victor The French then are possessors of some parts of old Gallia and masters of the rest possessors not of their Cities only but their conditions A double victory it seemeth they enjoyed over that people and took from them at once both their qualities and their Countries Certainly whosoever will please to peruse the Commentaries of Julius Caesar de bello Gallico he will equally guesse him an Historian and a Prophet yea he will rather make himself believe that he hath prophecied the character of the present French then delivered one of the antient Gaule And indeed it is a matter worthy both of wonder and observation that the old Gaules being in a manner all worne out should yet have most of their conditions surviving in those men which now inhabit that region being of so many severall Countries and originals If we dive into naturall causes we have a speedy recourse unto the powerfull influence of the heavens for as those celestiall bodies considered in the generall do work upon all sublunary bodies in the generall by light influence and motion so have they a particular operation on particulars An operation there is wrought by them in a man as borne at such and such a minute and again as borne under such and such a Climate The one derived from the setting of the Houses and the Lord of the Horoscope at the time of his Nativity the other from that constellation which governeth as it were the Province of his birth and is the genius or deus tutelaris loci Hinc illa
of Robin Goodfellow do never after hear any noise in the night but they straight imagine that it is he which maketh it or like the women of the villages neer Oxford who having heard the tragicall story of a duck or an hen killed and carried to the University no sooner misse one of their chickens but instantly they cry out upon the Scholars On the same false ground also hearing that the English whilest they had possessions in this Countrey were great builders they bestow on them without any more adoe the foundation and perfecting of most of the Churches and Castles in the Countrey Thus are our Ancestors said to have built the Churches of Roven Amiens Bayon c. as also the Castles of Bois St. Vincennes the Bastile the two little forts on the river side by the Louure that of St. Germans and amongst many others this of Mont l'Hierrie where we now are and all alike as for this Castle it was built during the reign of K. Robert anno 1015. by one of his servants named Thibald long before the English had any possessions in this Continent It was razed by Lewis the Grosse as being a harbourer of rebels in former times and by that means as a strong bridle in the mouth of Paris nothing now standing of it save an high Tower which is seen a great distance round about and serveth for a land mark Two leagues from Mont l'Hierrie is the Town of Castres seated in the farthest angle of France where it confineth to La Beause A Town of an ordinary size somewhat bigger then for a Market and lesse then would beseem a City a wall it hath and a ditch but neither serviceable further then to resist the enemy at one gate whilest the people run away by the other nothing else remarkable in it but the habit of the Church which was mourning for such is the fashion of France that when any of the Nobles are buried the Church which enâ—ombeth them is painted black within and without for the breadth of a yard or thereabouts and their Coats of Armes drawn on it To go to the charges of hanging it round with cloth is not for their profits besides this counterfeit sorrow feareth no theef and dareth out-brave a tempest he for whom the Church of Castres was thus apparelled had been Lord of the Town by name as I remember Mr. St. Benoist his Armes were Argent three Cressants Or a Mullet of the same but whether this Mullet were part of the Coat or a mark only of difference I could not learn The like Funeral Churches I saw also at Tostes in Normandie and in a village of Picardie whose name I minde not Nec operae pretium And now we are passed the confines of France a poor river which for the narrowness of it you would think to be a ditch parting it from the Province of La Beause La Beause hath on the North Normandie on the East the Isle of France on the South Nivernois and Berry and on the West the Countreys of Toureine and Lemaine It lyeth in the 22 and 23 degree of Longitude and 48 and 49 of Latitude taking wholly up the breadth of the two former and but parts only of each of the later if you measure it with the best advantage for length you will finde it to extend from la ferte Bernard in the North-west corner of it to Gyan in the South east which according to the proportion of degrees amounteth to 60 miles English and somewhat better for breadth it is much after the same reckoning The antient inhabitants of this Province and the reason of the name I could not learn amongst the people neither can I finde any certainty of it in my books with whom I have consulted If I may be bold to go by conjecture I should think this Countrey to have been the seat of the Bellocasst a people of Gaule Celtick mentioned by Caesar in his Commentaries Certain it is that in or neer this tract they were seated and in likelihood in this Province the names ancient and modern being not much different in sense though in sound for the Francks called that which in Latine is Pulcher or Bellus by the name of Bel in the Masâ—uculine Gender Ben they pronounce it and Beau if it were Feminine so that the name of Bello cassi is but varied into that of Beause besides that Province which the Roman writers stile Bellovaci the French now call Beauvais wher 's Bello isalso turned into Beau. Add to this that the Latine writers do term this Countrey Belsia where the antient Bello is still preserv'd and my conjecture may be pardoned if not approved As for those which have removed this people into Normandie and found them in the City of Baieux I appeal to any understanding man whether their peremptory sentence or my submisse opinion be the more allowable Haec si tibi vera videntur Dede manus â—ausi falsa est accingere contra The same night we came to Estampes a Town situate in a very plentiful and fruitful soyl and watred with a river of the same name stored with the best crevices It seemeth to have been a town of principall importance there being five wals and gates in a length one before another so that it appeareth to be rather a continuation of many towns together then simply one The streets are of a large breadth the building for substance are stone and for fashion as the rest of France It containeth in it five Churches whereof the principal which is a Colledge of Chanoins is that of Nostre dame built by King Robert who is said also to have founded the Castle which now can scarsely be visited in its ruines Without the town they have a fine green medow daintily