before William the first that he sided not against him and that being found true he and all those in his condition h Weentun Monum hiâ— example â—n Câ—â—ington of Sir Rob. Cotten like to lose all were confirmed in their Lands and Lordships to have and hold those are the words of the confirmation as wholly and peaceably as ever they did before the conquest By the Records of Term. Trin. 21 E. 3. Comit. Ebor Com. Northumb Rot. 191. This Drench is described thus That the foresaid Vghtred held the said lands viz. In Northumberland of our Lord the king and of his progenitors kings of England by the service of a Drench which service in the parts foresaid is such that of whomsoever he holds any thing there by such service it is held and if the Tenant dye his heire being within age the Wardship of the heir and land belongeth to the Lord of which c i D. Spelm. gloss verbâ— Dronches with the marriage Whether wardship and marriage as the Lord Cook k 4. Inst 193. no badges of servitude be of the same antiquity with king Aelfred I will not take upon me to determine the Lord Cook as also the Mirrour in the place cited by him are for the affirmative l Inst 1. p. 76.4 Inst 292. mire sect 3. graft 911. c. By a law if any man dye intestate the Lord is to have nothing but what is due by the name of Hereoâ— m Ll. Cnuâ—â— c. 68. by Mr. Lambard this is acknowledged Engish-Saxon and thought to be the same with relief one place sayes Relief or rather Herent n Not. in radwes 152 and Hereot or relief o 154. 161 id compares the Hereota to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hereor is a service and acknowledgement of the seigniory of another a tribute so Dr. Cowel given to the Lord amongst the Saxons for his better preparation toward the war In the Monastical institutions of king Edgar Hereot is called geÆ¿unlic gae ul a customary Cens or duty said to be given to the kings by the great men of this Country after geþtenege their death It is forbidden by this king to be given for all Abbots and Abbesses p In not ad eadm before as it seemeth not so free as here the words By the great men after their death make it quite another thing though it is called so from relief which is for the heir and never paid but where there is one q Gloss verbo Hereot The Hereot was to be reasonable and here again we shall see the ranks of the Saxon noblesse The Earls eight horses four sadled four not four Helmets four coats of maile and eight spears as many shields four swords and two hundred * Saxon â— Marks of Gold The greater Thanes the kings Thanes four horses two sadled two not two swords four spears as many shields an helmet a coat of maile and fifty marks of Gold The Medmere or under Thane one horse ready his weapon or as amongst the West Saxons his neck ransome amongst the Mercians two pounds amongst the Easâ—-Angels two pounds The Kings Thanes Hereot amongst the Danes who has free jurisdiction ðe his socne haebâ—e foure pound and if he be further knowne to the King two Horses one sadled the other not one Sword two Speares two Shields and fifty markes of gold The conclusion has not Infimae conditionis Thani as the Latin is But he that has lesse and lesse may be he two pound r Ll Conti. c 69. other Lords had their Hereot too The Lawes of Kings William which as the title were the same which King Edward obserued calles this which in these Lawes is Hereot reliefe and the Earle Kings Thegne and Underthane who are here charged as is said there are called and named Cnute Barun and Vavasour and charged much in the same manner Å¿ â— 22 23 24 v. c. 20. with little difference King Edwards Latin Lawes where any man falls in warre before his Lord by Land or else where forgives his reliefe t c. 3â— and gives his Heires his Lands and Money without diminution u ibid. I will observe a little out of those old grants and Charters which preceed the Normans by which the religious heretofore made their titles onely carefull to get and to be free where we shall finde other men were not so The confirmation of Pope Agatho of the new raised Monastery of Medeshamstede after Peterborough before the age of Charters w An. 680. Concil Sax. 164. recites the immunities It was to be in no ðeudom in no kinde of servitude neither to King Bishop nor Earle No man was to have any rent or tribute there in the Councel of Becanceld King Withered freed the Church from all difficulties of saecular servitude from feeding the King Princes Aldermen Earles from all works the greater and lesser grievances c. x Concil Becanceld Au. 694. Concil Sax. 190. Witlafe King of the Mercians in the yeare 833. confirmes to the Monastery of Crowland their Lands and Tenements thus I grant deliver and confirme those Lands and Tenements c. for a peaceable and perpetuall possession to have from me and my Heires whosoever Kings of the Mercians after me to succeed in puram Eleemosynam in perpetuall