greatest so it is the most beautiful its Streams swelling to their greatest height about the Month of July when the Snows by the excessive Heats are melted and dissolve from the Mountains Vessels navigate up this River from the Sea by the Out-let call'd Olana from whence they sail at least two hundred and fifty Miles into the Country This River for many Miles together preserves its Water in one Chanel but as it approaches towards the Sea by the accession of many other Rivers it becomes divided into two Streams and from the Country of the Trigaboles it forms two Chanels bearing two different Names that of Padua the other of Olana where it makes the safest and most beautiful Port in all the Adriatick The People of the Country call this River Bodencus Other fabulous things spoken of it by the Greeks namely that Phaeton receiv'd his Fall into these Waters of the Weeping Poplars of the People going perpetually in Black who inhabit thereabout to Commemorate the loss of Phaeton And in a word the many other Stories that have been invented are too Poetical and in no wise useful to our present Purpose Howbeit we may have occasion to make Recital of them else-where to be able thereby the better to prove that Timaeus was not sufficiently instructed in the History of this Country The Tuscans then heretofore possess'd all the Champaign Country and at the same time were Masters of that which was call'd Phlaegria bordering on Capua and Nola. And as that People had with great Resolution withstood those who Invaded them they grew to have a mighty Name among Strangers and acquir'd much Reputation for their Courage and Vertue Hence it comes to pass that those who read the History of the Tyrrhenians are to be cautious how they judge concerning that People by their present Possessions and the Country they now Inhabit but are to consider them by the Rule of those Times of which we now speak and by the Authority and Power of which they were then Masters The Gauls liv'd in their Neighbourhood by which means they had Commerce together but in process of Time beholding so beautiful a Country with an avaricious and envious Eye taking slight Occasion for their Motive they rais'd a numerous Army and attacking the Tuscans by Surprize forc'd them to abandon all that Country bordering on the Po and peopl'd it themselves The Laians and Lebecians and those who border on the Insubrians which at that time compos'd a mighty Nation were the first that inhabited that part of the River towards the East The Cenomans live likewise on the Banks of this River and all beyond as far as the Adriatick was possess'd by an ancient People call'd the Veneti who spoke a different Language from the Gauls but much resembl'd them in their Habit and Manners The Tragick Poets have said many fabulous things touching this People Beyond the Po near the Apennines inhabit first the Anians then the Bojans after these towards Adria dwell the Aegones and lastly the Senones living near the Sea-coast In a word these we have recounted were the principal Nations that possess'd the Country we have describ'd they dwelt in Villages open and without any Walls they had few or no Moveables they slept without Beds they eat Flesh and their chief Employments were Husbandry and War being totally ignorant of all other Arts and Sciences their Substance consisted chiefly in Cattel and Gold two Commodities that they could easily carry with them whensoever by any Accident they should be necessitated to remove They understand making their Court and the Art of acquiring Friends which they greatly covet for he among them who hath most Friends is most honour'd and he who is most honour'd is most fear'd and hath most Power Furthermore they were not only Masters of this Country but compell'd the neighbouring Nations aw'd by the Fame of their Valour to pay them Obedience At length they made War on the Romans whom after they had vanquish'd in Battel together with those that took part with them they pursu'd three Days together and took at last the City of Rome itself all but the Capitol But it happening that some new Adventures calling them home the Veneti having march'd into their Country with an Army they Accorded a Peace to the Romans and restoring their City departed Then they fell into Civil Dissentions those of them who inhabited the foot of the Mountains beholding the Prosperity of these with an Eye of Envy join'd to make War on them In the mean time the Romans recover'd strength and enter'd into Alliance with the Latins Thirty Years after the Taking of Rome the Gauls made a second Expedition marching with their Army as far as Alba but forasmuch as the Romans were surpris'd by those sudden Motions of the Enemy and had not leisure to receive Aids from their Allies they did not adventure to march against them Twelve Years after this the Gauls with a powerful Army attack'd them again but the Romans having now timely notice of their Purposes and leisure to summon there Allies to their Assistance march'd out to meet them and offer them Battel when the Gauls out of Countenance at this their Bravery began to waver in their Resolution and grew at length to apprehend the Issue and did not only not adventure to ingage the Romans but secretly by Night rais'd their Camp and fled as if they had lost a Battel Then they lay quiet for the space of thirteen Years when observing the Romans Power daily to augment they at length came to an Agreement with them and enter'd into Articles of Peace After thirty Years of Repose the Trans-Alpine Gauls took Arms again but fearing the Success of the War they compos'd the Difference by Address and great Presents and remonstrating the Evil of making War among themselves who were of one and the same Nation a Pacification thereupon ensu'd and they now labour'd to turn the joint Edge of their Courage against the Romans They march'd their Armies therefore in one entire Body through Tuscany those in that Country having taken part with them and after having ravag'd the Roman Territories and taken much Booty they retir'd home without Molestation where they were no sooner arriv'd but they fell into Feuds about the Partition of their Plunder which went so far that it cost them the loss of the greatest part both of their Booty and their Army And this is a frequent Folly of that People upon any Success especially if they happen to have Disputes when they have drank Wine Four Years after this the Gauls and Samnites join'd their Arms and made War on the Romans giving them Battel in the Country of the Clusians who are likewise call'd Camartines where they made great slaughter of them But soon after this the Romans inrag'd as it were by their Misfortunes march'd against them with a fresh Army and fighting with the same Enemy having all their Legions in the Field in the Country of the
Sentinates they got a memorable Victory destroying the greatest part of their Army putting the rest to flight who retir'd back to their Country Ten Years were hardly past when the Gauls besieg'd Arrezzo with a mighty Force whither the Romans came to the Relief and fought them in View of the Town but were worsted and retreated Lucius the Consul was slain and Manlius succeeding sent Ambassadours to the Gauls to treat about the Redemption of ther Prisoners which Ambassadours were by them barbarously slain This base Action of the Gauls greatly provok'd the Romans who forthwith march'd with another Army against them giving Battel to the Senones who had the Assurance to encounter them singly but the Romans had the better killing many of the Enemy and compelling the rest totally to abandon the Country so they took possession of the Territory of the Senones and this was the first Colony they planted in Gaul It is call'd Sena-gallia from the name of those Gauls who before had held it Of this Country we have already spoken and shewn that it lies near Adria on the Skirts of the Plains that are water'd by the Po. The Bojans seeing the Senones expell'd their Country and becoming apprehensive of the like measure betook themselves to Arms exempting none who were able to march and having drawn the Tuscanes to their Party they march'd against the Romans And when their Troops on both sides were drawn together near the Lake of Vadimon a pitch'd Battel was fought wherein the greatest part of the Tuscans fell on the place and but few of the Bojans escap'd by flight Nevertheless the Mind of this People was not subdu'd who making a new League united all their Forces and arming all the Gauls compos'd a fresh Army with which they gave Battel again to the Romans but they were entirely defeated and dispers'd and thus humbl'd they now send their Ambassadours to the Romans and had Conditions granted them These Adventures preceeded Pyrrhus's Invasion of Italy about four Years and happen'd five Years before the Destruction of the Gauls at Delphos as if some fatal Influence charg'd with a Commission of Mortallity against this People only had then reign'd so severely were they persecuted from all Quarters of the World As for the Romans they reap'd by the Contests they had with them two mighty Benefits namely first by a long Exercise of Arms in the many Conflicts they had with that People wherein it was hardly possible for them to see or suffer more then befel them they became admirably instructed in the Art of War and this they made plainly to appear in the ensuing Hostilities with King Pyrrhus Furthermore having thus tam'd and reduc'd this Savage Nation they had the more leisure to attend their Affairs with that Prince having nothing then to divert their Counsels or Forces and in conclusion they contested by that means afterwards with more Assurance for the Dominion of Sicily with the Carthaginians The Gauls after having suffer'd so many Losses and Calamities remain'd quiet for the space of five and forty Years preserving the Peace unbroken which they made with the Romans but after the old Men and that Generation were extinct that had tasted the Hardships and felt the Sufferings of former Wars the young Men that succeeded them who knew nothing of Danger and fear'd nothing from Fortune had a mind to exercise their Courage and with a generous kind of Assurance took to their Arms and renew'd the War against the Romans upon a very slender Motive drawing their Allies into the Confederacy This Design was first form'd and conceiv'd among their principal Men who assembled and consulted thereon without imparting it to the People insomuch that when the Army of the Trans-alpine Gauls had march'd as far almost as Rimini the Bojans who were not well assur'd of their Sincerity mutiny'd against their Officers and attack'd the Army that had come thus far to join them and having first kill'd their two Kings Ates and Gallatus they at length came to a Battel wherein they mutually destroy'd each other In the mean time the Romans who were surpris'd and astonish'd at the News of this new Eruption of the Gauls took the Field with their Armies and when they came to understand that the Enemy were defeated by their own Swords they proceeded no farther but march'd home Five Years after this Adventure during the Consulship of M. Lepidus the Romans made Division of the Lands taken from the Senones in Cis-alpine Gaul for Caius Flaminius to make his Court to the People had propos'd that Law and had it receiv'd But it may with good reason be averr'd That 't was this that first corrupted the Peoples Manners and was the Cause afterwards of Civil Dessention among them In short many of the Gauls and principally the Bojans who had most cause of Fear as being nearest Neighbours to the Romans perceiving now that their Designs were not so much for Glory and Empire as to subdue and entirely exterminate their Nation and possess their Country readily enter'd into the League that was now forming against the them The Bojans and Insubrians who were the two greatest People on that side pursuant to their Design sent Ambassadours by common Consent to the rest of their Nation inhabiting on the other side the Alp about the Rhine these People are call'd Goesates from their serving in the War for Pay for so that word properly imports and prevailing on their two Kings Concolitanus and Aneroestus by means of great Sums of Mony and by the hopes they gave them of rich Booty that would be shar'd by this Enterprize if they succeeded ingag'd them to join in a War against the Romans giving them their Faith to assist and abide firmly by them but the Goesates were not hard to be perswaded And now farther to incite them they reminded them of the Glory of their Ancestors who had not only vanquish'd the Romans in Battel upon the like Expedition but subdu'd and became Masters of their City itself and that being Lords of all the Romans held kept their City seven Months in their Possession and at length freely and of their own meer Motive restor'd it to that conquer'd People as an Effect of their Generosity and afterwards return'd to their Country inrich'd with infinite Booty without any Danger Damage or Impediment These Discourses so animated the Leaders of the Goesates and incited them so powerfully to the War that it may be said so great an Army never march'd out from among that Nation nor braver and more war-like Men. In the mean time the Romans who were not without Intelligence of what was agitated among the Gauls saw their Danger and perceiv'd it at hand and justly fearing the Consequence apply'd themselves to the levying of Troops and making Provision of all things necessary for the War and march'd with their Armies to defend their Frontiers believing them already invaded when the Enemy had not yet mov'd from their Quarters These Traverses
already spoken from the Plain where the Rhosne hath its passage Hannibal then took his march through that Country where the River hath its source to come into Italy Some Authors who have writ of Hannibal's passage over the Alpes entertain us with astonishing and incredible Tales of that Voyage without heeding that they have thereby committed two Errors which History of all things will not permit for they are constrain'd thereby to coin Falshoods of their own and often become liable to contradict themselves For as they give to Hannibal all the Encomiums of a great and valiant Leader so at the same time they make him act with the greatest Imprudence imaginable Then when they are taken in their own fabulous Snares they are forc'd to bring down the Gods and Demi-Gods to their Aid who should not be nam'd but in matters of Truth Furthermore they feign that the Alpes are so desart and inaccessible that far from being passable by Armies Horses and Elephants Men cannot without unspeakable travel pass them on foot They tell us farther that some parts thereof are so waste and destitute of all Succour that without the Aid of some Divinity who led Hannibal as it were by the Hand through those wild Labyrinths he and his Army had inevitably perish'd these I say are two Faults in an Historian which Men of common Sence easily discover and dislike For in short were there Truth in what they deliver where could there be found in Story a more imprudent General or Leader worse qualify'd than Hannibal who being at the head of so numerous an Army in the prosperity of which all his Hopes were plac'd neither knowing any thing of the Country through which he was to march nor the course he was to take nor whither he went nor with whom he was to have to do and what fourth he fell into much danger Folly had ingag'd in an Enterprize which by the common Rules of Reason yielded no prospect of Success but on the contrary to all appearance pursu'd an Attempt totally unfeisible For these Authors make Hannibal in the spring of his Hopes at the head of a flourishing victorious Army perform such things as are not likely would be acted by a People already vanquish'd and undone and reduc'd to the last extremity namely to ingage their Troops in Countries and Places totally unknown For while they tell us all was waste and desart and the Country no where passable do they not plainly accuse their own Forgeries But they knew not that the Gauls who inhabit about the Rhosne had often pass'd the Alpes with numerous Armies long before Hannibal's time and not only heretofore but of late days they had march'd to the relief of those Gauls who dwell about the Po during their Wars with the Romans Furthermore they were to learn that even the Alpes themselves are inhabited by numerous Nations but it was their Ignorance indeed that brought the Demi-God down to show Hannibal his way Wherein they follow the Poets who in their Tragedies having for the most part nothing but Fiction and extravagant Adventures for the subject of their Plays are able to bring nothing handsomely to pass without a God or a Machine After this manner our Historians have proceeded being forc'd to implore some Divinity or other to yield them assistance and disintangle them from the Falshoods and Improbabilities they themselves have made For how can a fabulous beginning have other than a fabulous Issue Most certain it is that Hannibal did not conduct his Affairs at the rate these Authors would persuade but like a wise and able Captain And there is no doubt but he well knew that the Country into which he was leading his Army was fertile and abounding in all things and the Inhabitants alien'd in their Inclinations to the Romans that he had with him for Guides the very People of the Country who had engag'd to partake with him in all his Fortunes For my own particular I speak of these things with so much the more assurance by how much I have not only been instructed therein by those who liv'd in those Days but that I might be less liable to Error I made my self a Journey into the Alpes for my better Information To proceed Publius the Roman General arriv'd with his Army at the Passage of the Rhosne three days after Hannibal's departure who perceiving the Enemy gone was much surpriz'd and without doubt with good reason for he could scarce be perswaded that the Carthaginian would ever have been drawn to attempt that way into Italy especially having to deal with so many barbarous Nations in his March uncapable of Friendship or keeping their Faith But after he had a while reflected on the boldness of the undertaking he march'd back to the Fleet where embarking his Army with all expedition and dispatching his Brother to carry on the War in Spain he resolv'd himself to return by Sea into Italy to make head against the Enemy In the mean space after four days march Hannibal arrives at a place call'd the Isle where the Country is rich and well Peopled It is so call'd because the Soane environs it on one side and the Rhosne on the other giving it the sigure of a Triangle This Island both for form and magnitude much resembles another in Egypt which is call'd Delta and if there be any difference in the comparison it is that Delta is 〈◊〉 the one side encompassed by the Sea and the Rivers that there discharge themselves and 〈◊〉 the other with rough and almost inaccessible Mountains Here Hannibal found two Princes that were Brethren in Arms against each other for the Dominion of the Country their Armies being drawn up ready to ingage The elder of these two made his addresses to Hannibal praying his aid to re-establish him in his Inheritance to which he lent a willing ear foreseeing the Profit he might reap thereby wherefore after he had entred into Friendship with him and compell'd the other to retire he receiv'd many singular benefits of the said Prince who did not only supply his Army with refreshments and whatever they stood in need of but exchanging Hannibal's old worn-out Arms for new ones which he deliver'd him he did in some sort recruit his Army He further supply'd them with what Cloaths they wanted and greatly assisted them in their Passage over the Mountains But the most remarkable service he did them was that forasmuch as they were in some jealousie in passing the Frontiers of the Gauls call'd Allobroges he conducted Hannibal by another way more safe and brought him to the place where they begin to ascend the Alpes Hannibal having march'd near an hundred Miles in ten days along the River Rhosne met with mighty difficulties after his Army had enter'd on the Mountains and in truth the Allobroges had no purpose to attack them while they held their March in the Plains fearing both their Horse and the Gauls that accompany'd the Army But these
