pleased God to restore us to our perfect health so that this virtuous Dâ—me seeing us able to travel recommended us to a Merchant her kinsman that was bound for Patana with whom after we had taken our leave of that noble Matron unto whom we were so much obliged we imbarqued our selves in a Cataluz with Oars and sailing on a River called Sumhâ—chitano we arrived seven days after at Patana Now for as much as Antonio de Faria looked every day for our return with a hope of good success in his business as soon as he saw us and understood what had past he remained so sad and discontented that he continued above an hour without speaking a word in the mean time such a number of Portugals came in as the house was scarce able to contain them by reason the greatest part of them had ventuâ—ed goods in the Lanchara whose lading in that regard amounted to seventy thousand duckets and better the most of it being in silver coyn of purpose with it to return gold Antonio de Faria seeing himself stripped of the twelve thousand duckets he had borrowed at Malaca resolved not to return thither because he had no means to pay his Creditors but rather thought it fitter to pursue those that had robbed him of his goods so that he took a solemn Oath upon the holy Evangelists to part incontinently from that place for to go in quest of those Pyrats for to revenge upon them the death of those fourteen Portugals and thirty six Christians Boys and Mariners killed by them as aforesaid Adding withall that if such a course were not taken they should every day be used so â—ay far worse All the Assistants very much commended him valorous resolution and for the execution thereof there were many young Soldiers amongst them that offered to accompany him in that voyage some likewise presented him with mony and others furnished him with divers necessaries Having accepted these offers and presents of his friends he used such diligence that within eighteen days he made all his preparations and got together five and fifty Soldiers amongst whom poor unfortunate I was fain to be one for I saw my self in that case as I had not so much as a single token nor knew any one that would either give or lend me one being indebted besides at Malaca above five hundred duckets that I had borrowed there of some of my friends which with as much more that dog had â—obbed me of amongst others as I have related befoâ—e having been able to save nothing but my miserable carcass wounded in three places with a Javelin and my skull crackt with a stone whereby I was three or four times at the point of death But my companion Christovan Borralho was yet â—ar worse entreated then my self and that with more hurts which he received in satisfaction of five and twenty hundred duckets that he was robbed of as the rest CHAP. XV. Antonio de Faria's setting forth for the Isle of Ainan his arrival at the River of Tinacoren and that which befell us in this Voyage AS soon as Antonio de Faria was ready he departed from Patana on a Saturday the ninth of May 1540. and steered North North-west towards the Kingdom of Champaa with an intent to discover the Ports and Havens thereof as also by the means of some good booty to furnish himself with such things as he wanted for his haste to part from Patana was such as he had not time to furnish himself with that which was necessary for him no not with victual and warlike ammunition enough After we had sailed three days we had sight of an Island called Pullo Condor at the height of eight degrees and three quarters on the North Coast and almost North-west towards the mouth of the River of Camboia so that having rounded all the Coast we discovered a good Haven Eastward where in the Island of Camboia distant some six leagues from the firm Land we met with a Junk of Lequios that was going to the Kingdom of Siam with an Embassador from the Nautauquim of Lindau who was Prince of the Island of Tosa and that had no sooner discovered us but he sent a message by a Chinese Pilot to Antonio de Faria full of complements whereunto was added these words from them all That the time would come when as they should communicate with us in the true love of the Law of God and of his inâ—inite clemency who by his death had given life to all men and a perpetual inheritance in the house of the good and that they beleeved this should be so after the half of the half time was past With this complement they sent him a Courtelas of great value whose handle and scabbard was of gold as also six and twenty Pearls in a little Box likewise of gold made after the fashion of a Salt-seller whereat Antonio de Faria was very much grieved by reason he was not able to render the like unto this Prince as he was obliged to do for whâ—n the Chinese arrived with this message they were distant above a league at Sea from us Hereupon we went ashore where we spent three days in taking in fresh water and fishing Then we put to Sea again laboring to get to the firm Land there to seek out a River named Pullo Cambim which divides the State of Camboia from the Kingdom of Champaa in the height of nine degrees where arriving on a Sunday the last of May we went up three leagues in this River and anchored just against a great Town called Catimparu there we remained twelve days in peace during the which we made our provision of all things necessary Now bâ—cause Antonio de Faria was naturally curious he endevored to understand from the people of the Country what Nation inhabited beyond them and whence that mighty River took its souâ—ce whereunto he was answered that it was derived from a lake named Pinator dâ—stant from them Eastward two hundred and sixty leagues in the Kingdom of Quitirvan and that it was invironed with high mountains at the foot whereof upon the brink of the water were eight and thirty villages of which thirteen were very great and the rest small and that only in one of the great onâ—s called Xincaleu there was such a huge myne of gold as by the repâ—â—t of those that lived thereabout there was every day a bar and a half drawn out of it which according to the value of our mony makes two and twenty millions in a year and that four Lords had share in it who continually were in war together each one striving to make himself master of it I and that one of them named Raiahitau had in an inner yard of his house in pots under ground that were full to the very brims above six hundred bars of gold in powder like to that of Mexancabo of the Island of Samatra And thâ—â— if three hundred Harquebusiers of our Nation should go and assault it
it was threescore Jaos about each Jao containing three Leagues all along the which there were many Mynes of Silver Copper Tin and Lead from whence great quantities thereof were continually drawn which the Merchants carryed away with Troops of Elephants and Rhinoceroses for to transport it into the Kingdoms of Sornau by us called Siam Passiloco Sarady Tangu Prom Calamniham and other Provinces that are very far within land and distant from these Coasts two or three months journey Further they told us that these Countries were divided into Kingdoms and Regions inhabited with people that were white tawny and others somewhat blacker and that in exchange of those commodities they returned Gold Diamonds and Rubies Having thereupon demanded of them whether those people had Arms they answered none but staves hardened in the fire and daggers with blades two spans long They also assured us that from hence one could not go thither by the River in less then half two months or two months and an half by reason of the impetuosity of the waters descending with a great and â—trong current the most part of the year and that one might return in eight or ten days at the most After these demands Antonio de Faria made them divers others wherein they also gave him good satisfaction and reported many other particulars unto him whereby it may be gathered that if the Country could be taken it would without so much labor and loss of blood be of greater profit and less charge then the Indiaes The Friday following we left this River of Tinacoreu and by our Pilots advice we went to find out Pullo Champeiloo which is an inhabited Island scituate in the entrance to the Bay of Cauchenchina in forty degrees and a third to the Northward Being come to it we cast anchor in an Haven where there was good and safe riding and there we remained three days accommodating our artillery in the best manner we could That done we set sail towards the Isle of Ainan hoping to meet with the Pyrat Coia Acem there whom we sought for and arriving at Pullo Capas which was the first land that we saw of it we sailed close to the shoar the better to discover the Ports and Rivers on that side and the entries into them Now because the Lorch wherein Antonio de Faria came from Paâ—ana leaked very much â—e commanded all his Soldiers to pass into another better Vessel which was immediately performed and arriving at a River that about evening we found towards the East he cast anchor a league out at Sea by reason his Junk was great and drew much water so that fearing the sands which he had often met withall in this Voyage he sent Christovano Bâ—rralho with fourteen Soldiers in the Lorch up the River to discover what fires those might be that he saw Being gone then about a league in the River he incountred a Fleet of forty very great Junks whereupon fearing leâ—t it was the Mandarims Army whereof we had heard much talk he kept aloof off from them and anchored close by the shoar now about midnight the tyde began to come in which Bâ—rralho no sooner perceived but he presently without noise weighed â—nchor and declining the Junks he went on to that part where he had seen the fires that by this time were almost all out there being not above two or three that gave any light and which served to guide him So continuing his course very discreetly he came to a place where he beheld a mighty company of great and small Ships to the number as he guessed of thousand Sails passing through the which very stilly he arrived at a Town of above ten thousand housholds enclosed with a strong wall of Brick with Towers and Bulwarks after our manner and with Curtains full of water Here five of the fourteen Soldiers that were in the Lorch went on shoar with two of those Chineseâ—es that were saved out of Similaus Junk who had left their wives as hostages with us for their return These having spent three hours in viewing and surveying the Town on the outside reimbarqued themselves without any notice taken of them at all and so went back very quietly as they came to the mouth of the River where they found a Junk riding at anchor that was come thither since their departure in the evening Being returned to Antonio de Faria they related unto him what they had seen particularly the great Army that lay up in the River as also the Junk which they had left ridâ—â—g at anchor at the entrance into it telling him that it might well be the Dog Coia Acem whom he sought for These news so rejoyced him that instantly he weighed anchor and set sail saying his mind gave him that it was undoubtedly he and if it proved so he assured us all that he was contented to lose his life in fighting with him for to be revenged of such a Rogue as had done him so much wrong Approaching within sight of the Junk he commanded the Lorch to pass unto the other side of her to the end they might board her both together at once and charged that not a Piece should be shot off for fear they should be heard of the Army that lay up in the River who might thereupon come to discover them As soon as we were come to the Junk she was presently invested by us and twenty of our Soldiers leaping in made themselves Masters of her without any resistance for the most of her men threw themselves into the Sea the rest that were more couragious valiantly made head against our people but Antonio de Faria presently getting in with twenty Soldiers more made an end of defeating them killing above thirty of theirs so as there remained none alive but those which voluntarily cast themselves into the Sea whom he caused to be drawn up to serve for the Navigation of his Vessels and for to learn who they were and from whence they came to which purpose he commanded four of them to be put to torture whereof two chose rather to dye so then to confeâ—â— any thing and as they were about to do the like to a little boy an old man his father that was layd on the deck cryed out with tears in his eyes for to give him the hearing before they did any hurt to the child Antonio de Faria made the Executioner stay and bade the old man say what he would provided he spake truth for otherwise he vowed that both he and the boy should be thrown alive into the Sea whereas on the contrary if he dealt truly he promised to set them both at liberty on shoar and restore unto him whatsoever he would take his oath did appertain unto him Whereunto the old Mahometan answered I accept of the promise which thou makest me and I very much thank thee for sparing the life of this child for as for mine as a thing unprofitable I make no reckoning of it and I
Malaca and that he saw there was so little utterance of that commodity as he could not meet with any Merchant that would deal for it he was fain to resolve for to spend the winter there until such time as he might meet with some opportunity to put it off Howbeit he was advised by some of the best experienced of the Country to send it unto Lugor which is a great Town in the Kingdom of Siam an hundred leagues lower towards the North for they alledged that this Port was very rich and of great vent by reason of a world of Junks that arrived there dayly from the Isle of Iaoa from Lava Taniampura Iapara Demaa Panaruca Sydayo Passarvan Solor and Borneo whose Merchants were used to give a good rate for such like commodities in exchange of gold or stone This advice was well approved of by Antonio de Faria who instantly went about to put it in execution To which end he took order for the providing of a vessel by reason the Foyst wherein he came was altogether unfit for a further voyage Matters thus disposed of he deputed one named Christovano Borhalho for his Factor a man exceeding well vers'd in business of Traffique with whom there imbarqued some sixteen men as well Soldiers as Merchants with a hope that one crown would yield them six or seven what in the commodities they should carry as in those they should return Hereupon wretched I being one of the sixteen we parted from the Port on a Saturday and sailed with a favorable wind along the coast till Thursday next in the morning that we arrived at Lugor Road and anchored at the mouth of the River There it was thought fit to pass the rest of the day to the end we might inform our selves of what was behoveful for us to do as well for the sale of our commodities as for the safety of our persons And to say truth we learnt such good news that we were confident of gaining above six times double and to be sure of freedom and liberty during all the month of September according to the Ordinance of the King of Siam because it was the month of the Kings Sumbayas Now the better to clear this you must know that all along this coast of Malaya and within the Land a great King commands who for a more famous and recommendable Title above all other Kings causeth himself to be called Prechau Saleu Emperor of all Sornau which is a Country wherein there are thirteen Kingdoms by us commonly called Siam to the which fourteen petty Kings are subject and yield homage that were anciently obliged to make their personal repair unto Odiaa the Capital City of this Empire as well to bring their Tribute thither as to do the Sumbaya to their Emperor which was indeed to kiss the Courtelas that he ware by his side Now because this City was seated fifty leagues within the Land and the Currents of the Rivers so strong as these Kings were oftentimes forced to abide the whole winter there to their great charge they petitioned the Prechau King of Siam that the place of doing this their homage might be altered whereupon he was pleased to ordain that for the future there should be a Viceroy resident in the Town of Lugor which in their language is called Poyho unto whom every three years those fourteen Kings should render that duty and obedience they were accustomed to do unto himself and that during that time they spent there in performing the same being the whole month of September both their own merchandize and that of all others as well natives as strangers that either came in or went out of the Country should be free from all manner of imposts whatsoever So that we arriving in the time of this freedom there was such a multitude of Merchants that flocked thither from all parts as we were assured there was no less then fifteen hundred Vessels in the Port all laden with an infinity of Commodities of very great value And this was the good news we learnt at such time as we arrived at the mouth of the River wherewith we were so well pleased that we presently resolved to put in as soon as the wind would permit us But alass we were so unfortunate that we could never come to see what we so much desired for about ten of the clock just as we had dined and were preparing to set sail we saw a great Junk coming upon us which perceiving us to be Portugals few in number and our Vessel small fell close with our prow on the larboard side and then those that were in her threw into us great Cramp-irons fastened unto two long chains wherewithall they grappled us fast unto them which they had no sooner done but straightway some seventy or eighty Mahometans came flying out from under their hatches that till then had lien lurking there who with a mighty cry cast so many stones darts and lances which â—ell as thick as hail upon us that of us sixteen Portugals twelve rested dead in the place together with six and thirty others as well Boys as Mariners Now for us four remaining Portugals after we had escaped so dreadful â—n incounter we leapt all of us into the Sea where one was drowned and we three that were left getting to land as well as we could being dangerously hurt and wading up to the wast in mud went and hid our selves in the next adjoyning wood In the mean time the Mahometans of the Junk entring into our Frigot not contented with the slaughter they had made of our men like mad dogs they killed six or seven Boys out-right whom they found wounded on the Dâ—ck not sparing so much as one of them That done they imbarqued all the goods of our Vessel into their Junk then made a great hole in her and so sunk her Immediately whereupon leaving their anchor in the Sea and the Cramp-irons wherewithall they had grappled us unto them they set sail and made away as fast as ever they could for fear of being discovered After this our escape seeing our selves all sore hurt and without any hope of help we did nothing but weep and complain for in this disaster we knew not what to resolve on so much were we amazed with that which had befaln us within the space of half an hour In this desolation we spent the rest of that sad day but considering with our selves that the place was moorish and full of Adders and Lizards we thought it our safest course to continue there all the night too as accordingly we did standing up to the middle in the Owze The next morning as soon as it was day we went along by the Rivers side until we came unto a little channel which we durst not pass as well for that it was very deep as for fear of a great number of Lizards that we saw in it so that in great pain we stayd not only that night there but five days
your brains fly out of your heads with a frontal of cord as he did to my Master but God I hope will pay him for all the mischief he hath committed Antonio de Faria being also advertised by this slave that this dog Similau had brought all his men of war along with him and left none in his Junk but some Chinese Mariners he resolved to make use of this good fortune after he had put Similau and his companions to death by making their brains fly out of their heads with a cord as Similau had done to Gaspar de Mello and the other Portugals in Liampao Wherefore he presently imbarqued himself with thirty Soldiers in his Boat and the three Machnaâ— wherein the Enemies came and by means of the â—lood and a favorable wind he arrived withless then an hour where the Junk rode at anchor within the River about a league from us whereupon he presently boarded her and made himself master of the poup from whence with only four pots of powder which he cast in among the Rascals that were asleep upon the hatches he made them all leap into the Sea where nine or ten of them were drowned the rest crying out for help were taken up and saved because we stood in need of them for the navigation of the Junk that was a great tall Vessel Thus you see how it pleased God out of his divine justice to make the arrogant confidence of this cursed dog a means to chastise him for his cruelties and to give him by the hands of Portugals a just punishment for that which he had done unto them The next morning taking an inventory of this prize we found six and thirty thousand Taâ—is in silver of Iapan which amounts in our mony to fifty four thousand duckets besides divers other good commodities that were not then praised for want of time because the Country was all in an uproar and fires every where kindled whereby they use to give warning one to another upon any alarm or doubt of Enemies which constrained us to make away with all speed Antonio de Faria parted from this River of Toobasoy on a Wednesday morning being Corpus Christi Eve in the year 1540. and sailed along by the Coast of the Kingdom of Champaa fearing to abandon it the wind being Easterly which in that place is oftentimes very impetuous especially in the conjunction of the new and full Moons The Friday following we found our selves just against a River called by the inhabitants of the Country Tinacoreu and by us Varella whereinto we thought fit to enter as well to be informed of certain things Antonio de Faria desired to know as also to see whether he could learn any news of Coia Acem whom he sought for in regard that all the Junks of Siam and of all the Coast of Malaya that sail to China use to trade in this River where many times they sell their commodities well in exchange of gold Calembouc wood and Ivory whereof there is abundance in that Kingdom and having cast anchor a little within the mouth of the River over against a Village named Taquilleu there came a number of Paroos and many other small Boats with fishermen full of refreshments who having never seen men made like unto us said one to another Lo this is a strange novelty wherewithall God doth visit us let us beseech him he will be pleased that these bearded men may not be such as for their particular profit do spy Countries like Merchants and afterwards rob them like Theeves Let us get to the woods for fear lest the sparks of these firebrands do not burn up our houses and reduce the fields of our labors into ashes as they use to do unto the Lands of other men Whereunto some of them made answer God forbid it should be so but if by misfortune they should come amongst us let us carry our selves in such sort as they may not perceive we fear them as Enemies for so they would set upon us with the more confidence wherefore the best course for us will be in a fair way and with gentle words to endevor to learn of thâ—m what they would have of us that upon knowledg thereof we may certifie it unto Hoyaa Paquir who is now at Congrau Antonio de Faria making as though he did not understand them although all that they said was delivered to him by an Interpreter received them very courteously and bought the refreshments which they brought of them at their own price wherewithall they were very well satisfied And they demanding of him from whence he came and what he would have he answered them that he was of the Kingdom of Siam and as a Merchant was going to traffique in the Isle of Lequios being come into that place only to learn some news of a friend of his named Coia Acem that was also bound thither whereupon he enquired of them whether he were past by or no howsoever he intended to depart thence suddenly both for to lose no time as for that he knew he could not sell his commodities there To which they replyed You say true for in this village of ours there is nothing but nets and fisher Boats wherewith we get our living and that poorly enough God knows Howbeit added they if thou wilt go up the River to the Town of Pilaucacem where the King is thou wilt sell not only the commodities which are in thy ships be they never so rich but likewise more then ten such ships as thine could carry by reason that there are Merchants in that place so wealthy and that drive so great a trade as they go with whole Troops of Elephants Oxen and Camels whom they send laden with goods to the Lands of the Lauhos Pafuaas and Gueos which are inhabited by very rich people Antonio de Faria seeing a good occasion offered to inform himself of that he desired to know questioned them at large concerning many things whereunto some of them that seemed to be of more authority then the rest answered very aptly how the River where we rode at anchor was called Tinacoreu and that it extended to Moncalor a mountain distâ—nt from thence some fourscore leagues and that further upwards it was far broader but not so deep where in many places there was great shelves of sand and a world of land overflown with water in the which werâ— such a multitude of fowls as they covered all the Country thereabout And how beyond that it was all mountainous and rocky and so full of Elephants Rhinoceroses Lions wilde Boars Buffles and such other wilde beaâ—ts as men could not possibly live there for them And moreover how in the midst of that continent there was a great Lake which the inhabitants thereof called Cunebetea and others Chiammay from whence this River took its beginning as also three others that watered a good part of this Country And that the said Lake according to the report of those who have written of
