which were very theevish and full of insolences But when I had made a survey of their apparel I quickly altered that opinion and accounted them as the excrement of the next prison deceived alike in both my jealousies for these pretty parcels of mans flesh were neither better nor worse but even arrant fidlers and such which in England we should not hold worthy of the whipping-post Our leave not asked and no reverence on their parts performed they abused our ears with an harsh lesson and as if that had not been punishment enough unto us they must needs add to it one of their songs By that little French which I had gathered and the simpring of a fille de joy of Paris who came along with us I perceived it was bawdy and to say the truth more then could be patiently endured by any but a French man But quid facerem what should I do but endure the misery for I had not language enough to call them Rogues handsomely and the villains were inferiour to a beating and indeed not worthy of mine or any honest mans anger Praeda canum lepus est vastos non implet 〈◊〉 Nec gaudettenui sanguine tanta sitis They were a knot of rascals so 〈◊〉 below the severity of a statute that they would have discredited the stocks and to have hang'd them had been to hazard the reputation of the gallowes In a year you would hardly finde 〈◊〉 some vengeance for them which they would not 〈◊〉 in the suffering unless it be not to hearken to their ribaldry which is one of their greatest torments To proceed after their song ended one of the company the Master of them it should seem draweth a dish out of his pocket and layeth it before us into which we were to cast our benevolence custome hath allowed them a Sol for each man at the table they expect no more and they will take no lesse No large sum and yet I le assure you richly worth the Musick which was meerly French that is 〈◊〉 in the composure and French also that is 〈◊〉 handled in the playing Among the Ancients I have met with three kindes of Musick viz. first that which the Greeks call ` 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which consisteth altogether of long notes or spondaeus This was the gravest and saddest of the rest called by Aristotle in the last chapter of his Politicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or morall because it setled the affections Boetius whom we account the Classical author in this faculty calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in much use with those of that Nation at this day we may call it Italian as being 〈◊〉 a peculiar musick to that 〈◊〉 This is the musick which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for to invite unto him the spirit of 〈◊〉 1 King 3. 15. and this is it which is yet sung in our Churches A practice which we derive from the ancients 〈◊〉 some of late have opposed it and which is much commended by S. 〈◊〉 this being the use of it Ut per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in pietatis affectum assurgat The second kinde the artists call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which 〈◊〉 of a mixture of long and and 〈◊〉 notes or of the 〈◊〉 The philosopher termeth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or active because it raised up the affections Boetius termeth it the Dorian because it had 〈◊〉 in much esteem amongst the Dores a Greek nation we may now call it English and is that musick which cheereth the spirits and is so soveraign an antidote to a minde 〈◊〉 and which as the Poet hath it doth saxa movere sono The third sort is that which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consisting altogether of short notes or Tribrachys 〈◊〉 calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ravishing because it unhinged the affections and stirred them to lasciviousnesse Bâ—…etius termeth it Phrygian as being the strain of the wanton and luxuriant people In these times we may call it French as most delighted in by the stirring spirits and lightness of this nation A note of musick forbidden unto youth by Aristotle and Plato and not countenanced by any of them but on the common theatres to satisfie the rude manners and defires of the vulgar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to give them also content in their recreations yet is this musick altogether in use in this Countrey no lesson amongst their profest Musitians that I could hear which had any gravity or solid art shewed in the composition They are pretty fellowes I confess for the setting of a Maske or a Caranto but beyond this nothing which maketh the musick in their Churches so base and unpleasing So that the glory of perfect musick at this time lyeth between the English and Italian that of France being as trivial as their behaviour of which indeed it is concomitant Mutata musica mutantur mores saith Tully and therefore he giveth us this lesson Curandum itaque est ut musica quam gravissima sedatissima retineatur a good Item for the French CHAP. II. The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester The Wine of Orleans Praesidial Towns in France what they are The sale of Offices in France The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle Defaced by the Hugonots Some things hated only for their name The Bishop of Orleans and his priviledge The Chappel and Pilgrims of St. Jacques The form of Masse in St. Croix Censing an Heathenisâ—… custome The great siege of Orleans raised by Joane the Virgin The valour of that woman that she was no witch An Elogie on her WEE are now come into the Countrey of Orleans which though within the limits of La Beause will not yet be an entire County of it self It is a dainty and pleasing Region very even and large in the fields of it insomuch that we could not see an hill or swelling of the ground within eye-sight It consisteth in an indifferent measure of Corn but most plentifully of Vines and hath of all other fruits a very liberall portion neither is it meanly beholding to the Loyre for the benefits it receiveth by that river on which the City of Orleans it self is sweetly seated Of all places in England 〈◊〉 in mine opinion cometh most nigh it as well in respect of the Countrey as the situation of the Town For certainly that Countrey may be called the Epitome of England as this of France To the richest of the corn-fields of Orleanâ—…s we may compare the Vale of Evesham neither will it yeeld for the choise and variety of fruits the Vine only excepted The hedges in that Countrey are prodigall and lavish of those â—…ees which would become the fairest 〈◊〉 of the rest and in a mâ—…nner 〈◊〉 the want of Wine by its pl nâ—…y of Perry and 〈◊〉 In a word what a good writer hath 〈◊〉 of oâ—… we may say of both 〈◊〉 solum adeo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut
came from my pen but was corrected by the line and levell of my present Judgement And for such petit errors as then scaped my hands being they are but petit errors they may the more easily be pardoned by ingenuous men But howsoever being errors though but petit errors I hold it necessary to correct them and shall correct them in this order as they come before me Normandy bounded on the South with L'Isle de France Not with the Isle of France distinctly and properly so called occasioned by the circlings of the Seine and the Marne in which Paris standeth but by that part of France which is called commonly France Special or the Proper France as being the first fixed seat of the French Nation after their first entrance into Gâ—…ul which notwithstanding may in some sense be called the Isle of France also because environed on all sides with some river or other that is to say with the Velle on the East the Eure on the West the Oâ—…se on the North and a vein Riveret of the Seine on the South parts of it The name Neustria Not named so in the time of the Romans when it was reckoned for a part of Gallia Celtica as the words not well distinguished do seem to intimate but when it was a part of the French Empire and then corruptly so called for Westris signifying the West parts thereof the name of Westria or Westenrick being given by some to this part of the Realm of West France as that of Austria or Ostenric to a part of East France By the permission of Charles the Bald Not so but by the sufferance of Charles the Sâ—…mple a weaker Prince and far lesse able to support the Majesty of a King of France For though the Normans ransacked the Sea coasts of this Countrey during the reign of Charles the Bald which lasted from the year 841 to the year 879. yet Charles the Bald was not so simple nor so ill advised as to give them livery and seifin of so large a Province That was a businesse fit for none but Charles the SIMPLE who began his reign in the year 900. and unto him the words foregoing would direct the Reader where it is thus told us of these Normans anno 900. they first seated themselves in France c. which relates plainly to the reign of Charles the Simple in the beginning whereof they first setled here though Rollo their chief Captain was not honoured with the title of Duke of Normandy untill 12 years after For the most part of a light and sandy mould mistaken in the print for a light and handy that is to say of a more easie tillage then the rest of those Kingdomes Which words though positively true of the Countrey of Norfolk are to be understood of Normandy comparatively and respectively to the rest of France for otherwise it would ill agree with the following words where it is said to be of a fat and liking soyle as indeed it is though not so far and deep as the Isle of France La Beause or many others of the Southern Provinces The French custome giving to all the sons an equality in the Estate which must be understood of the Estates of meaner and inferiour persons and not of those of eminent and more noble Families which have been altered in this point The Lands and Honours passing undivided to the eldest sons the better to support the dignity of their place and titles as many