and pure frankalmoigne Libere quiete et solute or as we now use it quit and discharged from all saecular charges exactions and tributes whatsoever by what name soever y Ingulp hist Concil Sax. 328. as another place amongst many things done said Ceolnoth the Archbishop before the whole Councell of Kingston shewed That the aforesaid Kings Egbert and Aethelwulfe his Son gave to Christ-Church at Canterbury the Mannor called Mallings in South-saxon free from all secular seruice and tribute royal except these three expedition military fird or firdfare upon the Herebanne the proclamation or edict military and to repair Bridges Castles Brugbote and Burgbote z Concil 340. by some not to be released * Charta Eâ—dbaldi Mâ—lmsb de gest reg l. 1. Iâ—ae reg Glelienb Concit 228. which was not true The most learned Mr. Selden saies in England before the Normans were military fiefes the Earles and Thanes were bound to a kind of Knight service all the Lands of the Kingdom except some priviledged c. held of the Crown mediatly or immediately but saies he the expedition mulitary c. those three were not so much by reason of tenure as general subjection to occasions of the state a Tit. Hon. 1 Edit 321. likely so yet to recite the opinions of others there are that thinke this firdfare to be the same with our escuage the Charter of Kenulph An. 821. the Mercian King to Abingdon discharges all services but the expedition of twelue men with their shields cum scutis burgbote c. as the most knowing Knight In the antient Charters
my Cottages c. together with my Piscaries as well in the marches adjâ—cent as in the sea coming up to the same Town c p Ingulph 913 914. Plain denotations of the Villein regardant this was done in the tenth yeer of Edward the Confessor fifteen yeers before the Conquest and unlikely those rents services and the villeinage of these men should begin the day before the grant This Ingulphus himselfe makes plain It is sayes he to be declared that in the seat of Crowland villeins borders nor Sochmans are not received unlesse out of fear of war over our heads q p. 911. I should think this Sochman very base neither of much esteeme nor freedome where he is so ranked and keeps such company as in these places Nor here was our law more inhumane then those of all other Christian Nations The Civil law suffered this slavery till Justinian by a general Edict restored al men to their freedome it was frequent in Germany till the reign of Lodowick the second The villains there were affranchised with reservation of day works and Escheates which hold yet in the low Countries and in France c. saies Bodin r Republ. luire 1. In Poland the Villein is yet in being he is called there Kmetos and may be killed by his Lord. Lewis Hutin freed many of these from their servile condition in France Humbert those of Dauphine Thibalt of Blois those of his Countrey Charles the seventh of France others Henry the second the Bourbonnois Emanuel Philibert of Savoie did the same in his Countries The Lord of la Roche Blanch in Guascgogne Å¿ An. 1558. in Boains time pretended not only a right of succession to the goods of his Subjects so the Peasant or Vassall under the jurisdiction of any Lord is called called by the French main-morte but also that they were bound to plant his Vines till his Fields mow his Meadowes reape and thresh his Corne build his House to pay his ransome and the taille in the four cases anantiently accustomed viz. for Knighting the Kings eldest Sonne marriage of his Daughters voyage over Sea and Captivity and if they stragled out of his Lands without his leave to bring them backlike Beasts with halters about their necks which last part was cut off by arrest of the Parliament of Tholouse By all this it is manifest in these things there is nothing singular nothing without example the greatest could be given and let the Normans and their entrance be as injust as is imaginable never to be forgiven such as no satisfaction can expiate These are no crimes of that Conquest and ought not to be involved in the name CHAP. III. Of the Courts of Justice of Suites of Counsellours of the Judges of Writs Pleadings the Termes of Art Hotomans censure of Littleton the common Lawes may easily be digested into method their principles and excellency in severall respects mercy c. confirmed by Parliaments and testimony of others not of the profession the professours honourable NO Nation can compare with us in the Justice and Majesty of our Courts Courts where so generall is their extent and power to redresse wrongs every man let the injury be what it could and done by whatsoever great injust man might be righted nor are there any Supernumeraries amongst them Courts of no use but to vex and intangle The first judges posito modo praetor aratro are said to give Lawes to administer Justice to the people while the Plough rested but upon the same