the goodliest things in this Country whereof the least is worth above a hundred thousand Taeis and bestowed them on thee but thou art of a humour more inclined to hunt a Hare then to retain this vvhich I novv tell thee The young Gentleman made no reply but smiling looked upon his Sisters Then the old man caused meat to be brought unto us before him and commanded us to fall to it as vve most vvillingly did whereat he took great pleasure in regard his stomack was quite gone with his sickness but his young daughters much more who with their brother did nothing but laugh to see us feed our selves with our hands for that is contrary to the custome which is observed throughout the whole Empire of China where the Inhabitants at their meat carry it to their mouthes with two little sticks made like a pair of Cizers After we had given God thanks the old man that had well observed us lifting up his hands to heaven with tears in his eyes Lord said he that livest raigning in the tranquility of thy high wisdome I laud thee in all humility for that thou permittest men that are strangers come from the farthest end of the world and without the knowledge of thy doctrine to render thee thanks and give thee praise according to their weak capacity which makes me beleeve that thou wilt accept of them with as good a will as if it were some great offering of melodious musick agreeable to thine eares Then he caused three pieces of linnen cloth and four Taeis of Silver to be given us willing us withall to passe that night in his house because it was somewhat too late for us to proceed on our journey This offer we most gladly accepted and with complements after the manner of the Country we testified our thankfulness to him wherewith himself his wife and his son rested very well satisfied CHAP. XXVII Our arrival at the Town of Taypor where we were made Prisoners and so sent to the Citie of Nanquin THe next morning by break of day parting from that place we went to a Village called Einginilau which was some four leagues from the old Gentlemans house where we remained three dayes and then continuing travelling from one place to another and from Village to Village ever declining the great Towns for fear lest the Justice of the country should call us in question in regard we were strangers in this manner we spent almost two months without receiving the least damage from any body Now there is no doubt but we might easily have got to the Câ—tie of Nanquin in that time if we had had a guide but for wâ—nt of knowing the way we wandred we knew not whither suffering much and running many hazards At length we arrived at a Village named Chaucer at such a time as they were a solemnizing a sumptuous Funeral of a very rich woman that had disinherited her kindred and left her estate to the Pagod of this Village where she was buried as we understood by the Inhabitants We were invited then to this Funeral as other poor people were and according to the custome of the Country we did eat on the grave of the deceased At the end of three dayes that we stayed there which was the time â—he funeral lasted we had six Taeis given us for an Alms conditionally that in all our Oraisons we should pray unto God for the soul of the departed Being gone from this place we continued on our journey to another Village called Guinapalir from whence we were almost two months travelling from country to country untill at last our ill fortune brought us to a Town named Taypor where by chance there was at that time a Chumbrin that is to say one of those Super-intendents of Justice that every three years are sent throughout the Provinces for to make report unto the King of all that passeth there This naughty man seeing us go begging from door to door called to us from a window where he was and would know of us who we were and of what Nation as also what obliged us to run up and down the World in that manner Having asked us these questions in the presence of three Registers and of many other persons that were gathered together to behold us we answered him that we were strangers Natives of the Kingdom of Siam who being cast away by a storm at Sea went thus travelling and begging our living to the end we might sustain our selves with the charity of good people until such time as we could arrive at Nanquin whither we were going with an intent to imbarque our selves there in some of the Merchants Lanteaas for Canton where the shipping of our Nation lay This answer we made unto the Chumbim who questionless had been well enough contented with it and would have let us go had it been for one of his Clarks for he told them that we were idle vagabonds that spent our time in begging from door to door and abusing the alms that were given us and therefore he was at no hand to let us go free for fear of incurring the punishment ordained for such as offend in that sort as is set forth in the seventh of the twelve books of the Statutes of the Realm wherefore as his faithful servant he counselled him to lay us in good and sure hold that we might be forth-coming to answer the Law The Chumbim presently followed his Clarks advice and carried himself toward us with as much barbarous cruelty as could be expected from a Pagan such as he was that lived without God or religion To which effect after he had heard a number of false witnesses who charged us with many foul crimes whereof we never so much as dreamt he caused us to be put into a deep dungeon with irons on our hands and feet and great iron collars about our necks In this miserable place we endured such hunger and were so fearfully whipped that we were in perpetual pain for six and twenty days together at the end whereof we were by the sentence of the same Chumbim sent to the Parliament of the Cheam of Nanquin because the Jurisdiction of this extended not to the condemnation of any prisoner to death We remained six and twenty days in that cruel prison whereof I spake before and I vow we thought we had been six and twenty thousand years there in regard of the great misery we suffered in it which was such as one of our companions called Ioano Roderiguez Bravo died in our arms being eaten up with lice we being no way able to help him and it was almost a miracle that the rest of us escaped alive from that filthy vermine At length one morning when we thought of nothing less loden with irons as we were and so weak that we could hardly speak we were drawn out of that prison and then being chained one to another we were imbarqued with many others to the number of thirty or forty
iustice that conducted us they took their leaves of us in most courteous manner The next morning as soon as it was day they sent us the Letter sealed with three Seals in green Wax the Contents whereof were these Ye servants of that high Lord the resplendent mirrour of an uncreated light before whom our merits are nothing in comparison of his we the least servants of that holy house of Tauhinaâ—el that was founded in favour of the fifth prison of Nanquin with true words of respect which we owe unto you we give your most humble persons to understand that these nine strangers the bearers of this Letter are men of a far country whose bodies and goods have been so cruelly intreated by the furie of the sea that according to their report of ninety and five that they were they only have escaped shipwrack being cast by the tempest on the shore of the Isles of Tautâ—a upon the coast of the Bay of Sumbor In which pitious and lamentable case as we have seen them with our own eyes begging their living from place to place of such as charitie obliged to give them something after the manner of good folkes it was their ill fortune without all reason or justice to be apprehended by the Chumbin of Taypor and sent to this fifth prison of Faniau where they were condemned to be whipped which was immediatly executed upon them by the Ministers of the displeased arm as by their Process better appeareth But afterwards when as through too much crueltie their thumbs were to be cut off they with tears besought us for that Soveraign Lords sake in whose service we are imployed to be assisting unto them which presently undertaken by us we preferred a Petition in their behalf whereunto this Answer was made by the Court of the crowned Lyon That mercy had no place where justice lost her name whereupon provoked by a true zeal to Gods honour we addressed our selves to the Court of those four and twenty of the austere life who carried by a blessed devotion instantly assembled in the Holy House of the remedy for the poor and of an extream desire they had to succour these miserable creatures they interdicted that great Court from proceeding any further against them and accordingly the success was agreeable to the mercy of so great a God for these last Iudges revoking the others first Sentence sent the cause by way of Appeal to your Citie of Pequin with amendment of the second punishment as you may see more at large by the proceedings In regard whereof most reverend and humble Brethren We beseech you all in the Name of God to be favourable unto them and to assist them with whatsoever you shall thinke necessary for them that they may not be oppressed in thier right which is a very great sin and an eternal infamy to us who again intreat you to supply them with your Alms and bestow on them means to cover their nakedness to the end they may not perish for want of help which if you do there is no doubt but that so pious a work will be most acceptable to that Lord above to whom the poor of the earth do continually pray and are heard in the Highest of Heavens as we hold for an Article of Faith On which earth may it please that divine Majestie for whose sake we do this to preserve us till death and to render us worthy of his presence in the house of the Sun where he iâ— seated with all his Written in the Chamber of the zeal of Gods honour the ninth day of the seventh Moon and the three and twentieth year of the Raign of the Lyon crowned in the Throne of the World CHAP. XXVIII The Marvels of the Citie of Nanquin our departure from thence towards Pequin and that which hapned unto us till we arrived at the Town of Sempitay THis Letter being brought to us very early the next morning we departed in the manner before declared and continued our voyoge till Sun-set when as we anchored at a little Village named Minhacutem where the Chifuu that conducted us was born and where his Wife and Children were at that time vvhich vvas the occasion that he remained there three dayes at the end whereof he imbarqued himself vvith his family and so we passed on in the company of divers other Vessels that went upon this River unto divers parts of this Empire Now though we vvere all tyed together to the bank of the Lauteaa where vve rowed yet did we not for all that lose the view of many Towns and Villages that were scituated along this River whereof I hold it not amisse to make some descriptions To which effect I will begin with the Citie of Nanquin from whence we last parted This City is under the North in nine and thirty degrees and three quarters scituated upon the river of Batampina which signifies The flower of fish This river as we were told then and as I have seen since comes from Tartaria out of a lake called Fanistor nine leagues from the City of Lancama where Tamberlan King of the Tartarians usually kept his Court Out of the same lake which is eight and twenty leagues long twelve broad and of a mighty depth the greatest rivers that ever I saw take their source The first is the same Batampina that passing through the midst of this Empire of China three hundred and threescore leagues in length disimbâ—ques into the sea at the bay of Nanquin in thirty six degrees The second named Lechuna runs with great swiftness all along by the mountains of Pancruum which separate the Country of Cauchim and the State of Catebenan in the height of sixteen degrees The third is called Tauquida signifying the Mother of waters that going North-west traverseth the Kingdom of Nacataas a Country where China was anciently seated as I will declare hereafter and enters into the sea in the Empire of Sornau vulgarly stiled Siam by the mouth of Cuy one hundred and thirty leagues below Patana The fourth named Batobasoy descends out of the Province of Sansim which is the very same that was quite overwhelmed by the sea in the year 1556. as I purpose to shew else-where and renders it selâ— into the sea at the mouth of Cosmim in the Kingdom of Pegu The fifth and last called Leysacotay crosseth the Country by East as far as to the Archipelago of Xinxipou that borders upon Mocovye and fals as is thought into a sea that is not navigable by reaâ—on the clymate there is in the height of seventy degrees Now to return to my discourse the City of Nanquin as I said before is seated by this river of Batampina upon a reasonable high hill so as it commands all the plains about it The climate thereof is somewhat cold but very healthy and it is eight leagues about which way soever it is considered three leagues broad and one long The houses in it are not above two stories high and all built
Streamers waving upon the Battlements The first Salutation between the besiegers and the besieged was with arrows darts stones and pots of wild-fire which continued about half an hour then the Tartars presently filled the ditch with bavins and earth and so reared up their ladders against the wall that now by reason of the filling up of the ditch was not very high The first that mounted up was Iorge Mendez accompanied with two of ours who as men resolved had set up their rest either to die there or to render their valour remarkable by some memorable act as in effect it pleased our Lord that their resolution had a good success for they not only entred fiâ—st but also planted the first colours upon the wall whereat the Mitaquer and all that were with him were so amazed as they said one to another Doubtless if these people did besiege Pequin as we do the Chineses which defend that City would sooner lose their honour then we shall make them to do it with all the forces we have in the mean time all the Tartars that were at the foot of the ladders followed the three Portugals and carried themselvâ—s so valiantly what with the example of a Captain that had shewed them the way as out of their own natural disposition almost as resolute as those of Iapan that in a very shâ—rt space above 5000 of them were got upon the walls from whence with great violence they made the Chineses to retire whereupon so furious and bloody a fight ensued between either party that in less then half an hour the business was fully decided and the Castle taken with the death of two thousand Chineses and Mogores that were in it there being not above sixscore of the Tartars slain That done the gates being opened the Mitaquer with great acclamations of joy entred and causing the Chineses colours to be taken down and his own to be advanced in their places he with a new ceremony of rejoycing at the sound of many instruments of war after the the manner of the Tartars gave rewards to the wounded and made divers of the most valiant of his followers Knights by putting bracelets of gold about their right arms and then about noon he with the chief Commanders of his Army for the greater triumph dined in the Castle where he also bestowed bracelets of gold upon Iorge Mendez and the other Portugals whom he made to sit down at table with him After the cloth was taken away he went out of the Castle with all his company and then causing all the walls of it to be dismantelled â—e razed the place quite to the ground setting on fire all that remained with a number of ceremonies which was performed with great cries and acclamations to the sound of diveâ—s instruments of war Moreover he commanded the ruines of this Castle to be sprinkled with the blood of his enemies and the heads of all of them that lay dead there to be cut off as for his own souldiers that were slain he caused them to be triumphantly buried and such as were hurt to be carefully looked unto this done he retired with a huge train and in great pomp to his tent having Iorge Mendez close by him on horsback As for the other eight of us together with many brave Noblemen and Captains we followed him on foot Being arrived at his tent which was richly hung he sent Iorge Mendez a thousand Taeis for a reward and to us but an hundred a piece whereat some of us that thought themselves to be better qualified were very much discontented for that he was more respected then they by whose means as well as his the enterprise had been so happily atchieved though by the good success thereof we had all obtained honour and liberty CHAP. XXXIX The Mitaquer departs from the Castle of Nixiamcoo and goes to the King of Tartary his Camp before Pequin with that which we saw till we arrived there and the Mitaquers presenting us unto the King THe next day the Mitaquer having nothing more to do where he was resolved to take his way towards the City of Pequin before which the King lay as I have delivered before To this effect having put his Army into battel aray he departed from thâ—nce at eight of the clock in the morning and marching leasurely to the sound of his warlike instruments he made his first station about noon upon the bank of a river whose scituation was very pleasant being all about invironed with a world of fruit trees and a many goodly houses but wholly deserted and bereaved of all things which the Barbarians might any way have made booty of Having past the greatest heat of the day there he arose and marched on until about an hour in the night that he took up his lodging at a prety good Town called Lantimay which likewise we found deserted for all this whole Country was quite dispeopled for fear of the Barbarians who spared no kind of person but wheresoever they came put all to fire and sword as the next day they did by this place and many other along this river which they burnt down to the ground and that which yet was more lamentable they set on fire and clean consumed to ashes a great large plain being above six leagues about and full of corn ready to be reaped This cruelty executed the Army began again to move composed as it was of some threescore and five thousand horse for as touching the rest they were all slain as well at the taking of Quinçay as in that of the Castle of Nixiamcoo and went on to a mountain named Pommitay where they remained that night The next morning dislodging from thence they marched on somewhat faster then before that they might arrive by day at the City of Pequin which was distant about seven leagues from that mountain At three of the clock in the afternoon we came to the river of Palamxitan where a Tartar Captain accompanied with an hundred horse came to receive us having waited there two days for that purpose The first thing that he did was the delivering of a letter from the King to our General who received it with a great deal of ceremony From this river to the Kings quarter which might be some two leagues the Army marched without order as being unable to do otherwise partly as well in regard of the great concourse of people wherewith the ways were full incoming to see the Generals arrival as for the great train which the Lords brought along with them that over-spread all the fields In this order or rather disorder we arrived at the Castle of Lautir which was the first Fort of nine that the Camp had for the retreat of the Spies there we found a young Prince whom the Tartar had sent thither to accompany the General who alighting from his horse took his Scymitar from his side and on his knees offered it unto him after he had kissed the ground five times
propound things unto him that cannot be whereupon turning himself towards us Go get you gone said he unto us and to morrow morning fail not to be ready for to come again when I shall send for you These words exceedingly contented us as there was great cause they should and accordingly the next day he sent us nine horses very well furnished upon which we mounted and so went to his Tent He in the mean time had put himself into a Piambre that is somewhat like to a Litter drawn with two horses richly harnessed round about him for his Guard marched threescore Halberdiers six pages apparelled in his Livery mounted on white Curtals and we nine on horsback a little more behind In this manner he went on towards the place where the King was whom he â—ound lodged in the great and sumptuous Edifice of the Goddess Nacapirau by the Chineses called the Queen of Heaven whereof I have spoken at large in the thirty â—ourth Chapter Being arrived at the first trenches of the Kings Tent he alighted out of his Litter and all the rest likewise off â—rom their horses for to speak to the Nautaran of whom with a kiâ—d of ceremony after the fashion of the Gentiles he craved leave to enter which was presently granted him Thereupon the Mitaquâ—r being returned into his Litter passed through the gates in the same manner as beâ—ore only we and the rest of his followers waited upon him on foot When he came to a low and very long Gallery where there was a great number of Gentlemen he alighted again out of his Litter and told us that we were to attend him there for that he would go and know whether it were a fit time to speak with the King or no. We stayed there then about an hour during the which some of the Gentlemen that were in the Gallery observing us to be strangers and such kind of people as they had never seen the like they called us and very courteously bid us to sit down by them where having spent some time in beholding certain tumblâ—â—s shewing â—eats of activity we perceived the Mitaquer coming forth with four very beautiful boys attired in long coats after the Turkish fashion garded all over with green and white and wearing about the small of their legs little hoops of gold in the foâ—m of irons and shackleâ— The Gentlemen that were pâ—esent as soon as they saw them rose up on their feet and drawing out their Courâ—elasses which they wore by their sides they laid them on the ground with a new kind of ceremony saying three times Let the Lord of our heads live an hundred thousand years In the mean while as â—e lay with our heads bending to the ground one of those boys said aloud unto us You men of the other end of the world rejoyce now for that the hour is come wherein your desire is to be accomplished and that you are to have the liberty which the Mitaquer promised you at the Castle of Nixiamcoo wherefore arise from off the earth and lift up your hands to Heaven rendring thanks unto the Lord who during the night of our peaceable rest enammels the Firmament with Stars seeing that of himself alone without the merit of any flesh he hath made you to encounter in your exile with a man that delivers your persons To this Speech prostrated as we were on the ground we returned him this answer by our truch-man May Heavens grant us so much happiness as that his foot may trample on our heads whereunto he replied Your wish is not small and may it please God to accord you this gift of riches These four boys and the Mitaquer whom we followed past through a Gallery erected upon five and twenty pâ—llars of brâ—ss and entred into a great room where there were a number of Gentlemen and amongst them many strangers Mogores Persians Bordies Calamiâ—hams and Bramaas After we were out of this room we came unto another where there were many armed men ranged into five Files all along the room with Courtelasses on their shoulders that were garnished with gold Tâ—ese stayed the Mitaquer a little and with great complements asked him some questions and took his oath upon the Maces the boys carried which he performed on his knees kissing the ground three several times whereupon he was admitted to pass on into a great place like a quadrangle there we saw four ranks of Statues of brass in the form of wild men with clubs and crowâ—s of the same mettal guilt These Idols or Gyants were each of them six and twenty spans high and six broad as well on the breâ—t as on the shoulders their countenances were hideous and deformed and their hair curled like to Negroes The desire we had to know what these figures signified made us to demand it of the Tartars who answered us that they were the three hundred and threescore gods which framed the days of the year being placed there expresly to the end that in their effigies they might be continually adored â—or having created the fruits which the earth produceth and withall that the King of Tartary had caused them to be transported thither from a great Temple called Angicamoy which he had taken in the City of Xipaton out of the Chappel of the Tombs of the Kings of China for to triumph over them when as he should happily return into his Country that the whole world might know how in despight of the King of China he had captivated his gods Within this place whereof I speak and amidst a plantation of Orange-trees that was invironed within a fence of Ivy Roses Rosemary and many other sort of flowers which we have not in Europe was a Tent piâ—ched upon twelve Ballisters of the wood of Champhire each of them wreathed about with silver in the fashion of knotted card-work bigger then ones arm In this Tent was a low Throne in the form of an Altar garnished with branched work of fine gold and over it was a cloth of State set thick with silver Stars where also the Sun and Moon were to be seen as also certain clouds some of them white and others of the colour of which appear in the time of rain all enammelled so to the life and with such art that they beguiled all those that bâ—held them for they seemed to rain indeed so as it was impossible to see a thing more compleat either for the proportions or colours In the midst of this Throne upon a bed lay a great Statue of silver called Abicau Nilancor which signifies the God of the health of Kings that had been also taken in the Temple of Angicamoy Now round about the same Statue were four and thirty Idols of the height of a child of five or six years old ranged in two Files and set on theâ—r knees with their hands lifted up towards this Idol as if they would adore him At the entry into this Tent there were four young Gentlemen richly clad