Gentlemen of Kent have changed their old tenure by Gavelkinde into Knights service for the same reason and obtained severall Acts of Parliament to make good that change For when Meroveus the Grandchilde of Pharamond so he is said to be by Rusener as eldest son of Clodian the son of Pharamond but Paradine the best Herald of all the French speaks more doubtfully of him not knowing whether he were the son or next kinsman of Clodian and others whose authority I have elsewhere followed make him to be the Master of the Horse to Clodian whose children he is said to have dispossessed of the Crown and transferred the same unto himself The reason of the name I could not learn amongst the people That is to say not such a reason of the name as I then approved of my conceit strongly carrying me to the Bellocassi whom I would fain have setled in the Countrey of La Beause and from them derived that name unto it But stronger reasons since have perswaded the contrary so that leaving the Bellocassi near Bateux in the Dukedome of Normandie we must derive the name of La Beause and Belsia by which it is severally called by the French and Latines from the exceeding beautifulnesse of that flourishing Province that which the Latines call Bellus in the Masculine and Bella in the Feminine Gender being by the the French called Bell and Beau as it after followeth Picardie is divided into the higher which containeth the Countreys of Calice and Bologne c. That Picardie is divided into the higher and the lower is a Truth well known though I know not by what negligence of mine they are here misplaced that being the lower Picardie which lyeth next the sea containing the Countreys of Calais and Bologne with the Towns of Abbeville and Monstreuille and that the higher Picardie which liethmore into the Land in which standeth the fair City of Amiens and many other Towns and Territories else where described Both these were born unto the King by Madam Gabriele for her excellent beauty surnamed La Belle Madam Gabriele is brought in here before her time and bâ—…ing left out the sense will run as currently but more truly thus Both these were born unto the King by the Dutch sse of Beaufort a Lady whom the King c. And for the children which she brought him though they are named right yet as I have been since informed they are marshalled wrong Caesar Duke of Vendosm being the eldest not the younger son And as for Madam Gabriele she was indeed the King best beloved Concubine one whom he kept not only for his private chamber but carried publickly along with him in the course of his wars Insomuch that when the Duke of Biron had besieged Amiens being then lately surprized by the Spaniards as before was intimated and was promised succours by the King with all speed that might be the King at last came forwards with Madam Gabriele and a train of Ladies to attend her which being noted by the Duke he cryed aloud with a great deal of scorn and indignation Behold the goodly succours which the King hath brought us A Lady in great favour but in greater power to whom the character was intended which by mistake is here given to the Dutchesse of Beaufort though possibly that Dutchesse also might deserve part of it When the Liturgie was translated into Latine by Doctor Mocket Not by him first translated as the words may intimate it having
been translated into Latine in Queen Elizabeths time But that Edition being worn out and the Book grown scarse the Doctor gave it a Review and caused it to be reprinted together with Bishop Jewels Apologie the Articles of the Church of England the Doctrinal points delivered in the Book of Homilies with some other pieces which being so reviewed and published gave that contentment to many sober minded men of the Romish party which is after mentioned In the Relation of the second Journey I finde no mistakes requiring any Animadversions as written in a riper judgement and with greater care because intended to a person of such known abilities Nor was I lesse diligent in gathering the materials for it then carefull that it might be free from mistakes and errors not only informing my self punctually in all things which concerned these Islands by persons of most knowledge and experience in the affairs and state of either but with mine own hand copying out some of their Records many whole Letters from the Councel and Court of England the whole body of the Genevian Discipline obtruded on both Islands by Snape and Cartwright the Canons recommended by King James to the Isle of Jarsey besides many papers of lesse bulk and consequence out of all which I have so enlarged that discourse that if it be not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it comes very near it Certain I am that here is more delivered of the affairs of these Islands and on their accompt then all the Authors which have ever written of them being layed together can amount unto For in pursuance of this part I have took a full survey of those Islands which I went to visit together with such alterations in Religion as have hapned there both when they were under the Popes of Rome and the Bishops of Constance as since they have discharged themselves from the power of both The Reformation there being modelled according to the Genevian Platform occasioned me to search into the beginning growth and progresse of the Presbyterian government with the setling of it in these Islands together with the whole body of that Discipline as it was there setled and some short observations on the text thereof the better to lay open the novelty absurdity and ill consequents of it That done I have declared by what means and motives the Isle of Jarsâ—…y was made conformable in point of discipline and devotion to the Church of England and given the Reader a full view of that body of Canons which was composed and confirmed for regulating the affairs thereof in sacred matters and after a short application tending to the advancement of my main design do conclude the whole Lastly I am to tell the Reader that though I was chiefly drawn to publish these Relations at this present time for preventing all impressions of them by any of those false copies which are got abroad yet I am given to understand that the first is coming out if not out already under the Title of France painted out to the life but painted by so short a Pensil as makes it want much of that life which it ought to have By whom and with what colour that piece is painted thus without my consent I may learn hereafter In the mean time whether that Piece be printed with or without my name unto it I must protest against the wrong and disclaim the work as printed by a false and imperfect copy deficient in some whole Sections the distribution of the books and parts not kept according to my minde and method destitute also of those Explications and Corrections which I have given unto it on my last perusal in this general Preface and finally containing but one half of the work which is here presented Faults and infirmities I have too many of mine own Nam vitiis nemo sine nascitur as we know who said and therefore would not charge my self with those imperfections those frequent errors and mistakes which the audaciousnesse of other men may obtrude upon me which having signified to the Reader for the detecting of this imposture and mine own discharge I recommend the following work to his favourable censure and both of us to the mercies of the Supreme Judge Laoies Court in Abingdon April 17. 1656 Books lately printed and reprinted for Henry Seile DOctor Heylyn's Cosmography in fol. Twenty Sermons of Dr. Sanderson's ad Aulam c. never till now published Dr Heylyn's Comment on the Apostles Creed in fol. Bishop Andrewes holy Devotions the 4 Edition in 12. Martiall in 12. for the use of Westminster School John Willis his Art of Stenography or Short writing by spelling Charactery in 8. the 14 Edition together with the Schoolmaster to the said Art SYLLABUS CAPITUM OR The Contents of the Chapters NORMANDIE OR THE FIRST BOOK The Entrance THe beginning of our Journey The nature of the Sea A farewell to England CHAP. I. NORMANDY in generall the Name and bounds of it The condition of the Antient Normans and of the present Ortelius character of them examined In what they resemble the Inhabitants of Norfolk The commodities of it and the Government pag. 4. CHAP. II. Dieppe the Town strength and importance of it The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son The custome of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts The breaden God there and strength of the Religion Our passage from Dieppe to Roven The Norman Innes Women and Manners The importunity of servants in hosteries The saweie familiarity of the attendants Ad pileum vocare what it was amongst the Romans Jus pileorum in the Universities of England c. p. 9. CHAP. III. ROVEN a neat City how seated and built the strength of is St. Katharines mount The Church of Nostre dame c. The indecorum of the Papists in the severall and unsutable pictures of the Virgin The little Chappell of the Capuchins in Boulogne The House of Parliament The precedency of the President and the Governor The Legend of St. Romain and the priviledge thence arising The language and religion of the Rhothomagenses or people of Roven p. 19. CHAP. IV. Our journey between Roven and Pontoyse The holy man of St. Clare and the Pilgrims thither My sore eyes Mante Pontoyse Normandy justly taken from King John The end of this Booke p. 26. FRANCE specially so called OR THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. France in what sense so called The bouuds of it All old Gallia not possessed by the French Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate though the Inhabitants are changed The quality of the French inprivate at the Church and at the table Their language complements discourse c. p. 33. CHAP. II. The French Women their persons prating and conditions The immodesty of the French Ladies Kissing not in use among them and the