Ground which by a gentle descent terminates in a Plain from whence to the top of the Eminence it is near two Miles Here Antochus lodg'd an Ambush which in effect won him the Place For after by little Skirmishes and Disputes he had drawn the People out in one of these Ingagements feigning to be too weak his Party retreated while the others pursu'd when presently facing about the Enemy in their turn retir'd who meeting the Ambush in Front many were cut off and in short Antiochus himself pursuing the Advantage so terrify'd them that the Town was taken on the first Attack At the same time Keroeas one of Ptolomy's Captain deserted and came over to Antiochus whom receiving with great Solemnity it gave occasion for many other prime Officers of the King of Egypt to leave his Service For shortly after Hippolochus the Thessalian acted the same part bringing with him to the number of four hundred Horse Antiochus likewise Garrison'd Atabyrium and pursuing his Journey in his march receiv'd to his Obediâ—â—â—e the Cities of Pella Camus and Gephrus which surrender'd This great Success so wrought on the Minds of the neighbouring People that they unanimously took part with Antiochus whereby his Hopes increasing and his Power being augmented by this new accession of his Arabian Friends he advances into Galatis which reducing he took Abila and in it those who were come in to succour it under the leading of Nicias a Kinsman and Confident of Menea's In short Gadara was the only Place that now remain'd to be reduc'd which was esteem'd the most considerable for Strength in all that Country To this Town the King approach'd with his Army and so terrify'd the Inhabitants with his preparations to Attack them that they yielded themselves up And now being inform'd that great numbers of the Enemy were drawn together in a certain Town of Arabia call'd Rabath-ben-Ammon or Rabatamana from whence they made Excursions and plundred the Country of those who had contracted Friendship with him he therefore laying aside all his other Affairs bent his march that way and approach'd the Mountain whereon the Town stands After he had view'd the situation on all sides he concluded there were but two places by which they could be attack'd there then he posted his Troops and caus'd his Machines to approach The Conduct of the Works he divided betwixt Nicarchus and Theodotus whiâ—â— himself kept an equal and vigilant Eve of their Behaviour and remark'd the Affection that carry'd these two Leaders to advance his Service Who emulating each other and labouring who should first open a Breach the Wall was demolish'd by that means much sooner than was expected That Work done the King continu'd his Attacks Night and Day pressing by all means possible to get into the Town but therein they long labour'd in vain by reason of the multitude of the Defendents Till at length one of their Prisonen discover'd to the Besiegers a Vault or Passage under Ground by which the besieged descended to supply themselves with Water which Passage being once stop'd up the Inhabitants streighten'd by necessity confess'd themselves vanquish'd and so yielded up the Town Thus Antiochus became Master of Rabatamana where he left Nearchus Governor with a good Garrison and sending Hippolochus and Kâ—roeas who had deserted Ptolomy at the head of five thousand Foot into the Country in the neighbourhood of Samaria to Command in that Province and to Defend those who had submitted to him against Incursions of the Enemy he bent his march towards Ptolemais there to pass the Winter for so he had before determin'd During the same Summer those of Pedâ—elissa being attack'd and besieg'd by the Selgians and finding themselves in danger apply'd to Achoeus for Succour by their Ambassadors who readily promising them his Assistance they sustain'd the Siege with great Constancy in hopes of his sending them Relief which he accordingly did dispatching Garsyeres at the Head of Six Thousand Foot and Five Hundred Horse As soon as the Selgians had notice of the approach of these Succours they march'd with the greatest part of their Troops to possess the Streights near a certain Place call'd by those of the Country Climax or the Ladder posting his Troops on the Passage or Entrance hard by Saporda breaking the Ground and barracadoing the Passages every where Garsyeres marching into the Territory of the Milyades came and encamp'd near Cretompolis and finding it was impossible for him to advance any further for that the Enemy had every where made themselves Masters of the Defilées he therefore devis'd this Stratagem He caus'd his Troops to face about and march back by the way they came making show as if on finding the Ways so fortify'd that he could not march on he had despair'd of his Design of relieving the Besieg'd The Selgians were deceiv'd by this show and concluded Garsyeres had chang'd his purpose whereupon one part of their Troops return'd to their Camp and the◠〈◊〉 march'd home for that their time of Harvest was at hand This being observ'd by Garsyeres he there upon march'd back and gain'd the top of the Mountains without meeting any force to oppose him where posting sufficient strength to guard the Avenues he left Phaylus to Command there and march'd with the Army to Perga dealing with other People of Pisidiâ— and with the Pamphylians themselves by Persons he dispatch'd to them setting forth the insolent behaviour of the Selgians towards their Neighbours and exhorting them to enter into the League of Achoeus and to contribute to the Relief of Pednelissa While these things were in agitation the Selgians sent an Army against Phaylus which being well acquainted with the Country had conceiv'd hopes of terrifying him and forcing him from his Post But finding their Attempt in vain and losing many of their Men in the several Attacks they made upon him they lost their hopes likewise of succeeding that way howbeit they would not forsake their Enterprize but had recourse to their Machines In the mean while the Etennenses who inhabit the Mountains of Pisidia that over-look Sida supply'd Garsyeres with a re-inforcement of eight thousand Men and the Aspendians with four thousand But those of Sida who tho' they had a just Consideration for Antiochus yet bearing no Good-will to the Aspendians would not be drawn to send relief to the Besieged Garsyeres however thus strengthen'd with the Succours of the Allies march'd towards Pednelissa promising himself to be able to raise the Siege on the first attempt But when he perceiv'd the Selgians to be under no surprize at his arrival he drew near and Encamp'd his Army close by them The Pednelissians the mean while were driven to great streights for every thing wherefore Garsyeres resolving to put relief into the Town by one means or other drew out two thousand choice Men of his own Troops each Man taking with him a certain proportion of Corn order'd them to march and endeavour to get into the Town by Night
THE HISTORY OF POLYBIUS THE MEGALOPOLITAN CONTAINING A General Account OF THE Transactions of the World AND Principally of the ROMAN PEOPLE During the First and Second Punick Wars Translated by Sir H. S. To which is added A Character of Polybius and his Writings By Mr. Dryden The First Volume The Second Edition LONDON Printed by W. Onley for Sam. Briscoe in Covent-garden and R. Wellington at the Lute in St. Paul's Church-yard MDCXCVIII A Mapp of Antient SICELE Mentioned in Polybious by Sr. H.S. Vol I. THE CHARACTER OF POLYBIUS AND HIS WRITINGS THE worthy Author of this Translation who is very much my Friend was pleas'd to intrust it in my Hands for many Months together before he publish'd it desiring me to review the English and to Correct what I found amiss which he needed not have done if his Modesty wou'd have given him leave to have relied on his own Abilities who is so great a Master of our Stile and Language as the World will acknowledge him to be after the Reading of this Excellent Version 'T is true that Polybius has formerly appear'd in an English Dress but under such a Cloud of Errours in his first Translation that his native Beauty was not only hidden but his Sence perverted in many places so that he appear'd unlike himself and unworthy of that Esteem which has always been paid him by Antiquity as the most Sincere the Clearest and most Instructive of all Historians He is now not only redeem'd from those Mistakes but also restor'd to the first purity of his Conceptions And the Stile in which he now speaks is as plain and unaffected as that he wrote I had only the pleasure of Reading him in a fair Manuscript without the toil of Alteration At least it was so very inconsiderable that it only cost me the dash of a Pen in some few places and those of very small importance so much had the Care the Diligence and Exactness of my Friend prevented my Trouble that he left me not the occasion of serving him in a Work which was already finish'd to my Hands I doubt not but the Reader will approve my Judgment So happy it is for a good Author to fall into the hands of a Translator who is of a Genius like his own who has added Experience to his natural Abilities who has been Educated in Business of several kinds has Travell'd like his Author into many Parts of the World and some of them the same with the present Scene of History has been employed in Business of the like nature with Polybius and like him is perfectly acquainted not only with the Terms of the Mathematicks but has search'd into the bottom of that admirable Science and reduc'd into Practice the most useful Rules of it to his own Honour and the Benefit of his Native Country who besides these Advantages possesses the knowledge of Shipping and Navigation and in few Words is not ignorant of any thing that concerns the Tacticks So that here from the beginning we are sure of finding nothing that is not throughly Understood The Expression is clear and the Words adequate to the Subject Nothing in the Matter will be mistaken nothing of the Terms will be misapplied All is natural and proper and he who understands good Sence and English will be profited by the first and delighted with the latter This is what may be justly said in Commendation of the Translator and without the note of Flattery to a Friend As for his Author I shall not be asham'd to Copy from the Learned Casaubon who has Translated him into Latine many things which I had not from my own small Reading and which I cou'd not without great difficulty have drawn but from his Fountain not omitting some which came casually in my way by reading the Preface of the Abbot Pichon to the Dauphin's Tacitus an admirable and most useful Work which Helps I ingeniously profess to have receiv'd from them both to clear my self from being a Plagiary of their Writings and to give Authority by their Names to the weakness of my own Performance The taking of Constantinople by Mahomet the Great fell into the latter times of Pope Nicholas the Fifth a Pope not only studious of good Letters and particularly of History but also a great Encourager of it in others From the dreadful Overthrow of that City and final Subversion of the Greek Empire many Learned Men escap'd and brought over with them into Italy that Treasure of ancient Authors which by their unhappiness we now possess And amongst the rest some of these remaining Fragments of Polybius The Body of this History as he left it finish'd was consisting of Forty Books of which the eighth Part is only remaining to us entire As for his Negotiations when he was sent Ambassador either from his own Counttry-men the Common-wealth of the Achaians or afterwards was employed by the Romans on their Business with other Nations we are obliged to Constantine the Great for their Preservation for that Emperour was so much in Love with the dexterous Management and Wisdom of our Author that he caus'd them all to be faithfully Transcrib'd and made frequent Use of them in his own Dispatches and Affairs with Foreign Princes as his best Guides in his Concernments with them Polybius as you will find in reading of him though he principally intended the History of the Romans and the Establishment of their Empire over the greatest part of the World which was then known yet had in his Eye the general History of the Times in which he liv'd not forgetting either the Wars of his own Country with their Neighbours of Etolia or the concurrent Affairs of Macedonia and the Provinces of Greece which is properly so call'd nor the Monarchies of Asia and Egypt nor the Republick of the Carthaginians with the several Traverses of their Fortunes either in relation to the Romans or independent to the Wars which they wag'd with them besides what happen'd in Spain and Sicily and other European Countries The Time which is taken up in this History consists of Three and Fifty Years and the greast part of it is employ'd in the description of those Events of which the Author was an Eye-witness or bore a considerable part in the Conduct of them But in what particular Time or Age it was when Mankind receiv'd that irrecoverable Loss of this Noble History is not certainly deliver'd to us It appears to have been perfect in the Reign of Constantine by what I have already noted and neither Casaubon nor any other can give us any further Account concerning it The first Attempt towards a Translation of him was by Command of the same Pope Nicholas the Fifth already mention'd who esteem'd him the Prince of Greek Historians Wou'd have him continually in his Hands and us'd to make this Judgment of him That if he yielded to one or two in the Praise of Eloquence yet in Wisdom and all other Accomplishments belonging to a perfect
and pursuing the Enemy into their Camp and so Appius return'd Victorious into Messina loaded with the Spoils of the Enemy And Hieron who perceiv'd he had made a wrong Judgment touching the Issue of the War march'd away immediately towards Syracuse Claudius receiving next Morning Intelligence of his Retreat and being now full of assurance by his late Success resolv'd to lose no time but forthwith to Attack likewise the Carthaginians Pursuant to which Resolution he order'd his Army to take their repast betimes and to be under their Arms earlier than ordinary and sallying out by break of Day he surpriz'd the Enemy and routed them with great Slaughter those who escap'd being broken and scatter'd securing themselves in the Neighbouring Towns Having obtain'd these Victories and rais'd the Siege from before Messina he began now to make Inroads here and there upon the Neighbouring Country and proceeded without impediment to plunder as far as the Territory of the Syracusians and their Confederates whither at length-he march'd with his Army and sate down before Syracusa Thus have I related the Motives and given the History of the Romans first Expidition out of Italy And for as much as we have judg'd and chosen this Conjuncture as the most proper and sure Basis whereon to superstruct our whole Design we have therefore concluded that we cannot better prepare the Mind of the Reader for what follows than by setting out from hence Tho' we have look'd yet a little farther back the better to open and explain the Reasons of Things to the end there may not remain the least doubt For in my Judgment whosoever would attain a right Knowledge of the present Greatness of the Roman State should first be inform'd when and how Fortune began to Espouse their Cause for they had once lost their Country and farther to be well instructed in the Means by which and the time when they had intirely reduc'd Italy under their Dominion they began to form Designs of their remoter Conquests It will not therefore be thought strange if when we are to Treat of Great States and Mighty People we should labour to unfold the remotest Accounts of Antiquity and draw our Supplies from as near the Spring-head as may be which is the course we have taken that we might be sure to build on sound and unshaken Principles so that whatsoever People shall be the Subject of our Story we shall endeavour to shew how and when they began and the Steps that conducted them to that degree of Power and Greatness wherein we shall behold them And this is the Method we have been already pursuing touching the Affairs of the Romans But we will forbear farther Digressions and proceed to our History after we have lightly touch'd on some Preliminary Matters and what falls in order principally to be noted is the Transactions between the Romans and the Carthaginians during their Contention about Sicily next will be the War in Africk To which is annex'd the War the Carthaginians wag'd in Spain mannag'd first by Hamilcar and after him by Asdrubal about which time the Romans invaded Illiria and other remote Countries of Europe then shall be handled the War they made on the Gauls inhabiting Italy and in course we shall mention that in Greece call'd the Cleomenick War which gives a period to our Second Book Of these in order with some necessary Remarks for better light into our History for we have not conceived it necessary or in any manner profitable to be over particular in those things it not being our purpose to write their History but so to touch them as may suffice the better to guide the Reader into what we purpose to relate In a word it will be easily perceiv'd by the Thread of our Discourse how necessary it was to make some recital of what others have said before so as to let in the Mind of the inquisitive by an easier passage to subsequent Occurrences But above all it behoves us to be punctual in setting down the Revolutions in Sicily during the War there between the Romans and Carthaginians than which for duration there is hardly any Example of the like in History nor of the Provisions that were made to Prosecute it nor for the Greatness of Action or importance and hazard of Enterprises number of Battels and extraordinary Adventures For in short those two States had liv'd hitherto under an exact observance of their Laws their Diicipline was pure and unshaken their Wealth not burthensome and their Strength equal Whosoever therefore shall carefully consider the Form and Power of those two States respectively will be better able to collect Matter whereby to make a juster Comparison by this War only than by any subsequent Transactions whatsoever between them And now we have but one weighty Impediment to stay the Course of our History which is that Philinus and Fabius the Historians who have the repute of excelling all others in their Exactness and Fidelity in delivering this Story have not nevertheless been so just in their Relations as became them And yet when I consider their manner of Life I cannot well tell-how to charge them with design'd Falshood I am therefore inclin'd to think it hath happen'd to them as it often does to Lovers Philinus's Affection for the Carthaginians hath brib'd his Belief in favour of their great Conduct Wisdom and Generosity in all their Actions and Deliberations and perverted his Judgment on the other hand touching the Romans As to Fabius he acts the same part for his Country-men nor would it be blam'd in the other Deportments of his Private Life it being but just that a Man of Honour should bear Affection towards his Country and his Friends and that he shew Aversion to their Enemies and Love to their Friends But when once a Man hath taken upon him the Character of an Historian his Affections are no more his own and he is to divest himself of every Passion For how often falls it out to bâ— the Duty of a Writer to applaud the Merits of an Enemy and blame the Conduct of a Friend when their Faults and Follies so require For as a Horse that is become blind is render'd almost useless so History if Truth be once wanting ceaseth to be of any use or instruction We are therefore to make no difficulty to detect the Errors of a Friend and to do right to the Vertues of an Enemy Nor must we scruple sometimes to blame those who but now had as just a Title to our Applause It being impossible that such who have the Authority and Administration of Publick Affairs should not sometimes miscarry or that those who often err should not be now and then in the right We are not therefore to weigh the Rank or Fortune of those who are in Authority but to be careful that our Writings speak the Truth of their Actions And that this is a just Observation will appear by what follows Philinus in the beginning of his Second