to his hope so great an enterprise had been wherein hâ— had consumed so much treasure caused his Councel of War to be assembled in the which were present the seven and twenty Kings that accompanied him and likewise many Princes and Lords and the most part of the chief Commanders of the Army In this Councel it was resolved that in regard Winter was at hand and that the rivers had already overflowed their banks with such force and violence as they had ravaged and carried away mâ—st of the Trenches and Pallisadoes of the Camp and that moreover great numbers of the souldiers died daily of sickness and for want of victuals that therefore the King could not do better then to raise his Siege and be gone before Winter came for fear lest staying longer he should run the hazard of losing himself and his Army All these reasons seemed so good to the King that without further delay he resolved to follow this counsel and to obey the present necessity though it were to his great grief so that incontinently he caused all his Infantry and Ammunition to be imbarqued then having commanded his Camp to be set on fire he himself went away by Land with three hundred thousand Horse and twenty thousand Rhinocerots Now after they had taken an account of all the dead they appeared to be four hundred and fifty thousand the most of whom died of sickness as also an hundred thousand Horses and threescore thousand Rhinocerots which were eaten in the space of two months and an half wherein they wanted victual so that of eighteen hundred thousand men wherewith the King of Tartaria came out of his Country to besiege the City of Pequin before the which he lay six months and an half he carried home some seven hundred and fifty thousand less then he brought forth whereof four and fifty thousand died of sickness famine and war and three hundred thousand went and rendred themselves unto the Chineses drawn thereunto by the great pay which they gave them and other advantages of honour and presents which they continually bestowed on them whereat we are not to marvel seeing experience doth shew how that alone is of far more power to oblige men then all other things in the world After the King of Tartaria was gone from this City of Pequin upon a Munday the sevenâ—eenth of October with three hundred thousand horse as I have related before the same day about evening he went and lodged near to a river called Quaytragun and the next morning an hour before day the Aâ—my began to mâ—rch at the souâ—d of the Drums Fifes and other instruments of war acâ—ordâ—ng to the order prescribed them In this manner he arrived a little before night at a Town named Guiiampâ—a which he found altogether depopulated After his Army had reposed thereabout an hour and an half he set forth again and marching somewhat fast he came to lodg at the foot of a great mountain called Liampeu from whence he departed towards morning Thus marched he eight leagues a day for fourteen days together at the end whereof he arrived at a good Town named Guauxitim which might contain about eleven or twelve thousand fires There he was counselled to furnish himself with victuals whereof he had great need for which purpose therefore he begirt it round and skaliâ—g it in the open day he qâ—ickly mâ—de himself Master of it and put it to the sack with so cruel a Massacre of the inhabitants as my fellows and I were ready to swoond for very astonishment Now after that the wood and fire had consumed all things and that the Army was abundantly provided of ammunition and victual he depâ—rted at the break of day and though he past the next morning in the view of Caixiloo yet would not he attaque it for that it was a great and strong Town and by scituation impregnable having heard besides that there were fifty thousand men within it whereof ten thousand were Mogors Cauchins and Champaas resolute souldiers and much more warlike then the Chineses From thence passing on he arrived at the walls of Singrachirau which are the very same that as I have said heretofore do divide those two Empires of China and Tartaria There meeting with no resistance he went anâ— lodged on the further side of it at Panquinor which was the first of his own Towns and sâ—ated some three leagues from the said wall and the next day he marched to Psipator where he dismissed the most part of his people In this place he stayed not above seven days which he spent in providing pay for his souldiers and in the execution of certain prisoners he had taken in that war and brought along with him These things thus expedited he as a man not very well pleased imbarqued himself for Lançâ—me in sixscore Lanlees with no more then ten or eleven thousand men So in six dayes after his imbarquing he arrived at Lançame where not permitting any reception to be made him he landed about two hours within night The King abode in this City of Lançame until such time as all his forces as well horse as foot were arrived there which was within six and twenty days then having all his Army together he went on to another City far greater and fairer called Tuymicoa where he was visitâ—d by some Princes his Neighbours and hy the Ambassadors of many other Kings and Soveraigns of more remoter Countrys of which the chiefest were six great and mighty Monarchs namely Xataanas the Sophy of Persia Siamon Emperour of the Gueos whose Country borders on that of Bramaa and Tanguu the Calamiâ—ham Lord of the indomptable force of the Elephant of the Earth as I shall deliver hereafter when I come to treat of him and his State the Sournaâ— of Odiaa that names himself the King of Siam whose dominion râ—ns seven hundred leagues along the coast with that of Tanauserin and on Champaa side with the Malayos Berdios and Patanes and through the heart of the Country with Passioloqua Capioper and Chiammay as also with the Lauhos and Gueos so that this Prince alone hath seventeen Kingdoms within his State by reason whereof for to make himself the more redoubted amongst the Gentiles he causeth himself to be stiled The Lord of the white Elephant the fifth was the great Mogor whose State is within the heart of the Country near to the Corazones a Province bordering upon Persiu and the Kingdom of Dely and Chitor and the last an Emperour of a Country named Caran as we were informed there the bounds of whose Soveraignty are at the Mountains of Goncalidau sixty degrees further on where a certain people live whom they of the Country call Moscovites whereof we have some in this City which were fair of complection well shapen and apparelled with Breeches Cassocks and Hats like to the Flemings which we see in Europe the chiefest of them wearing Gowns lined with Sables and the rest with ordinary furs The Ambassador
of his greatness Hereupon he dismissed us for that day and the next morning he went to Pontiveu which is a place where the King useth to give audience to all such as have any suit to him There beseeching his Majesty to think of us he answered him that as soon as he dispatched away an Ambassador to the King of Cauchenchina he would send us along with him for so he had resolved to do With this answer the Mitaquer returned to his house where we were ready attending his coming and told us what the King had promised him wherewithal not a little contented we went back to our lodging There in the expectation of the good success of this promise we continued ten days with some impatience at the end whereof the Mitaquer by the Kings express command carried us with him to the Court where causing us to approach near to his Majesty with those ceremonies of greatness which are observed in coming before him being the same we used at Pequin after he had beheld us with a gentle eye he bid the Mitaquer ask of us whether we would serve him and in case we would he should not only be very well pleased with it but he would also give us better entertainment and more advantagious conditions then all the strangers that should follow him in this war To this demand the Mitaquer answered very favourably for us how he had often heard us say that we were married in our Country â—nd had a great charge of children who had no other means to maintain them but what we got with our labour which was poorly enough God knows The King heard this speech with some demonstration of pity so that looking on the Mitaquer I am glad said he to know that they have such good cause to return home as they speak of that I may with the more contentmant acquit me of that which thou hast promised them in my name At these words the Mitaquer and all we that were with him lifting up our hands â—s to a testimony of our thankfulness unto him we kissed the ground three times and said May thy feet rest themselves upon a thousand generations to the end that thou mayst be Lord of the inhabitants of the earth Hereat the King began to smile and said to a Prince that was near him These men speak as if they had been bred amongst us Then casting his eyes on Iorge Mendez who stood before all us next to the Mitaquer And thou said he unto him in what condition art thou wilt thou go or stay whereupon Mendez who had long before premeditated his answer Sir replyed he for me that have neither wife nor children to bewail my absence the thing I most desire in the world is to serve your Majesty since you are pleased therewith whereunto I have more affection then to be Chaâ—m of Pequim one thousand years together At this the King smiled again and then dismissed us so that we returned very well satisfied to our lodging where we continued three days in a readiness to depart at the end of which by the mediation of the Mitaquer and means of his sister who as I have said before was wonderfully beloved of the King his Majesty sent us for the eight that we were two thousand Taeis and gave us in charge to his Ambassadour whom he sent to the City of Vzamguee in Cauchenchina in the company of the same King of Cauchenchina's Ambassador With him we departed from thence five days after being imbarqued in the vessel wherein he went himself But before our departure Iorge Mendez gave us a thousand Duckets which was easie for him to do for that he had already six thousand of yearly rent withal he kept us company all that day and at length took his leave of us not without shedding many a tear for grief that he had so exposed himself to a voluntary exile Being departed from this City of Tuymican on the ninth day of May in the year one thousand five hundred forty and four we came to lodg that night at a University in a Pagode called Guatipanior where the two Ambassadors were very well entertained by the Tuyxivau of the house which is as the Rector thereof and the next morning when it was broad day both of them continued their course down the river each one in his own ship besides other two wherein their stuff was About two hours in the night we arrived at a little Town named Puxanguim well fortified with Towers and bulwarks after our manner as also with very broad ditches and strong bridges of hewed stone there was likewise great store of Artillery or Cannons of wood made like unto the pumps of ships behind the which they put boxes of iron that held their charge and were fastened unto them with iron bands as for the bullets which they shot they were like unto those of Falconets and half black Being much amazed to see this we demanded of the Ambassador who it was that had invented those kind of guns whereunto they answered that it was certain men called Almains and of a Country named Muscovy who by a very great lake of salt-water came down to this Town in nine vessels rowed with oars in the company of a widdow woman Lady of a place called Gaytor who they said was chased out of her Country by a King of Denmark so that flying for refuge with three sons of her the great Grand-father of this King of Tartaria made them all great Lords and gave them certain kinswoman of his in marriage from whom are extracted the chiefest families of this Empire The next morning we parted from this Town and that night lay at another more nobler named Euxcau Five days after we continued our voyage down this river and then we arrived at a great Temple called Singuafatur where we saw an inclosure of above a league in circuit in which were builded an hundred threescore and four houses very long and broad after the fashion of Arcenals all full up to the very tyles of dead mens heads whereof there was so great a number that I am afraid to speak it for that it will hardly be credited Without each of these houses were also great piles of the bones of these heads which were three fathom higher then the ridges of them so that the house seemed to be buried no other part of them appearing but the frontispiece where the gate stood not far from thence upon a little hill on the South-side of them was a kind of a platform whereunto one went up by certain winding-stairs of iron and through four several doors Upon this platform was the tallest the most deformed and dreadful Monster that possibly can be imagined standing upon his feet and leaning against a mighty tower of hewed stone he was made of cast iron and of so great and prodigious a stature that by guess he seemed to be above thirty fathom high and more then six broad notwithstanding the which
the manner as it past I will say no more but that the Necoda of the Lorche which had brought us thither from Vzamguee amâ—zed at this so great barbarousness of ours seperated himself from us in such displeasure that he would not charge himself either with our messages or letters saying that he had rather the King should command his head to be cut off then to offend God in carâ—ying with him any thing whatsoever that belonged to us Thus different as we were in opinions and in very bad terms amongst our selves we lingered above nine dayes in this litâ—le Island during which time the three Juncks departed without vouchsafing to take us in so that we were constrained to remain in these solitudâ—s exposed to many great dangers out of which I did not think that ever we could have escaped if God had not been extraordinarily merciful unto us for having been there seventeen dayes in great misery and want it hapened that a Pyrat named Samipocheca arrived in this place who having been defeated went flying from the Fleet of Aytao of Chincheo that of eight and twenty Sayl which this Pyrat had had tâ—ken six and twenty of them from him so that he had with much ado escaped with those only two remaining wherein the most part of his men were hurt for which cause he was consâ—rained to stay there seven dayes to have them cured Now the present necessity inforcing us to take some course whatsoever it were we were glad to agree for to serve under him until such time as we might meet with some good opportunity to get unto Malaca Those twenty dayes ended wherein yet there was no manner of reconciliation between us but still continuing in discord we imbarqued our selves with this Pyrat namely three in the Junk where he himself was and five in the other whereof he had made a Nephew of his Captain Having left this Island with an intent to sail unto a Port called Lailoo some seven leagues from Chincheo we continued our voyage with a good wind all along the Coast of Lamau for the 〈◊〉 of nine dayes until that one moâ—ning when we were near to the river of salt which is about five leagues from Chabaquea it was our ill fortune to be assailed by a Pirate who with seven great Juncks fell to fighting with us from six in the morning till ten of the clock before noon in which conflict we were so entertained with shoâ— and pots full of arâ—â—ficâ—al fire that at last thâ—re were three Sâ—il burnt to wit two of the Pirats and one of ours which was the Junck wherein the five Portugals were whom we could by no means succour for that then most of our men were hurt But at length towards night being well refreshed by the afternoons gale it pleased our Lord that we escaped out of this Pirats hands In this ill equipage wherein we were we continued our course for three dayes together at the end whereof we were invironed by so great and impetuous a Tempest that the same night in which it seized us we lost the Coast and because the violence of the Storm would never suffer us after to recover it again we were forced to make with full Sail towards the Islands of the Lequios where the Pirate with whom we went was well known both to the King and those of the Country with this resolution we set our selves to â—ail through the Archipelage of these Islands where not withstanding we could not make land as well for that we wanted a Pilot to steer the vessel ours being slain in the last fight as also because the wind and tide was against us Amidst so mâ—ny crosses we beat up and down with labour enough from one â—homb to another for three and twenty dayes together at the end whereof it pleased God that we discovered land whereunto approaching to see if we could descry any appearance of a Port or good anchorage we perceived on the South-coast near to the Horizon of the Sea a great fire which perswaded us that there we might peradventure find some Borough where we might furnâ—sh our selves with fresh water whereof we had very great need So we went and rode just before the Island in seventy fathom and presently we beheld two Almedias come towards us from the Land with six men in them who being come close to the side of our Junck and having complemented with us according to their manner demanded of us from whence we câ—me whereunto having answered that we came from China with merchandise intending to trade in this place if we might be suffered one of the six replyed That the Nautaquim Lord of that Island called Tanixumaa would very willingly permit it upon payment of such customs as are usual in Iapan which is coâ—â—inued he this great Country that you see here before you At these news and many other things which they told us we were exceeding glad so that after they had shewed us the Port we weighed anchor and went and put our selves under the lee-shoar of a crâ—ek which was on the South-side and where stood a great Town named Miay-gimaa from whence there came instantly abord of us divers Paraoos with refreshments which we bought We had not been two hours in this Creek of Miaygimaa when as the Nautaquim Prince of this Island of Tanixumaa came directly to our Junck attended by divers Gentlemen and Merchants who had brought with them many Chests full of silver Ingots therewith to barter for our commodities so after ordinary complemenâ—s past on either side and that we had given our word for his easiest coming aboard of us he no sooner perceived us three Portugals but he demanded what people we were saying that by our beards and faces we could not be Chineses Hereunto the Pirate answerâ—d That we were of a Country called Malaca whither many years before we were come from another Lend named Portugal which was at the further end of the world At these words the Nautaquim remained much amazed and turning himself to his followers Let me not live said he unto them if these men here be not the Chenchicogis of whom it is written in our books that flying on the top of the waters they shall from thence subdue the inhabitants of the earth where God hath created the riches of the world wherefore it will be a good fortune for us if they come into our Country as good friends Thereupon having called a woman of Lequia whom he had brought to serve as an interpreter between him and the Chinese Captain of the Junck Ask the Necoda said he unto hâ—r where he met with these men and upon what occasion he hath brought them hither with him into our Country of Jappon The Captain thereunto replied That we were honest men and Merchants and that having found us at Lampacau where we had been cast away he had out of charity taken us in as he used to do unto all such as he met withall in the
Chavequa of the first Mamoquo of the Moon in the presence of the Queen my Mother the Source of my right eye and Lady of all my Kingdom And signed a little below Hira Pitau Xinancor Ambulec the firm prop of all Iustice. As soon as the Gentlewoman had this Letter of the Kings in her hands she was never at quiet till she had left her Aunt and put her self upon her journey which she continued with such diligence that in a short space she arrived at the City and delivered the Letter to the Broquen who presently upon the reading of it caused all the Peretandas Chumbims and other Officers of Justice to assemble together and then went with them directly to the Prison where we were at that instant under a sure guard we no sooner saw them enter but all of us cried out three or four times together Lord have mercy upon us wherewith the Broquen and all that accompanied him whereof the prison was full were so moved as some of them could not forbear weeping out of the compassion they had of us In the mean time the Broquen fell to comforting us in such kind and loving terms as well expressed the greatness of his charity Withall he commanded the irons to be taken off from our hands and feet and drawing us into an outward Court he recounted unto us all that had past in our business whereof we had not any knowledge at all in regard of the strict watch that was set upon us all the while Then having caused the Kings Letters to be published My friends said he unto us now that God hath shewed you so much grace to deliver you as you see I have one request to make unto you which is that for my sake you will thank him from the bottom of your heart and praise him for it for if you make this acknowledgement unto him he will communicate to you from above whence all good doth proceed an agreeable repose which is a thing far more convenient for us then to live three or four days in the miseries of this world where there is nothing but labour grief great affliction and above all poverty which is the accomplishment of all evils and whereby ordinarily our souls are wholly consumed in the deep abyss of the house of smoak The Broquen moreover caused two Paniers full of clothes to be brought to that place and distributed to them amongst us according to each ones need That done he carried us home to his house where all the Ladies of the Town came to see us testifying by their countenances that they greatly rejoyced at the good success of our deliverance They comforted us also with great demonstration of pity which is an effect of the good nature of the women of this Country that is common to them all and not contented therewith they entertained us in their houses one after another during all the time we were there until our departure for we continued in this City afterwards the space of forty six dayes in which time we were furnished with all things necessary for us and that in such abundance as there was not one of us but carried above an hundred Duckets away with him As for the Portugal woman of whom I spake before she had above a thousand as well in mony as in other gifts which were given her by which means her husband in less then an year recovered himself of all the losses he had sustained After we had with a great deal of contentment past those forty six dayes there the season proper for our voyage being come the Broquen procured us passage in the Junck of a Chinese which was bound for the Port of Liampoo in the Kingdom of China according to the commandment that he had received of the King for that purpose buâ— first he caused the Captain of the Junck to put in good security for the safety of our persons during all the time of the voyage In this manner we departed from Pungor the capital City of the Island of Lequios of which I will here make a brief relation to the end that if it shall one day please God to inspire the Portugal Nation principally for the exaltation and increase of the Catholick faith and next for the great benefit that may redound thereof to undertake the Conquest of this Island they may know where first to begin as also the commodities of it and the easiness of this Conquest We must understand then that this Island of Lequios scituated in nine and twenty degrees is two hundred leagues in circuit threescore in length and thirty in bredth The Country is almost like that of Iapon saving that it is a little more mountainous in certain parts but in the middle it is plainer and more fertile It is rendred very agreeable by many large Plains that are watred with divers rivers of fresh water and from whence are gathered great provisions especially of Rice and Wheat It hath Mountains out of which is drawn such quantity of copper as in regard of the abundance thereof it is so common among those people that whole Ships are laden with it from thence in way of traffique to all the Ports of China Lamau Sumbor Chabaquea Tosa Miacoo and Iapon as likewise to all the other Islands on the South-side thereof as those of Sesirau Goto Fucanxi and Pollem Moreover in all this Country of the Lequios there is also great store of iron steel lead tin allum salt-peeter brimstone hony wax sugar and ginger far better then that which comes from the Indiaes It hath withall a world of Angelin-wood Chestnuts Trees Oak and Cedar wherewith thousands of Ships may be made On the East-side it hath five very great Islands where many Mynes of Silver are found as also Pearls Amber Frankincense Silk Ebony Brasil and a great abundance of a certain wood fit for Carpentry called Poytan It is true that there is not such store of Silk there as in China The Inhabitants of all this Country do as the Chineses cloth themselves with Linnen Cotten Silk and a kind of Damask-stuff which comes to them from Nanquin They are great eaters very much addicted to the delights of the flesh little inclined to arms and altogether unfurnished of them which induceth me to believe that they might be easily conquered and the rather for that in the year a thousand five hundred fiâ—ty and six a Portugal arrived at Malaca named Pero Gomez a' Almeyda servant to the Grand Master of Santiago with a rich Present and Letters from the Nautaquim Prince of the Island of Tanixumaa directed to King Iohn the third the Substance and Contents of his request was to have five hundred Portugals granted to him to the end that with them and his own Forces he might conquer the Island of Lequio for which he would remain tributary to him at five thousand Kintals of Copper and a thousand of Lattin yearly which Ambassy came to no effect because the Messenger was