seated within the circlings of the water into which they use to follow their recreations At my being there the sport was dancing an exercise much used by the French who do naturally affect it And it seemeth this natural inclination is so strong and deep rooted that neither age nor the absence of a smiling fortune can prevail against it For on this dancing green there assembled not only youth and Gentry but age also and beggery Old wives which could not put foot to ground without a Crutch in the streets had here taught their feet to hoble you would have thought by the cleanly conveyance of their bodies that they had been troubled with the Sciatica and yet so eager in the sport as if their dancing daies should never be done Some there were so ragged that a swift Galliard would almost have shaked them into nakedness and they also most violent to have their carkasses directed in a measure To have attempted the staying of them at home or the perswading of them to work when they had heard the Fiddle had been a task too unwieldy for Hercules In this mixture of age and condition did we observe them at their pastime the rags being so
my self then to have recourse to the King of heaven and though the Poet meant not Exeat aula qui vult esse pius in that sense yet will it be no treason for me to apply it so And even in this the Church which should be like the Coat of its Redeemer without seam do I finde rents and factions and of the two these in the Church more dangerous then those in the Louure I know the story of Rebecca and of the children strugling in her is generally applyed to the births and contentions of the Law and the Gospel in particular we may make use of it in expressing the State of the Church and Religions of France for certain it is that here were divers pangs in the womb of the French Church before it was delivered And first she was delivered of Esau the Popish faith being first after the strugling countenanced by authority And he came out red all over like an hairy garment saith the text which very appositely expresseth the bloudy and rough condition of the French Papists at the birth of the Reformation before experience and long acquaintance had bred a liking between them And after came his Brother out which laid hold on Esaus heel and his name was called Jacob wherein is described the quality of the Protestant party which though confirmed by publick Edict after the other yet hath it divers times endevoured and will perhaps one day effect the tripping up of the others heels And Esau saith Moses was a cunning hunter a man of the field and Jacob a plain man dwelling in tents in which words the comparison is made exact A cunning hunter in the Scripture signifieth a man of art and power mingled as when Nâ—mrâ—d in Genesis 10. is termed a mighty hunter Such is the Papist a side of greater strength and subtility a side of war and of the field on the other side the Protestants are a plain race of men simple in their actions without craft and fraudulent behaviours and dwelling in tents that is having no certain abiding place no Province which they can call theirs but living dispersed and scattered over the Countrey which in the phrase of the Scripture is dwelling in tents As for the other words differencing the two brethren and the elder shall serve the younger they are rather to be accounted a Prophesie then a Character we must therefore leave the analogie it holds with this Rebecca of France and her two children to the event and to prayer For a more particular insight into the strength and subtilty of this Esau we must consider it in the three main particular strengths of it its Polity Priviledges and Revenue For the first so it is that the Popish Church in France is governed like those of the first and purest times by Archbishops and Bishops Archbishops it comprehendeth 12 and of Bishops 104 of these the Metropolitan is he of Rheimes who useth to anoint the Kings which office and preheminence hath been annexed unto this seat ever since the times of St. Remigius Bishop hereof who converted Clovis King of the Franks unto the Gospell The present Primate is son unto the Duke of Guise by name Henry de Lorrain of the age of 14 years or thereabouts a burden too unweildie for his shoulders Et quae non viribus istis Munera conveniunt nâ—c tam puerilibus annis For the better government therefore of a charge so weighty they have appointed him a Coadjutor to discharge that great function till he come to age to take orders His name is Gifford an English fugitive said to be a man worthy of a great fortune and able to bear it The revenues of this Archbishoprick are somewhat of the meanest not amounting yearly to above 10000 Crowns whereof Dr. Gifford receiveth only 2000 the remainder going to the Caidet of Lorreine This trick the French learn of the Protestants in Germany where the Princes after the Reformation began by Luther took in the power and Lordships of the Bishops which together with their functions they divided into two parts The lands they bestowed upon some of their younger sons or kinsmen with the title of Administrator the office and pains of it they conferred with some annuall pension on one of their Chaplaines whom they styled the Superintendent of the Bishoprick This Archbishop together with the rest of the Bishops have under them their severall Chancellours Commissaries Archdeacons and other officers attending in their Courts in which their power is not so generall as with us in England Matters of testament never trouble them as belonging to the Court of Parliament who also have wrested to their own hands almost all the businesse of importance sure I am all the causes of profit originally belonging to the Church the affairs meerly Episcopall and spirituall are left unto them as granting Licence for Marriages punishing whoredome by way of penance and the like to go beyond this were ultra crepidam and they should be sure to have a prohibition from the Parliaments Of their priviledges the chiefest of the Clergy men is the little or no dependence upon the Pope and the little profits they pay unto their King of the Pope anon to the King they pay only their Dismes or Tithes according to the old rate a small sum if compared unto the payments of their neighbours it being thought that the King of Spain receiveth yearly one half of the living of the Churches but this I mean of their livings only for otherwise they pay the usuall gabels and customes that are paid by the rest of the Kings liege people In the generall assembly of the three Estates the Clergy hath authority to elect a set number of Commissioners to undertake for them and the Church which Commissioners do make up the first of the three Estates and do first exhibit their grievances and Petitions to the King In a word the French Church is the freest of any in Christendome that have not yet quitted their subjection to the Pope as alwayes protesting against the Inquisitions not submitting themselves to the Councell of Trent and paying very little to his Holinesse of the plentifull revenue wherewith God and good men have blessed it The number of those which the Church Land maintaineth in France is tantum non infinite therefore the Intrado and Revenue of it must needs be uncountable There are numbred in it as we said before 12 Archbishops 104 Bishopricks to these add 540 Archpriories 1450 Abbies 12320 Priories 567 Nunneries 700 Convents of Fryers 259 Commendames of the order of Malta and 130000 Parish Priests Yet this is not all this reckoning was made in the year 1598. Since which time the Jesuits have divers Colledges founded for them and they are known to be none of the poorest To maintain this large wildernesse of men the Statistes of France who have proportioned the Countrey do allow unto the Clergy almost a fourth part of the whole For supposing France to contain 200