came by the loss in all their Rencounters as being under worse Discipline and led by Commanders inferior in Skill and Sufficiency And it was here demonstrated how much the Wisdom and Knowledge of a great General weighs against Strength and Number for Hamilcar like an Artful Gamester first draws them in to Pickeer and ingage in small Parties and so by degrees diminish'd them and whenever they came to a Battel what by his Skill in laying and contriving Ambushes and otherwise he cut off great numbers of them Furthermore he never permitted them to be at rest but allarm'd them Night and Day and ever contriv'd it when they least expected it And such as fell alive into his Hands he gave to be devour'd by wild Beasts At length surprising them in a place where they were greatly incommoded and where he could lie at his ease there he besieg'd them in their Camp at a time when they thought themselves most secure where he so straiten'd them and brought them to such Extremity that they came both to want Resolution to give him Battel and were without all possible means to get out of his Hands to such Hardships were they driven that they came to devour one another an Instance of the Divine Justice to chastise the Inhumanity they themselves had practis'd They were afraid to come to a Battel knowing that whosoever fell into their Enemies Hands was sure to suffer Death by the most exquisite Torments and they despair'd of any Terms by Treaty conscious of the Guilt of so many abominable Crimes they therefore determin'd to abide the utmost Extremity and to exercise that Cruelty one among another which they had heretofore practis'd on their Neighbours and so to attend the Arrival of those Succours which they had been made to hope were coming to them from Tunes But when they had spent all their Prisoners with whose Bodies they had been sustain'd and their Slaves were likewise almost consum'd in the like horrid Repast and receiving no News from Tunes and the Army subdu'd by the Sharpness of their Sufferings beginning to look with an angry Eye on their Leaders Spendius Autaritas and Zarxas began to form Designs of yielding themselves up and so to enter upon Treaty with Hamilcar whereupon demanding by a Trumpet a Passport for Persons to be sent on a Treaty they themselves among others went and put themselves into the Hands of the Carthaginians to whom Hamilcar propos'd the following Conditions That the Carthaginians should make choice of Ten Persons out of the Enemies Army of what Condition soever and that the rest of the Army should be disarm'd and dismiss'd in their Shirts These Conditions being agreed to Hamilcar then declar'd That pursuant to the Articles of Agreement he made choice of those there present so the Number was compos'd of Autaritas Spendius and the rest of their chief Officers But when the Army was given to understand that their Commanders were detain'd knowing nothing of the Agreement that was accorded between them they took for granted they had been betray'd Whereupon in a tumultuous manner they ran to their Arms. But Hamilcar being before-hand with them drew out his Elephants and with them and the rest of the Army surrounding them fell upon them and cut them in pieces to the number of Forty Thousand The place where this bloody Service was perform'd was call'd Prion which signifieth a Saw forasmuch as it bore resemblance to that kind of Instrument After this famous Defeat of their Enemies the Carthaginians who were driven almost to Despair began to take Heart while Hamilcar with Hannibal and Naravasus forrag'd and scour'd the Country and the News of the Victory being dispers'd dispos'd many of the Africans to come into the Carthaginian Army and most of the Towns round about to return to their Obedience After this they take their March towards Tunes where they besieg'd Matho Hannibal's Quarter was on that part that regards Carthage and Hamilcar's on the opposite side As soon as their Army was incamp'd they led out Spendius and the rest of the Prisoners and bringing them near the Walls of the Town they there crucify'd them in view of the Enemy But Matho having observ'd that Hannibal did not keep so good a Guard in his Camp as he ought sally'd out and attack'd his Quarters where killing many of his People he put the rest to flight pillag'd his Camp and taking Hannibal himself Prisoner forthwith order'd Spendius to be taken from the Cross and Hannibal to be six'd alive in his place where he executed him with unspeakable Torments then they chose out Thirty Carthaginian Prisoners of the Noblest they could find and placing them about the Body of Spendius put them to death as if Fortune had made a Compact with these two People to give them Occasions of thus mutually exercising their Cruelty one on the other Hamilcar's Post was so remote from Hannibal's that the matter was past remedy before he knew any thing of it and tho' he should have receiv'd earlier Notice the Difficulty of the Ground and Situation of the Place would have afforded him but little hopes to relieve them Whereupon he decamp'd from where he was and came and posted himself along the Sea-side near the Mouth of the River Macheta The Carthaginians affrighted at this unlook'd for Loss began to fall from their late Hopes nevertheless they omitted nothing that might evidence their Care for the Publick Wherefore they dispatch'd Thirty of the Body of their Senate together with Hanno who had already commanded in this War to Hamilcar furthermore they supply'd him with a Re-inforcement to his Army with all they could pick up that could bear Arms in the City The Senators were instructed above all things to labour an Accomodation between Hamilcar and Hanno and to dispose them to such an Accord that the Commonwealth might not be sacrifie'd to their Differences Whereupon bringing them together after long Conference and Debate Hamilcar and Hanno became Friends and pass'd their Words to agree in all things for the common Good and accordingly afterwards their Affairs were successfully manag'd to the full Satisfaction of their Fellow-citizens So that Matho was now often reduc'd to Despair sometimes by Ambushes sometimes by Surprizes which frequently happen'd as on an occasion near Leptis and others where in all Parties and Rencounters they still came by the worst At length they determin'd to come to a Battel to which the Carthaginians on their part willingly agreed The Friends and Confederates of of both Parties were drawn together and their Garrisons were drawn out to augment their Armies for deciding the Dispute and when all things were in a readiness the Battel was fought on the Day appointed wherein the Carthaginians had the Day and the greatest part of the African Army slain on the place some few that escap'd got into a neighbouring Town which soon submitted where Matho was taken alive Upon this Success all the Towns in Africa that had been under
to the Achaians and Aetolians those of Apollonia and Dyrrachium arriving at the same time to implore Succors and beseech them not to permit the Illyrians to drive them out of their Country They were favourably heard by those two People who agreed together to dispatch ten Achaian Ships well mann'd and provided with all things necessary and when they were ready they made Sail towards Corfu in hopes to be able to raise the Siege But the Illyrians having according to their Treaty receiv'd a Re-inforcement of ten Gallies of the Acarnanians were got a-head of the Enemy and engag'd them near Paxus The Achaian Vessels that fought the Acarnanians made it but a kind of a drawn Business separating with little Harm done on either side only some few Soldiers hurt But it far'd otherwise with those who fought the Illyrians who fastning themselves four and four together proceeded after such a manner as seeming to be intangled they might by exposing their Broad-sides tempt the Enemy to attack them in Flank who when they had boarded them they by that Device over-pow'ring them with Numbers from the adjoyning Vessels enter'd on the Decks of the Achaian Gallies and easily reduc'd them taking four and sinking one with all her Men a-board in which Vessel was Marcus Carenias a Man of great Reputation who had all his Life long serv'd the Achaians with much Honour and Integrity When those who were engag'd with the Acarnanians saw the Illyrians had the better of the Battel they retir'd from the Fight wherein they were greatly further'd by the nimbleness and good-built of their Gallies and so made the best of their way Home Upon this Victory the Insolence of the Illyrians grew greater and greater who now straiten'd the Town more than before so that at length after some time of Defence being depriv'd of all hope of Succour they yielded it up receiving an Illyrian Garrison and Demetrius of Pharos for their Governour After this Action the Illyrians return'd to Dyrrachium and laid Siege to that Place In the mean while the Roman Consuls Cajus Fulvius with a Navy of two Hundred Sail and Aulus Posthumius with a Land-army set forth on their Expedition Fulvius arriving at Corfu was in hopes to find the Siege yet a-foot and tho' he found the Town was surrender'd and the Illyrians in Garrison he resolv'd however to attempt something as well to be satisfy'd how Affairs had been carry'd as to endeavour after some Intelligence with Demetrius being inform'd That he was fallen into the Queen's Displeasure and had sent to Rome to make a Tender of the Garrison to them Whereupon those of Corfu glad of the Arrival of the Romans put themselves by Consent of Demetrius into their Protection hoping they should thereby be safe for the future against the Outrages of the Illyrians So soon as things were adjusted here the Romans made Sail for Apollonia having Demetrius for their Pilot. In the mean time Posthumius embark'd his Land-army at Brundusium consisting of about twenty Thousand Foot and two Thousand Horse who join'd the Fleet at Apollonia which Town being put into their Hands they departed for Dyrrachium on Intelligence that the Illyrians had besieg'd that Place who having notice of the Romans approach rais'd their Siege and sled scattering for safety as well as they could so that that Town being likewise taken into the Romans Protection they advanc'd towards Illyria subduing the Ardyans in their way And now Ambassadours came to the Romans from divers Countries among which those of the Parthenians and the Antitanes these offering to put themselves under the Roman Protection were admitted to their Alliance So they pass'd on to Issa which the Illyrians had likewise besieg'd but departed at the approach of the Romans to whom the Inhabitants deliver'd up the City Afterwards coasting along the Illyrian Shore they assaulted and took several of their Towns among which Nutria where they lost their Quaestor some Tribunes and many Soldiers but this Loss was repair'd by the taking Forty of the Illyrians Vessels which were returning home loaden with Booty As for those who had besieg'd Issa among whom were a Body of Pharians these were well treated by Demetrius and continu'd in his Service the rest being scatter'd made their escape to Arbon Teuta hereupon with a small retinue retir'd to a strong Place call'd Rizon situate a good Distance within the Country on a River of that Name And now the Romans having put the greatest part of the Illyrian State into the Possession of Demetrius and after having invested him with great Authority they return'd with both their Armies to Dyrrachium from thence Cajus Fulvius departed towards Rome with the major Part of both Armies but Posthumius remain'd behind with forty long Vessels and rais'd an Army from among the Natives to the end if there should be occasion he might be in a posture of Defence for they were not sure of the Fidelity of the Ardyans and others who had put themselves under the Roman Protection Teuta early the following Spring sent Ambassadours to Rome with whom she made her Peace on the following Conditions That she should be Tributary to the Romans paying such a yearly Sum as they should think fit to impose That she should relinquish entirely her Interest in Illyria saving some few Places And what was yet more considerable and wherein the Greeks were principally concern'd she was not to Navigate beyond Lissus with above two Vessels and those unarm'd After this Posthumius sent Ambassadours to the Aetolians and Achaians first to report to them the true Cause and Motives of the War which brought the Romans into these Countries and then to give them an Account of the Success of their Arms causing the Treaty of Accord made between them and the Illyrians to be publickly read The Ambassadours having been receiv'd with due Honour and entertain'd with all manner of Respect return'd to Corfu and by the Peace now made with the Illyrians the Greeks were deliver'd from their Fears For in those Dais the Illyrians made no fair War with any particular People but rob'd and pillag'd all Nations they met with These then were the Motives the Romans had first of carrying their Arms into Illyria and those Countries of Europe and then was the first Intercourse they mannag'd by their Ambassadours with the People of Greece Afterwards they sent Ambassadours to the Corinthians and Athenians and then it was that the Corinthians ordain'd the Romans should have part in the Isthmian Games While these things were transacted in those Parts by the Romans Asdrubal for we were speaking of him when we broke off our Discourse about Spain govern'd his Province with great Wisdom and Address performing infinite Services of extraordinary Moment to the Carthaginians augmenting their Power especially by a City he caus'd to be built which is call'd by some Carthagena by others the New Town This City hath a very commodious Situation whether we respect either Spain or
Africk but we shall have occasion else-where to speak more particularly thereof and the Benefit accruing thereby to both those Countries When the Romans came to understand that the Carthaginians had acquir'd so great a Reputation in that Country as to become formidable to the Spaniards they resolv'd to attempt something likewise on that side and concluding that the Growth of the Carthaginian Greatness was principally owing to their Negligence who by a profound Carelessness had as it were slept away their Jealousie they therefore determin'd to repair that Error by their future Care and Vigilance They did not dare however for the present to exact any thing of the Carthaginians that might appear hard and severe nor declare a War with them from the Apprehensions they were under of the Gauls who at that time as it was bruited were preparing an Army to march against Rome They resolv'd therefore for the present to sooth and amuse Asdrubal by Art that they might have the more leisure to deal with the Gauls For they rightly judg'd that while they should have that Enemy at their backs it would be not only impossible for them to become entire Masters of Italy but their City itself would not be out of Danger Wherefore after they had concluded a Treaty with Asdrubal by their Ambassadours by which the Carthaginians were oblig'd not to advance their Arms beyond the River Eber without making mention of any other Countries of Spain they prepar'd to attack the Gauls that inhabited Italy But before we come to speak of that War we have thought it not improper to say something of the Nation of the Gauls whereby to Conduct the Reader to a right Knowledge of those Matters which we purpose to deliver It will also beget a better Connexion of the Parts of our History to shew the Time when that People first planted themselves in Italy In short we have not only judg'd their Actions worthy Recording and that they ought to be deliver'd to Posterity but have concluded it necessary to our Purpose so to do For we shall learn by that means what sort of People it was that serv'd under Hannibal and with what kind of Aids he sustain'd his great Design of Subverting the Roman Government But it seems fit first to make mention of the Country to the end that by being instructed in the Nature and Situation of their Towns we may give a clearer Insight into the principal Parts of our History Italy then is in Form of a Triangle that part which regards the East is terminated by the Ionian Sea and Adriatick Gulf The Western and Southern Parts are bounded by the Tuscane and Sicilian Seas and where these two Lines meet is one Part of the Triangle here is a Promontory looking towards the South which is call'd Cothinthus which separates the Sicilian and Ionian Seas The part which regards the North and joins it to the Continent is bounded by the Alpes which take their beginning about Marseilles and the Places bordering on the Sardinian Sea stretching and extending from thence to the bottom of the Adriatick Gulf if they do not reach quite as far as Adria beneath these Mountains which Line makes the Base of the Triangle there are spacious and fertile Plains ranging North and South which terminate the Continent of Italy These Plains which have likewise a triangular Form whereof the joining of the Alpes and Appennine Hills near Marseilles make one Point exceed in Fertility all other Parts of Europe On the North they are bounded by the Alpes extending above two hundred and sixty Miles in length but the Bounds thereof towards the South are made by the Appennines containing in length about four hundred and sixty Miles towards the Sea where the Coast of the Adriatick made another side of the Triangle is computed from Senagallia to the bottom of the Gulf in length about three hundred Miles So that this Plain or Champaign Country contains in Circuit little less than eleven hundred Miles Now touching the Fertility of Italy it is hardly possible to set it forth It abounds so much in Bread-corn that very often and even in our Days the Sicilian Bushel of Wheat hath been sold for four Oboli and Barly at two and a Metreta of Wine at the same price They have Plenty likewise of Millet and all other Grain beyond expression It may be judg'd also that they abound in Oak-mast insomuch as the Italians breed infinite numbers of Swine which are spent in their Sacrifices and common Uses and carry'd in Heards with their Armies In a word it will be seen by what follows how plentifully this Country is stor'd with all things necessary to Human Life those who travel in these parts never cheapen any thing in their Inn but demand only how much they are to pay by the Head where you shall be very well treated for a quarter of an Obolus and it is seldom or never that they demand more Their People are numerous their Men proper and well-propotion'd and by their Actions they make appear that they are no less qualify'd for War The Gauls who are call'd Trans-Alpine inhabit on the North side of the Alpes about the River Rhone the Tauricks the Agonians and many other Barbarous Nations live on the Skirts of the Plains we have been speaking of Those Gauls differ nothing from the others but because they inhabit on the other side of the Alpes the Italians have given them that Appellation The very Tops of these Mountains are not habitable by reason of the Difficulty of Access and the perpetual Snow that covers them The Ligurians live on the Appennines and those Mountains towards Marseilles that join with the Alpes possessing likewise the other two sides that regard the Tuscane Sea and the great Plains but towards the West they spread themselves as far as Pisa which is the first Town in Tuscany and on the Inland-side as far as Arrezzo Then we come to the Tuscans and Ombrians their Borderers who dwell on both sides the Mountains we have mention'd From thence the Appennines which are there distant from the Adriatick Sea at least Sixty Miles leaving the Plains turn away to the Right-hand and dividing Italy as it were in the midst run stretching along as far as the Sicilian Sea As to the Plains but now nam'd where the Appennines turn off they extend to the Sea and advance as far as Sienna The River Po so much celibrated by the Poets who have given it the Name of Erydanus hath its Source in the Alpes about that part which makes one Point of the Triangle This River runs first towards the South watering the Country lying under those Hills and from thence falling into a level Country it takes its Course towards the East and by two Out-lets runs into the Adriatick It is the noblest and most useful River of the whole Continent of Italy for the Waters that fall either from the Alpes or Appennines run thither And as it is the