reasons which make Lawes at first as is said plaine and simple multiply Courts must needs grow more numerous In the Saxons times besides the lesser Courts before discoursed of to relieve men at their owne doores There was but one high Court of Justice ever moving with the Prince which judged as Mr Lambard out of those Lawes of appeales forbidden where Justice might be had at home not only according to Right and Law Sup. 59. but also after equity and good conscience the words of the Lawes are unlesse he cannot find right at home or right be too heavie t Ll. Edg. c. Ll. cnum 16. in this Order faies the same Mr. Lambard and in these two sorts of Courts was all Justice administred till William the Conquerer w Arch. 20. and after him this Court continued under the chiefe Justice of England ordinarily which great Officer the first man next the King alone had the power of the Chief Justice of the Pleas of the Crown of the Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas till the nineth of King Henry the third according to that of Magna Charta the Common Pleas shall no longer follow the Kings Court though this Charter was before granted by King John in the 17. of his reigne it should seem by the charge against that much wronged gallant man Hubert de Burgo chiefe Justice in King Iohns time and in the time of Henry the third after the death of William Earle of Pembroke chiefe Justice 4 H. 3. that this huge office was not shrunk that the chiefe Justice was then whole and intire x Ma. Pa. addiâ— 149. besides the pleas of the Crown and common pleas he had the power of the chiefe Baron of the Exchequer and of the master of the wards y Addit ubi sup and sometimes commands armies z Ma. Pa. 193. an imployment too much for one man and businesse too much for one Court Upon which reasons distribution of the jurisdiction was necessary which flowing after from one Fountain by many streams into several Courts is no small ease to the people and this additional alteration is the greatest improvement imaginable Hence are derived the Benches the Chancery and Exchequer of the excellency of which and other high Courss pipes communicating justice with more speed and facility over England I wil say something but briefly my ayme being to make a tryall whether those who are not to be moved else by any other way will trust and yield to their own eyes before which I would lay things as plainly and as openly as I can and shew them that if justice onely be desired the pursuit of which lawfully and civilly is faire and honest here it is to be had it can never be deficient if the execution of things be answerable to their institution Here it is commanded That justice be administred as well to the poor as to the rich without any respect to be had of persons a West 1. c. 1. Here is said It is provided agreed and granted that all men as well high as low shall have and receive justice b Stat. Marlb c. 1. The times had been unruly before and many of the great men saies the Statute would not submit to the justice of these Courts they would be judges in their own cases distrain men grievously and take such revenges as they thought fit c Stat. Marlb ibid. Here as another Statute The Justices
are to doe even law and execution of right d 20 E. 3. c. 1. The supreme of these Benches after this alteration dealt in pleas criminall called placita Coronae in the books e 4 Inst 71 Stamp Pleas of the crown examined and corrected errors misdemeanors and offences against the peace granted the Habeas corpus and upon return of the cause relieved prisoners held pleas by Bill for debt detinue covenant promise of all personall actions of ejectione firmae and the like against any in the custody of the Marshall or any Officer of the Court who may implead others in those actions of all trespasses with force and armes of Repleviuâ— Quare imâ—â—dit c. of Assise of Novel disseisin These Justices are the soveraign Justices of Oyer and Terminer of Gaole delivery and conservators of the peace c f 4 Inst c. 7. This Bench may grant prohibitions to all other Courts to keep them in their bounds The Chancery as before supplies the wants and relieves against the rigour of the Law in its extraordinary juâ—isdiction The Ordinary held pleas of sâ—ire facias to repeale the Kings Letters patents of Petitions monstrance of right Traverses of offices of partitions there of scire fac upon recognizances there Writs of Audita querela and scire fac ' in the nature of it to avoid executions there endowment might be there by the Writ de dote assignands upon offices found execution upon the Statute staple or recognisance in nature of it upon the 23 of Hen. the 8. Personal actions might be brought there by or against an Officer or minister of the Court it is the officina justitiae hence all Writs issue it grants the Habeas Corpus out of Term g Ibid. c. 8. In the Court of Common pleas or commune bench all real actions are determined and all common pleas mixt and personal Besides the Stationary Courts at Westminster there were the Justices in Eyre the sitinerant Justices Charles the bald in the yeere 853. divided France into twelve parts and over every of the parts placed men famous for Religion and Law who yeerly travelling their own Divisions took cognisance of wrongs done betwixt party and party and of the publique offences according to justice By which pattern King Hen. the 2. of England in the yeer 1176. divided this Kingdom into six parts over every of which he appointed three Justices yeerly to goe their Circuits h Hoved. 