â—misit iâ—a victoria as Tacitus of the angred Romans For they spared neither man nor woman nor childe all equally subject to the cruelty of the sword and the Conquerour The streets paved with dead carkasses the channels running with the bloud of Christians no noise in the streets but of such as were welcoming death or suing for life Their Churches which the Goths spared at the sack of Rome were at this place made the Theatres of lust and bloud neither priviledge of Sanctuary nor fear of God in whose holy house they were qualifying their outrage this in the common places At domâ—â— interior gemiâ—u miserâ—que 〈◊〉 Misâ—etur pe 〈…〉 tusque cavae plangoribus â—des 〈◊〉 ulu 〈…〉 Aâ— Virgil in the ruine of Trey But the calamities which beseâ—â— the men were mercifull and sparing if computed to those which the women suffered when the Souldiers had made them the objects of their lust they made them also the subjects of their 〈◊〉 in that only pittifull to that poor and distressed sex that they did not â—et them survive their honours Such of them who out of â—ear and â—aintness had made but little resistance had the favour to be stabbed but those whose virtue and courage maintaned their bodies valiantly from the rapes of those villains had the secrets of nature procul hinc este castae misericordes auâ—es filled with gun-powder and so blown into ashes Whither O you divine powers is humanity fled when it is not to be found in Christians or where shall we look for the effects of a pitifull nature when men are become so unnaturall It is said that the King was ignorant of this barbarousnesse and offended at it Offended I perswade my self he could not but be unlesse he had totally put off himself and degenerated into a Tyger But for his ignorance I dare not conceive it to be any other then that of Nerâ— an ignorance rather in his eye then understanding Subduxit oculos Nero saith Tacitus jussitque seâ—lera non spectavil Though the Protestants deserved affliction for their disobedience yet this was an execution above the nature of a punishment a misery beyond the condition of the crime True it is and I shall never acquit them of it that in the time of their prosperity they had done the King many affronts and committed many acts of disobedience and insolency which justly occasioned the war against them for besides those already recited they themselves first broke those Edicts the due execution whereof seemed to have been their only petition The King by his Edict of pacification had licenced the free exercise of both Religions and thereupon permitted the Priests and Jesuits to preach in the Towns of Caution being then in the hands of the Protestants On the other side the Protestants assembled at â—oudun strictly commanded all their Governors Majors and Sheriffs nor to suffer any Jesuits nor any of any other Order to preach in their Towns although licenced by the Bishop of the Diocese When upon dislike of their proceedings in that Assembly the King had declared their meeting to be unlawfull and contrary to his peace and this Declaration was verified against them by the Parliament they notwithstanding would not separate themselves but stood still upon terms of capitulation and the justifiableness of their action again Whereas it hapned that the Lord of Privas a Town full of those of the Religion dyed in the year 1620 and left his daughter and heir in the bed and marriage of the Viscount of Cheylane a Catholick this new Lord according to law and right in his own Town changed the former Garrison putting his own servants and dependants in their places Upon this the Protestants of the Town and Countrey round about it draw themselves in troops surprise many of the Towns about it and at last compelled the young Gentleman to flie from his inheritance an action which jumping even with the time of the Assembly at Rochell made the King more doubtfull of their sincerity I could add to these divers others of their undutifull practises being the effects of too much felicitie and of a fortune which they could not govern Atqui animus meminisse horret luctuque refugit These their insolencies and unruly acts of disobedience made the King and his Counsell suspect that their designes tended further then Religion and that their purpose might be to make themselves a free State after the example of Geneva and the Low-countreymen The late power which they had taken of calling their own Synods and Convocations was a strong argument of their purpose so also was the intelligence which they held with those of their own faith At the Synod of Gappe called by the permission of Henry the fourth on the first of October anno 1603. they not only gave audience to Ambassadours and received Letters from forain Princes but also importuned his Majesty to have a generall liberty of going into any other Countries and assisting at their Councels a matter of especiall importance and therefore the King upon a foresight of the dangers wisely prohibited them to goe to any Assemblies without a particular Licence upon pain to be declared Traytors Since that time growing into greater strength whensoever they had occasion of businesse with King Lewis they would never treat with him but by their Ambassadours and upon especiall Articles An ambition above the quality of those that professe themselves Subjects and the only way as Du Seirres noteth To make an Estate in the State But the answers made unto the King by those of Clerac and Montauban are pregnant proofs of their intent and meaning in this kinde the first being summoned by the King and his Army the 21 of July Anno 1621. returned thus That the King should suffer them to enjoy their Lilerties and leave their Fortifications as they were for the safety of their lives and so they would declare themselves to be his Subjects They of Montauban made a fuller expression of the generall design and disobedience which was That they were resolved to live and die in the union of the Churches had they said for the service of the King it had been spoken bravely but now rebelliously This Union and Confederacy of theirs King Lewis used to call the Common-wealth of Rochell for the overthrow of which he alwayes protested that he had only taken armes and if we compare circumstances we shall finde it to be no other In the second of Aprill before he had as yet advanced into the field he published a Declaration in favour of all those of the Religion which would contain themselves within duty and obedience And whereas some of Tours at the beginning of the wars had tumultuously molested the Protestants at the buriall of one of their dead five of them by the Kings commandement were openly executed When the war was hottest abroad those of the Religion in Paris lived as securely as ever and had their accustomed meetings at Charenton so had