dispute about Words and that regard was to be had only to the truth of Fact namely whether Saguntum had been attack'd and taken or no For if Matters had remain'd in the posture wherein they were Words might suffice to finish the Dispute but that City being now taken whereby the Treaty was become violated they were oblig'd either to deliver up the Authors of that Infraction which would witness to the World That the Carthaginians were guiltless of the Fault that had been committed and that Hannibal had of his own head without their privity acteâ— that violence or in case they refus'd and on the contrary were dispos'd to own themselves Accessaries with Hannibal that they then would do well in one word to explain themselves and put an issue to the Dispute Thus the Romans ended their Discourse speaking nothing but in general Terms And here I cannot well omit what I am about to say to the end those whom it imports to be rightly instructed in Occurrences may not be kept in ignorance of the Truth in deliberations of Moment and that the Lovers of History misled by the Errors or Passions of Historians may not lose themselves through want of light into the Treaties which have been made between the Romans and Carthaginians since the first Punick War The first Treaty that was made between them was concluded during the Consulship of Junius Brutus and Marcus Horatius who were the first Roman Consuls after the expulsion of their Kings at the time of the Consecration of the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus which was eight and twenty Years before the Voyage of Xerxes into Greece We shall here record the very Words of the said Treaty which we have interpreted with all the Fidelity we are able for in truth the ancient Roman Language is so different from what is now spoken that those who are most conversant therein find difficulty enough to explain certain hard Places after the expence of much Time and Study The said first Treaty is conceiv'd in the following Terms There shall be Peace and Friendship between the Romans and the Allies of the Romans and between the Carthaginians and the Allies of the Carthaginians on the following Conditions viz. That the Romans and the Allies of the Romans shall not navigate beyond the Fair Promontory unless constrain'd by Tempest or an Enemy If at any time they shall chance to be forc'd a-shoar they shall not be permitted to buy any thing nor take any thing but what they need for repairing their Vessels and for their Sacrifices That none shall make longer stay a-shoar than five Days That those who shall come as Merchants shall pay no other Duty than what is allow'd to the Common Cryer and Register That these two Officers shall make Affidavit of what shall be bought and sold in their presence as well in Africa as Sardinia If the Romans shall chance at any time to visit such Places in Sicily aâ— are in subjection to the Carthaginians they shall not suffer any molestation whatsoever but shall have Justice done them in all things That the Carthaginians shall attempt nothing against the Ardiates the Antiates the Aretines those of Laurentum of Circe and of Tarracina nor in a word any of the Latins whomsoever that shall be in subjection to the Romans nor shall they attempt any of their Towns that are under the Roman Protection and in case they should at any time make seizure of any Town they shall restore the same to the Romans without any damage That they shall not build either Fort or Citadel in the Country of the Latins and in case they should at any time invade their Lands in hostile manner they shall not remain a Night among them The Promontory here call'd the Fair Promontory is near Carthage tending toward the North the Carthaginians not permitting the Romans to navigate to the Southwards of that unwilling I believe that they should obtain any knowledge of the Places and Country about Byzaces or the Lesser Syrtis where that Territory is call'd the Empories by reason of the great Fertility of these Parts that if any one compell'd by Tempest or the Enemy should chance to touch there and should want Necessaries for the resitting of their Vessels or for their Sacrifices these were permitted them but nothing was to be taken by force and that those who should so land should be oblig'd to depart in five Days But the Romans were permitted to have Trade and Commerce with Carthage and the rest of Africk on this side the said Promontory as likewise in Sardinia and in those Places in Sicily that were under the Dominion of the Carthaginians In which Intercourse the Carthaginians promise to do Justice to all and not to violate the Rights of any Nay it appears by this Treaty that the Carthaginians spake of Sardinia and of Africa as of their own Dominions but they speak differently of Sicily distinguishing plainly between what was and what was not in subjection to them in that Island In like manner the Romans in the same Treaty speak of the Country of the Latins not making mention of the rest of Italy as not being then under their Dominion In short these two People came after to another Treaty wherein the Carthaginians compriz'd the Tyrians and those of Vtica but with adding to the Fair Promontory Mastia and Tarseius not permitting the Romans to build Towns nor ravage the Country beyond it See the Treaty it self That the Romans and their Allies shall have Friendship and Confederacy with the People of Carthage together with the Tyrians and those of Utica and their Allies on condition that they exercise no Hostility nor manage any Commerce or Traffick nor build any Towns beyond the Fair Promontory Mastia or Tarseius That if the Carthaginians shall take any Town in the Territory of the Latins that is not in the Roman Protection they shall enjoy the Pillage thereof but the Town shall be restor'd and put into the hands of the Romans That if the Carthaginians shall at any time take any Prisoners with whom the Romans are in Amity by any Treaty and albeit they are not in subjection to the Romans they shall not bring the said Persons into any Port of the Romans and that in case any such Prisoner should be so brought and discover'd he shall upon being challeng'd be forthwith releas'd and set at liberty That the Romans shall be treated in the same manner in the Ports depending on the Carthaginians That if the Romans shall put in at any Port of the Carthaginians Dependants to take in Water and Refreshment not any of those who are compriz'd in this Treaty of Friendship shall offer them any Injury or Molestation if otherwise the Crime shall be understood to be a Publick Breach of the Treaty As to Sardinia and Africa the Romans shall have no Commerce there where they shall neither traffick build Towns nor in a word so much as attempt to land on these Coasts unless it
And directed those who best understood that Affair to take care for the transporting the Elephants while he assembled the Army where he produc'd Magilus who was come to visit him from the Countries that lie about the Po accompanied with other Princes of the Gauls making known to them by an Interpreter the Resolution that People had taken but what most animated the Soldiers was the Presents which those Princes had brought with them the tender of their Service and offers to ingage with them as their Companions in the War against the Romans In short after Magilus had assur'd them he would be their Conductor through all those Passages by which they were to march and that they should shortly arrive in safety in Italy and want for nothing in their Journey they thought it reasonable to yield entire belief to what he said they were likewise greatly encourag'd by what they heard of the abundance and fertility of the Country they were to invade and with the chearful and frank Behaviour of those who were to joyn with them in their Conflicts with the Romans The Gauls being now retir'd out of the Assembly Hannibal return'd where he represented to his People first the important Actions they had already atchiev'd how many notable Services by his Counsel and Leading they had already perform'd how many hazardous Adventures they had gone through whereof not any Man there had cause to repent Then he exhorted them to continue firm in their Resolutions inasmuch as they were of themselves convinc'd that the most difficult part of the Work was now pass'd their Passage over the River succeeding to their own Wishes nor could there be any remaining doubt of the Fidelity and Good-will of their Allies he requir'd in short that they would entertain no anxious Thoughts about the future but rely firmly on his Care and Circumspection telling them that by an entire resignation to his Conduct and Commands they would give the best and surest Marks of their Resolution and ascertain their Title to the Glory they had already won And now after the Soldiers by their Words and Actions had unanimously signify'd their approbation and readiness to obey him and their willingness to engage in all Dangers Hannibal praising their forwardness and imploring the assistance of the Gods for their Preservation commanded them to retire to their repose and to be in a readiness to march for that he determin'd to decamp the next Day so they departed The Assembly was no sooner dismiss'd when the Numidians return'd who had been sent abroad to discover of whom a great part were cut off and those who escap'd had sav'd themselves by slight For having incountred it seems not far from the Camp with certain Horse-men of the Romans whom Publius had sent abroad on the same Errand they had ingag'd so roughly that on the part of the Romans and Gauls an hundred and fifty were kill'd on the spot and of the Numidians above two hundred the Romans pursuing the rest to their Camp by which means they got knowledge of what had pass'd with the Carthaginians and so retir'd to their own Army with all the expedition they were able to assure the Consul of the Enemies arrival Whereupon the Romans decamp'd imbarking all their Baggage on board the Fleet and eagerly wishing to come to action with the Enemy they took their march up the River The Day after Hannibal had made his Oration to the Army he order'd all the Horse to move and march toward the Sea-Coast to intercept any sudden Danger that might threaten from that Quarter then he commanded the Foot to follow while himself attended the coming of the Elephants and those whom he had left to conduct them And here it will not be amiss that we give an account how they imbark'd those mighty Beasts They made many Floats of Timber whereof they joyn'd two and two together these Floats were fifty Foot long each and were plac'd pointing out into the River their inmost ends resting on the Bank and all well united together then they fasten'd others to the ends of those reaching yet farther out into the River these Machines so fram'd resembling in some sort a Bridge were well sustain'd and fasten'd with Cordage on all parts and defended from the violence of the Stream They moor'd or fasten'd this Platform to the Trees which grew on the Bank whereof there were good store after having inlarg'd and run out this Work to about two hundred Foot in length they joyn'd to the end thereof two other large substantial Floats well fasten'd together which they so joyn'd to the six'd Platform with Ropes as to be able easily to disjoyn them from the other to these moveable Floats they fasten'd Ropes whereby to tow and draw them with Boats appointed for that purpose to the other side the River and to hold them up against the Current that it might not drive down the Stream when the Machine should be loosen'd from the fix'd Stage then they cover'd the surface of it with Earth to make it appear firm Ground like that on the Bank for the Elephants were taught an exact Obedience to their Governors and were so in all things passing over the Water only excepted whereof they stood in great fear Wherefore the better to prevail on the rest they led two gentle Female Elephants foremost the others following They being brought to the outermost moveable Floats they then unty'd the Ropes by which they were fasten'd and tow'd the said Float with the Cargo of Elephants to the other side The Beasts were terrify'd at first and ran from one side to the other of the Float but beholding nothing but Water on all sides their sear then kept them in order Thus by several Voyages they wafted over all their Elephants some few excepted which leap'd through fear into the Water when they were in the middle of the Stream but these were likewise preserv'd tho' their Guides perish'd for by the help of their great Trunks which they held above Water they thereby discharg'd their Stomachs of the Water they had taken in and breath'd with freedom By this Artifice they transported their Elephants to the other side the River And now Hannibal posting his Horse and his Elephants in the Rear of the Army continu'd his march down the Stream towards the East The source or head of the Rhosne is situate far up in the Country above the Gulf of the Adriatick-Sea towards the West in those parts of the Alpes which regard the North tending in its passage towards the Southwest and discharging it self into the Sardinian-Sea In short this River for the most part makes its passage through a Champaign Country environ'd on both sides with Mountains whose North-side is inhabited by the Gauls-Ardienses the other is bounded by the North-side of the Alpes That part of the Alpes which runs from Marseilles to the bottom of the Adriatick separates the plain Country in the neighbourhood of the Po whereof we have
on his March in the Enemies Rear and kept always near him ever encamping on proper Ground for his purpose which he very well knew how to chuse having a perfect knowledge of the Country And being supply'd from the places behind him with what he stood in need of he never adventur'd his Soldiers abroad to Forrage nor permitted them so much as to be seen out of the Camp Wherefore being enclos'd continually within their Ramparts and perpetually on the watch to spy any advantage by the means he surpriz'd and cut off great numbers of the Enemy who chane'd to straggle any distance from their Camp or who out of contempt of the Romans forrag'd near them By this means he diminish'd his Enemies numbers and bred Courage and Assurance in his own Soldiers and by these little Combats and Rencounters taught them to recover their Spirits which were much sunk by their late Calamities whereby those who had been hitherto vanquish'd might begin not to despair of Victory But nothing could draw him to come to a pitch'd Field While on the other hand Minutius his Master of the Horse was neither of his Judgment nor Humor For he leaning constantly to the Opinion of the Multitude made a little too bold with the Dictator in his Discourse representing him as a flow and bashful Man while he for his part was of another Temper ready to enterprize any thing and willing to come speedily to a Battel After the Carthaginians had wasted the Country round about as we but now mention'd they pass'd the Apennines and enter'd into the Territory of the Sannites a fertile Soil and where for a long time they had felt nothing of the desolations of War Here they met with such abundance of all things that it was not possible for them to consume the store either by their Expence or their Malice They plunder'd likewise the Lands of the Beneventines where there was a Colony of Romans and took the City of Venosa albeit a strong Town and furnish'd for defence In the mean time the Romans follow'd their steps keeping within a Days march or two at most of them but approach'd not nearer being in no wise dispos'd to come to a Battel Whereupon when Hannibal found that Fabius would not be persuaded to fight he resolv'd to take his march towards Falernum a Town in the Territory of Capua concluding that one of these two things would thereby be brought to pass namely that either he should compel the Enemy to give him Battel or in case of refusal it would be made manifest to all the World he was their superior and that the Romans wanted Resolution to come to a Decision And by this means he reckon'd that the Towns and Cities would be terrify'd into submission and to abandon the Romans For notwithstanding Hannibal's two Victories there was not yet one Italian Town that had taken part with him but preserv'd their Faith entire to the Romans tho' some were hard press'd and streighten'd by the Enemy from whence may be gather'd what deference and veneration they had for the Roman Government Nor did Hannibal take this Resolution rashly and without ripe Deliberation for the Champaign Country about Capua is the best part of the richest and most beautiful Soil in the World Furthermore it borders on the Sea by which Italy holds intercourse with all Foreign Countries Over and above these Incouragements the noblest and most beautiful Towns of all Italy are found here namely on the Sea-Coast Sinuessa Cuma Puzzola Naples and Nuceria On the Frontiers towards the West Calenum and Theano towards the South-East Apulia and Nola. Capua is situate in the heart of the Country and surpass'd heretofore in Riches and