548. M. VVestm l. 2.39 though I know not why this institution is made more ancient by others These were followed by the Justices of Assize since in being by whom they are swallowed up their circuits are twice the yeere and at certaine times having the power of Gaol-delivery added with the authority of the Justices of Nisi prius annexed also the inquiry and determinations of many things else given by latter Statutes and by another Commission of Oyer and terminer the power to deale with Treasons Murders Felonies and all misdemeanours whatsoever they have one other Commission of the peace in the Counties of their circuits by vertue of all which together they sit More perhaps cannot be devised for the ease of the people Thus is justice brought to their own dores the same thing with a fixed standing Court and as it may chance more safe The lesse the Judge is known in the Countrey the lesse is the danger of siding or biassing I speak not this as if I had more feares then other men or were for any of the new jealousies these are the feares of severall of our Parliaments There is aprohibition in two Statutes That no man of the Law shall be from henceforth Justice of Assises or of the common deliverance of Gaoles in his own Countrey i 8 R. 2. c. 2. 13 H. 4. c. 2. and a third Statute of confirmation is more full it sayes That whereas it is enacted that no man learned in the Lawes of this Realm should c. be Justice of Assise in the Country where he dwelleth since divers men learned in the Lawes c. have by their means and policy and for their own commodity c. obtained to be Justices of Assises in the Countries and Counties where they were born or were inhabiting whereby some jealousies of their affection and favour to their kinsmen alliance and friends c. hath been conceived and had c. enacted c. that no Justice c. use nor exercise c. as before k 33 H. 8. c. 24. Upon such like reason is there another Statute enacting to this purpose that no Lord or other in the Countrey sit upon the Bench with the Justices of Assise l 10 R. 2. And as nothing humane I might say divine too fathered somewhere as high as upon Lycurgus his Apollo or the whispers of a Numa and his Eugeria where Gods might be fancied to descend for the production and caelestiall wisdom to flow into it never so excellently contrived can please all men so perhaps whatsoever production shall or can be it may have if not its mischiefes and inconveniences yet some failings incident to the imperfections of man in it selfe and by corruptions from without their grace and flourish may be but short nothing is so incertain in the taking as new Lawes much must be ventured much committed to fortune and if according to the Saxon form which is shewn is not yet extinguishd and what is lost in jurisdiction or rather in use in the lower Courts is supplyed as is shewn too by a way if not better yet equal to it standing Courts were every where and what is more daily open at the Countreymans doore This would not perhaps so much ease the honest just man ever upon the defensive who ever sues but for his peace and the quiet preservation of his own right as it would multiply vexatious prosecutions some the greater number and the worst men composed of malice and contention would be incouraged by it to molest others the trouble and expence being so little and the way to imbroyle so ready and neere there would be nothing but complaints the Law and its remedies would quickly he abused they would be as great a plague as some men who onely say so would have them imagined to be actions would fly thick and swarm so fast one yeere would bring forth Volumes more swelling then all the Annals now read and if every man might be the patron of his own Cause often his in justice nothing would be wanting to make the confusion periect all decency and respect would be forgotten for which nothing would be had but prodigious noise and rude tumults Farther those who now are kept off by the conscientiousnesse of the knowing Lawyer who has made a discovery into the injustice of the cause and oftentimes restreines the heady client to run on would presently be at the shock fall into the danger of a trial which being blinded with their own fury their malice onely