are afflicted withal were almost as wretched as the payment of them I wiil therefore speak only of the principall And here I meet in the first place with the Gabell or Imposition on Salt This Gabelle de sel this Impost on Salt was first begun by Philip the Long who took for it a double which is half a Sol upon the pound After whom Philip of Valoys anno 1328. doubled that Charles the VII raised it unto three doubles and Lewis the XI unto six Since that time it hath been altered from so much upon the pound to a certain rate on the Mine which containeth some 30 bushels English the rates rising and falling at the Kings pleasure This one commodity were very advantagious to the Exchequer were it all in the Kings hands but at this time a great part of it is morgaged It is thought to be worth unto the King three millions of Crowns yearly that only of Paris and the Provosts seven Daughters being farmed at 1700000 Crowns the year The late Kings since anno 15â—1 being intangled in wars have been constrained to let it out others in so much that about anno 1599. the King lost above 800000 Crowns yearly and no longer agone then anno 1621. the King taking up 600000 pounds of the Provost of Merchands and the Eschevines gave unto them a rent charge of 40000 l. yearly to be issuing out of his Customes of Salt till their money were repaid them This Gabell is indeed a Monopoly and that one of the unjustest and unreasonablest in the World For no man in the Kingdom those Countries hereafter mentioned excepted can eat any Salt but he must buy of the King and at his price which is most unconscionable that being sold at Paris and elsewhere for five Livres which in the exempted places is sold for one Therefore that the Kings profits might not be diminished there is diligent watch and ward that no forain Salt be brought into the Land upon pain of forfeiture and imprisoment A search which is made so strictly that we had much ado at Dieppe to be pardoned the searching of our trunks and port-mantles and that not but upon solemn protestation that we had none of that commodity This Salt is of a brown colour being only such as we in England call Bay salt and imposed on the Subjects by the Kings Officers with great rigour for though they have some of their last provision in the house or perchance would be content through poverty to eat meat without it yet will these cruell villaines enforce them to take such a quantity of them or howsoever they will have of them so much money But this Tyranny is not generall the Normans and Picards enduring most of it and the other Paisant the rest Much like unto which was the Licence which the Popes and Bishops of old granted in matter of keeping Concubines For when such as had the charge of gathering the Popes Rents happened upon a Priest which had no Concubine and for that cause made deniall of the Tributes the Collectours would return them this answer that notwithstanding this they should pay the money because they might have the keeping of a wench if they would This Gabell as it sitteth hard on some so are there some also which are never troubled with it Of this sort are the Princes in the generall released and many of the Nobless in particular in so much that it was proved unto King Lewis anno 1614. that for every Gentleman which took of his Majesties Salt there were 2000 of the Commons There are also some intire Provinces which refuse to eat of this Salt as Bretagne Gascoine Poictou Querâ—u Xaintogne and the County of Boulâ—nnois Of these the County of Boulonnois pretendeth a peculiar exemption as belonging immediately to the patrimony of our Lady Nostre Dame of which we shall learn more when we are in Bovillon The Bretagnes came united to the Crown by a fair marriage and had strength enough to make their own capitulations when they first entred into the French subjection Besides here are yet divers of the Ducall family living in that Countrey who would much trouble the peace of the Kingdome should the people be oppressed with this bondage and they take the protection of them Poictou and Quercu have compounded for it with the former Kings and pay a certain rent yearly which is called the Equivalent Xaintâ—gne is under the command of Rochell of whom it receiveth sufficient at a better rate And as for the Gascoynes the King dareth not impose it upon them for fear of Rebellion They are a stuborne and churlish people very impatient of a rigorous yoak and such which inherit a full measure of the Biscanes liberty and spirits from whom they are descended Le droict de fouage the priviledge of levying a certain piece of money upon every chimney in an house that smoketh was in times not long since one of the jura regalia of the French Lords and the people paid it without grumbling yet when Edward the black Prince returned from his unhappy journey into Spain for the paying of his Souldiers to whom he was indebted laid this Fouage upon this people being then English they all presently revolted to the French and brought great prejudice to our affairs in those quarters Next to the Gabell of Salt we may place the Taille or Taillon which are much of a nature with the Subsidies in England as being levied both on Goods and Lands In this again they differ the Subsidies of England being granted by the people and the sum of it certain but this of France being at the pleasure of the King and in what manner he shall please to impose them Antiently the Tailles were only levyed by way of extraordinary Subsidie and that but upon four occasions which were the Knighting of the King Son the marriage of his Daughters a Voyage of the Kings beyond sea and his Ransome in case he were taken Prisoner Les Tailles ne sont point devis de voir ordinaire saith Ragneau ains ant este accordeès durant la necessite des affaires seulement Afterwards they were continually levyed in times of war and at length Chales the VII made them ordinary Were it extended equally on all it would amount to a very fair Revenue For supposing this that the Kingdome of France containeth 200 millions of Acres as it doth and that from every acre there were raised to the King two Sols yearly which is little in respect of what the Taxes impose upon them That income alone besides that which is levyed on Goods personall would amount to two millions of pounds in a year But this payment also lyeth on the Paisant the greater Towns the officers of the Kings house the Officers of War the President Counsellors and Officers of the Courts of Parliament the Nobility the Clergy and the Scholars of the University being freed from it That which they call the Taillon was intended for the