Luxury all other Cities so much like the Truth are the Fables that are recorded of this delicious Territory known likewise by the name of the Phlegraean-Fields with those sam'd in Greece for their Beauty and Amoenity In short it may be said That it was principally for this happy Country that the Gods once contended Furthermore this Country is fortify'd by Nature and the Accesses to it difficult For on the one hand it is defended by the Sea and on the other by a Chain of continu'd Mountains In a word there are but three Avenues to it and these very streight and difficult over the said Mountains The first is that which leads to Samnium the second to Eribanus and the third from the Country of the Hirpins Wherefore the Carthaginian was not without hopes that if he could compass the Conquest of this part of Italy he should be able from thence to awe all the World beside and bring a Contempt on his fluggish Enemy who had not the Courage to forbid him and that no body would then doubt but he was in effect Master of all without the Roman Retrenchments Hannibal wrought on by these Reasons having left Samnium and gain'd his passage by the way of the Mountain call'd Eribanus he encamp'd on the Banks of the River Athurnus which divides and runs through that part of Campania that regards Italy and from hence forag'd and made Devastations in the Country round about none appearing to impeach him while Fabius tho' wondring at the temerity of his Project held the faster to his first Determination But Minutius on the contrary and the rest of the prime Officers of the Army persuaded they had now coop'd-up the Enemy became very instant that they might hasten their march into Campania and that it was not to be supported that Hannibal should without controul pillage and destroy the best and most flourishing part of Italy Whereupon Fabius made show of being reason'd into their Opinion and feign'd to be as forward to find out the Enemy and give him Battel as they were till he had got into the Country whither he march'd the Army with great expedition But when he drew near the Territory of the Falernians he contented himself with barely making an appearance with his Army along the Mountains and to keep pace with the Enemy fearing lest their Allies should think that the Romans out of dread of the Carthaginian Army confin'd themselves entirely to their Camp Nevertheless he adventur'd not into the plain Country but continu'd to shun all occasions of coming to a Battel for the Reasons already render'd and for that the Carthaginians much out-number'd them in Horse Wherefore after Hannibal had challeng'd the Romans by all sorts of Provocations and Indignities plunder'd all Campania and amass'd a mighty Booty he began to consult about decamping resolving by no means to part with his Spoil but to convey it to some fase place where he should keep his Winter-Quarters to the end his Army might not only have a present enjoyment of the fruit of their Travail but a prospect of plenty of every good thing for the time to come Fabius then collecting that the Enemy had a mind to return by the way he came concluded to way-lay him by an Ambush in the Desile
in numbers of Men and all sorts of provision of War he declin'd his Purpose of dealing with them by Land and equipp'd a Naval Army consisting of five and thirty Ships and putting on Board the best Men of the Land-Army made Sail and got before the Enemy Two Days after his departure from Tarragona he arriv'd near the mouth of the Eber and about ten Miles from the Carthaginian Fleet from whence he dispatch'd two Scout-Vessels of Marseilles to discover the Motions and Intentions of the Enemy these Vessels were the foremost in all Dangers and kept always a head of the Fleet with a forwardness that prov'd very useful to the Romans For the Marseillians had always taken part with the Romans and espous'd their Cause more conspicuously in this Adventure The Scouts that had been sent out brought advice that the Enemies Fleet was at an Anchor in the mouth of the Eber Whereupon Scipio forthwith got under Sail resolving to make the best of his way to surprize them as they lay But Asdrubal receiving timely notice of the Enemies approach by certain Beacons that he order'd to be provided on the Hills put his Land-Forces in order of Battel on the Shore and order'd the Marine Army forthwith to imbark As the Romans drew near the Enemy they caus'd their Trumpets to sound and came to Blows with them out of hand But the Carthaginians after they had stubbornly disputed the Victory for a while at length began to retire But their 〈◊〉 Army that was drawn up on the Shore prov'd as it fortun'd rather a Mischief than a Benefit by how much their presence so near at hand gave the Sea-men a more certain prospect of Safety by slight than by fighting wherefore perceiving the Romans likely to prove superior to them they stood about and fled as fast as they could toward the Shore after they had sustain'd the loss both of Men and Gallies But the Romans vigorously pursuing the Advantage forc'd them at last quite ashore where deserting their Vessels they sav'd themselves by escaping to their Land-Forces that were drawn up hard by the Romans following them to the Shore and taking as many of their Vessels as they could carry off well-pleas'd to have beaten the Enemy at their first essay taking thirty five of their Vessels and making themselves Masters of those Seas After this Victory the Affairs of the Romans began to have a better face in those Parts In the mean time the Carthaginians receiving Intelligence of this loss fitted out a Fleet with all Expedition consisting of seventy Sail equipp'd for War well knowing of what moment it was to them to preserve their Dominion of the Sea This Fleet first touch'd in Sardinia and then call'd at Pisa in Italy hoping they might have found Hannibal to have consulted and concerted Matters with him But the Romans coming after them with a Fleet of an hundred and twenty Sail of Gallies the Carthaginians terrify'd with their numbers return'd directly back to Sardinia and from thence to Carthage Cn. Servilius General of the Roman Fleet made chace after them for a while in hopes of coming to an Ingagement but finding they had got too much the start of him he left off the pursuit Then he made Sail for Lilybaeum with the whole Fleet from thence he steer'd his course to a certain Island in the African Sea call'd Cercina where he levy'd Money on the Inhabitants to purchase exemption of their Country from Plunder From thence he held on his way and came to an Island call'd Cossyrus which he took and after he had put a Garrison into the Town he return'd back to Lilybaeum where leaving the Fleet in Harbour he went himself to find out their Land-Forces The Senate of Rome receiving Intelligence of Scipio's Sea-Victory concluded that it was not only convenient but necessary to the Common-wealth that they should not neglect their Assairs in Spain wherefore to quicken the War on that side and press the Carthaginians the more in these Parts they sitted out a Squadron of twenty Gallies and forthwith gave them into the Charge of Pub. Scipio dispatching him to his Brother to the end they might jointly manage the War in Spain For the Senate justly apprehended that if the Carthaginians should once be permitted to conquer and possess at their pleasure that Province they would soon recover their Dominion of the Sea attack and make Descents in Italy with ease and be enabled to re-inforce and supply Hannibal both with Men and Money Wherefore I say the Romans concluding that keeping the War on foot in Spain was of great utility to their Assairs dispatch'd Pub. Scipio with a Naval Army to joyn his Brother who after his Arrival when they came to unite their Strength proceeded with great Success For albeit the Romans had never yet attempted to pass the Eber but thought it a great deal for them that the People on this side the River were dispos'd to enter into Friendship and Confederacy with them yet now they adventur'd to pass those Bounds making War on remoter Nations and Fortune approv'd their Enterprize For after they had terrify'd the People that inhabit on the Banks of the Eber they advanc'd toward Saguntum and encamp'd within five Miles thereof in the neighbourhood of the Temple of Venus and so posted themselves that they were every way cover'd from Attempts of an Enemy and where whatever they wanted might with case be supply'd them for their Fleet by Sea kept pace with them on Land coasting it along the Shore at the same rate they march'd But in the mean time there happen'd an occurrence which avail'd further toward the Prosperity of the Roman Assairs Upon Hannibal's departure on his Expedition to Italy he took Hostages of all the Towns of whose Affection he was not well assur'd making choice for that purpose of the Children of the principal Inhabitants and sending them to be carefully kept under a good Guard at Saguntum that place being not only well fortify'd but the Garrison he had left in it well dispos'd to his Service Among those there was one Abilyx a Spaniard a Man of the first Rank in his Country both for his Authority and Manners and above all reckon'd among the most faithful Friends of the Carthaginians This Man taking the present posture of Affairs into Consideration and observing the Romans likely to prosper took a Resolution worthy of a Spaniard and a Barbarian which was to bring it about that the said Hostages might be deliver'd up believing that by compassing some remarkable Service to the Romans he should become very Popular and be well receiv'd among them Asdrubal had committed the Government of that Province to Bostar a Man of Authority among the Carthaginians with Orders to oppose the Romans when at any time they should attempt passing the River Eber but he wanting Resolution to withstand them had retir'd from his Post and march'd and encamp'd near Saguntum towards the Sea Now Abilyx well knew
Achaian This being the Posture of Affairs in that Town those who were under sentence of Bunishment had a little before the arrival of the Aetolian Army labour'd about a Reconciliation and besought the Government that they might be restor'd to their Country Upon which Overtures the Citizens were prevail'd with to yield to their admittance but to the end they might not transact any thing without the concurrence of the Achaians they first dispatch'd their Deputies to them to obtain their Approbation The Achaians readily accorded to the request of the banish'd Persons conceiving they should thereby ingratiate themselves and gain the good will of both Parties of those in whose Hands the Magistracy was then lodg'd for their greatest hopes was in the Achaians and of the others who were restor'd to their Country as owing the benefit to their Favour So that these Differences being compos'd the Cynoethians dismiss'd their Garison and their Governour and being now reconcil'd to their Exiles who were to the number of about three Hundred receiv'd them to their Friendship who gave them all the evidences of Fidelity and fair Dealing that could possibly be interchang'd between People firmly dispos'd to love and oblige one another But without the least appearance of any new Motive of Dissention they were no sooner receiv'd into the Town when they conspir'd together to betray their Country and destroy those who but just before had been the Authors of so great a Benefit So that it may be said That while they were protesting Fidelity by the Victims on the Altar they were meditating the most horrible Crime that could be conceiv'd against God or Man For they had scarce made an end of swearing Fidelity on their being receiv'd into the Town when they call'd in the Aetolians and deliver'd it into their Hands proud of being the Authors of their Countries ruine that had given them Being and of inslaving those who had redeem'd them Behold the manner how this piece of Treachery was contriv'd Some of the Exiles had been Polymarchs that is they had been in command in the Army Which sort of Magistrates it seems had a right to take charge of the Gates of the Town had the custody of the Keys and by Night the Command of the Guard Now the Aetolians who were not far off having Ladders and all proper Provision with them lay conceal'd waiting the occasion when the Polymarchs who had been banish'd after having dispatch'd their Companions of the Guard who were not partakers of the Villany presently threw open the Gates Whereupon one Party of the Aetolians enter'd that way and another scal'd the Walls In the mean time the Inhabitants terrify'd at an attempt so surprizing were confounded in their Judgments what to do or which way first to go for in short they no sooner advanc'd against those who had enter'd by the Gate when they were alarm'd by the others who were scaling their Walls but those who enter'd by the Gate being the greater number found them more than work enough So that in the end the Aetolians became Masters of the Place and amidst the many Crimes they committed perform'd this one act of Justice namely to cut those in pieces first who had betray'd the Town into their Hands making Booty of their Goods Howbeit the rest afterwards far'd no better their Houses being expos'd to Plunder and many of the Inhabitants put to Torment on suspicion they might have conceal'd their Goods of greatest value After this severe treatment of the Cynoethians they plac'd a Garrison in the Town and march'd with their Army towards Lussi when arriving near a Temple of Diana between Clytoria and Cynoetha a place of great Devotion and a Sanctuary among the Greeks they were about to rob the Goddess of the sacred Cattel and all that was near the Temple But to prevent this Violence and with-hold them from greater Crimes the Lussiatoe freely bestow'd part of what appertain'd to the Goddess upon them Whereupon they dislodg'd from thence and went and encamp'd before Clytoria In the mean time Aratus Praetor of the Achaians having sent to demand Aids of King Philip proceeded to make extraordinary Levies of Men and call'd on the Lacedaemonians and Messenians for the Succours they were oblig'd to contribute pursuant to the Treaty The Aetolians likewise press'd the Clytorians to renounce their Alliance with the Achaians and take part with them Which being refus'd they endeavour'd to reduce them by force scaling the Walls of the Town But being resolutely oppos'd by the Inhabitants they were compell'd to retire From thence they return'd to Cynaetha pillaging the Country all about and carrying away the sacred Cattel of the Goddess Then they propos'd to put the Town into the hands of the Eleans which not being accepted they resolv'd to keep it for themselves putting in Euripides for their Governour But shortly after being allarm'd at the news of the approach of the Macedonians they burnt the Town and retir'd taking their march towards Rhium with purpose to pass that way into Aetolia In the mean time Taurion having notice of the Success of the Aetolians and of what they had done at Cynaetha and hearing that Demetrius of Pharus was arriv'd from the Cyclades to Cenchrea he importun'd him to come to the Assistance of the Achaians to draw his Vessels over the Isthmus and fall on the Aetolians in their passage Demetrius who had fled from the Rhodians that were in pursuit of him and had brought with him no less Shame than Plunder from the Cyclades readily yielded to the Demand especially in regard Taurion was to be at the expence of transporting over the Vessels But that Work was no sooner over when they understood that the Aetolians had gain'd their Passage two Days before whereupon Demetrius contenting himself to make Inroads on them here and there near the Sea-coast retir'd to the Port of Corinth In conclusion the Lacedoemonians industriously and with evil intent deferr'd sending those Aids to which by the accord they were oblig'd covering their malicious Purpose however with dispatching an inconsiderable Supply of Horse and Foot While the Achaian Troops rendezvous'd about Aratus who in short govern'd his Affairs in such sort in that occasion as render'd him rather a cautious and wise Citizen than an able General of an Army For indeed the reflection on his late Disasters had so warn'd him that he remain'd long undetermin'd how to proceed till at length Dorimachus and Scopas having leisure given them to act the Part for which they came return'd home without molestation While Aratus in the mean time well knew they must of necessity take their March by such Ways and Passes so difficult and dangerous that as one may say they might have been beaten by the Sound only of a Trumpet As for the Cynaethians tho' their usage from the Aetolians was barbarous enough yet so it was that all the World look'd on their Misfortunes as a Punishment justly inflicted But forasmuch as the Arcadians are