Prelates of France draw no small part of their introda The Parliament of this Countrey was established here by Lewis XII who also built that fair Palace wherein Justice is administred anno 1501. At that time he divided Normandy into seven Lathes Rapes or Bailiwicks viz. Roven Coux Constentin Caen Eureux Gisors and Alençon This Court hath Supreme power to enquire into and give sentence of all causes within the limits of Normandy It receiveth appeals from the inferior Courts of the Dutchie unto it but admitteth none from it Here is also Cour des Esl ux a Court of the generall Commissioners also for Taxes and La Chambre des Aides instituted by Charles VII for the receiving of his Subsidies Gabels Imposts c. The house of Parliament is in form quadrangular a very gratefull and delectable building that of Paris is but a Chaos or a Babell to it In the great hall into which you ascend by some 30 stoppes or upwards are the seats and desks of the Procurators every ones name written in Capital letters over his head These Procurators are like our Atturnies to prepare causes and make them ready for the Advocates In this Hall do suitors use either to attend on or to walke up and down and confer with their pleaders Within this hall is the great Chamber the tribunall and seat of justice both in causes Criminall and Civill At domus interior regali splendida luxu Instruitur As Virgill of Queen Didâ—…es dining roome A Camber so gallantly and richly built that I must needs confesse it far surpasseth all the rooms that ever I saw in my life The Palace of the Louure hath nothing in it comparable The seeling all inlaid with gold and yet did the workmanship exceed the matter This Court consisteth of two Presidents twenty Counsellors or Assistants and as many Advocates as the Court will admit of The prime President is termed Ner de Riz by birth a Norman upon the Bench and in all places of his Court â—…e taketh the prcedencie of the Duke of Longueville when there is a convention of the three Estates summoned the Duke hath the priority We said even now that from the sentence of this Court there lay no appeal but this must be recanted and it is no shame to do it St. Austin hath written his Retractations so also hath Bâ—…rmine Once in the year there is an appeal admitted but that for one man only and on this occasion There was a poysonous Dragon not far from Roven which had done much harme to the Countrey and City Many wayes had been tryed to destroy him but none prospered at last Romain afterwards made a Saint then Archbishop of the Town accompanied with a theef and a murderer whose lives had been forfeited to a sentence undertaketh the enterprise upon fight of the Dragon the theef stole away the murderer goeth on and seeth that holy man vanquish the Serpent armed only with a Stole it is a neck habit sanctifyed by his Holinesse of Rome and made much after the manner of a tippet with this Stole tied about the neck of the Dragon doth the murderer lead him prisoner to Roven To make short work the name of God is praised the Bishop magnifyed the murderer pardoned and the Dragon burned This accident if the story be not Apocrypha is said to have 〈◊〉 on holy Thursday Audoin or Owen successor unto St. 〈◊〉 in memory of this marvellous act obtained of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first he began his reign anno 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 time forwards the Chapitre of the Caâ—… Church should every Ascension day have the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any malefactor whom the lawes had condemâ—… This that King then granted and 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 Kings even to this time have successively 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the ceremonies and solemnities wherewith this 〈◊〉 is taken from his irons and restored to liberty It is not above nine years agone since a Baron of Gaâ—…ne took occasion to kill his wife which done he fled hither into Normandy and having first acquainted the Canons of Nostre dame with his desire put himself to the sentence of the Court and was adjudged to the wheel Ascension day immediately coming on the Canons challenged him and the Judge according to the custome caused him to be delivered But the Normans pleaded that the benefit of that priviledge belonged only to the natives of that Province and they pleaded with such â—…ury that the Baron was again committed to prison till the Queen Mother had wooed the people pro ea saltem vice to admit of his reprievall I deferred to speak of the language of Normandy till I came hither because here it is best spoken It differeth from the Parisian and more elegant French almost as much as the English spoken in the North doth from that of London or Oxford Some of the old Norman words it still retaineth but not many It is much altered from what it was in the time of the Conqueror few of the words in which our lawes were written being known by them One of our company gave a Litleton's tenure written in that language to a French Doctor of the Lawes who protested that in three lines he could not understand three words of it The religion in this Town is indifferently poized as it also is in most places of this Province The Protestants are thought to be as great a party as the other but far weaker the Duke of Longueville having disarmed them in the beginning of the last troubles CHAP. IV. Our journey between Roven and Pontoyse The holy man of St. Clare and the Pilgrims thither My sore eyes Mante Pontoyse Normandy justly taken from King John The end of this Booke JUly the second we take our farewell of Roven better accommodated then we came thither yet not so well as I defired We are now preferred ab Asinis ad equos from the Cart to the Waggon The French call it a Coach but that matters not so they would needs have the Cart to be a Chariot These Waggons are the ordinary instruments of travell in those Countries much of a kin to Gravesend's barge You shall hardly finde them without a knave or a Giglot A man may be sure to be merry in them were he as certain to be wholesome This in which we travelled contained ten persons as all of them commonly do and amongst these ten one might have found English Scots French Normans Dutch and Italians a jolly medley had our religions been as different as our Nations I should have thought my self in Amsterdam or Poland if a man had desired to have seen a Brief or an Epitome of the World he would no where have received such satisfaction as by looking on us I have already reckoned up the several Nations I will now lay open the severall conditions There were then to be found amongst these ten passengers men and women Lords and serving men Scholars and Clowns Ladies and Chambermaids Priests and Laie-men Gentlemen and Artificers
competent ditch and at every gate a draw-bridge They are still sufficient to guard their Pullen from the Fox and in the night times to secure their houses from any forain burglary Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France but the English were then within it At last on honorable termes it yeelded and was entred by Charles VII the second of August anno 1449. The Town is for building and bignesse somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England The last Town of Normandy toward Paris is Pontoyse a Town well fortifyed as being a borderer and one of the strongest bulwarks against France It hath in it two fair Abbies of Maubuissâ—…n and St. Martin and six Churches Parochiall whereof that of 〈◊〉 dame in the Suburbs is the most beautifull The name it derives from a bridge built over the river of Oyse on which it is situate and by which on that side it is well defended the bridge being strengthned with a strong gate and two draw-bridges It is commodiously situate on the rising of an hill and is famous for the siege laid before it by Charles VII anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it For having raised his Army upon the Duke of Yorks coming to give him battail with 6000 only the French Army consisting of double the number he retired or fled rather unto St. Denis but there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians even ready to mutiny and that the Duke of Orleans and others of the Princes stirred with the ignominiousnesse of his flight began to practise against him he speedily returned to Pontoyse and maketh himself master of it by assault Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of this Town and all Normandy the French by that door making their entrie unto this Province out of which at last they thrust the English anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted coward This Countrey had once before been in possession of the English and that by a firmer title then the sword William the Conqueror had conveied it over the Seas into England and it continued an Appendix of that Crown from the year 1067 unto that of 1204. At that time John called Sans terre third son unto King Henry II. having usurped the estates of England and the English possessions in France upon Aâ—…thur heir of Bretagne and son unto Geofry his elder brother was warred on by Philip Augustus King of France who sided with the said Arthur In the end Arthur was taken and not long after was found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven Whether this violent death happened unto him by the practise of his Uncle as the French say or that the young Prince came to that unfortunate end in an attempt to escape as the English report is not yet determined For my part considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King I dare be of that opinion that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement Certainly he that rebelled against his Father and practised the eternall imprisonment and ruine of his Brother would not much stick this being so speedy a way to settle his affaires at the murder of a Nephew Upon the first bruit of this murder Constance