through all the town accompanied with a great multitude of people that followed him at the sound of trumpets drums and other such instruments the Captain himself as also the Ambassador and the rest of us together with all the Bramaas marching on foot after him with boughs in our hands and two men before him on horseback that rode crying O all ye people praise with gladness the beams which proceed from the midst of the Sun who is the God that makes our rice to grow for that you have lived to see a man so holy that knowing how to drink better then all the men of the world hath laid on the ground twenty of the principall drinkers of our troop to the end his renown may be daily more and more augmented Whereunto all the crowd of people that accompanied him answered with such cries and acclamations as the very noyse thereof frighted all that heard it In this equipage they lead the Portugal to the Ambassadors house where they set him down with a great deal of respect and many complements then on their knees they rendred him to the Ambassador desiring him to have a care of him as of an holy man or the son of some great King for said they it cannot be otherwise seeing God hath bestowed so great a gift on him as to know how to drink so well Whereupon having made a gathering for him they got together above two hundred lingots of silver which they gave him and untill the time that we departed he was continually visited by the inhabitants whereof many presented him with rich pieces of silk and other gifts as if they had made an offering to some Saint upon a solemn day of his invocation After these we saw other men that were very white named Pavilens great archers and good horsemen apparrelled in caslocks of silk like those of Iapon and that carried their meat to their mouths with little sticks after the manner of the Chineses these same told us that their Coyntry was called Binagorem and that it was distant from thence about two hundred leagues up the river their merchandize was store of gold in powder like to that of Menancabâ— of the Island of Suâ—atra as also lacre aloes musk tin copper silk and wax which they exchanged for pepper ginger salt wine and rice the wives of these men which we saw there are very white of better conversation then all the rest of those countryes well natured and exceeding charitable demanding of them what was their Law and what was the divinity that they adored they answered us That their Gods were the Sun the heaven and the stars for that from them they received by an holy communication all the good that they enjoyed upon earth and furthermore that the soul of man was but a breath which ended in the death of the body and that afterwards tumbling up and down in the ayr she mingled her self with the clouds untill such time as coming to be dissolved into water she died again upon the earth as the body had done before I omit an infinite many of such extravagances which were told us and that gave us good cause to wonder at the blindness and confusion of these wretches and doth also oblige us to render thanks continually unto God for delivering us from these errors and this false belief Now from the diversity of these unknown Nations which we saw in these parts it is easie to infer that in this Monarchy of the world there are many countries yet undivided and unknown to us CHAP. LX. Our arrivall at Pegu with the death of the Roolim of Mounay COntinuing our course from this town of Pavel we came the next day to a village called Luncor invironed about the space of three leagues with a great number of trees of Benjamin which from this place is transported into the Kingdoms of Pegu and Siam From thence we sailed for nine daies together down that great river all alongst the which we saw many goodly towns and then we arrived at another river called Ventrau thorough the which we continued our voyage to Penauchin the first Borough of the Kingdome of Iangumaa where the Ambassador registred his vessells and all that were within them because such was the custom of the country Being departed from thence we went and lay that night at the Rauditens which are two strong places belonging to the Prince of Poncanor Five days after we came to a great town called Magdaleu which is the country from whence lacre is brought to Martabano the Prince thereof during the time that we stayed there shewed the Ambassador a generall muster of all the men of war that he had levied against the King of the Lauâ—os with whom he was at difference because he had repudiated a daughter of his which he had married three years before intending to espouse a gentlewoman by whom he had had a son that he had legitimated and made choice of for heir of his Kingdom thereby frustrating his Nephew by his daughter of his right Passing on then thorough the streight of Madur wherein we sailed five days we arrived at a village called Mouchell the first place of the Kingdom of Pegu there one Chalagâ—niâ— a famous Pyrat that went up and down robbing in this place with thirty Ceroos well equipped and full of warlike men assailed us one night and fighting with us till it was almost day he handled us in such sort as it was the great grace of God that we escaped out of his hands nevertheless it was not without the loss of five of the twelve vessells that we had together with an hundred and fourscore of our men whereof two were Portugals The Ambassador himself had a cut on one of his arms and two wounds besides with arrow shot which had almost cost him his life all of us likewise were cruelly hurt and the Present which the Calaminham sent to the King of Bramaa being worth above an hundred thousand duckats was taken by the Pyrat together with a great deal of rich merchandize that was in the five vessells whereof he had made himself master In this sad equipage we arrived three days after at the City of Martabano from whence the Ambassador wrote the King a letter wherein he rendred him an accompt of all that had happened to him in his voyage as also in his disaster Whereupon the King sent presently away a Fleet of sixscore Ceroos with a number of choice men amongst which were an hundred Portugals in quest of this Pyrat This Fleet having by good fortune discovered him found that he had put on shore his thirty Ceroos wherewith he had assailed us and was with all his forces retired into a fortress which was full of divers prizes that he had taken in severall parts thereabout our men immediately attacqued the place and carried it easily at the very first assault only with the loss of some few Bramaas and one Portugal howbeit many were hurt with
receive him who brought along with him an hundred and threescore Calaluzes and ninety Lanchares full of Luffons from the Isle of Borneo With all this company he arrived where the King of Zunda was who entertained him very courteously and with a great deal of honor Fourteen daies after our coming to this Town of Iapara the King of Demaa went and imbarqued himself for the Kingdome of Passarâ—an in a Fleet of two thousand and seven hundred sails amongst the which were a thousand high-built Juncks and all the rest were Vessells with oars The eleventh of February he arrived at the river of Hicandurea which is at the entrance of the bar and because the King of Panaruca Admirall of the Fleet perceived that the great Vessells could not passe unto the Port which was two leagues off by reason of certaine shelves of sand that were in divers parts of the river he caused all those that were in them to be disimbarqued and the other Vâ—ssells with oars to go and anchor in the road before the Town with an intention to burn the Ships that were in the Port which indeed was accordingly executed In this Army was the Emperor Panguâ—yran in person accompanied with all the grandeâ—s of the Kingdome the King of Zunda his brother-in-law who was Generall of the Army went by land with a great part of the forces and being all arrived at the place where they meant to pitch their Camp they took care in the first place for the fortifying thereof and for placing the Canon in the most commodious places to batter the Town in which labour they bestowed the most part of the day As for the night ensuing it was spent in rejoycings and keeping good watch untill such time as it was day whenas each Captain applied himself to that whereunto his duty obliged him all in generall imploying themselves according to the ingineers directions so that by the second day the whole Town was invironed with high Pallisadoes and their Platformes fortified with great beames whereupon they planted divers great pieces of Ordnance amongst the which were Eagles and Lions of metall that the Acheâ—s and Turks had cast by the invention of a certain Renegado born in the Kingdome of Algarâ—es appertaining to the Crown of Portugal and by reason this wicked wretch had changed his belief he called himself Coia Geinal for as for the name which he had before when he was a Christian I am contented to passe it over in silence for the honor of his Family being indeed of no mean extraction In the mean time the besieged having taken notice how ill-advised they had been in suffering the enemies to labour two whole daies together peaceably in fortifying of their Camp without any impeachment of theirs and taking the same for a great affront they desired their King to permit them to fal upon them the night following alledging how it was probable that men vvearied vvith labour could not make any great use of their arms nor be able to resist this first impetuosity The King who at that time commanded the Kingdom of Passaruan was young indued with many excellent qualities vvhich made him to be exeeedingly beloved of all his subjects for as it was reported of him he was very liberal no manner of Tyrant exceedingly affable to the common people a friend to the poor and so charitable towards Widovvs that if they acquainted him vvith their necessities he relieved them instantly and did them more good then they asked of him Besides these perfections that vvere so recommendable he possessed some others so conforâ—able to mens desires as there vvas not any one that vvould not have exposed his life a thousand times for his service if need â—ad been Furthermore he had none but choice men vvith him even the flovver of all his Kingdome besides many strangers upon vvhom he conferred much vvealth honor and many graces which he accompanied vvith good vvords that being indeed the means vvhereby the minds both of great and small are so strongly gained that they make them Lions of sheep vvhereas carrying ones self other vvayes of generous Lions they are made fearfull hares This King then examining the request vvhâ—ch his people made unto him and referring himself to the advice of the antientest and most prudent Councellors of his State vvhich vvere vvith him there vvas a great contention about the successe that the affairs might have but in the end by the counsell of all in generall it vvas concluded That in case â—ortune should be altogether adverse unto them in this sally which they mâ—ant to make against their enemies yet would it be a much lesse evill and lesse considerâ—ble affront then to see the King so besieged by vile people who against all reason would reduce them by force to quit their beliefe wâ—erein they had been bred by their Fathers to imbrace another new one by the suscitation of the Farazes who place their salvation in washing their parts behind in not eating of swines flesh and marâ—ying of seven wives whereby the best advised may easily judge that God was so much their enemy as he would not assist them in any thing seeing that with so great offence they would under pretext of Religion and with reasons so full of contradiction compell their King to become a Mahometan and render himself tributary to them To these reasons they added many others which the King and they that were with him found to be so good as they all with one common consent agreed thereunto which is en evident mark that it is a thing no lesse naturall for a good Subject to expose his life for his King then for a vertuous wife to conserve her chastity for the husband which God hath given her This being so said they a matter of so great importance was no longer to be deferred but we all in generall and each one in particular are by this sally to make demonstration of the extreme affection which we bear to our good King who we are assured will never be unmindfull of them that shall fight best for his defence which is all the inheritance we desire to leave to our children Whereupon it was resolved that the night following they should make a sally upon their enemies Whereas the joy which this designed sally brought to all the inhabitants of the Town was generall they never stayed till they were called but two hours after midnight and before the time which the King had appointed they assembled all in a great place which was not far from the Royall Palace and where they of the country had accustomed to keep their Fairs and to solemnize their most remarkable feasts on those principall dayes which were destined to the invocation of their Pagodâ—s The King in the mean time wonderfully content to see such heat of courage in them of seventy thousand inhabitants which were in the Town drew out twelve thousand only for this enterprise and divided them into four companies each
for the King our Soveraign Lord vvas thus handled by Don Antonio if the report of it be true Finally when the season of Navigation was come he was sent so manacled as he was to the Indiaes with an infamous verball process which the Parliament of Goa annulled afterwards And Don Antonio had thereupon an expresse Commandment from the Vice-Roy Don Pedro de Mascarenhas who governed the State of the Indiaes at that time to appear personally before him as a Prisoner for to be confronted in judgment with Gaspar Iorge and render an account of his proceeding against him as indeed Don Antonio failed not in making his appearance at Goa accordingly where being about to justifie himself for that which had past he was ordered to answer within three dayes to an ignominious Libel which Gaspar Iorge had exhibited against him But forasmuch as Don Antonio was naturally an enemy of Justifications by Answers and Replyes whereby it was said the Councellors of the Parliament intended to surprize him the report went at least wise such was the saying of Detractors for as for me I neither saw nor am assured of it that in stead of imploying the three dayes which had been given him in making answer to this Libell hee vvithin four and twenty hours having met accidentally vvith Gaspar Iorge sent him to prosecute his Suit in the other World laying him so sure on the ground as he never rose again Howbeit there are those vvhich recount this Affair quite otherwise and that say how in a Feast vvhereunto he was invited hee vvas poysoned By this death of his all this difference vvas decided and this businesse vvholly ceased so that Don Antonio vvas by Sentence absolutely cleared and sent back to his Government wherein he continued not above two months and a half at the end vvhereof he died of a bloody Flux and so vvere all the storms of envie and discord vvherewith the Fortresse of Malaca had been beaten appeased When the season was come vvherein vve might continue our Voyage on the first day of April in the year One thousand five hundred fifty and five wee parted from Malaca after vvee had imbarqued our selves in a Carvel belonging to the King our Soveraign Lord which Don Antonio the Captain of the Fortresse gave us by the expresse command of the Vice-Roy Three dayes after our putting to sea we arrived at an Island called Pulho Pisan at the entering into the Streight of Sincaapura where the Pilot having never navigated that way before ran us with full sails so dangerously on certain Rocks as we thought our selves to be utterly lost without all hope of recovery In regard whereof by the advice of all the rest the Father and I were constrained to get into a Manchua for to go and demand succour of one Luis Dalmeida who two hours before had passed by us in a Vessell of his and lay at anchor two leagues off us by reason the winde was against him So the Father and I made to him with peril enough For whereas all that Country which appertained to the King of Iantana Grand-childe to him that had been King of Malaca our mortall Enemy were at that time in arms his Balons and Lanchares that were assembled in a Fleet of Warr continually gave us chase with an intention to take us but by Gods providence we escaped them At length after we had got to this ship with no little fear and trouble he that was Captain of her furnished us with a Boat and Mariners and so we returned to our Carvel as speedily as we could for to succour and draw her out of the danger wherein we had left her But it pleased the Lord that we found her the day after delivered from it though it is true that she took in water abundantly in the prow's side but in the end we stanched it at Patana where we arrived seven dayes after There I went ashore with two others to see the King unto whom I delivered a Letter from the Captain of Malaca and being received very graciously by him he read it over whereby he understood that the cause of our coming thither was to provide our selves of victuals and some other things which we had not taken in at Malaca as also that we were resolved to proceed on in our course directly to China and from thence to Iapan where Father Belquior and others with him were to preach the Christian Law to the Gentiles vvhich the King of Patana having read after he had mused a little he turned to them that were about him and said smiling to them O how much better were it for these men since they expose themselves to so many travels to go to China and inrich themselves there then to recount tales in strange Countreys Whereupon calling the Xabandar to him Be sure said he unto him that thou givest these men here all that they shall demand of thee and that for the love of the Captain of Malaca who hath greatly recommended them unto mee and above all remember That it is not my custome to command a thing twice When we had taken leave of the King exceedingly contented with the good reception he had given us we fell presently to buying of Victuals and other such things as we stood in need of So that in eight dayes we were abundantly furnished with whatsoever was necessary for us Being departed from this Haven of Patana we sailed two dayes together with a South-east winde along by the coast of Lugor and Siam traversing the Barr of Cuy to go to Pulho Cambim and from thence to the Islands of Canton with an intent there to attend the conjunction of the new Moon But it was our ill fortune to be surprized by East and South-east winde which raign in that Coast the most part of the year whereof the violence was so great that we were in fear to be cast away so that to decline the event thereof we were forced to tack about again to the Coast of Malaya and arriving at an Island called Pullo Timan we ran into great danger there as well by reason of the tempest which we had upon the sea as in regard of the great treason of the people of the Country Now after five dayes that we had continued there without having either fresh water or victuals because for the easing of our Vessell we had cast out all into the Sea it pleased God that wee encountred with three Portugal Ships which came from Sunda by whose arrivall we were very much comforted in our travels Whereupon Father Belquior and I began to treat with the Captains of those Vessâ—ls about that which they thought was requisite we should do and all were of the opinion that we should send back the Carvel wherein wee vvere to Malaca saying that there was no likelihood wee should be able to make so long a Voyage in her as that of Iapan Having approved of this counsel we presently imbarqued our selves in the Ship of one
forty Portugals aforesaid who received us with great demonstrations of joy but not without shedding of some tears for though they lived there at their ease and were absolute Masters of all the Country as they said yet the consideration how they were as men banished from their Country into this place did very much trouble them Now because it was night when we arrived and that we had all need of rest Barbosa was of the opinion that we should not see the Emperors Mother till the next morning which was a Sunday the fourth of October that come and we well refreshed we went accompanied with Barbosa and his forty Portugals to the Princesses Palace where we found her at Mass in her Chappel A while after being advertised of our arrival she caused us to be admitted into her presence Whereupon we fell on our knees before her and with all kind of humility kissed the Ventilow that she held in her hand To these submissions we adjoyned many other Ceremonies according to their fashion conformable to the instructions we had taken from the Portugals that conducted us thither She received us with a smiling countenance and to testifie how much she was pleased with our coming Verily said she you cannot imagine how glad I am to see you that are right Christians for it hath been a thing which I have always as much desired as a fair garden enameled with flowers doth the mornings dew wherefore you are most welcome come and may your entrance into my house be as propitious as that of the vertuous Queen Helena 's was into blessed Ierusalem Herewith she made us to sit down upon maâ—â— not above five or six paces distant from her Then shewing her self exceedingly contented she questioned us about certain matters of which she assured us that she very much longed to be satisfied First she asked us the name of our holy Father the Pope also how many Kings there were in Christendom and whether any of us had ever been in the holy Land whereupon she much condemned the Christian Princes for their neglect and want of care in seeking to ruine the power of the Turk who she said was the common Enemy of them all Likewise she would know of us whether the King of Portugal was great in the Indiaes what Forts he had there in what places they were seated and how defended She made us many other like demands to the which we answered the best we could for to content her whereupon she dismissed us and we returning to our lodging continued there nine days which we spent in waiting on this Princess with whom we had much discourse on several subjects That Term expired we went to take our leaves of her and in kissing of her hands she seemed to be somewhat troubled at our departure Truly said she it grieves me that you will be gone so soon but since there is no remedy I wish your Voyage may be so prosperous that at your arrival in the Indiaes you may be as well received by yours as the Queen of Sheba was heretofore by King Solomon in the admirable Palace of his greatness Now before we departed she bestowed on us twenty four Oqueaâ— of Gold which make two hundred forty Duckets of our mony She caused us also to be conducted by a Naiquâ— and twenty Abissins as well to serve us for Guides and guard us from Robbers whereof that Country was full as to furnish us with Victuals and Horses until such time as we got to Arquico where our Foists attended for us This Princess also sent a rich present of divers Jewels of Gold and Stones by Vasco Martins de Sâ—ixas unto the Governor of the Indiaes which by ill fortune was lost in this Voyage as shall be declared hereafter After we were returned to the Port of Arquico where we found our companions caulking of our Foists and furnishing them with all that was necessary for our Voyage we fell to work with them for the space of nine days At length all things being ready we set sail and parted from thence on Tuesday the sixth of November 1538. We carried with us both Vasco Martins de Seixas that had the Present and a Letter from the Princess to the Governor of the Indiaes as also an Abissin Bishop who was bound for Portugal with an intent to go from thence to Galicia Rome and Venice and afterwards to travel to Ierusalem which especially he desired to see in regard of the holiness of the place An hour before day we left the Port and sailâ—d along the Coast afore the wind until such time as about noon we reached the point of the Cape of Coçam and before we arrived at the Island of Rocks we discâ—â—ned three Vessels on the other side that seemed to us to be Gelvas or Terrades which are the names of the Vessels of that Country Whereupon we gave them chace and with the strength of our oars because the wind was then somewhat down we pursued them in such sort that in less then two hours having gotten up to them we might easily perceive them to be Turkish Gallies whereof we were no sooner assured but that we presently betook our selves to flight and made towards the Land with all the haste that might be so if it were possible to escape the danger that inevitably threatned us But whether the Turks suspected our design or knew it in less then a quarter of an hour they hoisted up all their sails and having the wind favorable they followed us very hard so as in a little while getting within a small faulcon shot of us they discharged all their Ordnance upon us wherewith they not only killed nine of our men and hurâ— six and twenty but so bâ—ttered our Foists that we were fain to cast a great part of our goods into the Sea Mean while the Turks lost no time but joyned us so close that from their poop they hurt us easily with their pikes Now there were four and forty good Soldiers remaining yet unhurt in our Foists who knowing that upon their valor and the force of their arms depended the lives both of themselves and all the rest they determined to fight it out With this resolution they set couragiously upon the Admiral of the three Gallies wherein was Solyman Draguâ— General of the Fleet Their onset was so furious as they invested her from poop to prow and killed seven and twenty Ianizaries nevertheless she being instantly succored with fresh men by the other two Gallies which had stayed a little behind we were so wearied and oppressed with numbers that we were not able to make any further resistance for of four and fifty that we were at first there was but eleven left alive whereof two also dyed the next day whom the Turks caused to be cut in quarters which they hung at the end of their main yards for a sign of their Victory and in that manner carried them to the Town of Mocaa whereof the Father-in-law