in some Reputation for Vertue among the Greeks not only for their laudable Manners and the Humanity wherewith Strangers and all People are receiv'd among them but chiefly for their Devotion to the Gods it will not therefore be amiss that we give some account of the Brutality of the Cynaethians and how it came to pass that being of Arcadian Extraction they should have so degenerated as to surpass in all sorts of Crimes and Barbarities the whole Greek Nation beside For my own part I am apt to conclude that this their Depravity sprang from their being the first and almost only People among the Arcadians that apostatiz'd and renounc'd the wholesom and wise Institutions of their Forefathers and the common and natural Ties of Humanity so strictly observ'd by all the Arcadians beside Musick is esteem'd useful every-where but to the Arcadians it is necessary I mean the true Mystery and Science of Musick And no Credit is to be given to a Saying of Ephorus so unworthy of the Author who in the beginning of his Writings tells us That Musick was invented to deceive and abuse us Nor is there any ground to conclude that the Cretans and Lacedaemonians did without Reason introduce the Use of the Flute and Singing instead of the Trumpet in War Nor that the original Arcadians did not on solid Grounds alott the Preference to Musick as to give it a Part in the Establishment of their State and whatsoever Austerities they may otherwise profess they make it an indispensible Part of the Education of their Children and enjoin the Study of Musick to their Young Men till they arrive at the Age of Thirty Years And most certain it is that there is hardly any People beside the Arcadians who in their private Families accustom their Children from their tenderest Age and which is grown into a Law to sing Hymns to their Heroes and their Gods every one according to the Stile and Mode of his Country Then after their Children have been instructed in the Musick of Philoxenus and Timotheus they are brought yearly to the Theatre where they celebrate the Feast of Bacchus with Songs and Dances as likewise the Games call'd the Games of Childhood as their Young Men perform those call'd the Games of Youth So that all their Lifelong they divert not themselves so much in their Entertainments and Conversation in the Exercise of their Wit as their Voices singing one to another by turns And in case any one should profess himself ignorant of other Arts and Sciences he may do it without reproach but none may presume to want Knowledge in Musick because the the Law of the Land makes it necessary nor dare they own their Insufficiency therein it being held infamous among that People They are likewise at the Charge of the Publick instructed in martial Dances and to Fight and Exercise their Arms according to the Cadence of Musick and are seen every Year on the Publick Theatre to shew the People their Improvement in that Exercise In short we may safely conclude That their ancestors did not establish this Custom amongst them so much for Luxury and Delight as from a wise Consideration of the Life they lead and the Climate they inhabit being a People addicted to Labour and in a word leading a toilsome and industrious Life Which seems to proceed from the Inclemency of the Air for the most part cold and melancholy For it is an establish'd Law in Nature that we should partake of the Soil that breeds us Nor can there be a better Reason render'd for the Unlikeness of Nations as the difrence of the Air they breathe and the situation of the Countries they inhabit And hence it comes to pass that the distance of Climates begets that dissimilitude among us both in Manners Make Humour and Complexion These gladsome Remedies then we have related were wisely instituted to cure and calm by Art the Rigours and Defects of Nature Furthermore they had a Custom of mixing Men and Women indifferently in their Sacrifices and Publick Assemblies wherein they frequently met They likewise instituted Quires where the Youth of both Sexes convers'd and sung and danc'd together and in a word they left nothing unattempted that might prevail to soften and sweeten those Austerities of Nature to which the Climate had condemn'd them And the Cynaethians who by reason of their situation had of all others the greatest reason to preserve these Customs among them they being the most Northern part of all Arcadia no sooner fell to neglect these wholesom Institutions when they fell into Dissentions and civil Discords and grew at length into such depravity of Manners that their Crimes in number and measure surpass'd all the Nations of the Greeks beside Great and manifest Testimonies were given of the Corruption of this People's Manners from the Aversion the Arcadians in general had conceiv'd against them who when they dispatch'd their Ambassadors to the Lacedaemonians after their Defeat they hardly came into any Town of Arcadia where the Inhabitants did not warn them out again by Sound of Trumpet and the Voice of their Publick Crier And the People of Mantinaea proceeded yet farther for they had no sooner caus'd the Cynaethian Ambassadors to depart when they cleans'd themselves as from Infection and slew Victims about their Town and Country and offer'd Sacrifices of Purgation We have taken occasion to enlarge on this Subject to justifie the Arcadian Customs and Manners and to the end lest the Arcadians themselves by a wrong Judgment and Belief that Musick became thus familiar among them barely for Luxury and the entertainment of idle Minds should at length fall into Contempt of that part of their own Laws and Institutions Nor are the Cynaethians themselves without a share of our Commiseration in this Digression who if by the Favour of Heaven they should one Day see an end of their Affliction may be drawn to return to the ancient Manners of their Country and embrace and principally cultivate this Science among them whereby to soften and bend their Minds with those Charms which have power to tame wild Beasts themselves than which no way seems more likely to polish them from the Rust of Barbarity But having spoken enough of Cynaetha 't is time now to return to our Business The Aetolians having acted these Violences in Peloponnesus as hath been related return'd home without Impediment In the interim Philip arrives at Corinth to succour the Achaians but coming too late the occasion was lost he therefore sent his Dispatches to the several Confederates praying them speedily to send their respective Deputies to him there that they might deliberate together about their general Affairs While he himself led his Troops towards Tegaea on a rumour that the Lacedaemonians were fallen into civil Broils The Lacedaemonians who had been us'd to Kingly Government and were but newly by the power of Antigonus set at liberty fell into Factions and Seditions growing among them they were labouring to establish
make an easie passage through all Impediments which increasing their Rage they come to pierce and remove by their violence the hardest Rocks carrying Sand Stones and all before them filling up and so changing the face of things that the View and Landscape becomes in a short space quite another prospect Let it not be thought strange then I say that Rivers so great and rapid should produce such effects as we have Calculated by their descent into the Pontic Sea which we have maintain'd must at length be fill'd up and levell'd For he who weighs the matter rightly will not only perceive it probable but necessary For if we reason but from hence that as the Waters of the Palus-Maeotis are fresher than those of the Euxine and those of the Euxine in a degree different to those in our Seas it is a plain consequence that the Euxine must at long run become a Lake of fresh Water and at length a Moor or Fenny Continent But this effect must be the product of so much a longer space than it hath been brought to pass in the Palus-Moeotis by how much the Euxine is of greater depth and content than the other Howbeit we may justly conclude it will be by some degrees proportionably sooner by how much more the Rivers there are greater and more numerous We have been thus extensive the better to inform such as think it impossible that the Euxine which hath already visibly suffer'd some advance towards it should ever become fill'd up and that so ample a Sea should in process of time grow into Continent We had likewise a further end by thus enlarging on this Subject namely to reprove the fond and fabulous Relations of Sea-faring People and that the Readers may not do like Children who being yet ignorant of all things listen with astonishment to every extravagant Tale that is told them But having their Minds cultivated by the notions of Verity they may become qualify'd to determine of the truth or salshood of what they hear But let us further examine the situation of Byzantium The Streight then that lies between the Euxine and the Propontis is in length about fifteen Miles as was noted On that part towards the Euxine stands the City of Hieron on the extremity thereof the other part towards the Propontis terminates in the space or opening that lies between Byzantium and the opposite Shore Between these on the side of Europe and in the very narrow of all stands the Temple of Mercury built on a Rock that like a Promontory jets a good way into the Sea where the Streight is not above five Furlongs broad Here it was that Report makes Darius to have built his Bridge in his Expedition against the Scythians Now forasmuch as the Coast on both sides from hence downward towards the Propontis trends away streight and preserves a parallel distance as it goes the Current by that means moves equally But as soon as these vast Waters that descend from the Euxine Sea come to be pent up and streighten'd by the narrow passage made by the Promontory where the Temple stands which we but now mention'd on Europe side here driven as it were by some mighty force they recoil over to the Asian Shore and from thence return to the Coast of Europe beating on those Head-lands or Promontories call'd Hestiae and from thence with unspeakable violence take their course over to Asia again towards that part of the Country call'd the Ox where there stands a place bearing that Name and where the Fable tells us Io having swam over the Streight first set her Foot From hence as one may say being push'd off it takes its course at length over to Byzantium where the Waters now dilated and spreading themselves about the Town the Current loseth it self and carries but a weak stream into the Gulf but terminates in a manner at the Cape call'd the Horn. In a word tho' the greatest part of these Waters make their traverse over again towards the Asian Shore yet forasmuch as the strength of the Current is now lost the motion ceaseth ere it arrives so far as Chalcedon situate on that Coast For after so many reverberations the Streight now opening wider the force of the Stream being spent cannot reach directly over but with a kind of Biass declines and steals away And leaving Chalcedon dies in the Channel and so pursues a direct course by the Streight Hence it comes to pass that Byzantium enjoys so many Benefits and Chalcedon so few while to the view one would be apt to judge their situation equally Advantageous But as we have noted the Navigation to the one is very tedious and difficult while to the other the Stream compels and gives a quick and easie passage Hence those who are bound from Chalcedon to Byzantium cannot stand directly over by reason of the strength of the Current but are forc'd first to gain the Point call'd the Ox and the Town of Chrysopolis whereof the Athenians were heretofore possess'd and were the first who by the Counsel of Alcibiades exacted a Toll from all that Traded into the Pontic Sea From hence advancing a little they fall at length into the Current which then forceth them away directly to Byzantium The like happens whether you are bound upward or downward to this place For if Ships are bound from the Hellespont towards the Euxine while the Wind blows at South or from the Euxine towards the Hellespont during the Levants the Passage is direct and easie along the Coast of Europe from Byzantium to the Streight of the Hellespont where stand the Towns of Sestos and Abydus But those who sail from Chalcedon coasting it along find quite the contrary for they are forc'd to ply and turn to Windward by reason of the Land of the Cyzicenians which runs far out into the Sea In short as 't is difficult for those who are bound from the Hellespont to Chalcedon to Coast it along on the Europe side so when they arrive near Byzantium 't is as hard to fetch over to Chalcedon through the exceeding violence of the Current and the other Impediments we have mention'd which cross their Passage It is impossible then to arrive directly from thence at the Coast of Thrace by reason of the strength of the opposing Current and contrary Winds which let us stand which way soever we can blowing almost constantly Trade is ever out of the way for that Navigation For as the Southerly Winds blow fair to waft us into the Pontic Sea and the opposite Point is fair to bring us back so but with one or the other of these two Winds 't is impossible to gain our Passage Thus have we open'd the Causes from whence these great Benefits arrive to the Byzantines by Sea And what we shall now further observe will explain the Reason of their Misfortunes by Land Byzantium stands in the Country of Thrace which borders on and begirts their Territory quite round from Sea to
the Siege and ordering his Troops to refresh themselves and to be in a readiness under their Arms by break of Day he commanded them to march down and pass the Bridge over the Erymanthus which they did without any Impediment none suspecting they would adventure on so hardy an Enterprize Then bravely approaching the Town they came and lodg'd themselves at the foot of the Wall Upon this Euripidas and all within the Town were struck with great Terror and Amazement having always concluded it most improbable that the Enemy would ever be so adventurous as to make an essay of their Strength against a place so well fortify'd and provided nor to resolve on a long Siege by reason of the Winter and bad Weather Nevertheless with these Thoughts were mix'd certain Jealousies among themselves and an apprehension lest Philip should become Master of the Place by intelligence But these Fears were soon over and after they found there was no ground of Suspicion of that there being none so much as inclin'd to Philip's Party they then unanimously betook themselves to the defence of the Works the greatest part of the Garrison mounting the Walls while the Elean Mercenaries made a Sally by a Gate in the upper part of the Town to surprize the Enemy on that side In the mean time the King having appointed three several Attacks order'd Ladders to be rais'd by People destin'd to that particular Service against each assign'd place with a sufficient Guard of Macedonians to sustain them Then commanding to sound to the Charge they advanc'd to the Assault on all Quarters of the Town The Garrison for a space made brave resistance casting down many of their Ladders But it coming to pass that their Darts and other Weapons of Defence in such occasions beginning to fail them for they were drawn to the Walls in haste as was noted and the Macedonians bravely maintaining the Attack notwithstanding the opposition they found new Men boldly succeeding and filling up the places of those who had been cast from the Works that the Townsmen no longer able to withstand them deserted their Defence and betook themselves for safety to the Citadel So the Macedonians mounted and became possess'd of the Walls while the Candiots who were come to Blows with the Party that had made the Sally beat them back and in the pursuit enter'd pell-mell with them into the Town whereby it so chanc'd that the place was subdu'd and taken in all Quarters at once The Inhabitants with their Wives and Children likewise took Sanctuary in the Citadel as did Euripidas and all that had time to provide for their safety The Macedonians were no sooner Masters of the Town when they fell to plunder and rifle both publick and private Places where they remain'd till they should receive further Orders In the mean while those who had retir'd to the Citadel foreseeing what must inevitably besal them having nothing there to sustain them deliberated on yielding it up accordingly they sent a Trumpet to the King who gave them his Pass for the security of those whom they should appoint to Treat who were the principal Men of the City and with them Euripidas who obtain'd Indemnity for all who were retir'd to the Citadel both Towns-Men and Strangers Nevertheless the Deputies were order'd to return back and there to remain till the Army should be drawn off lest some of the unruly Soldiers less observant of the King's Commands should be tempted to rifle them The Weather being bad much Snow falling the King was constrain'd to take up his abode here for some days where assembling all the Achaians that were with him he first discours'd with them touching the situation of the Place that it was well fortify'd and of great use to them in the War they had on their hands Then repeating the assurances of his fast Friendship to the Nation in general he bestow'd the Town upon them telling them he was fully determin'd to give them all the assistance in his utmost Power and would let no occasion pass whereby he might express his Affection to them After Aratus and the rest of the Achaians had express'd their grateful Acknowledgments for so many Favours and good Offices the King dissolv'd the Assembly and march'd the Army away towards Lasion upon which the Psophidians left the Citadel and came down into the Town to their respective Habitations As to Euripidas he departed thence to Corinth from whence he went to Aetolia The Magistrates of the Achaians gave the Government of the Citadel to Proslaus the Sicyonian placing therein a good Garrison and Pythias they made Governor of the Town Thus were Matters accommodated at Psophis The Elean Garrison in Lasion receiving notice of the approach of the Macedonians and being inform'd of what had pass'd at Psophis deserted the Town into which the King immediately enter'd on his arrival to give further instance of his Kindness to the Achaians he made them a Present likewise of this Place He also restor'd Stratus to the Telphussians which the Eleans had abandon'd and in short in five Days marcht to Olymphia where after he had sacrific'd and magnificently treated the prime Officers of the Army and allow'd three Days to repose and refresh his Troops he march'd them into the Territory of the Eleans where he no sooner enter'd when he sent Detachments abroad to waste and plunder the Country himself encamping in the Neighbourhood of Artemissium whither having order'd the Booty to be brought he afterwards return'd back to Dioscurium And here tho' they put all to Fire and Sword where-ever they came and took many Prisoners nevertheless the greater part sav'd themselves by flying to the neighbouring Towns and Places of strength For the Territory of the Eleans is the best Peopled Country of all Peloponnesus and the most abounding in all things for the Inhabitants are for the most part so in love with a Country Life that how Wealthy soever they are they cannot be drawn from thence to inhabit their Towns The reason of this seems to be that the Government greatly incourageth that sort of Life whereby their Lands become better cultivated and improv'd insomuch as they receive from them all kind of Protection and want no Privilege or Support it can give them For my own part I can easily believe they have been ever heretofore addicted to that manner of Living as well through the fertility of the Soil as the innocence and simplicity of the Manners of the ancient Inhabitants while by the general consent of the Greeks they enjoy'd their Possessions without any Molestation or fear of War or Violence in consideration of the Olympic Games that were there celebrated But after the Arcadians had now Challeng'd a right to Lasion and Pisa and they were become oblig'd to take Arms to defend their Possessions they became chang'd in their Manners and forgot the ancient Customs of their Country without thought of recovering their old Liberty and have long continu'd for the most