ease of the Countrey though now it prove one of the greatest burdens unto it In former times the Kings Souldiers lay all upon the charge of the Villages the poor people being â—ain to finde them diet lodging and all necessaries for themselves their horses and the harlots which they brought with them If they were not well pleased with their entertainment they used commonly to beat their Host abuse his family and rob him of that small provision which he had laid up for his children and all this Cum privilegio Thus did they move from one Village to another and at the last again returned to them from whence they came Ita ut non sit ibi villula una expers calamitatis istius quae non semel aut bis in anno hac nefanda pressura depiletur as Sir John â—ortescue observed in his time To redresse this mischief King Henry II. anno 1549. raised this imposition called the Taillon The Pancarte comprehendeth in it divers particular Imposts but especially the Sol upon the Livre that is the twentieth penny of all things bought or sold Corne Sallets and the like only excepted Upon wine besides the Sol upon the Livre he hath his severall Customes of the entrance of it into any of his Cities passages by Land Sea or Rivers To these Charles the IX anno 1461. added a Tax of five Sols upon every Muye which is the third part of a Tun and yet when all this is done the poor Vintner payeth unto the King the eight penny he takes for that Wine which he selleth In this Pancarâ—e is also contained the Haut passage which are the Tolles paid unto the King for passage of Men and Cattell over his bridges and his City gates as also for all such commodities as they bring with them a good round sum considering the largenesse of the Kingdome the through-fare of Lyons being farmed yearly of the King for 100000 Crowns Hereunto belong also the Aides which are a Tax of the Sol also in the Livre upon all sorts of Fruits Provision Wares and Merchandise granted first unto Charles Duke of Normandy when John his father was Prisoner in England and since made perpetuall For such is the lamentable fate of this Countrey that their kindnesses are made duty and those moneys which they once grant out of love are always after exacted of them and payed out of necessity The Bedroll of all these impositions and Taxes is called the Pancarte because it was hanged in a frame like as the Officers fees are in our Diocesan Courts the word Pan signifying a frame or a pane of Wainscot These Impositions time and custome hath now made tolerable though at first they seemed very burdensome and moved many Cities to murmuring some to rebellion amongst others the City of Paris proud of her antient liberties and immunities refused to admit of it This indignity so incensed Charles the VI. their King then young and in hot bloud that he seized into his hands all their priviledges took from them their Provost des Merchands and the Esâ—bâ—vins as also the Keyes of their gates and the Chaines of their streets and making through the whole Town such a face of mourning that one might justly have said Haec facies Trojae cum caperetur erat This hapned in the year 1383. and was for five years together continued which time being expired and other Cities warned by that example the Imposition was established and the priviledges restored For the better regulating of the Profits arising from these Imposts the French King erected a Court called Le Cour des Aides it consisted at the first of the Generals of the Aides and of any four of the Lords of the Councell whom they would call to their assistance Afterwards Charles the V. anno 1380 or thereabouts setled it in Paris and caused it to be numbred as one of the Soveraign Courts Lewis the XI dissolved it and committed the managing of his Aids to his houshold servants as loath to have any publick officers take notice how he fleeced his people Anno 1464. it was restored again And finally Henry II. anno 1551. added to it a second Chamber composed of two Presidents and eight Counsellours one of which Presidents named Mr. Chevalier is said to be the best monied man of all France There are also others of these Courts in the Countrey as one at Roven one at Montferrant in Avergne one at Burdeaux and another at Montpelier established by Charles VII anno 1437 For the levying and gathering up of these Taxes you must know that the whole Countrey of France is divided into 21 Generalities or Counties as it were and those again into divers Eslectiones which are much like our Hundreds In every of the Generalities there are 10 or 12 Treasurers 9 Receivers for the generalty and as many Comptollers and in the particular Eslectiones eight Receivers and as many Comptrollers besides all under-officers which are thought to amount in all to 30000 men When then the King levyeth his Taxes he sendeth his Letters Patents to the principall Officers of every Generalty whom they call Les Genereaux des Aides and they dispatch their Warrant to the Esleus or Commissioners These taxing every one of the Parishes and Villages within their severall divisions at a certain rate send their receivers to collect it who give account for it to their Comptrollers By them it ascendeth to the Esleus from him to the Receiver generall of that Generalty next to the Comptroller then to the Treasurer afterwards to the Generall des Aides and so Per varios casus tot discrimina rerum Tendimus ad Latium By all these hands it is at last conveyed into the Kings purse in which severall passages Necesse est ut aliquid haereat it cannot be but that it must have many a shrewd snatch In so much that I was told by a Gentleman of good credence in France that there could not be gathered by the severall exactions above specified and other devises of prowling which I have omitted lesse then 85 millions a year whereof the King receiveth 15 only A report not altogether to be slighted considering the President of the Court of Accomptes made it evident to the Assembly at Bloys in the time of King Henry IV. that by the time that every one of the Officers had his share of it there came not to the Kings Coffers one teston which is 1 s. 2 d. of a Crown so that by reckoning 5 testons to a Crown or Escu as it is but 2 d. over these Officers must collect five times the money which they pay the King which amounteth to 75 millions and is not much short of that proportion which before I spake of The Kings Revenues then notwithstanding this infinite oppression of his people amounteth to 15 millions some would have it 18. which is a good improvement in respect of what they were in times asore Lewis the XI as good a husband of