the victory against this Tyrant of Achem and to permit us to regain that from him which with such notable treachery he hath taken from us in those places of Jacur and Lingua we will always most faithfully and sincerely acknowledg thee according to the Law of the Portugals and according to that holy Verity wherein consists the Salvation of all that are born in the world Furthermore in our Country we will build fair Temples unto thee perfumed with sweet odours where all living Souls shall on their bended knees adore thee as it hath been always used to be done unto this present in the Land of Portugal And hear what besides I promise and swear unto thee with all the assuredness of a good and faithful servant that the King my Master shall never acknowledg any other King then the great Portugal who is now Lord of Malaca Having made this protestation he presently imbarqued himself in the same Lanchara wherein he came thither being accompanied with eleven or twelve Balons which are small Barques and so went to the Isle of Vpa distant not above half a league from the Port. There the Bandara of Malaca who is as it were chief Justicer amongst the Mahometans was present in person by the express commandment of Pedro de Faria for to entertain him And accordingly he made him a great Feast which was celebrated with Hoboys Drums Trumpets and Cymbals together with an excellent consort of voyces framed to the tune of Harps Lutes and Viols after the Portugal manner Whereat this Embassador did so wonder that he would often put his finger on his mouth an usual action with those of that Country when they marvel at any thing About twenty days after the dâ—parture of this Embassador Pedro de Faria being informed that if he would send some Commodities from the Indiaes to the Kingdom of Batas he might make great profit thereof and much more of those which should be returned from thence he to that effect set forth a Iurupango of the bigness of a small Carvel wherein he ventured a matter of some ten thousand duckets In this Vessel he sent as his Factor a certain Mahometan born at Malaca and was desirous to have me to accompany him telling me that thereby I should not only much oblige him but that also under pretext of being sent as Embassador thither I might both see the King of Batas and going along with him in his journey against the Tyrant of Achem which some way or other would questionless redound to my benefit Now to the end that upon my return out of those Countries I might make him a true relation of all that I had seen he prayed me carefully to observe whatsoever should pass there and especially to learn whether the Isle of Gold so much talked of was in those parts for that he was minded if any discovery of it should be made to write unto the King of Portugal about it To speak the truth I would fain have excused my self from this Voyage by reason those Countries were unknown to me and for that the inhabitants were by every one accounted faithless and treacherous having small hope besides to make any gain by it in regard that all my stock amounted not to above an hundred duckets But because I durst not oppose the Captains desire I imbarqued my self though very unwillingly with that Infidel who had the charge of the Merchandise Our Pilot steered his course from Malaca to the Port of Sorotilau which is in the Kingdom of Aaru always coasting the Isle of Samatra towards the Mediterranean Sea till at length we arrived at a certain River called Hicandure After we had continued five days sailing in this manner we came to an Harbor named Minhatoley distant some ten leagues from the Kingdom of Peedir In the end finding our selves on the other side of the Ocean we sailed on four days together and then cast anchor in a little river called Gaateamgim that was not above seven fathom deep up the which we past some seven or eight leagues Now all the while we sailed in this River with a fair wind we saw athwart a Wood which grew on the bank of it such a many Adders and other crawling creatures no less prodigious for their length then for the strangeness of their forms that I shall not marvel if they that read this History will not beleeve my report of them especially such as have not travelled for they that have seen little beleeve not much whereas they that have seen much beleeve the more All along this River that was not very broad there were a number of Lizards which might more properly be called Serpents because some of them were as big as an Almadia with scales upon their backs and mouths two foot wide Those of the Country assured us that these creatures are so hardy as there be of them that sometimes will set upon an Almadia chiefly when they perceive there is not above four or five persons in her and overturn it with their tails swallowing up the men whole without dismembering of them In this place also we saw strange kind of creatures which they call Caquesseitan They are of the bigness of a great Goose very black and scaly on their backs with a row of sharp pricks on their chins as long as a writing pen Moreover they have wings like unto those of Bats long necks and a little bone growing on their heads resembling a Cocks spur with a very long tail spotted black and green like unto the Lizards of that Country These creatures hop and fly together like Grashoppers and in that manner they hunt Apes and such other beasts whom they pursue even to the tops of the highest Trees Also we saw Adders that were copped on the crowns of their heads as big as a mans thigh and so venomous as the Negroes of the Country informed us that if any living thing came within the reach of their breath it dyed presently there being no remedy nor antidote against it We likewise saw others that were not copped on the crowns nor so venomous as the former but far greater and longer with an head as big as a Calves We were told that they hunt their prey in this manner They get up into a tree and winding their tails about some branch of it let their bodies hang down to the foot of the tree and then laying one of their ears close to the ground they harken whether they can hear any thing stir during the stillness of the night so that if an Ox a Boar or any other beast doth chance to pass by they presently seize on it and so carries it up into the tree where he devours it In like sort we descryed a number of Baboons both grey and black as big as a great Mastiff of whom the Negroes of the Country are more afraid then of all the other beasts because they will set upon them with that hardiness as they have much ado to resist
For a conclusion of his speech he related unto me the little punishment which was ordained for such as were culpable of these matters and the great rewards that he had seen conferred on those which had not deserved them whereunto he added that if the King desired throughly to perform the duty of his Charge and by Arms to conquer people so far distant from his Kingdom and to preserve them it was as necessary for him to punish the wicked as to recompence the good This said he sent me to lodg in a Merchants house who for five days together that I remained there entertained me bravely though to speak truth I had rather have been at that time in some other place with any poor victuals for here I was always in fear by reason of the Enemies continual alarms and the certain news that came to the King the next day after my arrival how the Achems were already marching towards Aaru and would be there within eight days at the farthest which made him in all haste to give directions for such things as he had not taken order for before and to send the women and all that were unfit for War out of the City five or six leagues into the Wood amongst the which the Queen her self made one mounted on an Elephant Five days after my arrival the King sent for me and asked me when I would be gone whereunto I replyed at such time as it would please his Greatness to command me though I should be glad it might be with the soonest for that I was to be employed by my Captain with his Merchandise to China Thou hast reason answered he then taking two Bracelets of massy Gold off from his wrists worth some thirty Crowns I pre-thee now said he giving them to me do not impute it to miserableness that I bestow so little on thee for thou mayst be assured that it hath been always my desire for to have much for to give much withall I must desire thee to present this Letter and this Diamond from me to thy Captain to whom thou shalt say that whatsoever I am further engaged to him in for the pleasure he hath done me by succoring me with those Ammunitions he hath sent me by thee I will bring it to him my self hereafter when I shall be at more liberty then now I am Having taken leave of the King of Aaru I presently imbarqued my self and departed about Sun-set rowing down the River to an Hamlet that is at the entrance thereof composed of ten or eleven houses covered with â—traw This place is inhabited with very poor people that get their living by killing of Lezards of whose livers they make a poyson wherewith they anoint the heads of their arrows For the poyson of this place chiefly that which is called Pocausilim is held by them the best of those Countries because there is no remedy for him that is hurt with it The next day having left this small Village we sailed along the coast with a land wind until evening that we doubled the Islands of Anchepisan then the day and part of the night following we put forth somewhat farther to Sea But about the first watch the wind changed to the North-east for such winds are ordinary about the Isle of Samatra and grew to be so tempestuous that it blew our mast over board tore our sails in pieces and so shattered our Vessel that the water came in that abundance into her at two several places as she sunk incontinently to the bottom so that of eight twenty persons which were in her three and twenty were drowned in less then a quarter of an hour For as five that escaped by the mercy of God we passed the rest of the night upon a Rock where the waves of the Sea had cast us There all that we could do was with tears to lament our sad fortune not knowing what counsel or course to take by reason the Country was so moorish and invironned with so thick a Wood that a bird were she never so little could hardly make way through the branches of it for that the trees grew so close together We sat crouching for the space of three whole days upon this Rock where for all our sustenance we had nothing but Snails and such filth as the â—oam of the Sea produced there After this time which we spent in great misery and pain we walked a whole day along by the Isle of Samatra in the owze up to the girdle-stead and about Sun-set we came to the mouth of a little River some Crossbow-shot broad which we durst not undertake to swim over for that it was deep and we very weak and weary so that we were forced to pass all that night standing up to the chin in the water To this misery was there adjoyned the great affliction which the Flies and Gnats brought us that coming out of the neighboring Woods bit and stung us in such sort as not one of us but was gore blood The next morning as soon as we perceived day which we much desired to see though we had little hope of life I demanded of my four companions all Mariners whether they knew the Country or whether there was any habitation thereabout Whereupon the eldest of them who had a wife at Malaca not able to contain his tears Alas answered he the place that now is most proper for you and me is the house of death where ere it be long we must give an account of our sins it therefore behoves us to prepare our selves for it without any further delay and patiently to attend that which is sent us from the hand of God For my part let me intreat thee to be of a good courage whatsoever thou seest and not be terrified with the fear of dying since every thing well considered it matters not whether it be to day or to morrow This spoken he embraced me and with tears in his eyes desired me to make him a Christian because he beleeved as he said that to be so was sufficient to save his Soul which could not otherwise be done in the cursed sect of Mahomet wherein he had lived till then and for which he craved pardon of God Having finished these last words he remained dead in mine arms for he was so weak as he was not able to subsist any longer as well for that he had not eaten ought in three or four days before as in regard of a great wound the wrack of the Lanchara had given him in his head through which one might see his brains all putrefied and corrupted occasioned both for want of looking unto as by salt water and flies that were gotten into it Verily this accident grieved me very much but for my self I was in little better case for I was likewise so weak that every step I made in the water I was ready to swoon by reason of certain hurts on my head and body out of which I had lost a great
retire to the Lanchara where we remained with five Boys and eight Mariners not having so much as the worth of a peny left of all our merchandize which amounted to fifty thousand crowns in gold and stone only In this Lanchara we past away all the night very much afflicted and still harkening what might be the end of this mutiny which was risen among the people as I have before related At length perceiving the matters grew worse and worse and that there was no hope for us to recover any part of our goods we thought it a far safer course to go away to Patana then by staying to run a hazard of being killed as above four thousand persons were With this resolution we parted from this place and in six days arrived at Patana where we were very well received by the Portugals which were in that Country unto whom we recounted all that had past at Pan and the pitious estate wherein we had left that miserable Town This accident very much afflicted them so that desiring to give some remedy thereunto with a true affection of charitable Christians they went all to the Palace of the King and complained to him of the wrong that had been done to the Captain of Malaca beseeching him thereupon they might be permitted to recover if it were possible the loss they had sustained and have leave granted to right themselves upon any merchants goods belonging to the Kingdom of Pan to the value of the sum they had been despoyled of The King having heard their complaint and presently granting what they demanded It is reasonable said he that you should do as you have been done unto and that you should spoyl them that first have spoyled you especially in a matter that concerns the Captain of Malaca unto whom all of you are so much obliged The Portugals having rendred him very humble thanks for this grace returned to their houses where they concluded to seize upon all the goods they could meet with belonging to the Kingdom of Pan until such time as they had fully recovered their loss It hapned then about nine days after they being advertised that some ten leagues off in the river of Calantan were three Junks of China very rich and appertaining to Mahometan Merchants Natives of the Kingdom of Pan that by foul weather at Sea were constrained to put in there our people resolved to fall upon them To which effect out of three hundred Portugals that were then in the Country we chose out fourscore with whom we imbarqued our selves in two Foysts and one round ship well provided of all things we thought to be necessary for this enterprize So we departed three days after with all speed for fear lest the Mahometans of the Country having discovered our design should advertise them of it whom we went to seek Of these three vessels one Ioano Fernandez Dabrea born in the Isle of Madera was General who with forty Soldiers went in the round ship and the other two Foysts were commanded by Laurenco de Goes and Vasco Sermento both of them of the City of Braganea in Portugal and very well experienced in Sea-service The next day we arrived at the river of Calentan where as soon as we decryed the three Junks riding at anchor which we had been told of we set very valiantly upon them and albeit those that were in them did at first do their best endevor to defend themselves yet at length all their resistance was in vain for in less then an hour we reduced them all under our power so as seventy and four of theirs were slain and but three of ours though we had many men hurt I will not hold you here with any particular discourse of what was done on either side let it suffice that after the three Junks had rendred themselves we presently set sail and carryed them away with us in all haste because the whole Country thereabout was in an uproar directing our course towards Patana where by the favor of a fair wind we arrived the next day in the afternoon Having then cast anchor we saluted the Town with a peal of Ordnance in sign of joy which put the Mahometans of the Country out of all patience for though we stood in the terms of good friends with them yet they left not to use all possible means both of Presents which they gave to the Governors and the Kings Favorites and otherwise for to make our prizes voyd and that the King would expel us out of his dominions whereunto he would at no hand consent saying that he would not for any thing in the world break the peace which his Ancestors had made with the Christians of Malaca â—nd that all that he could do therein was to become a third betwixt them Whereupon he deâ—â—â—ed us that the three Necodas of the Junks so are the Commanders of them called in that Country restoring unto us what had been taken from the Captain of Malaca we would likewise render unto them as well their vessels free as the overplus a matter which Ioano Fernandez Dabrea and the rest of the Portugals very willingly agreed unto to testifie the desire they had to content him As indeed he was exceedingly well pleased with them for it which he expressed both in courteous language and many promises of his future favor Thus were the fifty thousand duckets recovered that Pedro de Faria and Tome Lobo had lost and the Portugals were in great esteem over all that Country so that their valor rendred them very formidable to the Mahometans A little after the Soldiers assured us that in the three Junks we had taken there was only in lingoâ—s of silver besides the other merchandize wherewithall they were laden to the value of two hundred Taieis which in our mony amounts to an hundred thousand duckets CHAP. XIV The Misfortune that befell us at the entry into the River of Lugor our hiding our selves in a Wood with that which happened unto us afterwards and our return unto Malaca HAving sojourned six and twenty days at Patana for to sell away some few commodities of China that I had there arrived a Foyst from Malaca commanded by one Antonio de Faria who came thither by the express commandment of Pedro de Faria to treat with the King about some accord as also to confirm the ancient league anew which he had with Malaca and withall to give him thanks for the good entertainment he gave in his Kingdom to those of the Portugal Nation This business was carryed with a fair shew of an Embassie accompanyed with a Letter and a Present of Jewels sent in the name of the King of Portugal our Master and taken out oâ— his Coffers as all the Captains of that place used to do Now for as much as the said Antonio de Faria had brought along with him some ten or twelve thousand crowns worth of Indian woolen and linnen cloth which he had taken up on his credit at
heed Now when the day began perfectly to appear it pleased God that Mem Taborda's and Antonio Anriquez Junks discovered us and presently coming up close to us they that were in her threw us a great many staves tyed to cords to the end we might fasten our selves to them as we presently did and therein an hour was spent with much ado by reason of the extream disorder amongst us every man desiring and striving to be first saved by which occasion twenty men were drowned whereof five were Portugals for whom Antonio de Faria was more grieved then for the loss of the Junk and all the goods that were in her although the value thereof was not so small but that it amounted to above an hundred thousand Taâ—is and that in Silver alone for the greatest part of the booty taken from Coia Acem had been put into Antonio de Faria's Junk as that which was held to be freer from danger then all the rest Thus after we had with much peril and pain gotten into Taborda's Junk we past all that day in continual lamentation for our ill success without hearing any news of our consorts Nevertheless it pleased God that about evening we discovered two Sails which made so many short turnings from one side to another as one might well guess they did it of purpose to spend time whereby we were perswaded that they were of our company Now because it was almost night we thought it not fit to go to them for some reasons given thereupon but having made them a sign they answered us presently with the like according to our desire and about the end of the last watch they approached so near unto us that after they had sadly saluted us they demanded how the Captain General and the rest did whereunto we replyed that as soon as it was day we would tell them and that in the mean time they should retire from thence till the next morning that it was light for that the waves then went so high as some disaster might otherwise ensue thereupon The next day as soon as the Sun began to appeared two Portugals came to us from Quiay Panians Junk who seeing Antonio de Faria in the case he was in aboard Mem Taborda's Junk and understanding the bad success of his fortune they recounted theirs unto us which seemed to be little better then ours for they declared that a gust of wind had caught up and thrown three of their men a stones cast from the Vessel into the Sea a thing never seen nor heard of before Withall they delivered how the little Junk was cast away with fifty men in her almost all Christians amongst the which were seven Portugals and the Captain named Nuno Preto an honorable man and of great courage and wisdom whereof he had given good proof in the former adversities Aâ— this relation Antonio de Faria was very much grieved but much more when a little after one of the two Lanteas of whom no news had been heard of till then arriving told us what dangers they had ran and that the other having broken their cables and left their anchors in the Sea was in their sight battered all to pieces on the Sea shoar all that were in her being drowned saving thirteen persons whereof there were five Portugals and three servants Christians whom those of the Country had made Slaves and carried to a place called Nouday so that by this unlucky Tempest two Junks and one Lantea or Lorch were cast away wherein above an hundred men were lost besides Slaves Apparel Commodities Silver Jewels Ordnance Arms Victual and Munition worth in all above two hundred thousand Duckets in so much thaâ— both our General and every one of us Soldiers found our selves destitute of all manner of relief having nothing left us but what was upon our backs We learnt afterwards that such-like fortunes at Sea do ordinarily happen on this Coast of China more then in any other part so that it is impossible to sail there a whole year together without shipwrack unless upon the Conjunction of the new Moons one fly into the Ports for shelter which are there so many and so good that without fear of any thing one may enter them easily because they are all very clear except those of Lamau and Sumbor which have certain Rocks lying some half a league Southward from the mouth of the River CHAP. XXII Antonio de Faria hath news of the five Portugals that were made Captives his Letter to the Mandarin of Nouday about them and his assaulting the said Town AFter this furious Tempest was wholly asswaged Antonio de Faria incontinently imbarqued himself in the other great Junk that he had taken from Coia Acem whereof Pedro de Silva was Captain and setting sail he departed with the rest of his Company which consisted of three Junks and one Lorch or Lantea as the Chineses term them The first thing he did then was to go and anchor in the Haven of Nouday to the end he might learn some news of the thirteen Captives that were carried thither being arrived there about night he sent two small Barques called Baloes well man'd to spy the Port and sound the depth of the River as also to observe the scituation of the Country and to learn by some means what Ships were riding there together with divers other matters answerable to his design For which effect he commanded the Mariners to endeavor all they could for to surprize some of the Inhabitants of the Town that by them he might be truly informed what was become of the Portugals by reason he was afraid they were already carried further up into the Country These Baloes went away about two hours after midnight and arrived at a little Village seated at the mouth of the River on a little stream of water called Nipaphau There it pleased God that they behaved themselves so well as they returned before day aboard our Junk bringing along with them a Barque laden with earthen vessel and Sugar canes which they had found lying at anchor in the midst of the River In this Barque there were eight men and two women together with a little child some six or seven years old who seeing themselves thus in our power became so transported with the fear of death that they were in a manner besides themselves which Antonio de Faria perceiving labored all he could to comfort them and began to speak them very fair but to all his questions he could draw no other answer from them then these words following Do not kill us without cause for God will require an account of our blood from you because we are poor folks and saying thus they wept and trembled in such sort as they could scarce pronounce a word Whereupon Antonio de Faria pitying their misery and simplicity would importune them no further Howbeit the better to compass his intent he intreated a Chinese woman that was a Christian and came along with the Pilot to