mother to the young Prince complaineth unto the King and Parliament of France not the Court which now is in force consisting of men only of the long robe but the Court of the Paiâ—…rie or 12 Peeres whereof King John himself was one as Duke of Normandy I see not how in justice Philip could do lesse then summon him an homager being slain and a homager being accused To this summons John refused to yeeld himself a Counsell rather magnanimous then wise and such as had more in it of a English King then a French Subject Edward III. a Prince of finer metall then this John obeyed the like warrant and performed a personall homage to Philip of Valoys and it is not reckoned amongst his disparagements He committed yet a further errour or solecisine in State not so much as sending any of his people to supply his place or plead his cause Upon this non-appearance the Peers proceed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Il fut â—…ar Arrest dâ—…la dite cour saith Du Chesne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 da crime de parrâ—…e de felonie Parrie de for killing his own Nephew and Felony for committing an act so execrable on the person of a French Vassill and in France John du Serres addeth a third cause which was contempt in disobeying the Kings commandment Upon this â—…rdict the Court awarded Que toutes les terres qu'il 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acquâ—…ses confiâ—…es a la Couronne c. A proceeding so fair and orderly that I should sooner accuse King John of indiscretion then the French of injustice When my life or estate is in danger let me have no more sinister a tryall The English thus outed of Normandy by the weaknesse of John recovered it again by the puissance of Henry but being held only by the sword it was after 30 years recovered again as I have told you And now being passed over the Oyse I have at once freed the English and my self of Normandy here ending this Book but not that dayes journey The End of the First Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE specially so called OR THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. France in what sense so called The bounds of it All old Gallia not possessed by the French Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate though the Inhabitants are changed The quality of the French in private at the Church and at the table Their language complements discourse c. JUly the third which was the day we set out of St. Claire having passed through Pontoyse and crossed the river we were entred into France France as it is understood in its limited sense and as a part only of the whole for when Meroveus the Grandchild of Pharamond first King of the Franci or Frenchmen had taken an opportunity to passe the Rhine having also during the wars between the Romans and the Gothes taken Paris he resolved there to set up his rest and to make that the head City of his Empire The Country round about it which was of no large extent he commanded to be called Francia or Terra Francorum after the name of his Frankes whom he governed In this bounded and restrained sense we now take it being confined with Normandy on the North Champagne on the East and on the West and South with the Province of La Beausse It is incircled in a manner with the Oyle on the Northwards the Eure on the West the Velle on the East and a veine riveret of the Seine towards the South but the principall environings are
be a ditch parting it from the Province of La Beause La Beause hath on the North Normandie on the East the Isle of France on the South Nivernois and Berry and on the West the Countreys of Toureine and Lemaine It lyeth in the 22 and 23 degree of Longitude and 48 and 49 of Latitude taking wholly up the breadth of the two former and but parts only of each of the later if you measure it with the best advantage for length you will finde it to extend from la ferte Bernard in the North-west corner of it to Gyan in the South east which according to the proportion of degrees amounteth to 60 miles English and somewhat better for breadth it is much after the same reckoning The antient inhabitants of this Province and the reason of the name I could not learn amongst the people neither câ—…n I finde any certainty of it in my books with whom I have consulted If I may be bold to go by conjecture I should think this Countrey to have been the seat of the Bellocassi a people of Gaule Celtick mentioned by Caesar in his Commentaries Certain it is that in or neer this tract they were seated and in likelihood in this Province the names ancient and modern being not much different in sense though in sound for the Francks called that which in Latine is Pulcher or Bellus by the name of Bel in the Mascuculine Gender Ben they pronounce it and Beau iâ—… it were Feminine so that the name of Bello cassi is but varied into that of Beause besides that Province which the Roman writers stile Bellovaci the French now call Beauvais wher 's Bello is also turned into Beau. Add to this that the Latine writers do term this Countrey Belsia where the antient Bello is still preserv'd and my conjecture may be pardoned if not approved As for those which have removed this people into Normandie and found them in the City of Baieux I appeal to any understanding man whether their peremptory sentence or my submisse opinion be the more allowable Haec si tibi vera videntur Dedemanus tausi falsa est 〈◊〉 contra The same night we came to Estampes a Town situate in a very plentisul and fruitful soyl and watred with a river of the same name stored with the best crevices It seemeth to have been a town of principall importance there being five wals and gates in a length one before another so that it appeareth to be rather a continuation of many towns together then simply one The streets are of a large breadth the building for substance are stone and for fashion as the rest of France It containeth in it five Churches whereof the principal which is a Colledge of Chanoins is that of Nostre dame built by King Robert who is said also to have founded the Castle which now can scarsely be visited in its 〈◊〉 Without the town they have a fine green medow daintily seated within the circlings of the water into which they use to follow their recreations At my being there the sport was dancing an exercise much used by the French who do naturally affect it And it seemeth this natural inclination is so strong and deep rooted that neither age nor the absence of a smiling fortune can prevail against it For on this dancing green there assembled not only youth and Gentry but age also and beggery Old wives which could not put foot to ground without a Crutch in the streets had here taught their feet to hoble you would have thought by the cleanly conveyance of their bodies that they had been troubled with the Sciatica and yet so eager in the sport as if their dancing daies should never be done Some there were so ragged that a swift Galliard would almost have shaked them into nakedness and they also most violent to have their carkasses 〈◊〉 in a measure To have attempted the staying of them at home or the perswading of them to work when they had heard the Fiddle had been a task too unwieldy for Hercules In this mixture of age and condition did we observe them at their pastime the rags being so interwoven with the silks and wrinkled browes so interchangeably mingled with fresh beauties that you would have thought it to have been a mummery of fortune As for those of both sexes which were altogether past action they had caused themselves to be carried thither in their chairs and trod the measure with their eyes The Inne which we lay in was just like those of Normandy or at the least so like as was fit for sisters for such you must think them Facies non omnibus una Nec diversa tamen qualem decet esse sororum All the difference between them lay in the morning and amongst the maid-servants For here we were not troubled with such an importunate begging as in that other Countrey These here had learned a more neat and compendious way of getting money and petitioned not our ears but our noses By the rhetorick of a posie they prevailed upon the purse and by giving each of us a bundle of dead flowers tacked together seemed rather to buy our bounties then to beg them A sweeter and more generous kinde of Petitioning then the other of Normandie and such as may seem to employ in it some happy contradiction For what else is it that a maid should proffer her self to be deflowred without prejudice to her modesty and raise to her future husband an honest stock by the usury of a kindness 〈◊〉 with these savours we took our leave of Estampes and the dancing miscellany jogging on through many a beautifull field of corn till we came unto Augerville which is six leagues distant A Town of which I could not 〈◊〉 nor hear of any thing memorable but that it was taken by Montacute Earl of Salisbury as he went this way to the siege of Orleans and indeed the taking of it was no great miracle the wals 〈◊〉 so thin that an arrow would almost as soon make a breach in them as a Canon The same fortune befell also unto Toury a place not much beyond it in strength or bigness only that it had more confidence as Savage an English Gentleman once said in the wals ofbones which were within it then in the wals of stones which were without it This Town standeth in the middle way betwixt Estampes and Orleans and therefore a fit stage to act a dinner on and to it we went By that time we had cleared our selves of our pottage there entred upon us three uncouth fellowes with hats on their heads like covered dishes As soon as ever I saw them I cast one eye on my cloak and the other on my sword as not knowing what use I might have of my steel to maintain my cloth There was great talk at that time of Mr. Soubises being in armes and I much feared that these might be some straglers of his Army and this I suspected by their countenances