made over the River Alpheus whereby to facilitate his passage into the Territory of the Tryphalians At the same time Dorimachus Praetor of the Aetolians sent six hundred of that Nation under the Command of Phylidas to the Aid of the Eleans who had demanded Succours against those that wasted their Country Phylidas on his arrival joining five hundred Mercenaries to his own Troops who were listed into the Aetolian Pay and adding to them a thousand of the City-Bands together with certain Tarentines march'd to the relief of the Tryphalians This Country takes its Name from an Arcadian Boy call'd Tryphalus It stands in the Maritime parts of Peloponnesus between the Eleans and Messenians looking towards the Lybian Sea on the skirts of Achaia towards the North-West The Towns of this Country are Samicum Lepreum Hypana Typanaea Pyrgus Aepyum Bolax Styllagium and Phryxa The Eleans having of late days subdu'd and reduc'd all these Places to their Obedience to which they added Alipheraea heretofore an Arcadian Town and Megalopolis it self by the procurement of Alliadas while the Soveraignty was in his hand which was negotiated by way of exchange for certain Reasons best known to him and the Eleans The King being now quit of his Plunder and Baggage passing the Alpheus which runs by the Walls of Heraea came to Alipheraea This Town is seated on an Eminence which lies steep and sloping every way being an ascent of above a Mile to the top where stands a Fortress in which there is a Statue of Brass of Minerva famous for its Magnitude and the Excellence of the Workmanship The Inhabitants themselves can give no very clear account why it was there plac'd nor at whose Charge it was done But as to the Workmen all conclude it to have been wrought by the hands of Hecatodorus and Sostratus and that it is the most beautiful and finish'd Piece they ever perform'd Philip having order'd those who carry'd the Scaling-Ladders to be ready by Day-break at certain places assign'd them sent his Mercenaries before and to sustain them a Body of Macedonians giving them Orders to begin all together to mount the Hill at the instant the Sun appear'd above the Horizon Which Directions were punctually and with great Resolution observ'd by the Macedonians Those of the place hastening to that part where they saw the Macedonians in greatest number gave the King opportunity at the head of a Party of chosen Men to pass unobserv'd by those of the Fortress over certain broken Grounds full of Rocks and Precipices From whence giving the Signal they approach'd with their Ladders to mount the Works Philip himself first enters and takes possession of an unguarded part of the Place which he immediately sets in a flame whereupon those who were defending the Wall beholding all on fire terrify'd at the Danger they saw so near them and fearing they should lose the Citadel which was their last Refuge forthwith abandon'd the Defence of their Wall and hastned thither Whereupon the Macedonians became presently Masters of the Works and the Town But those who were retreated to the Citadel soon sent to the King and on composition for their Lives yielded it up This Success spread Fear throughout all the Country of Tryphalia and every one began to deliberate how to preserve themselves and save their Country As to Phylidas he having quitted Typanaea and committed some Spoils on the Allies retir'd to Lepreum For in those times the Confederates of the Aetolians were accustom'd tho' in Amity not only to be by them deserted in their greatest straits but suffer'd themselves to be plunder'd and betray'd by them and endur'd at their hands who call'd them Friends all the Outrages that could be fear'd from a conquering Enemy Those of Typanaea gave up their City to King Philip and the Hypanaeans follow'd their example In the mean time the Phialians having understood what pass'd in Tryphalia detesting the Aetolian League resolutely took possession of the Palace where the Polemarchs or Magistrates resided As to the Aetolian Pilferers who held their abode at Phialia with design to spoil from thence the Lands of the Messenians and were at that time consulting about enterprizing something on the Phialians themselves when they came to understand that the Inhabitants were determin'd to stand on their guard and repel Force by Force they thereupon chang'd their purpose and after having taken certain Security of those of the Town they march'd out with all their Baggage whereupon the Phialians dispatch'd their Deputies to the King giving their Town and Country up to his discretion During these Transactions the Lepreans seizing a quarter of the Town into their hands attempted to force out of the Citadel the Aetolians Eleans and the Troops that had been sent to their relief by the Lacedaemonians But Phylidas at first set light by this their Attempt seeming resolv'd to do his best to preserve the Town in Obedience and terrifie the Inhabitants But on Philip's sending Taurion with part of the Army towards Phialia and himself now drawing near his Courage began to sink whereupon the Lepreans grew more assur'd and did an Action in that occasion very memorable For albeit there were at that time in the Town a thousand Eleans five hundred Aetolians and two hundred Lacedaemonians and the Citadel over and above in their hands they had nevertheless the Resolution to enterprize the delivering of their Country and would not consent to betray themselves by a slavish Fear or Submission Wherefore Phylidas perceiving the Citizens determination march'd together with the Eleans and Lacedaemonians out of the Town as to the Cretans who had been sent by the Spartiatae they return'd by the way of Messina to their own Country and Phylidas retreated to Samicum As soon as the Lepreans became Masters of their Liberty they dispatch'd their Deputies to Philip to make tender of their City and put it into his hands After the King had given them Audience he dispatch'd a part of his Troops to Leprea and continu'd his march with his Buckler-men and light-arm'd Troops being determin'd to attack Phylidas who with the loss of all his Plunder and Baggage was as we said retreated to Samicum whither the King speedily came and encamp'd in view of the Place and sending This Orders for the rest of his Troops to join him from Leprea made countenance of resolving to besiege it Whereupon the Eleans and Aetolians who were unprovided for Defence and had nothing but the bare Walls to trust to began to capitulate so it was agreed they should march out with their Arms from whence they went to Elea. Thus the King became Master of Samicum And now upon the Supplication of the Towns round about he receiv'd them all into his Protection as namely Phryxa Styllagium Epia Bolax Pyrga and Epitalia and so march'd back to Leprea having in the space of six Days compass'd the Reduction of all Tryphalia to his Obedience After some Conference with the Lepreans suiting the time and
hard to determine which of those two was likeliest to give such Advice albeit he had not been then present at Council For it will be no-where found in the whole Life of Aratus that he ever acted any thing temerariously and without solid Deliberation while on the contrary Demetrius never did any thing but with precipitation And we shall shew and plainly evidence by their Behaviour in the like Occurrences the difference of the Minds and Manners of these two Men as occasion shall be given us But to return to our Story Philip taking with him all that could conveniently be carry'd march'd from Therme by the way he came The Booty he order'd to go in the Van guarded by his heavy-arm'd Troops The Reer guard was assign'd to the Acarnanians and mercenary Strangers being himself extreamly solicitous to get his passage through the Streights with what expedition he could thereby to prevent the Aetolians who in confidence of the Strength of those Fastnesses were likely enough to attempt their Reer in their march Which in short came to pass for assembling to the number of about three thousand Men under the leading of Alexander the Trichonian they let the Van of the Army march without approaching concealing themselves while the Macedonians kept the open Field But as soon as the Reer began to move they march'd into Therme and fell on and charg'd them roundly insomuch that they put their Reer-Ranks into great disorder which the Aetolians perceiving and favour'd by the advantage of Ground press'd them so much the more killing many But Philip in foresight of what might happen had order'd a Detachment of Illyrians and some of his best Buckler-men to be lodg'd in ambush under colour of a rising Ground who unexpectedly appearing fell on the Enemy who had now charg'd beyond them killing above a hundred of them and taking as many Pris'ners the rest sav'd themselves by flight among the Rocks and Woods After this repulse those who march'd in the Reer of the Army set fire to Pamphion and having pass'd the Strait join'd the Macedonians again Philip in the mean time encamping near Metapa to attend their coming up and the next Day after he had order'd the Place to be demolish'd he pursu'd his march and came and encamp'd near a Town call'd Acras from whence departing the next day he pillag'd the Country all along as he went till he came to Conope where he remain'd a day to refresh his Army and then continu'd his march'd towards Stratus along the River Achelous where encamping out of shot of their Works on an Eminence that commands the Town he from thence vex'd and molested the Inhabitants But coming to understand that the Enemy had strengthen'd the Garrison with a Recruit of Three Thousand Aetolians and Five Hundred Candiots and none daring to adventure out against him he decamp'd and march'd to Limnoea purposing from thence to imbark Nevertheless as soon as the Reer of the Army began to move and was gotten some distance past the Town a Party of Aetolian Horse made a Sally and charg'd them these being back'd by the Candiots and more Aetolians that came out to sustain them compell'd those in the Reer-guard to face about and make head At first it was an equal Dispute but as soon as the Illyrians came in to back the Mercenaries the Aetolians began to give Ground and the Horse betook them to slight and were pursu'd to the very Gates of the Town and at least a Hundred of them kill'd on the spot After this Repulse those of the Town adventur'd no more out and the Reer of the Army marâ—â—'d without molestation coming safe to the Camp and to their Vessels Here King Philip having commodiously Encamp'd the Army sacrific'd to the Gods and did other Acts of Devotion for the good success of that Expedition and at the same time gave his Officers a Royal Entertainment In short his Attempt was look'd on by all Men to have been very daring to adventure as he did among those dangerous and untravel'd places which no Army had ever done before Nevertheless he succeeded in his Enterprize marching and returning in safety after he had throughly executed what he had design'd Wherefore to express his Joy he made a solemn Feast for his Officers where Megaleas and Leontius who had been much disappointed and look'd with an evil Eye on the good Fortune of their Master having as we have heard complotted with Apelles to give him all the Impediments they should be able but could by no means prevent the good Fortune which attended his Arms were however present tho' their Behaviour there express'd so much distaste that it was not unobserv'd by the King and those about him who thereby collected that they had different Sentiments from the rest touching the prosperity of his Affairs And now when all were well warm'd with Wine Megaleas and Leontius being oblig'd to do as others did came at length more openly to manifest their Minds for being now drunk they went from place to place in search of Aratus and meeting him as he was returning from the Feast they first attack'd him with rude Language and afterwards came to offer violence Whereupon a Tumult arose and the Soldiers came about them from all Quarters insomuch as the whole Camp was in disorder The King upon notice hereof immediately sent to appease the Tumult and to have an account how it happen'd Where after Aratus had reported to him how every thing had pass'd and had vouch'd it by the Testimony of such as were present he retir'd to his Tent. Leontius having in the mean time conceal'd himself in the Crowd privately withdrew The King being now fully inform'd of every thing commanded Megaleas and Crinon to be brought before him whom he very severely reprov'd But they were not only not humbled and made sensible of their Fault but adding Insolence to their Error plainly told the King That they should not be drawn to change their Mind till they had been thorowly reveng'd on Aratus Whereupon the King greatly mov'd at this their Behaviour immediately condemn'd them in a Fine of twenty Talents each and put them under an Arrest and sending the next Day for Aratus express'd his sense of the violence which had been offer'd him giving him assurance of his Protection and that he would take due care to do him right Leontius being inform'd how the King had proceeded with Megaleas came boldly to him accompanied with a Party of his Buckler-men thinking thereby to put him into some apprehension he being yet but young and to awe him into another Resolution touching the Offenders wherefore he boldly demanded of him who it was that had presum'd to lay hands on Megaleas and cast him into Prisons But when the King firmly reply'd and with an Assurance worthy of Himself That whatsoever had been done was by his express Command Leontius was confounded and betwixt Grief and Indignation retir'd from his Presence Here Philip embark'd and arriv'd
with his Fleet soon after at Leucas where when he had directed those who had the charge of dividing the Booty to hasten the distribution thereof He assembled his Council and fell to debate about the Affairs of Megaleas where Aratus charg'd him and the rest of that Faction with all those criminal Practices we have noted He farther laid to their charge the Murther that had been committed after the departure of Antigonus and opened the whole Matter of the Conspiracy of Apelles shewing in what manner they had obstructed the King's Business in the siege of Palaea And forasmuch as he urg'd nothing against them that was not vouch'd by solid Reasons and made evident by competent Witnesses Megaleas and his Complices became so hard set that they had nothing to say in their defence wherefore they were with one Voice found Guilty Crinon continu'd a Prisoner but Leontius became Caution for Megaleas binding himself for the payment of the Fine the King had laid on him This was the success of the treasonable Conspiracy of Apelles and his Adherents which had quite another issue than they look'd for having promis'd to themselves that they should oblige Aratus to retire from the King out of fear and that after they had remov'd the rest of his Servants who had any Trust about him they should then Reign alone and Rule all as they list but their Project fail'd them About the same time Lycurgus return'd from Messina and Lacedaemon having done nothing worth recording Afterwards on a second Expedition he seiz'd on Tegaea where the Inhabitants retiring into the Citadel he resolv'd to besiege it But after many fruitless Attempts despairing of Success he was oblig'd to march back to Sparta In the mean while the Eleans made perpetual Inroads on the Lands of Dymas where the Horse of that Place which march'd out to succour the Country were drawn into an Ambush and defeated with little difficulty Some Gauls were kill'd on the place and certain of the Inhabitants made Prisoners among whom were Polymedes of Aegium and Agesipolis and Megacles of Dymas Dorimachus also took the Field with the Aetolian Troops in confidence as hath been noted that he should be able to ravage Thessaly and thereby oblige the King to rise from before Palaea But Chrysogonus and Patroeus prevented them being there ready to receive them with an Army which oblig'd Dorimachus to keep the Mountains and not to adventure into the Plain Country Who shortly after being inform'd that the Macedonians had invaded Aetolia march'd out of Thessaly and hasten'd to the relief of his Country but before he arriv'd the King was retir'd Thus Dorimachus coming always too late made many vain Expeditions In the mean time King Philip having embark'd his Troops at Leucas and plunder'd the Coast of Hyanthes in his way arriv'd with his Fleet at Corinth where landing his Army and ordering the Vessels to be drawn over to the Port of Lechoeum he dispatch'd his Letters to all the Confederate Towns of Peloponnesus appointing them a Day when they were to Rendezvous their Troops at Tegaea And making but short stay at Corinth he march'd his Army by the way of Argos and came the next Day to Tegaea where joining such of the Achaian Horse as were there ready he proceeded marching over the Mountains with design to fall by surprize on the Territory of the Lacedaemonians And after four Days march through a Desart Country he gain'd the tops of those Eminences that lie over-against and give a prospect of the City of Sparta and leaving Menelaium on his right came close by Amycla The Lacedaemonians beholding his march from the Town were greatly alarm'd and to seek what to do For the news of the plundering of Therme and the many gallant Actions perform'd by King Philip in his Aetolian Expedition gave them both present Terror and future Caution There was indeed a Rumour among them as if Lycurgus should be sent to the Succour of the Aetolians But no Body could suspect that King Philip would be able to compass such a march in so short a space while they consider'd him too of an Age more to be contemn'd than fear'd Wherefore seeing now Matters to succeed so contrary to their Expectations it was no wonder they became surpriz'd But in a word his Deliberations and their Effects so far surpass'd the expectation of his Age that his Enemies every where were held in fear and suspension For marching out of the heart of Aetolia he cross'd the Gulf of Ambracia and gain'd the Port of Leucas in the space of one Night where remaining but two Days only he parted early the third and plundering in the way all the Coast of Aetolia he arriv'd safely at Lechoeum From thence continuing his march he came in seven Days near Menelaium gaining the Hills that give a view of the City of Sparta So that whosoever shall compute the expedition of his Motions would not be able without difficulty to believe what they saw which was the subject of the Lacedaemonians astonishment who knew neither what to do or resolve The King 's first Encampment was near Amycla a Town distant from Sparta about four Miles surpassing all others in excellent Fruâ—â— and delightful Gardens where there is a Temple of Apollo inferiour to none in the whole Country of Laconia both for Dignity and Riches The next Day plundering all the Low-Country as he march'd he came to a Place call'd Pyrrhus-Castle and after doing all the spoil he could for two Days together in that Neighbourhood he came and encamp'd near Carnium From thence he leâ— the Army to Asina where he made a fruitless attempt to become Master of that Place Wherefore he decamp'd and ravag'd all the Country as far as Tenarus which lies toward the Sea of Candia putting all to Fire and Sword Then turning off he took his march by the way that leads to the Port of the Lacedoemonians call'd Gythium where there is 〈◊〉 good Haven Which Place is likewise distant from Sparta about four Miles But soon leaving Gythium on his right he came and encamp'd near Elia the best and most spacious Country of the whole Spartan Territory From thence sending out Parties he spread War and Depredation far and wide making grievous spoil on the Corn and Fruits of the Country He plunder'd also Acria and Leuca and the Lands of Baeara In the mean while the Messenians having receiv'd King Philip's Letters whereby they were enjoyn'd to take the Field with their Troops forthwith compos'd a Body of two Thousand chosen Foot and Two Hundred Horse and came short of none of the Confederates in their readiness and good Will But forasmuch as it was not possible for them by reason of their remote distance to comply punctually with the day the Troops were to assemble at Tegaea they remain'd a while in suspence uncertain how to proceed Howbeit doubting lest their delay should be interpreted an effect of their former backwardness they came to a