us That done he spake unto Diego Lobato who vvas the Priest that vve carried along with us and one that we much respected as a man of the Church to make a Sermon unto his company for to animate them against all dangers that might happen which he worthily performed and by the efficacy of his words full of sweetnesse and excellent examples he so revived our spirits that before were much dejected through the apprehension of the dangers that menaced us as there vvas not one amongst us but presently took fresh heart boldly to execute the enterprise vve had undertaken Whereupon with great devotion and zeal vve sung a Salvo before an Image of our Lady every man promising vvithout any future fear to finish the Voyage we had begun That done vve joyfully hoysed sail and entring into the mouth of the River steering directly East and vvith tears in our eyes invoked from the bottome of our hearts the assistance of that Soveraign Lord vvhich sits at the right hand of the Father everlasting to preserve us by his Almighty povver Continuing on our course with the force of Oares and Sails and steering divers wayes by reason of the many turnings of the River the next day we arrived at a very high mountain called Botinafau whence sundry Rivers of fresh water ran down In this mountain were a number Tygers Rhinocerots Lyons Ounces and such other creatures of severall kinds which running and roaring in their wilde manner made cruell war upon other weaker Beasts as Stags Boars Apes Monkeys Baboons Wolves and Foxes wherein we took much delight spending a great deal of time in beholding them and ever and anon we cryed out from our Ships to fright them but they were little moved with it in regard they were not used to be hunted We were about six dayes in passing this Mountain it being some forty or fifty leagues long Within a pretty while after we had left this Mountain we came to another named Gangitanon no lesse wilde then the former beyond the which all the Countrie was very stonie and almost inaccessible moreover it was full of such thick Woods as the Sun could not possibly pierce them with his beams Similau told us that in this mountain there were ninety leagues of desert land altogether unfit for Tillage and the bottome thereof onely was inhabited by certain most deformed men called Gigauhos who lived after a most brutish fashion and fed on nothing but what they got in hunting or some Rice that the Merchants of China brought them to Catan in exchange of Fuâ—â—es which the said Merchants carried from thence to Pocasser and Lantau amounting yearly as by the Books of the Customes thereof appeared to the number of twenty thousand Caâ—es each Caâ—e or pack containing threescore skins wherewith the people used in winter to line their Gowns hang their Houses and make coverings for their Beds to withstand the cold of the Climate which is great there Antonio de Faria wondring at the Relation this Chinese made of the deformity of these Gigauhos desired him if it were possible to let him see one of them whereby he said he should more content him then if he should give him the treasures of China whereunto Similau made him this Answer Signior Captain since it it so much imports me as well to maintain my credit with you as to stop their mouthes that murmur against me and that jogging one another scoffe at me when I recount these things unto you which they account as so many Fables and to the end that by the truth of the one they may be ascertained of the other I will promise before Sun-setting yet to shew you a couple of these people and that you shall also speak with them upon condition you do not go ashore as you have still used to do hitherto for fear some mischance should happen to you as many times it doth to Merchants in like cases For I assure you that the Gigauhos are of so savage and brutish a nature as they feed on nothing commonly but raw flesh and blood like the wilde Beasts that live in this Forrest So continuing our course all along the side of this Mountain at length behinde a little point of land we discovered a young youth without ere an hair on his face driving six or seven Cows before him that pastured there by Similau making a sign to him with a napkin he presently stayed whereupon coming a little neerer to him Similau shewed him a piece of green Taffâ—â—a which he told us was a stuffe very acceptable to these brutish men and withall by signs demanded of him whether he would buy it this drew him to the banke of the River were he answered with an hoarse voice some words that we could not comprehend because there was not one in all our Vessels that understood this barbarous language so that of necessity this commerce was to be made by signs Antonio de Faria commanded three or four yards of the said piece of Taffeta to be given him as also six Pourcelains wherewith this Salvage seemed to be very well pleased for taking both the one and the other transported with joy he said something to us which we could understand no better then the former then making a sign with his hand towards the place of his abode he left his Cows and ran away to the wood clothed as he was with a Tigers skin his arms and legs naked bare-headed and a staffe hardned at one end with the fiâ—e in his hand For his person he was well proportioned of his limbs his hair red and curled hanging down on his shoulders his stature by conjecture was above ten foot high but we were amazed to see him return about a quarter of an hour to the very same place again câ—rrying a live Stag on his back and having thirteen persons in his company namely eight men and five women leading three Cows â—yed together and dancing as they went at the sound of a kinde of Tabor upon the which they beat five stroaks at a time and as often clapped their hands together singing to it with a very hoarâ—e voice in their language Hereupon Antonio de Faria caused five or six pieces of silk stuffe and a great many of Pourcelains to be shewed them for to make them beleeve that we were Merchants at the sight whereof they very much rejoyced These persons both men and women were apparrelled all after one and the same fashion without any kinde of difference saving that the women wore great tinnen Bracelets about the middle of their armes and their hair a great deal longer then the mens stuck all about with flowers resembling our Flower de luces they had chains also of red Cockles about their necks almost as big as Oyster-shels as for the men they carried great staves in their hands covered to the middest with the same skins wherewith they were clothed moreover they had all of them fierce looks great lips flat noses
of sinners so thou wilt be pleased to forgive us our offenceâ— that thereby we may become worthy to behold thy face in the glory of thy Kingdom where thou art sitting at the right hand of the Almighty Our Father which art in heaven hallowed be thy Name In the Name of the Father the Son and the Holy Ghost Amen And so all of them kissing the Cross imbraced one another and thereupon returned every one to his own home Moreover she told us that her Father had left her many other prayers which the Chineses had stollen from her so that she had none left but those before recited whereunto we replyed that those we had heard from her were very good but before we went away we would leave her divers other good and wholsome prayers do so then answered she for the respect you owe to so good a God as yours is and that hath done such things for you for me and for all in general Then causing the cloth to be laid she gave us a very good and plentiful dinner and treated us in like sort every meal during the five days we continued in her house which as I said before was permitted by the Chifuu in regard of a present that this good woman sent his wife whom she earnestly intreated so to deal with her husband as we might be well intreated for that we were men of whom God had a particular care as the Chifuus wife promised her to do with many thanks to her for the present she had received In the mean space during the five days we remained in her House we read the Catechism seven times to the Christians wherewithall they were very much edifyed beside Christophoro Borhalho made them a little Book in the Chinese tongue containing the Pater Noster the Creed the Ten Commandments and many other good Prayers After these things we toâ—k our leaves of Inez de Leyria and the Christians who gave us fifty Taeis in Silver which stood us since in good stead â—s I shall declare hereafter and withall Inez de Leyria gave us secretly fifty Taeis more humbly desiring us to remember her in our Prayers to God After our departure from the Town of Sempitay we continued our course upon the River of Bataupina unto a place named Lequinpau containing about eleven or twelve thousand fires and very well built at least we judged so by that we could discern as also inclosed with good Walls and Curtains rouâ—d about it Not far from it was an exceeding long House having within it thirty Furnaces on each side where a great quantity of Silver was melted which was brought in carts from a Mountain some five leagues off called Tuxenguim The Chineses assured us that above a thousand men wrought continually in that Mine to draw out the Silver and that the King of China had in yearly Revenue out of it about five thousand Picos This place we left about Sun-set and the next day in the evening we arrived just between two little Towns that stood opposite one to another the River onely between the one named Pacau and the other Nacau which although they were little yet were they fairly builâ— and well walled with great hewed stone having a number of Temples which they call Pagods all guilt over and enriched with Steeples and Fanes of great price very pleasing and agreeable to the eye Now in regard of that they recounted unto us here of these two Towns I hold it not amisse to discourâ—e it in this place the rather for that I have heard it confirmed since and that thereby one may come to know the Original and Foundation of this Empire of China whereof ancient Writers have spoken little â—ill this present It is written in the first Chronicle of fourscore which have been made of the Kings of China the thirteenth Chapter as I have heard it many times delivered That six hundred thirty and nine years after the Deluge there was a Country called then Guantipocau which as may be judged by the height of the Climate where it is scituated being in sixty two degrees to the Northward abutts on the backside of our Germany In this Country lived at that time a Prince named Turbano whose state was not very great It is said of him that being a youth he had three children by a Woman called Nancaa whom he extreamly affected although the Queen his Mother then a Widow was exceedingly displeased at it This King being much importuned by the principal Persons of his Kingdom to marry always excused himself alledging some Reasons for it which they did not well allow of but incited by his Mother they pressed him so far that at length they perceived he had no intent to condescend unto them for indeed his minde was to legitimate the eldest Son he had by Nancaa and to resign his Kingdome unto him to which effect he not long after put himself into Religion in a Temple named Gison which seems to have been the Idol of a certain Sect that the Româ—â—s had in their time and that is still at this present in the Kingdomes of China Iappon Cauchenchina Cambaya and Siam whereof I have seen many Pagods in those Countries But first having declared his said â—on King the Queen his Mother would by no means approve of it saying That since the King her Son would needs profess himself into that Religion and leave the Kingdom without a lawful Heir she would labour to remedy so great a disorder as indeed she did by instantly marrying her self being fifty years of age to a Priest of hers called Silau that was but six and twenty whom she proclaimed King notwithstanding all opposition made to the contrary whereof Turbano being presently advertised and knowing that his Mother had done it of purpose to defeat his Son of the Crown he got him forthwith out of his Religion for to repossess himself of it and to that end used all the means and diligence he could whereupon the Queen Mother and Silau fearing that which might follow thereof to both their destructions if he were not in time and that speedily prevented they secretly assembled some of their partakers to the number of thirty Horse and fourscore Foot who going one night where Turbano was slew him and all his Company Howbeit Nancaa saved her self with her three Sons and accompanied with certain of her Domestical Servants she imbarqued her self in a small Lanteaa and fled away down the River to a place some seventy leagues from thence where she landed with those few followers she had There assisted with some others that resorted unto her she fortified her self in a little Island that was in the middest of the River and which she named Pilaunere that signifies The retreat of the poor with an intent there to end the rest of her days now having lived five years in that poor and miserable estate the Tyrant Silan whom the People hated doubting lest the three young Princes coming
where the Tanigores spake to them again about us and recommending us unto them more then before the Monteo caused our names to be written down in a book that lay before him and said unto us I do this because I am not so good a man as to give you something of mine own nor so bad as to deprive you of the sweat of your labour whereunto the King hath bound you wherefore even at this instant you shall begin to get your living although you do not serve as yet for the desire I have that this may be accounted to me for an alms so that now you have nothing to do but to be merry in my house where I will give order that you shall be provided of all that is necessary for you Besides this I will not promise you any thing for the fear I am in of the shewing some vanity by my promise and so the Divel may make use thereof as of an advantage to lay hold on me a matter that often arrives through the weakness of our nature wherefore let it suffice you for the present to know that I will be mindful of you for the love of these holy brethren here who have spoken to me for you The four Tanigores thereupon taking their leave gave us four Taeis and said unto us Forget not to render thanks unto God for the good success you have had in your business for it would be a grievous sin in you not to acknowledge so great a grace Thus were we very well entertained in the house of this Captain for the space of two months that we remained there at the end whereof we parted from thence for to go to Quansy where we were to make up our time under the conduct of this Captain who ever after used us very kindly and shewed us many favours untill that the Tartars entred into the Town who did a world of mischief there as I will more amply declare hereafter Before I recount that which happened unto us after we were imbarqued with those Chineses that conducted us and that gave us great hope of setting us at liberty I think it not amiss to make a brief relation here of the City of Pequin which may truly be termed the capital of the Monarchy of the world as also of some particulars I observed there as well for its arches and policy as for that which concerns its extent its government the laws of the Country and the admirable manner of providing for the good of the whole State together in what sort they are paid that serve in the time of war according to the Ordinances of the Kingdom and many other things like unto these though I must needs confess that herein I shall want the best part namely wit and capacity to render a reason in what clymate it is scituated and in the heigth of how many degrees which is a matter the learned and curious most desire to be satisfied in But my designe having never been other as I have said heretofore then to leave this my book unto my children that therein they may see the sufferings I have undergone it little imports me to write otherwise then I do that is in a gross and rude manner for I hold it better to treat of these things in such sort as nature hath taught me then to use Hyperboles and speeches from the purpose whereby the weakness of my poor understanding may be made more evident Howbeit since I am obliged to make mention of this matter by the promise I have made of it heretofore I say that this City which we call Pequin and they of the Country Pequin is scituated in the heighth of forty and one degrees of Northerly latitude the walls of it are in circuit by the report of the Chineses themselves and as I have read in a little book treating of the greatness thereof and intituled Aquisendan which I brought since along with me into Portugal thirty large leagues namely ten long and five broad Some others hold that it is fifty namely seventeen in length and eight in bredth and forasmuch as they that intreat of it are of different opinions in that the one make the extent of it thirty leagues as I have said before and others fifty I will render a reason of this doubt conformable to that which I have seen my self It is true that in the manner it is now built it is thirty leagues in circuit as they say for it is invironed with two rows of strong walls where there are a number of towers and bulwarks after our fashion But without this circuit which is of the City it self there is another far greater both in length and bredth that the Chineses affirm was anciently all inhabited but at this present there are only some Boroughs and Villages as also a many of fair houses or castles about it amongst the which there are sixteen hundred that have great advantages over the rest and are the houses of the Proctors of the sixteen hundred Cities and most remarkable Towns of the two and thirty Kingdoms of this Monarchy who repair unto this City at the general Assembly of the Estates which is held every three years for the publique good Without this great inclosure which as I have said is not comprehended in the City there is in a distance of three leagues broad and seven long fourscore thousand Tombs of the Mandarins which are little Chappels all guilded within and compassed about with Ballisters of iron and latin the entries whereinto are through very rich and sumptuous arches near to these Chappels there are also very great houses with gardens and tufted woods of high trees as also many inventions of ponds fountains and aqueducts whereunto may be added that the walls of the inclosure are on the inside covered with fine porcelain and on the fanes above are many Lions pourtrayed in gold as also in the squares of the steeples which are likewise very high and embellished with pictures It hath also five hundred very great Palaces which are called the houses of the Son of the Sun whither all those retire that have been hurt in the Wars for the service of the King as also many other souldiers who in regard of age or sickness are no longer able to bear arms and to the end that during the rest of their days they may be exempted from incommodity each of them receives monthly a certain pay to find himself withall and to live upon Now all these men of War as we learned of the Chineses are ordinarily an hundred thousand there being in each of those houses two hundred men according to their report We saw also another long street of low houses where there were four and twenty thousand oar-men belonging to the King Panoures and another of the same structure a good league in length where fourteen thousand Taverners that followed the Court dwelt as also a third street like unto the other two where live a great number
deformity he was exceedingly well proportioned in all his limbs only his head was somewhat too little for so great a body This monster held in both his hands a bowl of the same iron being six and thirty spans about Beholding so strange and monstrous a thing we demanded of the Tartar Ambassadour the explication thereof who willing to satisfie our curiosity If you knew answered he what the power of this God is and how needful it is for you to have him to friend certainly you would think it well imployed if you presented him with all your means how great soever they might be and give them to him rather then to your own children for you must know that this great Saint which you see there is the Treasurer of the bones of all those that are born into the world to the end that at the last day when men come to be born again he may give to every one the same bones which he had upon earth for he knows them all and can tell in particular to what body each of those bones belong whereupon you are further to understand that he who in this life shall be so unadvised as not to honour him nor present him with something will be but in an ill case in the other world for this Saint will then give him some of the rottenest bones he can meet withal and one or two less then he should have by means whereof he will become deformed lame or crooked and therefore if you will follow my counsel you shall make your selves of his fraternity by offering something unto him and you will find by experience the good that will redound to you thereof hereafter We desired also to know of him what the bowle which this Monster held in his hand signified whereunto he answered us That he held it to fling it at the head of the gluttonous Serpent that lived in the profound Obism of the house of smoak when he should come thither to steal away any of those bones After this we enquired of him how this Monster was called and he told us that his name was Pachinavau du beculem Prinaufaque and that it was threescore and fourteen thousand years since he was begotten on a Tortois called Migama by a Sea-horse that was an hundred and thirty fathom long named Tybrem vucam who had been King of the Giants of Fanius he told us likewise many other brutish fooleries and absurdities which those of that Country believe as their Creed and wherewith the Divel precipitates them all into hell Moreover this Ambassadour assured us that the gifts which were presented to this Idol amounted to above two hundred thousand Taeis of yearly rent without comprising therein what came from Chappels and other foundations of obits from the principal Lords of the Country the Revenue whereof was far greater then that of the gifts For a conclusion he told us that this same Idol had ordinarily twelve thousand priests attending on his service who were maintained with mâ—at drink and clothing only to pray for the dead that is to say for those unto whom these bones appertained we were also assured that these priests never went out of this inclosure without the permission of their Superiours but that there was still without six hundred servants who took care for the providing of all things necessary for them And further that it was not lawful for these priests save once a year to break within this inclosure the vow which they had made of chastity but without the same they might whore their pleasure with whomsoever they would without committing any sin There was also a Serraglio there wherein many women appointed for that purpose were shut up whom their Governesses permitted to have to do with the priests of this beastly and diabolical Sect. Continuing our voyage from this Pagode or Monastery of Gentiles whereof we have spoken the next day we arrived at a very fair Town called Quanginau which stands on the bank of the river In this place the Ambassadours stayed three whole dayes for to furnish themselves with certain things they wanted as also for to see the feastings and joy that was made at that time upon the entry of the Talâ—picor of Echuna which is their Pope who was going then unto the King for to comfort him about the ill success he had in China Amongst other graces which this Tolapicor bestowed on the inhabitants of this Town in recompence of the charge they had been at for his reception he granted unto them that they might be all Priests and administer their sacrifices in what places soever they were and likewise that they might therefore receive the same entertainment and gifts that were accustomed to be given unto our Priests without any difference between them and those that upon examination had been promoted to that dignity Moreover he gave them power to grant Bills of Exchange for Heaven unto all such as should do them good here bâ—low To the Ambassador of Cauchinchina he granted as a most singular favor that he might legitimate any that would pay him for it also confer on the Lords of the Court titles and marks of honour as far forth as if he had been King whereof the foolish Ambassador was so proud as setting aside covetousnesse though it were a vice he was naturally inclined unto he imployed all that ever he had there in gifts upon those Priests and besides not contented therewith he for that end borrowed of us the two thousand Taeis the King had given us which aferwards he paid us again with interest after fifteen in the hundred After these matters the two Ambassadors resolved to continue their voyage but before their departure they went to visit the Talapicor in a Pagode where he was lodged for in regard of his greatness and that he was held for a Saint he might not abide with any man but with the King only Now as soon as he understood of the Ambassadors coming to him he sent them word not to go away that day because he was to preach at the Church of certain religious women of the Invocation of Pontimaqueu this they took for a great honour and incontinently went to the Pagode where the Sermon was to be At their arrival they found such a concourse of people that they were constrained to remove the Pulpit to another very great place which in less then an hour was invironed with Scaffolds hung about with silk stuff whereon the one side were the Ladies richly apparelled and on the other the Princess called Vanguenarau with all the Menigregues or religious women of the Pagode being in number above three hundred After the Talapicor was gone up into the Pulpit and that he had made an exterior shew of much holiness ever and anon lifting up his hands and eyes to Heaven he began his Sermon in this manner Like as it is the property of water to clense all things and of the Sun to warm all creatures so