to have them tire in the middle way and so the remainder of the Stage was to be meâ—…sured by our own feet Bâ—…ing weary of this trade I made bold to dâ—…smount the Postilion and ascended the trunk-horse where I sat in such a magnificent posture that the best Carrier in Paris might envie my felicity Behind me I had a good large Trunk and a Port mantle before me a bundle 〈◊〉 cloaks a cloak-bâ—…g and a parcell of boots sure I wâ—…s if my stirrups could poise me equally on both sides that I could not likely fall backwards nor â—…orwards Thus preferred I encouraged my companions who cast many an envious eye upon my prosperity And certainly there was not any of them who might not more justly have said of me Tuas un meâ—…lleur temps que le Pape then poor 〈◊〉 master did when he allowed him an Onion only for four dayes This circumstance I confesse might have well bâ—…n omitted had I not great example for it Phâ—…p de Comines in the miâ—…est of his grave and serious relation of the Bâ—…tail of 〈◊〉 Hâ—…rie hath a note much about this nature which gave mâ—… encouragement which is That himself had an old 〈◊〉 halfe 〈◊〉 and this was just my case who by chance thrust 〈◊〉 â—…ead into a pale of wine and dranke it off which made him lusâ—…er and frâ—…sher that day then ever bâ—…fore but in that his horse had better luck then I had On the right hand of us and almost in the middle way betwixt Abbeville and Bologne we left the Town of Monstrueil which we had not leasure to see It seemeth daiâ—…tily seaâ—…ed â—…or command and resistance as being built upon the top and declivity of a hill It is well strengthned with Bâ—…stions and Rampartâ—… on the outside hath within it a Garrison of 〈◊〉 Companies of Souldiers their Governâ—…ur as I learned of one of the Paisants being called Lannoy And indeed it concerneâ—…h the King of France to look wel to the Town of Monstruell â—…s being a border Town within two miles of Artoys and especially considering that the taking of it would cut â—…ff all entercourse between the Countries of Bolâ—…gne and Calais with the rest of France Of the like importance also are the Towns of Abbeville and Amiens and that the French Kings are not ignorant of Insomuch that those two only together with that of St. Quintain being put into the hands of Philip D. of Burgundy to draw him from the party of the Enâ—…sh were redeemed again by Lewis XI for 450000 crownes an infinite sum of money according to the standard of those times and yet it seemeth the King of France had no bad bargain of it For upon an hope only of regaining these Towns Charles Eal of Charaloys son to D. Philip undertook that war against King Lewis by which at the last he lost his life and hazarded his estate CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized The present of Salt-butter Boulogne divided inte two Towns Procession in the lowâ—…r Town to divert the Plague The forme of it Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church The high Town Garrisoned The old man of Boulogne and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens The fraternity De la Charite and inconvenience of it The costly Journey of Henry VIII to Boulogne Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England Boulogne yeilded back to the French and on what conditions The curtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow WE are now come to the County of Boulonnois which though a part of Picardie disdaineth yet to be so accounted but will be reckoned as a County of it self It comprehendeth in it the Town of Boulogne Estaples and Nâ—…uf-Chastell besides divers Villages and consisteth much of Hils and Vallies much after the nature of England the soil being indifferent fruitfull of Corne and yielding more Grasse then any other part of France which we saw for the quantity Neither is it only a County of it self but it is in a manner also a free County it being holden immediately of the Virgin Mary who is no question a very gracious Landladie For when King Lewis XI after the decease of Charles of Burgundy had taken in Boulogne anno 1477. as new Lord of the Town thus John de Serres relateth it he did homage without Sword or Spurs bare-headed and on his knee before the Virgin Mary offering unto her Image an heart of massie gold weighing 2000 crowns He added also this that he and his successors Kings after him should hold the County of Boulogne of the said Virgin and do homage unto her image in the great Church of the higher Town dedicated to her name paying at every change of a Vassall an heart of pure gold of the same weight Since that time the Boulonnois being the Tenants of our Lady have enjoyed a perpetuall exemption from many of those Tributes and Taxes under which the rest of France is miserably afflicted Amongst others they have been alwayes freed from the Gabell of Salt by reason whereof and by the goodnesse of their Pastures they have there the best butter in all the Kingdome I said partly by reason of their salt because having it at a low rate they do liberally season all their Butter with it whereas they which buy their Salt at the Kings price cannot afford it any of that deer commodity upon this ground it is the custome of these of Boulonnois to send unto their friends of France and Paris a barrell of Butter seasoned according to their fashion a present no lesse ordinary and acceptable then Turkies Capons and the like are from our Countrey Gentlemen to those of London As for the Town of Boulogne it is divided into two parts La haute Ville and La basse Vâ—…lle or the high Town and the low Town distant one â—…rom the other above an hundred paces and upwards The high Town is seated upon the top of an hill the low Town upon the declivity of it and towards the Haven Or else we may divide it into other parts viz. the Town and the City the Town that towards the water and the City that which lyeth above it It was made a City in the reign of Henry II. anno 1553. at which time the City of Terovenne wâ—…s totally ruined by the Imperials and the Bishops seat was removed hither the Church of Nostre Dâ—…me being made the Caâ—…hedrall There came along hither upon the remove of the Bishop 20 Canons which number is here still retained their revenue being about 1000 Livres yearly As for the present 〈◊〉 his name is Pierre d' Armè his intrado 2000 Livres his Metropolitan he of 〈◊〉 The Town or as they call it the low Town is bigger
him at his entrances into Paâ—…is The cloth of estate carryed over the King by the Provost and Fsâ—…evins is his see No man can be the Kings spurmakâ—…r his Sâ—…ith or have any place in the Kings Stables but from him and the like This place to note so much by the way was taken out of the Constables office Comes stabuli is the true name to whom it properly belonged in the time of Charles VII Besides this he hath a Pension of 500000 Crowns yearly and had an office given him which he sold for 100000 Crowns in ready money A good fortune for one who the other day was but the Kings Page And to say truth he is as yet but a little better being only removed from his servant to be his play-fellow With the affairs of State he intermedleth not if he should he might expect the Queen mother should say to him what Apollo in Ovid did to Cupid Tibi quid cum fortibus armis Mipuer ista decent humeros gestamina nostros For indeed first during her Sons minority and after since her reintegration with him she hath made her self so absolute a mistresse of his mind that he hath intrusted to her the entire conduct of all his most weighty affaires For her assistant in the managing of her greatest business she hath peeced her self to the strongest side of the State the Church having principally since the death of the Marshal D'Ancre I mean assumed to her counsels the Cardinall of Richileiu a man of no great birth were Nobility the greatest parentage but otherwise to be ranked amongst the noblest Of a sound reach he is and a close brain one exceedingly well mixt of a lay understanding and a Church habit one that is compleatly skilled in the art of mâ—…n and a perfect master of his own mind and affections him the Queen useth as her Counsellour to keep out frailty and the Kings name as her countenance to keep off envie She is of a Florentine wit and hath in her all the virtues of Katharine de Medices her Ancestor in her Regency and some also of her vices only her designes tend not to the ruine of the Kingdome and her children Joan de Seirres telleth us in his Inventaire of France how the Queen Katharine suffered her son Henry III. a devout and a supple Prince to spend his most dangerous times even uncontrouled upon his beadâ—… whilest in the mean time she usurped the Government of the Realm Like it is that Queen Mary hath learned so much of her Kinswoman as to permit this son of hers to spend his time also amongst his play-fellowes and the birds that she may the more securely manage the State at her discretion Andto say nothing of her untrue or misbecoming her vertue she hath notably well discharged her ambition the Realm of France being never more quietly and evenly governed then first during her Regencie and now during the time of her favour with the King For during his minority she carryed her self so fairly between the factions of the Court that she was of all sides honoured the time of this Marquesse D' Ancre only excepted and for the differences in Religion her most earnest desire was not â—…o oppresse the Protestants insomuch that the war raised against them during the command of Mr. Luynes was presently after his death and her restoring into grace ended An heroicall Lady and worthy the report of posterity the frailties and weaknesse of her as a woman not being accounted hers but her sexes CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca The comparison between them two and those in the generall A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France in Policie Priviledge and Revenue The complaint of the Clergy to the King The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular The pragmatick sanction Maxima tua fatuitas and Conventui Tridentino severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell The tedious quarrell about Investitures Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites The French Bishops not to medle with Fryers their lives and land The ignorance of the French Priests The Chanoins Latine in Orleans The French not hard to be converted if plausibly bumoured c. FRom the Court of the King of France I cannot better provide for my self then to have recourse to the King of heaven and though the Poet meant not Exeat aula qui vult esse pius in that sense yet will it be no treason for me to apply it so And even in this the Church which should be like the Coat of its Redeemer without seam do I finde rents and factions and of the two these in the Church more dangerous then those in the Louure I know the story of Rebecca and of the children strugling in her is generally applyed to the births and contentions of the Law and the Gospel in particular we may make use of it in expressing the State of the Church and Religions of France â—…r certain it is that here were divers pangs in the womb of the French Church before it was delivered And first she was delivered of Esau the Popish faith being first after the strugling countenanced by authority And he came out red all over like an hairy garment saith the text which very appositely expresseth the bloudy and rough condition of the French Papists at the birth of the Reformation before experience and long acquaintance had bred a liking between them And after came his Brother out which laid hold on Esaus heel and his name was called Jacob wherein is described the quality of the Protestant party which though confirmed by publick Edict after the other yet hath it divers times endevoured and will perhaps one day effect the tripping up of the others heels And Esau saith Moses was a cunning hunter a man of the field and Jacob a plain man dwelling in tents in which words the comparison is made exact A cunning hunter in the Scripture signifieth a man of art and power mingled as when 〈◊〉 in Genesis 10. is termed a mighty hunter Such is the Papist a side of greater strength and subtility a side of war and of the field on the other side the Protestants are a plain race of men simple in their actions without craft and fraudulent behaviours and dwelling in tents that is having no certain abiding place no Province which they can call theirs but living dispersed and scattered over the Countrey which in the phrase of the Scripture is dwelling in tents As for the other words differencing the two brethren and the elder shall serve the younger they are rather to be accounted a Prophesie then a Character we must therefore leave the analogie it holds with this Rebecca of France and her two children to the event and to prayer For a more particular insight into the strength and subtilty of this Esau we must consider it in the three main particular strengths of
Towns of Cauâ—…n being then in the hands of the Protâ—…stants On the other side the Protestants assembled â—…t Loudun strictly commanded all their Governors Maiors and Sheriffs not to suffer any Jesuits nor any of any otheâ—… Order to preach in their Towns although licenced by the Bishop of the Diâ—…se When upon dislike of their proceedings in that Assembly the Kâ—…g had dâ—…clared 〈◊〉 meeting to be unlawfull and contrary to his peace and this Declaration was verified against them by the Parliamâ—…nt they 〈◊〉 would not separate 〈◊〉 but stood still upon terms of capitulation and the justifiableness of their action again Whereas it â—…apned that the Lord of 〈◊〉 a Town full of those of the Religion dyed in the year 1620 and left his daughter and heir in the bed and marriage of the Viscount of Cheylane a Catholick this new Lord according to law and right in his own Town changed the former Garrison putting his own servants and dependanâ—…s in their places Upon this the Protestants of the Town and Countrey round about it draw themselves in troops surprise many of the Towns about it and at last compelled the young Gentleman to flie from his inheritance an action which jumping even with the time of the Assembly at 〈◊〉 made the King more doubtfull of their sinceâ—…ity I could add to these divers others of their undutifull practises being the effects of too much felicitie and of a fortune which they could not govern Atqui animus meminisse horret luctuque refugit These their insolencies and unruly acts of disobediâ—… made the King and his Counsell suspect that their designes tended further then Religion and that their purpose might be to make themselves a free State aâ—…ter the example of Geneva and the Low-countreymâ—…n The late power which they had taken of calling their own Synods and Convocations was a strong argument of their purpose so also was the intelligence which they held with those of their own faith At the Synod of Gappe called by the permission of Henry the fourâ—…h on the first of October anno 1603. they not only gave audience to Ambassadours and received Letters from 〈◊〉 Princes but also importuned his 〈◊〉 to have a generall liberty of going into any other Countries 〈◊〉 assisting at their Councels a matter of espâ—…cial imâ—… and therefore the King upon a foresight of the dangers wisely prohibited them to goe to any Aâ—…mblies without a particular Licence upon pain to be dâ—…clared Traytors Since that time growing into greater strength whensoever they had occaâ—…n of businesse with King Lewis they would never â—…reat with him but by their Ambassadours and upon â—…speciall Articles An ambition above the quality of those that prosâ—…sse themselves Subjects and the only way as 〈◊〉 Seirres noteth To make an Estate in the State But the answers made unto the King by those of 〈◊〉 and Mâ—…ntauban are pregnant prooâ—…s of their intent and meaning in this kinde the first being summoned by the King and his Aâ—…my the 21 of July Anno 1621. returned â—…hus That the King should suffer them to â—…njoy thâ—…ir Liâ—…erties and leave 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they were for the saâ—…ety of their lives and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would deâ—…lare themselves to be his Subjâ—…cts They of Montauban made a fuller expression of the generall design and disobedience which was That they were resolved to live and die in the union of the Churches had they said 〈◊〉 the service of the King it had been spoken bravely but now 〈◊〉 This Union and Confederacy of theirs King Leâ—…is used to call the Common wealth of Rochell for the overthrow of which he alwayes protested that he had only taken armes and if we compare circumstances we shall â—…nde it to be no other In the second of Aprill before he had as yet advanced into the field he published a Declaration in favour of all those of the Religion which would contain themselves within dâ—…ty and 〈◊〉 And whereas some of Tours at the beginning of the wars had tumultuously molâ—…sted the Prâ—…testants at the buriall of one of their dead five of them by the Kings commandement were openly 〈◊〉 When the war was 〈◊〉 abroad those of the Religion in Paris lived as securely as ever and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meetiâ—…gs at Charâ—…nton so had also those of other places Moreover when tidings came to Paris of the Duke of Mayâ—…ns death slain before Montauban the rascall French according to their hot headed dispositions breathed out nothing but ruine to the Hugonots The Duke of Monbazon governour of the City commanded their â—…ouses and the streets to be safely guarded After when this rabble had burnt down their Temple at Chareâ—…ton the Court of Parliament on the day following ordained that it should be built up again in a more beautifull manner and that at the Kings charge Add to this that â—…nce the ending of the wars and the reduction of almost all their Towns we have not seen the least alteration of Religion Besides that they have been permitted to hold a Nationall Synod at Charenton for establishing the truth of their Doctrine against the errours of Arminius professour of Arminius in Holland All things thus considered in their true being I connot see for what cause our late Soveraign should suffer so much censure as he then did for not giving them assistance I cannot but say that my self have too often condemned his remissenesse in that cause which upon better consideration I cannot tell how he should have dealt in Had he been a medler in it further then he was he had not so much preserved Religion as 〈◊〉 Rebellion besides the consequence of the example He had Subjects of his own more then enough which weâ—…e subject to discontent and prone to an aposâ—…asie from their alleagiance To have assisted the disobedient French under the colour of the liberty of conscience had been only to have taught that King a way into England upon the same pretence and to have trod the path of his own hazard He had not long before denied succour to his own children when he might have given them on a better ground and for a fairer purpose and could not now in honour countenance the like action in another For that other deniall of his helping hand I much doubt how far posterity will acquit him though certainly he was a good Prince and had been an happy instrument oâ—… the peace of Christendome had not the latter part of his reign hapned in a time so full of troubles So that betwixt the quietnesse of his nature and the turbulency of his latter dayes he â—…ell into that miserable exigent mentioned in the Historian Miserrimum est cum 〈◊〉 aut natura sua excedenda est aut minuenda dignitas Add to this that the French had been first abandoned at home by their own friends of seven Generals which they had appointed for the seven circles into which they divided all France four of them never giving them incouragement The three which accepted