at the same time ston'd to death by the Women of Apamea Upon Antiochus's return home he dispos'd his Army into Winter-Quarters and sent to expostulate with Achoeus about his invading the Crown and presuming to call himself King Afterwards he let him understand that the League he had made with Ptolomy was come to his knowledge and charg'd him with many other Acts contrary to Justice and in violation of his Duty It seems that at what time the War was undertaken against Artabazanes Achoeus imagining the King might miscarry in that Expedition and tho' that should not happen yet the King being thereby drawn so far out of the way would give him a safe opportunity to fall on Syria and seize on that Kingdom for himself aided therein by the Cyrrhestoe who at that time had withdrawn their Obedience from the King Wherefore with this Determination he march'd his Army out of Lydia Furthermore he caus'd himself to be Crown'd at Laodicea of Phrygia receiving and giving Audience to Ambassadors and in his Letters to the Cities he assum'd the Regal Title flatter'd principally into this Attempt by the Instigations of a certain Exile call'd Syniris But after some days march and that they now approach'd Lycaonia there happen'd a Mutiny in his Army the Soldiers refusing it seems to be led against him whom Nature had destin'd for their King Whereupon Achoeus perceiving the Army to have chang'd their Mind chang'd also his Purpose and to persuade them that he never design'd to invade Syria he took another way and march'd and plunder'd Pisidia After which Expedition having inrich'd the Soldiers with Booty and confirm'd their Affection he return'd home The King then who was well inform'd of all these Passages had as was noted let Achoeus know so much by menacing Messages and in the mean while prepar'd for the War against Ptolomy To which purpose early in the Spring he assembled his Troops at Apamea and call'd a Council to deliberate on the best way to make his entrance for the invading of Syria on which subject were long Debates of the Nature of the Country Situation of Places of the Provision to make and of what Benefit a Fleet would be towards the furtherance of the Enterprize But the Advice of Apollophanes the Seleucian the Physician we have already had occasion to name prevail'd above the rest who maintain'd that the Design on Caelo-Syria was vain and it would be an unprofitable Expedition to make War there while they left Ptolomy in quiet possession of Seleucia a Royal City and in effect the Metropolis of the Kingdom That not to mention the Dishonour to have that City in the hands of an Aegyptian King the recovery thereof would redound greatly to the Service of the King's Affairs in many Points That in the interim while it remain'd in the Enemies hands it would be a mighty Impediment to the progress of the King's Success in the Enterprize he was upon For which way soever he had a mind to carry the War he would find it necessary over and above all other Preparations to strengthen all his Towns with extraordinary Garrisons meerly on the account of the Danger that would threaten from Seleucia But that if Antiochus made the recovery of that Place his first Business it would not only serve as a Bulwark and Frontier against all the other Towns of the Kingdom but would mainly enable him to prosecute his Enterprize both by Sea and Land The Opinion of Apollophanes then was by common Consent approv'd and it was resolv'd to open the Campaign with the Seige of Seleucia The Kings of Aegypt had held constant Garrison in this Town ever since Ptolomy call'd Euergetes offended with Seleucus for the Death of Berenice became Master thereof who on that Provocation had invaded Syria When it was resolv'd then that Apollophanes's Counsel should be follow'd Antiochus order'd Diognetus his Admiral to Sail with the Fleet to Seleucia while himself march'd with the Army from Apamea and came and Encamp'd near Circus Theodotus was likewise sent with a sufficient Body of Troops into the Lower Syria with Orders to take Possession of the Streights and to have an Eye to all Motions in those Parts As to the Situation of Seleucia and the Country about it take it a little more or less as follows Seleucia stands on the Sea-Coast on the Frontiers of Cilicia and Phoenicia in the Neighbourhood of a very high Mountain call'd Coryphoeus one side of which Mountain towards the West is wash'd by the Sea between Cyprus and Phoenicia the other towards the East regards the Territory of Seleucia and Antioch Seleucia stands on the South-side of this Mountain between which and the City is a deep Vale waste and full of broken Ground which extends to the Sea inclos'd almost on all sides with Rocks and Precipices On that side of the City towards the Sea the Ground is low and watery where there is a Suburb Fortify'd with a good Wall like that of the City it self Seleucia surpasses all the Cities of Syria in the Magnificence of her Temples and other Buildings It hath but one Communication with the Sea which is a Passage wrought out of the Rock in manner of Stairs Not far off is seen the Mouth of the River Orontes whose Head is in the Country about Libanus and Anti-Libanus taking its Course through the Plain of Amycoe and running to Antioch divides that City as it were into two which it cleanses of all their Filth and Rubbish and at length discharges it self not far from Seleucia into the Sea we mention'd Now before Antiochus would proceed with Hostility against Seleucia he first sent Offers of Rewards to the Principal Men of the City and Promises of further future Advantages to win them to yield it up without strife or resistance But finding he labour'd that way in vain he corrupted several of their Military Officers who had Posts distinct and Commanded in sundry Quarters of the City and in confidence of their Compliance drew out and order'd his Troops as for an Attack To the Seaward the Marine Forces were appointed towards the Land those of the Camp were order'd to make the Assault So making three Divisions of his Army and animating the Soldiers according to Custom and Proclaiming by a Herauld Promise of extraordinary Recompences as Crowns and such like Rewards to the Officers and Soldiers who should best behave themselves He gave to Xeuxes and those under him the Attack of the Gate that leads to Antioch to Hermogenes that of those parts that are nearest the Temple of Castor and Pollux and to Ardys and Diognetus the Ars'nal and Suburbs for it was agreed with the Conspirators that as soon as the Suburbs should be won the Town should be Surrendred And now the Signal being given the Attack began in all places at once and was press'd with great forwardness and bravery But Ardys and Diognetus signaliz'd themselves above the rest both in Resolution and Address Tho' indeed
slew about seven hundred Mysians of his Party and compell'd the rest to retire After this repulse Achoeus and Garsyeres return'd to the Camp while the Selgâ—ans doubting danger from a Sedition within the Town the Enemy being still at hand sent out some of their gravest Inhabitants to treat with Achoeus who at length accorded them Peace on the following Conditions That they should pay down presently four hundred Talents That the Pednelissâ—an Pris'ners should be enlarg'd and that within a certain space they should pay further three hundred Talents Thus the Selgians being reduc'd to manifest danger of losing their Country by the Treachery of Logbasis had the good Fortune to rescue it by their Resolution without staining their Liberty or violating the Alliance in which they were engag'd with the Lacedoemonians Achoeus having reduc'd the Country of Milyas to his Dominion and part of Pamphylia march'd to Sardis where he wag'd War with Attalus menacing also Prusias becoming formidable to all the Asians inhabiting on this side Mount Taurus But while he was diverted by the War with the Selgians Attalus having with him the Gauls Aegosages or Tectosages led his Army to the Towns of Aeolia and others in that Neighbourhood who out of fear had submitted to Achoeus The greatest part of which Towns yielded themselves up whom he receiv'd with gentleness willing them to understand it in effect of his Grace and Goodness nor were there many which exercis'd his Arms to reduce them The principal Places that submitted were Cuma Smyrna Phocoea and in short the Aegoeans and the Lemnites terrify'd at his arrival submitted The Teii and Colophonii also apply'd to him by their Ambassadors and put themselves and Towns under his Protection After he had receiv'd these People according to the Conditions of the ancient League and had likewise receiv'd their Hostages he entertain'd the Smyrnian Ambassadors with singular Benignity for indeed that People had above all others distinguish'd themselves by a generous Fidelity towards him From thence he continu'd his march and having past the River Lycus he came to the Towns inhabited by the Mysians and so proceeded to the Country of the Carsenses and in short spread so much Fear among them that the Garrison of Didyma-Tiche where Themistocles had been left Governour by Achoeus deliver'd up the Two Castles From thence he march'd and spoil'd the Lands of Apioe and passing the Mountain Pelecas he came and encamp'd near the River Megistus Here there happening an Eclipse of the Moon the Gauls who could no longer bear the Toils of so tedious a March for they went with their Wives and Children travelling in Waggons along with them conceiving the Eclipse to be ominous came to a Resolution to march no further Whereupon tho' they were a People of no use in Attacks and had all along during their march encamp'd by themselves being subject to no Discipline and were a proud and refractory Nation Nevertheless the King was in pain what to resolve about them for he was doubtful if he should dismiss them leâ—t they should take Arms under Achoeus and that to punish their Insolence by destroying them would redound to his discredit they having pass'd over into Asia out of respect to him wherefore he took that occasion for his return after he had promis'd to conduct them safe to the place from whence they came and assur'd them of Lands wherein to plant and that he would at no time refuse to comply with any of their reasonable Demands but do them all the good Offices in his Power so after he had led his Gauls to the Hellespont and treated those of Lampsacus the Alexandrians and Illians with great Respect they having continu'd firm in their Fidelity he return'd with his Army to Pergamus It was now early in the Spring when Antiochus and Ptolomy having made all necessary Provisions for the War were arriv'd at the conjuncture of deciding their Controversie by Battel Ptolomy march'd from Alexandria with an Army of seventy thousand Foot five thousand Horse and seventy three Elephants while Antiochus receiving intelligence of the Enemies advancing assembled also his Troops His Army consisted of Daoeans Carmanians and Cilicians who were light-arm'd these were commanded by Byttachus the Macedonian Theodotus the Aetolian who had deserted and betray'd the Affairs of Ptolomy was plac'd at the head of twenty thousand Men arm'd after the Macedonian manner chosen Troops and carrying for the most part silver'd Bucklers The Phalanx was compos'd of about twenty thousand which was conducted by Nicarchus and Theodotus surnam'd Hemiolius Menedemus the Alabandine led two thousand Archers and Slingers with whom were mingled a thousand Thracians There were likewise Medes Cyssians Caddusians and Caramanians to the number of five thousand who were order'd to obey Aspasianus the Median The Arabians and others of the Neighbour-Nations compos'd a Body of above ten thousand whose Chief was Zabdiphilus The Greek Mercenaries amounted to five thousand and at the head of these was plac'd Hippolochus the Thessalian Antiochus had likewise five hundred Candiots commanded by Eurylochus and a thousand new-rais'd Men of the same Country whose Leader was Zebes the Gortynian there were also five hundred Lydian Slingers and a thousand Cardaceans who had over them Lysimachus the Gaul The Horse consisted of about six thousand four thousand of which obey'd Antipater the King's Nephew the rest were led by Themison In conclusion the Army of Antiochus consisted of seventy two thousand Foot the Horse above-noted and a hundred and two Elephants Ptolomy first march'd to Pelusium where he encamp'd and as soon as the Reer was come up and he had distributed Bread to the Army he prosecuted his march through a Country destitute of Water along the Mountain Casius passing by a place call'd Barathra When he arriv'd at Gaza he drew out a Detachment with which he march'd and advanc'd before the Army without any apprehension of Impediment The fifth Day he came to a Place where he purpos'd to halt encamping about fifty Furlongs from Raphia This is the first City of the Lower Syria after Rhinocorura that lies in the way from Aegypt into that Country Antiochus at the same time advanc'd with his Army and passing by Raphia he encamp'd by Night about ten Furlongs from the Enemy For a while their Camps stood at this distance one from another But shortly after Antiochus decamp'd and came and lodg'd nearer the Enemy as well to better the Conveniences of his Army's abode as to hearten the Soldiers so that there was not now above five Furlongs space between their two Camps insomuch that those who went to Water and march'd out to Forrage had frequent Rencounters and often by Parties both Horse and Foot pickeer'd between their Camps Here Theodotus gave an instance of Aetolian Resolution and indeed worthy of a truly fearless Man For having resided heretofore in Ptolomy's Court and being well acquainted with the Ways and Manners of that Prince he got a little before Day-break into
towards the re-peopling the Town Others were of a different Opinion neither yielding to build the Town less than it was nor thinking it reasonable that the rich should so contribute But the Dispute was heightned on occasion of the Laws of Pritanis a Person of great Fame who had been bred among the Peripateticks and was sent by Antigonus to be their Legislator But Aratus at length compos'd these Differences and bringing them to Reason by all the Arts he could intirely reconcil'd them and had the Articles of Accord ingraven and plac'd on a Column near the Altar of Vestoe As soon as Aratus had united the Megalopolitans he departed to go to the Assembly of the Achaians leaving the Mercenaries to the leading of Lycus the Pharoean who was at that time Pro-Praetor of the Country The Eleans who were not pleas'd with Pyrrhias procur'd to have his Place fill'd by Euripidas who came to them from Aetolia he taking the occasion of the Assembly of the Achaians drew out two thousand Foot and threescore Horse and led them into the Territory of Pharoea plundring and spoiling all along as he march'd as far as the Frontiers of the Aegeans and having got much Booty retir'd to Leontium Lycus receiving Intelligence of what had pass'd march'd out and got before him with design to make him quit his Plunder and Attacking him kill'd above four hundred of his Party and took two hundred Prisoners among whom were Physsias Antanor Clearchus Euanoridas Aristogiton Nicasippus and Aspasius all Men of note taking over and above their Arms and Baggage At the same time the General of the Achaian Fleet sailing to Melycria took there no less than an hundred Prisoners and after his return he transported a Body of Troops to attempt Chalcea the Inhabitants of which Town immediately Sallying out against him nevertheless he took two of their Ships with all their Men aboard he made Prize likewise of a Brigandine near Rhium with all the Soldiers and Rowers that were in her And in that Expedition he took much Plunder both by Sea and Land which produc'd a great Summ of Money and so great plenty of Provision that the Soldiers took better heart in prospect of better Pay and the People assurance to think they should be now exempt from Taxes and Contributions towards the War And now it came to pass that Scerdilaidas conceiving himself abus'd by King Philip a good part of the Money that was due by the Stipulations that were concluded between them being with held from him fitted out a Squadron of fifteen Ships with orders to take by reprisal what by agreement was his due This Squadron came to the Port of Leucas where on account of old Friendship they were well receiv'd and here indeed they acted no Hostility having no occasion given them They took only Agathynus and Cassander of Corinth who arriv'd at the Port in Vessels belonging to Taurion and as Friends adventur'd into the Harbour but these seizing the four Vessels and making them Prisoners sent them away to Scerdilaidas Ships and all From thence they made sail for Malea plund'ring all the Merchants Vessels they met in their way And now Harvest approaching and Taurion taking no thought for supplying those Towns we mention'd with Succours Aratus therefore with a chosen Band of Soldiers march'd to assist the Argians in their Harvest and Euripidas drew out his Aetolians to Forage the Lands of Tritoea But Lycus and Demodochus Generals of the Achaian Horse coming to understand that the Aetolians were march'd out of Elea immediately gather'd a Body of Troops out of Dymas Patroe and Pharoea whom joyning with the Mercenaries they had with them they march'd and fell on the Lands of the Eleans and drawing near to a Place call'd Phyxium they order'd their Horse and light-arm'd Troops to Forage the Country concealing the rest of their Forces in the foremention'd place whereupon the Eleans marched all out against those that spoil'd the Country and pursued them who seem'd to fly Lycus in the mean time rises from his Ambush and attacks them whom not able to withstand but facing about at the first sight of them the Achaians cut off to the number of two hundred took about fourscore Prisoners and so march'd home in safety with all their Booty He who commanded the Achaian Fleet likewise making several descents on the Coast of Calydon and Naupactus pillag'd at pleasure all along the Country and charg'd and routed in two occasions the Forces that came to the relief In one of which he took Cleonicus of Naupactus Prisoner who was soon enlarg'd without Ransom as being a favourer of the Achaians wherefore he was not sold with the rest on his being taken At the same time Agetas the Aetolian Praetor rais'd an Army out of his own Nation with which marching into the Lands of the Acarnanians after he had taken much Plunder he made Inroads and Forag'd the Country of Epirus and then return'd home and dismiss'd the Aetolians to their several Towns Upon this the Acarnanians invaded the Territory of Stratus where being surpriz'd with a causless Terror they retreated back with shame howbeit without loss the Country-People who made head against them fearing to pursue them jealous that their â—light had been only to draw them into an Ambush At the same time a piece of mock-Treason was acted in Phanotis which was manag'd after this manner Alexander whom Philip had plac'd his Governour in Phocis contriv'd with Jason whom he had made Governor of Phanotis this stratagem to catch the Aetolians he made Jason treat with Agetas the Aetolian Praetor about the betraying to him the Citadel of that Place which by Oath he confirm'd whereupon Agetas coming with his Aetolians thither and at the time concerted between them chose out an hundred of the best Men of his Party and sent them towards the Fort while himself with the rest remain'd conceal'd not far off Jason who had Alexander himself in the Town ready to sally to his assistance admitted pursuant to the agreement the Aetolians into the Citadel whereupon Alexander immediately entring surpriz'd and took them Agetas coming to understand by Morning what had happen'd march'd back with his Army having been catch'd in the same Snare by which he had often taken others being singular in those kinds of dishonest Arts. During these Transactions in Greece King Philip took the Town of Bylazor in Poeonia which place commanded so intirely the way by which we go from Dardania into Macedon that becoming Master thereof he became thereby safe against all Attempts of the Dardanians it being very difficult to invade Macedon after Philip had got this Place into his possession which gave him all the Inlets to that Country As soon as he had strengthen'd it with a good Garrison he dispatch'd Chrysogonus with expedition to conduct a Body of new-rais'd Troops out of the Vpper Macedon going himself to Edesa with those he had rais'd in Bottia and Amphaxitis And as soon as