Benan Prince of Pafua whom the death of her husband had made resolve to shut her self up in this Monastery with six thousand women that had followed her thither and she had taken upon her as the most honourable Title she could think on the name of the broom of the House of God The Ambassadors went to see this Lady and kissed her feet as a Saint she received them very courteously and demanded many things of them with great discretion whereunto they rendred such answers as became them but coming to cast her eye upon us who stood somewhat far off and understanding that never any of our Nation was seen in those parts before she enquired of the Ambassadors of what Country we were They answered that we were come from a place at the other end of the world whereof no man there knew the name At those words she stood much amazed and causing us to come nearer she questioned us about many things whereof we gave her such an account as greatly contented her and all that were present In the mean time the Princess wondring at the answers which one of ours made her They speak said she like men that have been brought up amongst people who have seen more of the world then we have So after she had heard us talk a while of some matters that shâ— had propounded unto us she dismissed us with very good words and caused an hundred Taeis to be given us in way of an alms The Ambassadors having taken their leave of her continued their voyage down along the river so that at the end of five days we arrived at a great Town called Rendacalâ—m scituated on the uttermost Confines of the Kingdom of Tartaria Out of this place we entred upon the State of the Xinalâ—ygrau and therein we proceeded on four days together until such time as we came to a Town named Voulem where the Ambassadors were very well entertained by the Lord of the Country and abundantly furnished with all things necessary for their voyage as also with Pilots to guide them in those rivers From thence we pursued our course for seven days together during the which we saw not any thing worthy of note and at length came to a straight called Catenâ—ur whereinto the Pilots entred as well to abridge their voyage as to avoid the encounter of a famous Pirot who had robbed those parts of most of their wealth Through this straight running East as also East North-east and somtimes East and by East according to the windings of the water we arrived at the Lake of Singapamor called by them of the Country Cunebetea which was as our Pilots affirmed six and thirty leagues in extent where we saw so many several sorts of birds that I am not able to recount them Out of this Lake of Singapamor which as an admirable Master-piece nature hath opened in the heart of this Country do four very large and deep rivers proceed whereof the first is named Ventrau that runneth Eastward through all the Kingdoms of Sornaâ— and Siam entring into the Sea by the Bâ—â— of Chiamtabuu in six and twenty dâ—grees The second Iangumaa that going South and South-east traverseth also the greatest part of this Country as likewise the Kingdom of Chiammay the Laos Gueos and another part of Danbambur disimboking into the Sea by the Bar of Martabano in the Kâ—ngdom of Pegu and there is in distance from the one to the other by the degrees of this Climate above seven hundred leagues The third called Pamphileu passeth in the same manner through all the Countries of Capimper and Sacotay and turning above that second river runs quite through the Empire of Monginoco and a part of Meleytay and Sovady rendring it self into the Sea by the Bar of Cosmim near to Arracaâ— The fourth which in all likelihood is as great as the rest is not known by any name neither could the Ambassadors give us any reason for it but it is probable according to the opinion of divers that it is Ganges in the Kingdom of Bengala so that by all the discoveries which have been made in these Oriental Countries it is conceived that there is not a greater river then it Having crossed this Lake we continued our course for the space of seven dayes till we came to a place named Caleyputa the inhabitants whereof would by no means permit us to land for the Ambassadors endeavouring to do so they entertained us with such store of darts and stones from the shore as we thought us not a little happy in that we could save our selves from the danger of it After we had gotten out of this place much vexed with the bad entreaty we had received there that which most afflicted us was to sâ—t our selves unprovided of things we were greatly in need of but by the counsel of our Pilots we sailed by another river far larger then the straight which we had left and that by the spâ—ce of nine dayes at the end whereof we arrived at a very good Town called Tarem the Lord of which was subject to the Cauchin who received the Ambassadors with great Demonstrations of love and furnished them abundantly with all that they wanted The next day we departed from thence about Sur-set and continuing our voyage down the river about seven days after we came to an Anchor in the Port of Xolor which is a very fair Town where all the enammelled purcelain which is carried to China is made There the Ambassadors stayed five days during which time they caused their ships that were very heavy to be haled ashore by the force of boats That done and provision made of all things nâ—cessary they went to see certain Mines which the King of Cauchin hath in that place from whence great store of silver is drawn and the Ambassadors being desirous to know how much silver those Mines yielded every year they were answerâ—d that the whole amounted to some six thousand Picos which make eight thousand Quintals of our weight After our departure from the Town of Xolor we still continued our course for five days together down that great river and saw all along that while a many of great Boâ—oughs and goodly Towns for in that Climate the Land is better then other where very well peâ—pled and full of riches withall the rivers are frequented with a world of vessels and the fields very well tilled and replenished with abundance of wheat rice all kind of pulse and exceeding great Sugar-canes whereof there is marvellous store in all that Country The Gentlemen there are ordinarily clothed in silk and mounted on horses handsomly furnishâ—d as for the women they are exceeding white and fair Now it was not without much labour pain and danger that we passed those two Channels as also the river of Ventinau by reason of the Pyrats that usually are encountred there nevertheless we at the length arrived at the Town of Manaquileu which is scituated at the foot of the Mountains
persons that make profession of honour and which by that only mean pretend to render their names immortal Moreover I have heard for a truth that these same men have entertained you at large with all matters of the whole Vniverse and have affirmed unto you on their faith that there is another world greater then ours inhabited with black and tawny people of whom they have told you things most incredible to our judgment for which cause I infinitely desire you as if you were my Son that by Fiangeandono whom I have dispatched from hence to visit my daughter you will send me one of those three strangers which I am told you have in your house the rather for that you know my long inâ—isposition accompanied with so much pain and grief hath great need of some diversion Now if it should happen that they would not be willing thereunto you may then assure them as well on your own faith as on mine that I will not fail to return them back in all safety whereupon like a good Son that desires to please his Father so order the matter that I may rejoyce my self in the sight if them and so have my desire accomplished What I have further to say unto you my Ambassadour Fingeandono shall acquaint you with by whom I pray you liberally import to me the good news of your person and that of my daughter seeing she is as you know the apple of my right eye whereof the sight is all the joy of my face From the house of Fucheo the seventh Mamoque of the Moon After that the Nautaquim had heard this letter read The King of Bungo said he unto us is my Lord and my Vncle the brother of my mother and above all he is my good Father for I call him by that name because he is so to my wife which is the reason that he loves me no less then his own children wherefore I count my self exceedingly bound unto him and do so much desire to please him that I could now find in my heart to give the best part of my Estate for to be transformed into one of you as well for to go unto him as to give him the content of seeing you which out of the knowledge I have of his disposition I am assured he will value more then all the treasures of China Now having thus acquainted you with his desire I earnestly intreat you to render your selves conformable thereunto and that one of you two will take the pains to go to Bungo there to see that King whom I hold for my Father and my Lord for as for this other to whom I have given the name and being of a kinsman I am not willing to part with him till he hath taught me to shoot as well as himself Hereupon Christovano Borralho and I greatly satisfied with the Nautaquim's courtesie answered him that we kissâ—d his Highness hands for the exceeding honour he did us in vouchsafing to make use of us and seeing it was his pleasure so to do that he should for that effect make choice of which of us two he thought best and he should not faile to be suddainly ready for the voyage At these words standing a while in musing to himself he looked on me and said I am resolved to send him there because he seems not so solemn but is of a more lively humouâ— wherewith those of Iapon are infinitely delighted and may thereby cheer up the sick man whereas the too serious gravity of this other said he turning him to Borralho though very commendable for more important matters would serve but to entertain his melancholy in stead of diverting it Thereupon falling into merry discourse and jesting with those about him whereunto the people of Iapon are much inclined the Fingeandono arrived unto whom he presented me with a special and particular recommendation touching the assurance of my person wherewith I was not only well satisfied but had my mind also cleared from certain doubts which out of the little knowledge I had of these peoples humours had formerly troubled me This done the Nautaquim commanded two hundred Taeis to be given me for the expence of my voyage whereupon the Fingeandono and I imbarqued our selves in a vessel with Oâ—rs called a Funce and in one night having traversed all this Island of Tanixumaa the next morning we câ—st anchor in an Haven named Hiamangoo from whence we went to a good Town called Quanquixumaa and so continuing our course afore the wind with a very fair gale we arrived the day ensuing at a very sweet place named Tanora whence the morrow after we went to Minato and so forward to a Fortress of the King of Bungoes calâ—ed Osquy where the Fingeandono stayed some time by reason that the Captain of the place who was his Brother in law found himself much indisposed in his health There we left the vessel in which we came and so went by land directly to the City where being arrived about noon the Fingeandono because it was not a time fit to wait upon the King went to his own house After dinner having rested a little and shifted himself into a better habit he mounted on horsback and with certain of his friends rode to the Court carrying me along with him where the King was no sooner advertised of his coming but he sent a Son of his about nine or ten years of age to receive him who accompanied with a number of Noble-men richly apparelled and his Ushers with their Maces going before him took the Fingeandono by the hand and beholding him with a smiling countenance May thy entrance said he unto him into this house of the King my Lord bring thee as much content and honour as thy children deserve and are worthy being thine to sit at table with me in the solemn Feasts At these words the Fingeandono prostrating himself on the ground My Lord answered he I most humbly beseech them that are in Heaven above which have taught thee to be so courteous and so good either to answer for me or to give me a tongue so voluble as may express my thankfulness in terms agreeable to thy ears for the great honour thou art pleased to do me at this present for in doing otherwise I should offend no less then those ingratefull wretches which inhabit the lowest pit of the profound and obscure house of smoak This said he offered to kiss the Curtelass which the young Prince wore by his side which he would by no means permit but taking him by the hand he led him to the King his Father unto whom lying sick in his bed he delivered a letter from the Nautaquim which after he had read he commanded him to call me in from the next room where I staid attending which instantly he did and presented me to the King who entertaining me very graciously Thy arrival said he unto me in this my Country is no less pleasing to me then the rain which falls
tears Whereupon turning him towards us who all this while lay prostrated on the ground with our hands lifted up as if we were worshipping God I must confess said he unto us that I have so great compassion of your misery and am so grieved to see you so poor as you are as I assure you in all verity that I had rather if it were the good pleasure of the King be like unto one of you as wretched as you are then to see my self in this office which questionless was conferred on me for my sins wherefore I would be loth to offend you but the duty of my place obliging me thereunto I must desire you as friends not to be troubled if I ask you some questions which are necessary for the good of Iustice and as touching your deliverance if God affords me life be assured you shall have it for I am most confident that the King my Masters inclination to the poor is truly Royal. These promises exceedingly contented us and to thank him for them we had recourse to our tears which we shed in abundance for our hearts were so full as we could not possibly bring forth a word to answer him The Broquen caused four Registers the two Peretandaos of the Court aforesaid and some eleven or twelve other Officers of Justice to come immediately before him Then rising on his feet he began with a severe countenance and a naked Scymitar in his hand to examine us speaking so loud as every one might hear him I Pinaquila said he Broquen of this City of Pungor by the good pleasure of him whom we all hold for the hairs of our heads King of the Nation of the Lequios and of all this Country of the two Seas where the fresh and salt waters divide the Mynes of his treasures do advise and command you by the rigour and force of my words to tell me clearly and with a clean heart what people and of what Nation you are as also where your Country is and how it is called To this demand we answered according to the truth that we were Portugals Natives of Malaca It is well added he but what adventure brought you into this Country and whither did you intend to go when as you suffered shipwrack We replied thereunto That being Merchants who make no other profession then of traffique we had imbarqued our selves in the Kingdom of China for to go from the Port of Liampoo to Tanixumaa where we had formerly been but that arriving near to the Island of Fire we were surprized by a mighty tempest so that not able to oppose the violence of the Sea we were constrained to lie at the mercy of the winds for the space of three dayes and three nights together and that at the end thereof our Junck ran her self upon the Sands of Taydican where of ninety and two persons that we were threescore and eight were drowned no more escaping of that great number but these four and twenty of us which stood before him all covered over with wounds that were saved as it were by miracle through the spâ—cial grace of God At these words standing a little in suspence By what tytle replied he did you possess so much riches and so many pieces of silk which were in your Iunck and that were worth above an hundred Taeis as I am informed Truly it is not credible that you could get so much wealth any other way then by theeving which being a great offence against God is a thing proper to the servants of the Serpent of the house of smoak and not to those of the house of the Sun where they that are just and of a pure heart do bathe themselves amidst perfumes in the great Pool of the most Almighty We answered hereunto that assuredly we were Merchants and not thieves as he was pleased to charge us because the God in whom we believed forbad us by his holy Law either to kill or to rob Hereupon the Broquen beholding them which were about him Doubtless continued he if that which these men affirm be true we may well say that they are like unto us and that their God is much better then all others as me thinks may be inferred from the truth of their words Then turning himself towards us he examined us as before with a stern countenance and the behaviour of a Judg that exerciseth his charge with integrity In this examination he bestowed almost an hour and in the last place said unto us I would fain know why those of your Country when as heretofore they took Malaca carried thereunto by extream avarice did kill our men with so little pity which is still made good by divers widdows who in these Countries have survived their husbands To this we made answer how that hapned rather by the chance of war then out of any desire of robbing which we had never used to do in any place wheresoever we came What is this you say replied he can you maintain that he that conquers doth not rob that he which useth force doth not kill that he which shews himself covetous is not a thief that which he oppresseth performs not the action of a Tyrant and lo all these are the goodly qualities which are given to you and whereof you are said to be culpable and that by the affirmation of verity it self whence it is manifest that Gods abandoning of you and permitting the waves of the Sea to swallow you up is rather a pure â—ffect of his justice then any injury that is done to you This said he arose out of the Chair where he was set and commanded the Officers to return us back to prison promising to give us audience according to the grace which it should please the King to shew us and the compassion that he would have of us wherewith we were very much afflicted and in great dispair of our lives The next day the King was advertised as well of our imprisonment as of the â—nswers we had made by the Broquens letters wherein he had intermingled something in favour of us by means whereof he did not cause us to be executed as it was said he had resolved to have done upon certain false reports which the Chineses had made to him of us In this prison we continued very near two months with much pain never hearing in all that time so much as any word spoken of that first proceeding against us Now forasmuch as the King desired to be more amply informed concerning us by other more particular inquiries then the letters of the Broquen he senâ— a certain man unto us named Randinaa for to come secretly to the prison where we were to the end that under the pretext of being a Merchantâ— stranger he might exactly learn the cause of ouâ— arrival in that place and that upon the report he should make thereof to the King he might proceed to do that which should seem just unto him Howbeit though this was closely
Junck where looking very carefully unto them yet could I not in two dayes get one word from them But at length by the means of yolks of egs and good broaths which I made them take they came again to themselves so that in six or seven dayes they were able to render me a reason of their accident One of those Portugals was called Christovano Doria who was since sent into this Country for a Captain to Saint Tomé the other Luys Taboâ—da and the third Simano de Brito all men of credit and rich Merchants These same recounted unto us that coming from the Indiaes in a vessâ—l belonging to Iorge Manhoz that was married at Goa with a purpose to go to the Port of Charingan in the Kingdom of Bengala they were cast away in the sands of Rucano for want of taking heed so that of fourâ—core persons that they were in the vessel onely seventeen being saved they had continued their course all along by the Coast for five dayes together intâ—nding if possibly they could to recover the river of Cosmira in the Kingdom of Pegu there to shâ—p thâ—mselves for the Indiaes in some vâ—ssâ—l or other thaâ— they should meet with in the Port but whilest they were in this resolution thâ—y were so driven by a most impetuous Westerly wind that in one day and a night they lost the sight of Land finding themselves in the maâ—n Sea without Oars without Sayls and all knowledge of the winds they continued in that State sixteen daâ—s together at the end whereof their water coming to sail all died but those three he saw before him Upon the finishing of this relation we proceeded on in our course and within four days after we met with five Portugal vessels which were sayling from Bengala to Malaca Having shewed them Pedro de Faria's Order I desired them to keep in consort together for fear of the Achems Army that ranged all over the Coast lest through their imprudence they should fall into any mischief and thereof I demanded a Certificate from them which they willingly granted as also furnished me very plentifully with all things necessary Having made this dispatch we continued our course and nine days after we arrived at the Bar of Martabano on a Friday the seven and twentieth of March one thousand five hundred forty and five having past by Tarnassery Tovay Mâ—rguin Iuncay Pullo Camuda and Vagaruu without hearing any tidings of those hundred Portugals in search of whom I went bâ—cause before that they had taken pay in the service of the Chaubainhaa King of Martabano who according to report had sent for them to assist him against the King of Bramaa that held him besieged with an Army of seven hundred thousand men as I have declared before howbeit they were not at this time in his Service as we shall see presently It was almost two hours within night when we arrived at the mouth of the River where we cast anchor with a resolution to go up the next day to the City Having continued some time very quiet we â—ver and anon heard many Cannon shot whereat we were so troubled as we knew not what to resolve on As soon as the Sun rose the Nâ—coda assembled his men to Councel for in Semblable occasions he always used so to do and told them that as sure as they were all to have a share in the peril so it was fit that every one should give his advice about it Then he made them a Speech wherein he represented unto them that which they had heard that night and how in regard thereof he feared to go unto the City Their opinions upon it were very different howbeit at length they concluded that their eyes were to be witnesses of that whereof they stood in such doubt To this end we set Sail having both wind and tyde and doubled a poâ—nt called Mounay from whence we discovered the City invironed with a world of men and upon the River almost as many vessels and although we suspected what this might be because we had heard something of it yet left we not off from sayling to the Port where we arrrived with a great deal of care and having discharged our Ordnance according to the usual manner in signe of peace we perceived a vessel very well furnished came directly to us from the shore wherein there was six Portugals at which we exceedingly rejoyced These presently came abord our Junck where they were very well entertained having declared unto us what we were to do for the safety of our persons they councelled us not to budge from thence for any thing in the world as we had told them our resolution was to have fled that night to Bengala because if we had followed that designe we had 〈◊〉 been lost and taken by the Fleet which the King of Bramaa had in that place consisting 〈◊〉 seventeen hundred Sayls wherein were comprised an hundred Gallies very well furnished with strangers They added withall that they were of opinion I should go ashore with them to Ioano Cayâ—yro who was Captain of the Portugals for to give him an account of the cause that brought me thither the rather for that he was a man of a sweet disposition and a great friend of Pedro de Faria's to whom they had often heard him give much commendation as well for his noble extraction as for the goodly qualities that were in him besides they told me that I should find Lançarote Gueyreyro and the rest of the Captains with him unto whom my aforesaid Letters were directed and that I should do nothing therein prejudicial to the Service of God and the King This counsel seeming good unto me I went presently to land with the Portugals to wait on Ioano Cayeyro to whom I was exceeding wâ—lcome as likewise to all the rest that were in his quarters to the number of seven hundred Portugals all rich men and of good esteem Then I shewed Ioano Cayeyro my Letters and the Order that Pedro de Faria had given me Moreover I treated with him about the affair that led me thither whereupon I observed that he was very instant with the Captains to whom I was addrest who answered him that they were ready to serve the King in all occasions that should be presented howbeit since the Letter of Pedro de Faria Governour of Malaca was grounded on the fear that he was in of the Army of the Achems composed of an hundred and thirty Sayl whereof Bijaya Sora King of Pedir was General and it having fallen out that his Admiral had been defeated at Tarnasery by those of the Country with the loss of seventy Lanchares and six thousand men it was not needful they should stir for that occasion for according to what they had seen with their own eyes the Forces of that enemy were so mightily weakned as they did not think he could in ten years space recover again the loss he had sustained To this they added many other reasons