Subjects by the Kings Officers with great rigour for though they have some of their last provision in the house or perchance would be content through poverty to eat meat without it yet will these cruell villaines enforce them to take such a quantity of them or howsoever they will have of them so much money But this Tyranny is not generall the Normans and Picards enduring most of it and the other Paisant the rest Much like unto which was the Licence which the Popes and Bâ—…shops of old granted in matter of keeping Concubines For when such as had the charge of gathering the Popes Rents happened upon a Priest which had no Concubine and for that cause made deniall of the Tributes the Collectours would return them this answer that notwithstanding this they should pay the money because they might have the keeping of a wench if they would This Gabell as it sitteth hard on some so are there some also which are never troubled with it Of this sort are the Princes in the generall released and many of the Nobless in particular in so much that it was proved unto King Lewis anno 1614. that for every Gentleman which took of his Majesties Salt there were 2000 of the Commons There are also some intire Provinces which refuse to eat of this Salt as Bretagne Gascoine Poictou Quercu Xaintogne and the County of Boulonnois Of these the County of Boulonnois pretendeth a peculiar exemption as belonging immediately to the patrimony of our Lady 〈◊〉 Dame of which we shall learn more when we are in Boviâ—…on The Bretâ—…gnes came united to the Crown by a fair marriage and had strength enough to make their own capitulations when they first entred into the French subjection Beâ—…ides here are yet divers of the Ducall family living in that Countrey who would much trouble the peace of the Kingdome should the people be oppressed with this bondage and they take the protection of them Poictoâ—… and 〈◊〉 have compounded for it with the former Kings and pay a certain rent yearly which is called the Equivalent Xaintâ—…gne is under the command of Rochell of whom it receiveth sufficient at a better rate And as for the 〈◊〉 the King dareth not impose it upon them for fear of Rebellion They are a stuborne and churlish peopâ—…e very impatient of a rigorous yoak and such which inherit a full measure of the Bisâ—…anes liberty and spirit from whom they are descended Le droict de foâ—…age the priviledge of levying a certain piecâ—… of money upon every chimney in an house that smoketh was in times not long â—…nce one of the jura regalia of the French Lords and the people paid it without grumbling yet when Edward the black Prince returned from his unhappy journey into Spain for the paying of his Souldâ—…rs to whom he was indebted laid this Fouage upon this people being then English they all presently revolted to the French and brought great prejudice to our affairs in those quarters Next to the Gabell of Salt we may place the Tailâ—…e or Taillon which are much of a nature with the Subsidies in England as being levied both on Goods and Lands In this again they differ the Subsidies of England being granted by the people and the sum of it certain but this of France being at the pleasure of the King and in what manner he shall please to impose them Antiently the Tailles were only levyed by way of extraordinary Subsidie and that but upon four occasions which were the Knighting of the King Son the marriage of his Daughters a Voyage of the Kings beyond sea and his Ransome in case he were taken Prisoner Les Tailles ne sont point devis de voir ordinaire saith Ragneau ains ont este accordeès durant la necessite des affaires seulement Afterwards they were continually levyed in times of war and at length Chales the VII made them ordinary Were it extended equally on all it would amount to a very fair Revenue For supposing this that the Kingdome of France containeth 200 millions of Acres as it doth and that from every acre there were raised to the King two Sols yearly which is little in respect of what the Taxes impose upon them That income alone besides that which is levyed on Goods personall would amount to two millions of pounds in a year But this payment also lyeth on the Paisant the greater Towns the officers of the Kings house the Officers of War the President Counsellors and Officers of the Courts of Parliament the Nobility the Clergy and the Scholars of the University being â—…reed from it That which they call the Taillon was intended for the ease of the Countrey though now it prove one of the greatest burdens unto it In former times the Kings Souldiers lay all upon the charge of the Villages the poor people being fain to finde them diet lodging and all necessaries for themselves their horses and the harlots which they brought with them If they were not well pleased with their entertainment they used commonly to beat their Host abuse his family and rob him of that small provision which he had laid up for his children and all this Câ—…m privilegio Thus did they move from one Village to another and at the last again returned to them from whence they came Ita ut non sit ibi villula una expers calamitatis 〈◊〉 quae non semelaut bis in anno hac nefanda pressura depiletur as Sir Fortesâ—…ueâ—…bserved â—…bserved in his time To redresse this mischief King Heâ—…ry II. anno 1549. raised this imposition called the Taillon The Pancaâ—…te comprehendeth in it divers particular Imposts but especially the Sol upon the Livre that is the twentieth penny of all things bought or sold Corne Sâ—…ts and the like only excepted Upon wine besides the Sol upon the Livre he hath his severall Customes of the entrance of it into any of his Cities passages by Land Sea or Rivers To these Charles the IX annâ—… 1461. added a Tax of five Sols upon every Muye which is the third part of a Tun and yet when all this is done the poor Vintner payeth unto the King the eight penny he takes for that Wine which he selleth In this Pancarâ—…e is also contained the Haut passage which are the Tolles paid unto the King for passage of Men and Cattell over his bridges and his City gates as also for all such commodities as they bring with them a good round sum confidering the largenesse of the Kingdome the through-fare of Lyons being farmed yearly of the King for 100000 Crowns Hereunto belong also the Aides which are a Tax of the Sol also in the Livre upon all sorts of Fruits Provision Wares and Merchandise granted first unto Charles Duke of Normandy when John his father was Prisoner in England and since made perpetuall For such is the lamentable fate of this Countrey that their kindnesses are made duty and those moneys which they once grant out of
or Priory c. for or concerning such Cels of Religious houses appertaining or belonging to their Monasteries or Priories in which Cels the Priors or other chief Governours thereof be under the obedience of the Abbots or Priors to whom such Cels belong As the Monke or Canons of the Covent of their Monasteries or Priories and cannot be sued by the Lawes of this Realm or by their own proper names for the possessions or other things appertaining to such Cels whereof they be Priors and Governors but must sue and be sued in and by the names of the Abbots and Priors to whom they be now obedient and to whom such Cels belong and be also Priors or Governours dative or removeable from time to time and accomptez of the profits of such Cels at the only will and pleasure of such of the Abbots and Priors to whom such Cels belong c. This once the difference between them but now the criticisme may be thought unnecessary To proceed upon this suppression of the Priors and others the Religious houses in these Islands and their Revenue falling unto the Crown there grew a composition between the Curates and the Governours about their tithes which hath continued hitherto unaltered except in the addition of the Deserts of which more hereafter Which composition in the proportion of tithe unto which it doth amount I here present unto your Lordship in a brief Diagramme together with the the names of their Ministers and Justices now beng JARSEY Parishes Ministers Revenues Justices St. Martins Mr. Bandinell sen. the Dean The 3 of the kings tithe Josuab de Carteret Seign de Trinite St. Hilaries Mr. Oliver the Sub-dean or Commissary The 10 of the kings tithe Dan du Maresque seign de Sammarez St. Saviours Mr. Effart The Deserts and 22 acres of Gleb Ph. L' Empriere Sâ—… de Dâ—…lament St. Clements Mr. Paris The 8 and 9 of the kings tithe Ph. de Carteret Sr. de Vinchiles de haut St. Grovilles Mr. de la Place The 8 and 9 c. Eli. du Maresque Sr. de Vinchiles abâ—… St. Trinities Mr. Mollet The Deserts and the 10 of the kings tithe Eli. de Carteret Sr. de la Hagne St. Johns Mr. Brevin The Deserts c. Joh. L' Empriere Sr. des au grace S. Lawrences Mr. Prinde The Deserts c. Aron Messervie St. Maries Mr. Blandiveâ—… jun. The 3 sheaf of the Kings tithe Ben la â—…che Sr. de Longueville St. Owens Mr. La cloche The Deserts c. Jo. Harde St. Burlads  The 8 and 9 c. Abr. Herod St. Peters Mr. Grueby The Deserts c. Ph. Marret Note that the taking of the 8 and 9 sheafe is called French querrui as also that an acre of their measure is 40 Perches long and one in breadth every Perche being 21 foot GVERNZEY Parishes Ministers Revenues Justices St. Peters on the Sea M. de lâ—… March The 7 of tithe and champarte Tho. Aâ—…drewes Sr. de Sammarâ—…z St. Martins Mr. de la Place The like Pet. Carey sen. La Forest. Mâ—… Pâ—…ote The 9 of tithe and champarte John Fautrat Sr â—…de Coq Tortevall Mr. Fautrat The 3 of tithe and champarte Joh. Bonamy S. Andrews  The 4 of c. Joh. Ketville St. Peters in the Wood. Mr. Perchard The 3 of the tithe only James Guile Sr. des Rohais St. Saviours  The Desert and the â—…enths in all 600 sheafes Tho. Blundell â—…hastell Mr. Panisee The 9 of the tithe only Pet. de Beauvoyre Sr. des Granges St. Mich. St. Michael in the vale Mr. Millet The 4 of the Kings tithe only Pet. Gosselin St. Sampson  The like Josias Merchant Serke Mr. Brevin 20 l. stipend and 20 quarters of corn