to by the name of our Lady of Lehu A place long since demolished in the ruine of it Sed jam periere ruinae but now the ruines of it are scarce visible there being almost nothing left of it but the steeple which serveth only as a sea-marke and to which as any of that party sail along they strike their top sail Tantum religio potuit suadere such a Religious opinion have they harboured of the place that though the Saint be gone the wals yet shall still be honoured But indeed the principall honour and glory of this Island I mean of Guernzey is the large capaciousnesse of the harbour and the flourishing beauty of the Castle I say the Castle as it may so be called by way of eminency that in the vale and those poorer trifles all along the Coasts not any way deserving to be spoken of Situate it is upon a little Islet just opposite unto Pierport or the Town of St. Peter on the Sea to which and to the peere there it is a good assurance and takes up the whole circuit of that Islet whereupon it standeth At the first it was built upon the higher part of the ground only broad at the one end and at the other and bending in the fashion of an horne whence it had the name of Cornet By Sir Leonard Chamberlane Governour here in the time of Queen Mary and by Sir Thomas Leighton his successour in the reign of Queen Elizabeth it was improved to that majesty and beauty that now it hath excellently fortified according to the moderne art of war and furnished with almost an hundred piece of Ordinance whereof about sixty are of Brasse Add to this that it is continually environed with the Sea unlesse sometimes at a dead-low water whereby there is so little possibility of making any approaches neer unto it that one might justly think him mad that would attempt it And certainly it is more then necessary that this place should be thus fortified if not for the safety of the Island yet at the least for the assurance of the Harbour An harbour able to contain the greatest Navy that ever failed upon the Ocean fenced from the fury of the winds by the Isles of Guernzey Jet-how Serke and Arvie by which it is almost encompassed and of so sure an anchorage that though our Ships lay there in the blustering end of March yet it was noted that never any of them slipped an anchour Other Havens they have about the Island viz. Bazon L' Aucresse Fermines and others but these rather landing places to let in the Enemy then any way advantageous to the trade and riches of the people A place not to be neglected in the defence of it and full of danger to the English State and Trafick were it in the hands of any enemy Upon the notable advantage of this harbour and the conveniency of the Peer so neer unto it which is also warranted with six peece of good Canon from the Town it is no marvell if the people betake themselves so much unto the trade of Merchandise Nor do they trafick only in small boats between St Malos and the Islands as those of Jarsey but are Masters of good stout Barks and venture unto all these neerer Ports of Christendom The principall commodity which they use to send abroad are the works and labours of the poorer sort as Wast-cotes Stockins and other manufactures made of wool wherein they are exceeding cunning of which wooll to be transported to their Island in a certain proportion they lately have obtained a licence of our Princes But there accreweth a further benefit unto this people from their harbour then their own trafick which is the continuall concourse and resort of Merchants thither especially upon the noise or being of a War For by an antient priviledge of the Kings of England there is with them in a manner a continuall truce and lawfull it is both for French men and for others how hot soever the war be followed in other parts to repair hither without danger and here to trade in all security A priviledge founded upon a Bull of Pope Sixtus IV. the 10 year as I remember of his Popedom Edward IV. then reigning in England and Lewis XI over the French by virtue of which Bull all those stand ipso facto excommunicate which any way molest the Inhabitants of this Isle of Guerazey or any which resort unto their Island either by Piracy or any other violence whatsoever A Bull first published in the City of Constance unto whose Diocesse these Islands once belonged afterwards verifyed by the Parliament of Paris and confirmed by our Kings of England till this day The copy of this Bull my self have seen and somewhat also in the practise of it on record by which it doth appear that a man of war of France having taken an English ship and therein some passengers and goods of Guernzey made prize and prisoners of the English but restored these of Guernzey to their liberty and to their own And now at last after a long passage and through many difficulties we are Anchored in the Isle of Jarsey known in the former ages and to Antonine the Emperor by the name of Cesarea An Island situate in the 49 degree of Latitude between the 18 and 24 minutes of that degree distant 5 leagues only from the Coast of Normandy 40 or thereabouts from the neerest parts of England and 6 or 7 to the South east from that of Guernzey The figure of it will hold proportion with that long kind of square which the Geometricians call Oblongum the length of it from West to East 11 miles the breadth 6 and upwards the whole circuit about 33. The aire very healthy and little disposed unto diseases unlesse it be unto a kinde of Ague in the end of Harvest which they call Les Settembers The soil sufficiently fertile in it self but most curiously manured and of a plentifull increase unto the Barn not only yeelding Corne enough for the people of the Island but sometimes also an ample surplusage which they barter at St. Malos with the Spanish Merchants The Countrey generally swelling up in pretty hillocks under which lie pleasant Vallies and those plentifully watered with dainty Rilâ— or Riverets in which watery commodity it hath questionlesse the precedency of Guernzey Both Islands consist very much of small Inclosure every man in each of them having somewhat to live on of his own Only the difference is that here the mounds are made with ditches banks of earth cast up well fenced and planted with several sorts of apples out of which they make a pleasing kinde of Sider which is their ordinary drink whereas in Guernzey they are for the most part made of stones about the height and fashion of a Parapet A matter of no small advantage in both places against the fury of an enemy who in his marches cannot but be much annoyed with these incombrances and shall be
owner which they called Les Deserts But the Countreys after growing populous and many mouths requiring much provision these Deserts were broke up and turned into tillage Hereupon the Curates made challenge to the tithes as not at all either intended or contained in the former composition The Governours on the other side alleadging custome that those grounds had never paid the Tithe and therefore should not Nor could the Clergy there obtain their rights untill the happy entrance of King James upon these Kingdoms A Prince of all others a most indulgent father to the Church By him and by a letter Decretory from the Counsell it was adjudged in favour of the Ministery the Letter bearing date at Greenwich June the last anno 1608. subscribed T. Ellesmere Canc. R. Salisbury H. Northampton E. Worcester T. Suffolke Exeter Zeuch Wotton Cesar Herbert A matter certainly of much importance in the consequence as making known unto your Lordship how easie a thing it is in the authority royall to free the Church from that tyranny of custome and prescription under which it groneth The next of these three words to be explained is in the note French Querrui which in the note is told us to be the 8 and 9 sheaf by which account or way of tithing the Minister in 50 sheafs receiveth 6 which is one sheaf more then the ordinary tithe The word corrupted as I conceive from the French word Charrue which signifieth a Plough and then French querrui is as much as Plough-right alluding to the custome of some Lords in France who used to give their husbandmen or villains as a guerdon for their toyle the 8 and 9 of their increase As for the last that viz. which the Diagram calleth Champart it intimates in the origination of the word a part or portion of the field that which the Lord in chief reserved unto himself In Guernzey it is constantly the 12 sheaf of the whole crop the Farmer in the counting of his sheafes casting aside the 10 for the King and the 12 which is the Champart for the Lord. Now here in Guernzey for those of the other Isle have no such custome there is a double Champart that namely Du Roy belonging to the King whereof the Clergy have the tithe and that of St. Michael en leval not titheable The reason is because at the suppression of the Priorie of St. Michael which was the only Religious house in these Islands which subsisted of it self the Tenants made no tendry of this Champart and so it lay amongst concealments At the last Sir Thomas Leighton the Governour here recovered it unto the Crown by course of Law and at his own charges whereupon the Queen licenced him to make sale of it to his best advantage which accordingly he did For the Religion in these Islands it hath been generally such as that professed with us in England and as much varied When the Priors Aliens were banished England by King Henry V. they also were exiled from hence Upon the demolition of our Abbeys the Priory of St. Michael and that little Oratory of our Lady of Lehu became a ruine The Masse was here also trodden down whilest King Edward stood and raised again at the exaltation of Queen Mary Nay even that fiery tryall which so many of Gods servants underwent in the short Reign of that misguided Lady extended even unto these poor Islanders and that as I conceive in a more fearfull tragedy then any all that time presented on the Stage of England The story in the brief is this Katharine Gowches a poor widow of St. Peters-parte in Guernzey was noted to be much absent from the Church and her two daughters guilty of the same neglect Upon this they were presented before Jaques Amy then Dean of the Island who finding in them that they held opinions contrary unto those then allowed about the Sacrament of the Altar pronounced them Hereticks and condemned them to the fire The poor women on the other side pleaded for themselves that that Doctrine had been taught them in the time of King Edward but if the Queen was otherwise disposed they were content to be of her Religion This was fair but this would not serve for by the Dean they were delivered unto Elier Gosselin the then Bailiffe and by him unto the fire July 18. Anno Dom. 1556. One of these daughters Perotine Massey she was called was at that time great with childe her husband which was a Minister being in those dangerous times fled the Island in the middle of the flames and anguish of her torments her belly brake in sunder and her child a goodly boy fell down into the fire but was presently snatched up by one W. House one of the by-standers Upon the noise of this strange accident the cruell Bailiffe returned command that the poor Infant must be cast again into the flames which was accordingly performed and so that pretty babe was borne a Martyr and added to the number of the Holy Innocents A cruelty not paralleld in any story not heard of amongst the Nations But such was the pleasure of the Magistate as one in the Massacre of the younger Maximinus viz. Canis pessimi ne catulum esse relinquendum that not any issue should be left alive of an Heretick Parent The horrror of which fact stirred in me some Poeticall Fancies or Furies rather which having long lien dormant did break out at last indignation thus supplying those suppressed conceptions Si natura negaâ— dabit indignatio versum Holla ye pampred Sires of Rome forbear To act such murders as a Christian ear Hears with more horrour then the Jews relate The dire effects of Herods fear and hate When that vilde Butcher caus'd to cut in sunder Every Male childe of two years old and under These Martyrs in their cradles from the womb This pass'd directly to the fiery tomb Baptiz'd in Flames and Bloud a Martyr born A setting sun in the first dawn of morn Yet shining with more heat and brighter glory Then all Burnt-offerings in the Churches story Holla ye pampred Rabines of the West Where learnt you thus to furnish out a Feast With Lambs of the first minute What disguise Finde you to mask this horrid Sacrifice When the old Law so meekly did forbid In the Dams milk to boil the tender Kid. What Riddles have we here an unborn birth Hurried to Heaven when not made ripe for Earth Condemned to die before it liv'd a twin To its own mother not impeached of sin Yet doom'd to death that breath'd but to expire That scap'd the flames to perish in the fire Rejoyce ye Tyrants of old times your name Is made lesse odious on the breath of fame By our most monstrous cruelties the Males Slaughtered in Egypt waigh not down these scales A Fod to equall this no former age Hath given in Books or fancie on the Stage This fit of indignation being thus passed over I can proceed