Pet. Carey jun. Alderney Mr. Mason 20 l. stipend  Note that the Parish called in this Diagram La Forest is dedicated as some say to the holy Trinity as other to St Margaret that which is here called Tortevall as some suppose unto St. Philip others will have it to St. Martha but that of Chastell to the hand of the blessed Virgin which is therefore called in the Records our Ladies Castle Note also that the Justices or Jurates are here placed as near as I could learn according to their Seniority not as particularly appertaining to those Parishes against which they are disposed For the better understanding of this Diagram there are three words which need a commentary as being meerly Aliens to the English tongue and hardly Denizens in French Oâ—… these that in the Diagrams called the Deserts is the first A word which properly signifieth a Wildernesse or any wast ground from which ariseth little profit As it is taken at this present and on this occasion it signifieth a field which formerly was laid to waste and is now made arable The case this At the suppression of the Priors Aliens and the composition made betwixt the Curates and the Governours there was in either Island much ground of small advanâ—…age to the Church or to the owner which they called Les Dâ—…serts But the Countreys after growing populous and many mouths requiring much provision these Deserts were broke up and turned into tillage Hereupon the Curates made challenge to the tithes as not at all either intended or contained in the former composition The Governours on the other side alleadging custome that those grounds had never paid the Tithe and therefore should not Nor could the Clergy there obtain their rights untill the happy entrance of King James upon these Kingdoms A Prince of all others a most indulgent father to the Church By him and by a letter Decretory from the Counsell it was adjudged in favour of the Ministery the Letter bearing date at Greenwich June the last anno 1608. subscribed T. Ellesmere â—…anc R. Salisbury H. Northampton E. Worcester T. Suffolkâ—… Exâ—…ter Z ueh Wotton Cesar â—…erbert A matter certainly of much importance in the consequence as making known unto your Lordship how easie a thing it is in the authority royall to free the Church from that tyranny of custome and prescription under which it groneth The next of these three words to be explained is in the note French Querrui which in the note is told us to be the 8 and 9 sheaf by which account or way of tithing the Minister in 50 sheafs receiveth 6 which is one sheaf more then the ordinary tithe The word corrupted as I conceive from the French word Charrue which signifieth a Plough and then French querrui is as much as Plough-right alluding to the custome of some Lords in France who used to give their husbandmen or villains as a guerdon for their toyle the 8 and 9 of their increase As for the last that viz. which the Diagram calleth Champart it intimates in the origination of the word a part or portion of the field that which the Lord in chief reserved unto himself In Guernzey it is constantly the 12 sheaf
chapter in the interim untill he mought be fully informed what Lawes c. were meet and fit to be established for the good government of the said Island in causes Ecclesiaftical c. to grant commission c. to exercise the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction there according to cerâ—aid instructions signed with our royal hand to continue only untill we might establish c. as it followeth in the Original By this Interim there was a clause in force whereby it was permitted to the Ministers not to bid holydaies or use the Crosse in Baptism or wear the Surplice or to exact it of the people that they kneel at the Communion In other matters it little differed from the Canons afterwards established and now in being in that Island Thus fortified with power and furnished with instructions home cometh the new Dean into his Countrey and in a frequent assembly of the three Estates takes full possession of his place and office Nor found he any opposition till he began to exercise his Jurisdiction At what time Sir John Herault then Bayliffe of the Island and to whom his Majesty had given the title of St. Saviour not pleased to see so many causes drawn from his Tribunal made head against him But this disgust was quickly over-blown and the Bailiffe for four years suspended by his Majesty from the executing of his office This done his fellow Ministers were called together and he imparted unto them his instructions All of them seeming well contented with the Jurisdiction De la place excepted who much impatient as commonly the miscarrying of our hopes as much torments us as the losse of a possession to see himself deluded forsook the Countrey But to the Liturgie they thought they had no cause to give admission nay that they had good cause unto the contrary viz. as not being desired by them in their addresse and having been for fifty years at least a stranger in the Islands a thing also much stomacked and opposed by many learned men in England and not imposed as yet upon the Scots which people in so many other particulars had been brought unto conformity with the English In the end having six moneths allowed them to deliberate frangi pertinaciam suam passi sunt they were content to bend and yeeld unto it upon such qualifications of it as in the instructions were permitted A duty carelesly discharged and as it were by halfs by many of them those viz of the ancient bâ—…eed which have so been wedded to a voluntary frame and fabrick of devotion but punctually observed by those of the lesser standing as having good acquaintance with it here in England and not possâ—…ssed with any contrary opinion whereby it might be prejudiced And now there wanted nothing to perfect the intentions of his Majesty and to restore unto the Island the ancient face and being of a Church but only that the Policy thereof was something temporary and not yet established in the rule and Canon But long it was not ere this also was effected and a fixt Law prescribed of Government Ecclesiastical Which what it is by what means it was agreed on how crossed and how established his Majesties own Letters Patents can best instruct us and to them wholly I referre the honour of the relation CHAP. VII The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Church Discipline of Jarsey together with the Kings Letters Patents for the autborising of the same JAMES by the grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To our right trusty and well beloved Counseller the reverend father in God Lancâ—…lot Bishop of Winton and to our trusty and well beloved Sir John Peyton Knight Governour of the Isle of Jarsey and to the Governour of the said Isle for the time being and to the Bailiffe and Jurates of the said Isle for the time being to whom it shall or may appertain Greeting Whereas we held it fitting heretofore upon the admission of the now Dean of that Island unto his place in the interim untill we might be fully informed what Lawes Canons or Constitutions were meet and fit to be made and established for the good government of the Island in causes Ecclesiasticall appertaining to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to command the said Bishop of Winton Ordinary of the said Island to grant his Commission unto David bandâ—…ell nâ—…w Dean of the same Island to exercise the juâ—…isdictionâ—…here â—…here according to certain instructions signed with our â—…oyall hand to continue only till we might establish such Constitutions Rules Canons and Ordinances as we intended to settle for the regular government of that our Island in all Ecclesiasticall causes conformed to the Ecclesiasticall goâ—…nment established in our Realm of England as near as conveniently might be And whereas also to that our purpose and pleasure was that the said Dean with what convenient speed he might after such authority given unto him as aâ—…aid and after his arrivall into that Island and the publick notice given of that his admission unto the said office should together with the Ministers of this our Island consider of such Canons and Constitutions as might be fitly accomâ—…dated to the circumstances of time and place and persons whom they concern and that the same should be put in good order and intimated by the Governour Baâ—…e and Jurates of that our Island that they might offer to us and our Councell such acceptions and give such reformations touching the same as they should think good And whereas the said Dean and Ministers did conceive certain Canons and presentâ—…d the same unto us on the one part and on the other part the said Bailisfe and Jurates excepting against the same did send and depuâ—…e Sir Philip de Caâ—…ter et Knight Joshuaâ—… de Carteret and Philip de Carteret Esquires three of the Jurates and Justices of our said Isle all which parties appeared before our right trusty and well beloved Counsellers the most reverend father in God the Lord Archbishop of Câ—…rbury the Right reverend father in God the Lord Bishop of Lincolne Lord Keeper of the Geat Seal of England and the Right reverend father in God the said Lord Bishop of Winton to whom we granted commission to examine the same who have have accordingly heard the said parties at large read and examined corrected and amended the said Canons and have now made report unto us under their hands that by a mutuall consent of the said Deputies and Deâ—…n of our Island thâ—…y have reduced the said Canons and Constitutions Eccleâ—…sticall into such order as in their judgements may well stand with the estate of that Island Know ye therefore that we out of our Princely care of the quiet and peaceable government of all our Dominions especialy affecting the peace of the Church and the establishment of true Religion and â—…lesiasticall 〈◊〉 in one uniforme order and course throughout all our Realms and Dominions so happily unitâ—…d under us as their Supreme Governor on earth