abilities as a person answerable to the Governors commendations he was established in that office by Letters Patents from his Majesty dated the 8. of March anno 1619. and was invested with all such rights as formerly had been inherent in that dignity and that both in point of profit and also in point of jurisdiction For whereas formerly the Dean was setled in the best benefice in the Island that viz. of St Martins and had divers portions of tithes out of every of the Parishes the said St. Martins was allotted to him upon the next avoidance and the whole tithes of St. Saviours allowed him in consideration of his several parcels And whereas also at the suppression of the Deanry the Governor had taken into his hands the probate of Testaments and appointed unto civil Courts the cognizance of Matrimoniall causes and of tithes all these again were restored unto him and forever united to this office For the executing of this place there were some certain Articles or rather Canons drawn and ratified to be in force till a perfect draught of Ecclesiastical constitutions could be agreed on which it pleased his Majesty to call the Interim And this he did in imitation of Charles the 5. which Prince desirous to establish peace and quietnesse in the Church of Germany and little hoping that any Councel would be summoned soon enough to determine of the differences then on foot composed a certain mixture of opinions in favour of each party which he endevoured to obtrude upon that people the compilers of it Julius Pflugiâ—â— Michael Sidoâ—â—us and Islebius the time when anno 1594 the name of it the Interim a name given unto it by the Emperor eo quod praescriberet formulam doctrinae ceremoniarum in religione in terra tenendam quoad de universa re religionis concilio publico definitum esset so the historian of the Councell In like manner did it please his Majesty as himself tels us in the next chapter in the interim untill he mought be fully informed what Lawes c. were meet and fit to be established for the good government of the said Island in causes Ecclesiastical c. to grant commission c. to exercise the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction there according to cerâ—aid instructions signed with our royal hand to continue only untill we might establish c. as it followeth in the Original By this Interim there was a clause in force whereby it was permitted to the Ministers not to bid holydaies or use the Crosse in Baptism or wear the Surplice or to exact it of the people that they kneel at the Communion In other matters it little differed from the Canons afterwards established and now in being in that Island Thus fortified with power and furnished with instructions home cometh the new Dean into his Countrey and in a frequent assembly of the three Estates takes full possession of his place and office Nor found he any opposition till he began to exercise his Jurisdiction At what time Sir John Herault then Bayliffe of the Island and to whom his Majesty had given the title of St. Saviour not pleased to see so many causes drawn from his Tribunal made head against him But this disgust was quickly over-blown and the Bailiffe for four years suspended by his Majesty from the executing of his office This done his fellow Ministers were called together and he imparted unto them his instructions All of them seeming well contented with the Jurisdiction De la place excepted who much impatient as commonly the miscarrying of our hopes as much torments us as the losse of a possession to see himself deluded forsook the Countrey But to the Liturgie they thought they had no cause to give admission nay that they had good cause unto the contrary viz. as not being desired by them in their addresse and having been for fifty years at least a stranger in the Islands a thing also much stomacked and opposed by many learned men in England and not imposed as yet upon the Scots which people in so many other particulars had been brought unto conformity with the English In the end having fix moneths allowed them to deliberate frangi pertinaciam suam passi sunt they were content to bend and yeeld unto it upon such qualifications of it as in the instructions were permitted A duty carelesly discharged and as it were by halfs by many of them those viz of the ancient breed which have so been wedded to a voluntary frame and fabrick of devotion but punctually observed by those of the lesser standing as having good acquaintance with it here in England and not possessed with any contrary opinion whereby it might be prejudiced And now there wanted nothing to perfect the intentions of â—his Majesty and to restore unto the Island the ancient face and being of a Church but only that the Policy thereof was something temporary and not yet established in the rule and Canon But long it was not ere this also was effected and a fixt Law prescribed of Government Ecclesiastical Which what it is by what means it was agreed on how crossed and how established his Majesties own Letters Patents can best instruct us and to them wholly I referre the honour of the relation CHAP. VII The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Church Discipline of Jarsey together with the Kings Letters Patents for the authorising of the same JAMES by the grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To our right trusty and well beloved Counseller the reverend father in God Lancelot Bishop of Winton and to our trusty and well beloved Sir John Peyton Knight Governour of the Isle of Jarsey and to the Governour of the said Isle for the time being and to the Bailiffe and Jurates of the said Isle for the time being to whom it shall or may appertain Greeting Whereas we held it fitting heretofore upon the admission of the now Dean of that Island unto his place in the interim untill we might be fully informed what Lawes Canons or Constitutions were meet and fit to be made and established for the good government of the Island in causes Ecclesiasticall appertaining to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to command the said Bishop of Winton Ordinary of the said Island to grant his Commission unto David Bandinell now Dean of the same Island to exercise the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction there according to certain instructions signed with our royall hand to continue only till we might establish such Constitutions Rules Canons and Ordinances as we intended to settle for the regular government of that our Island in all Ecclesiasticall causes conformed to the Ecclesiasticall government established in our Realm of England as near as conveniently might be And whereas also to that our purpose and pleasure was that the said Dean with what convenient speed he might after such authority given unto him as aforesaid and after his arrivall into that Island and the publick notice given of