his men amongst the which were threescore and two Portugals Now whereas this City was very strong as well in regard of the scituation of it as of the Fortifications which were newly made there it had besides within it twenty thousand Mons who it was said were come thither some five days before from the Mountains of Pondalâ—u where the King of Avaa by the permission of the Siamon Emperor of that Monarchy was levying above fourscore thousand men for to go and regain the City of Prom for as soon as that King had received certain news of the death of his daughter and son-in-law perceiving that he was not strong enough of himself to revenge the wrongs this Tyrant had done him or to secure himself from those which he feared to receive of him in time to come namely the depriving him of his Kingdom as he was threatened he went in person with his wife and children and cast himself at the Siamons feet and acquainting him with the great affronts he had received and what his desire was he made himself his Tributary at threescore thousand Bisses by the year which amount to an hundred thousand Duckets of our mony and a gueta of Rubies being a measure like to our pynt therewith to make a jewel for his wife of which Tribute it was said that he advanced the payment for ten years beforehand besides many other precious stones and very rich Plate which he presented him with estimated in all at two millions in recompence whereof the Siamon obliged himself to take him into his protection yea and to march into the field for him as often as need should require and to re-establish him within a year in the Kingdom of Prom so as for that effect he granted him those thirty thousand men of succor which the Bramaa defeated at Meleytay as also the twenty thousand that were then in the City and the fourscore thousand which were to come to him over whom the said King of Avaa was to be the General The Tyrant having intelligence thereof and apprehending that this above all other things he could fear might be the cause of his ruine he gave present order for the fortifying of Prom with much more care and diligence then formerly howbeit before his departure from this River where he lay at anchor being about some leâ—gue from the City of Avaa he sent his Treasurer named Dioçory with whom we eight Portugals as I have related before remained prisoners Embassador to the Calaminhan a Prince of mighty power who is seated in the midst of this region in a great and spacious extent of Country and of whom I shall say something when I come to speak of him The subject of this Embassage was to make him his Brother in Arms by a League and Contract of new amity offering for that effect to give him a certain quantity of Gold and precious stones as also to render unto him certain Frontier Lands of his Kingdom upon condition that the Spring following he should keep the Siamon in war for to divert him from succoring the King of Avaa and thereby give him means the more easily to take his City from him without fear of that assistance which that King hoped should serve for an obstacle to his design This Embassador departed then after he had imbarqued himself in a Laulea that was attended on by twelve Seroos wherein there were three hundred men of service and his guard besides the Watermen and Mariners whose number was little less The Presents which he carryed to the Calaminhan were very great and consisted in divers rich pieces as well of Gold as of precious stones but above all in the Harness of an Elephant which according to reports was worth above six hundred thousand Duckets and it was thought that all the Presents put together amounted to a Million of Gold At his departure amongst other favors which the King his Master conferred on him this same was not the least for us that he gave us eight unto him for to be his perpetual slaves Having clothed us then very well and furnished us abundantly with all things necessary he seemed to be exceedingly contented with having us along with him in this Voyage and ever after he made more account of us then of all the rest that followed him CHAP. LV. Our going with the King of Bâ—amâ—a's Ambassadour to the Calaminham with the Course which we held until we arrived at the Temple or Pagod of Timagoogoo and a Description thereof IT seems fit unto me and conformable to that which I am relaâ—ing to leave for a while this Tyrant of Bramaa to whom I will return again when time shal serve for to intreat here of the way we held for to go into Timplan the capital City of the Empire of the Calaminham which signifies Lord of the world for in their language Cala is Lord and Minhan the world This Prince also entitles himself The absoluâ—e Lord of the indomptable force of the Elephants of the Earth And indeed I do not think that in all the world there is a greater Lord then he as I shall declare hereafter This Ambassadour then departing from Avaa in the month of October a thousand five hundred forty and five took his course up the râ—ver of Queitor steering West South-East and in many places Eastward by reason of the winding of the water and so in this diversity of â—hombâ—s we continued our voyage seven days together at the end whereof we arrived at a Channâ—l called Guampanoo through which the Rhobamo who was our Pilot took his course that he might decline the Siamons Country being so commanded to do by the express Order of the King A while after we came to a great Town named Gataldy where the Ambassadour stayed three days to make provision of certain things necessary for his voyage Having left this place we wâ—nt on still rowing up through his Channel eleven dayes longer during which time we met not with any place that was remarkable only we saw some small villages the houses whereof were covered with thatch and peopled with very poor folks and yet for all that the fields are full of Cattel which seemed to have no Master for we killed twenty and thirty of them in a day in the sight of those of the Country no man so much as finding fault with it but contrarily they brought them in courtesie to us as if they were glad to see us kill them in that sort At our going out of this Channel of Guampanoo we entred into a very great river called Angegumaa that was above three Leagues broad and in some places six and twenty fathom deep with such impetuous currents as they drove us often-times from our course This river we coasted above seven dayes together and at length arrived at a pretty little walled Town named Gumbim in the Kingdom of Iangromaa invironed on the Lands side for five or six â—â—agues space with Forrests of Bâ—njamin as alâ—o with
Plains of Lacre wherewith they ordinarily traded to Marâ—abanâ— and do also lade there many vessels with those commodities for to transport them into dâ—vers Countries of the Indiaes as to the Streight of Mecqua to Alcoçer aâ—d Iudaa There is also in this Town great store of Musk far better then that of China which from thence is carriâ—d to Martâ—bano and Pegu where those of our Nation buy of it therewith to traffiqâ—e at Narâ—ingua Orixaa and Masulepatan The women of this Country are all very white and well-â—avoured They apparel themselves with Stuffs made of Silk and Cotten-wool wear links of gold and silver about their legs and rich Carcanets about their necks The ground there is of â—t self exceeding fertile in Wheat Rice Millets Sugar Wax and Cattel This Town with ten leagues of circuit about it yields every year to the King of Iangomaa threescore Altars of gold which are seven hundred thousand Duckets of our mony From thence we coasted the river Southward for the space of above seven dayes and arrived at a great Town named Catammâ—â— which in our language signifies the golden Crevice being the Patrimony of Raudâ—avâ—a Tinhau the Calaminhams second Son The Naugator of this Town gave good entertainment to the Ambassadour and sent him many sorts of refreshments for his followers withall he gave him to understand that the Calaminham was at the City of Tâ—mplan We dâ—parted from this place on a Sunday morning and the day after about evening we came to a Fortress called Campalagor built in the midst of the river in the form of an Island upon a rock and invironed with good free-stone having three Bulwarks and two Towers seven stories high wherein they told the Ambassador was one of the four and twenty Treasures which the Calaminham had in this Kingdom the most part whâ—reof conâ—â—sted â—n Lâ—ngâ—ts of silver of the weight of six thousand Caudins which are four and twenty thousand Quintals and it was said that all this silver was buried in wells under ground After this we still continued our course for the space of thirteen days during the which we saw on both sides of the river many very goodly places whereof the most were fair Towns and the rest stately high Trees delicate Gardens and great Plains full of Corn as also much Cattel red Deer Shamoises and Rhinocerots under the keeping of certain men on horsback who looked to them whilest they â—ed On the river there were a great number of vessels where in much abundance was all things to be sold which the earth produceth wherewith it hath pleased God to enrich these Countries more then any other in the world Now forasmuch as the Ambassadour fell sick here of an Impostume in his stomack he was councelled to proceed no further till he was healed so that he resolved to go with some of his Train for to be cured to a famous Hospital some twelve Leagues from thence in a Pagode named Tinagoogoo which signifies the God of thousand Gods and so departing at the same instant he arrived there on Saturday about night The Ambassadour being set on shore was the next day led to an Hospital called Chipanocan whither the greatest Lords used to repair when they were sick and where there were two and forty several Lodgings very neat and convenient in one of the which he was placed by the express command of the Puitaleu who was as it were Governour of the Hospital There care was taken that he wanted for nothing but was furnished in abundance with all that was necessary for him I will omit the odours the neatness the care of attendance the vessels the robes the exquisite meats the delicacies and all the delights that may be imagined which were to be had there with as much perfection and curiosity as more cannot be desired Thither likewise came twice a day to him exceeding fair women who sung to the Tune of Instruments of Musick and at certain hours represented Playes or Comedies before him that were very pleasant and finely set forth Now that I may not trouble my self in recounting here at length the infinite number of things which I could speak of concerning this Subject I will pass over many of them in silence whereof other persons that could better express them then my self would peradventure make great esteem After we had been eight and twenty days there by which time the Ambassador was perfectly cured we departed from thence for to go to a Town named Meidur twelve leagues further up the river of Angeguma But that I may not be blamed for failing in the promise which I made heretofore of speaking of this Pagods of Tinagoogoo I will here leave the Ambassadour to his Voyage and return me to the Pagode that of so many things which we saw there I may deliver some one for to shew how little we Christians do to save our souls in comparison of that much these wretches do to lose theirs During the eight and twenty dayes which the Ambassadour imployed in recovering his health we nine Portugals that waited on him not knowing what to do or how to bestow our time in the mean while no more then the rest we past it away in divers things according to each ones fancy and delight for to that purpose we wanted no commodities Thus some applied themselves to the hunting of Stags and Wild-boars whereof there is great store in that Country Some to the pursuing of Tygers Rhinocerots Ounces Zeores Lions Buffles Wild-bulls and of many other such kind of beasts which we have not heard spoken of in our Europe some to shooting at Wild-ducks Geese and such like Water-fowl some to hawking with Vultures and Faulcons and some to fishing for Trowts Mackarels Chevins Mullets Soles and many other sorts of fish whereof there is great abundance in all the rivers of this Empire In this manner we bestowed our time now in one thing and then in another but that which we gave our selves most unto was to hear and see as also to enquire after the Laws of the Country the Pagodes and Sacrifices which we beheld there with much terrour and astonishment Howbeit I purpose not to make any relation here more then of a few of them which I conceive may suffice to draw out the consequences of those that I shall not discourse of I say then that one of those sacrifices was made on the day of the new Moon of December namely on the ninth of that Month which is a time wherein these blinded people are accustomed to celebrate a Feast called by those of the Country Massunterivoo by those of Iappon Ferioo by the Chiâ—eses Manâ—ioo by the Lequios Champas and Cauchins Ampatilor by the Siamens Bramaas Pâ—fuas and Sacotays Sansaporau so that though all these names through the diversity of those languages are different yet do they in our tongue signifie all one thing that is The memorial of all the dead This was then the Feast which we saw celebrated
accommodated with Idols of silver upon one of these Altars we saw the Statue of a woman as big as a Giant being eighteen spans high and with her arms all abroad looking up to Heaven This Idol was of silver and her hair of gold which was very long and spread over her shoulders There also we saw a great Throne incompassed round about with thirty Giants of brass who had guilded Clubs upon their shoulders and faces as deformed as those they paint for the Divel From this room we past into a manner of a Gallery adorned from the top to the bottom with a number of little Tables of Ebony inlayed with Ivory and full of mens heads under every one of the which the name of him to whom it belonged was written in letters of gold At the end of this Gallery there were a dozen of iron Rods guilt whereon hung a great many silver Candlesticks of great value and a number of persuming Pans from whence breathed forth a most excellent odour of Amber and Calambuco or Lignum Aloes but such as we have none in Christendom There on an Altar invironed all about with three rows of Ballisters of silver we saw thirteen Kings vissages of the same mettal with golden Mitars upon their heads and under each of them a dead mans head and below many Candlesticks of silver with great white wax lights in them which were stuffed ever and anon by little boys who accorded their voyces to those of the Grepos that sung in form of a Letany answering one another The Grepos told us that those thirteen dead mens heads which were under the vissages were the skulls of thirteen Calaminhams which in times past gained this Empire from certain strangers called Roparons who by Arms had usurped the same upon them of the Country As for the other dead mens heads which we saw there they were the skâ—ls of such Commanders as by their Heroick deeds had honourably ended their dayes in helping to recover this Empire in regard whereof it was most reasonable that though death had deprived them of the recompence which they had merited by their action yet their memory should not be abolished out of the world When we were gone out of this Gallery we proceeded on upon a great Bridg that was in the form of a Street rayled on either side with Ballisters of Lattin and beautified with a many of Arches curiously wrought upon which were Scutchions of Arms charged with several devices in gold and the Crâ—â—ts over them were silver Globes five spans in circumferences all very stately and majestical to behold At the end of this bridge was another building the doors whereof we found shut whereupon we knocked four times they within not deigning to answer us which is a ceremony observed by them in such occasions At the length after we had rung a bell four times more as it were in haste out comes a woman of about fifty years of age accompanied with six little girls richly attired and Scymitars upon their shoulders garnished with â—lowers wrought in gold This anciâ—nt woman having demanded of the Monvagaruu why he had rung the bell and what he would have he answered her with a great deal of respect That he had there an Ambassadour from the King of Bramaa the Lord of Tanguu who was come thither to treat at the feet of the Calaminham about certain matters much importing his service By reason of the great authority which this woman was in she seemed little to regard this answer whereat we wondred much because he that spake to her was one of the chiefest Lords of the Kingdom and Uncle to the Calaminham as it was said Nevertheless one of the six girls that accompanied her spake thus in her behalf to the Monvagaruu My Lord may it please your Greatness to have a little patience till we may know whether the time be fit for the kissing of the foot of the Throne of this Lord of the World and advertising him of the coming of this stranger and so according to the grace which our Lord will shew him therein his heart may rejoyce and we with him That said the door was shut again for the space of three or four Credoes and then the six Girls came and opened it but the anciant woman that at first came along with them we saw no more howbeit in stead of her there came a Boy of about nine years of age richly apparelled and having on his head an hurfangua of Gold which is a kind of Myter but that it is somewhat more closed all about and without any overture he had also a Mace of Gold much like a Scepter which he carryed upon his shoulder this same without making much reckoning of the Monvagaruu or of any of the other Lords there present took the Embassador by the hand and said unto him The news of thy arrival is come unto the feet of Binaigaa the Calaminhan and Scepter of the Kings that govern the Earth and is so agreeable to his ears that with a smiling look he now sends for thee to give thee audience concerning that which is desired of him by thy King whom he newly receives into the number of his brethren with a love of the son of his entrals that so he may remain powerful and victorious over his Enemies Thereupon he caused him together with the Kings Uncle and the other Governors that accompanyed him to come in lâ—aving all the rest without the Embassador then seeing none of his Train follow him looked three or four times back seeming by his countenance to be somewhat discontented which the Monvagaruu perceiving spake to the Queitor who was a little behind that he should cause the strangers to be let in and none else the doors being then opened again we Portugals began to go in with the Bramaas but such a number of others came thrusting in amongst us as the Gentlemen Ushers who were above twenty had much ado to keep the doors striking many with Battouns which they had in their hands and of those some that were persons of quality and yet could they not therewith neither with their cries nor menaces stop them all from entering Thus being come in we past along through the midst of a great garden made with such art and where appeared so many goodly things so divers and so pleasing to the eye as words are not able to express them For there were there many Alleys environed with Ballisters of Silver and many Arbors of extraordinary scent which we were told had so much sympathy with the Moons of the year that in all seasons whatsoever they bare flowers and fruits withall there was such abundance and variety of Roses and other flowers as almost passeth belief In the midst of this Garden we saw a great many young women very fair and well clad whereof some past away their time in dancing and others in playing on sundry sorts of Instruments much after our manner which they performed with
these things and how much we are bound to him for the benefit of this Creation Then one of our company named Gaspar de Meyrelez shewing himself therein more curious then the rest after he had thanked the Grepo in the name of us all he prayed him to give him leave to ask him something which he desired to know of him Whereunto the Grepo made answer that he was very well contented For added he it is as well the property of a wise and curious man to enquire for to learn as of an ignorant to hear and not be able to answer whereupon Gaspar de Meyrelez demanded of him whether God after he had created all these things whereof he spake had not done some heroical works upon Earth either by his Justice or by his Mercy To this the Grepo replyed that he had it being evident that as long as man lived in this flesh he could not chuse but commit sins which would render him punishable nor God be without a great desire to pardon him and he added further That the sins of men coming to be multiplyed on Earth God had overwhelmed the whole World by commanding the Clouds of Heaven to rain upon it and to drown all living things except one just man with his Family which God put into a great House of wood from whom issued afterwards all the Inhabitants of the Earth The Portugal again enquired whether God after this chastisement had not sent some other God did not answered he send any which taken in general was like unto that but it is true that in particular he chastiseth Kingdoms and People with Wars and other scourges which he sendeth them as we see that he punisheth men with infinite afflictions labors diseases and above all with extream poverty which is the last and extreamest of all evils The Portugal continuing in his demands desired him to tell him whether he had any hope that God would one day be appeased so as men might have entrance into Heaven Whereunto the Grepo replyed That he knew nothing thereof but that it was an evident thing and to be believed as an Article of Faith that even as God was an infinite good so he would have regard to the good which men did upon Earth for his sake Hereupon he demanded of him whether he had not heard it said or found written That after all those things whereof he spake a man was come into the World who dying on the Cross had satisfied God for all men or whether there was not among them some knowledg thereof Whereunto the Grepo answered None can make satisfaction to God but God himself although there be in the World holy and vertuous men which satisfie for themselves and for some of their friends such as are the Gods of our Temples as the Grepos do assure us But to say that one alone hath satisfied for all is a thing which we have never heard of till now besides on Earth which is so base of it self a Ruby of so high a price cannot be ingendred It is true nevertheless that in times past so much was certified to the Inhabitants of this Country by a man named John who came into this City and was held for an holy man having been the Disciple of another called Tomé Modeliar the Servant of God whom those of the Country put to death because he went publiquely preaching That God was made man and that he had suffered death for mankind which at first wrought such a Division amongst the people of this Nation as many believed it for a very truth and others opposed it and formed a contrary party against it incited thereunto by the Grepoes of the Law of Quiay Figrau God of the Atomes of the Sun so that they reproved all that this stranger said by reason whereof He was banished from this City to the Kingdom of Bramaâ— and from thence for the same cause to the Town of Digan where he was put to death for preaching publiquely as I said before That God became man and was crucified for men Upon these speeches Gaspar de Meyrelez and we said that this man had preached nothing in this Country which was not most true wherewith the Grepo was so taken that he fell down on his knees before all that were present and lifting up his hands and eyes to Heaven he said with tears in his eyes Lord of whose beauty and goodness the Heavens and the Stars do give testimony I with all my heart do beseech thee to permit that in our times the hour may come wherein the People of the other end of the World may give thee thanks for so great a Grace After that these matters were past in this manner and many others besides which well deserved to be related if my gross wit were able to describe them the Embassador took his leave of the Grepo with many complements and words of courtesie whereof they are nothing sparing as being much accustomed to practise them one with another CHAP. XLIX An ample relation of this Empire of the Calaminham and of the Kingdomes of Pegu and Bramaa with the continuance of our voyage and what we saw among the same A Moneth after our arrivall at this City of Timphan where the Court then was the Ambassador demanded an answer to his Ambassie and it was immediately granted him by the Calaminham with whom he spake himself and being graciously entertained by him he referred him for his dispatch to the Monuagaruu that was as I have heretofore delivered the chief man in governing the Kingdome who gave him an answer on the behalf of the Calaminham as also a present in exchange of that which the King of Bramaa had sent him withall he wrote him a Letter that contained these words Thou arm of a clear Ruby which God hath newly enchaced into my body and whose flesh is fitly fastned to me as that of my brother by that new league and amity now accorded unto thee by me Prechau Guimiam Lord of the seven and twenty Crownes of the Montaignes of the earth inherited by a lawfull succession from him who these two and twenty moneths hath not set his feet upon my head for so long it is since he left me never to set me again by reason of the sanctification which his soul doth now enjoy in feeling the sweet heat of the beams of the Sun I have seen thy Letter dated the fifth chaâ—eca of the eighth moon of the year whereunto I have given the true credit of a brother and as such a one I accept of the party thou dost present me with obliging my self to render thee the two passages of Savady free that so thou mayest without fear of the Siamon be King of Avaa as thou desirest me by thy Letter And as for the other conditions whereof thy Ambassador hath made some mention unto me I will make answer thereunto by one of mine own whom will send unto thee from hence e're it be long to the end thou mayest
have a good successe in the pleasure thou seemest to take in making war upon thine enemies The Ambassador having received this Letter departed from the Court the third day of November in the year one thousand five hundred forty and six accompanied with certain Lords who by the expresse commandement of the Calaminham went along with him to Bidor where they took their leave of him after they had made him a great feast presented him with divers gifts But before I intreat of the way which we held from this place till we came to Pegu where the King of Bramaa was I think it convenient and necessary to make a relation here of certain things which we saw in this country wherein I will acquit my self as succinctly as I can as I have done in all other matters whereof 〈◊〉 have spoken heretofore for if I would discourse in particular of all that I have seen and of that which hath past as well in this Empire as in other Kingdomes where I have been during my painfull voyages I had then need to make another volume far bigger then this same and be indued with a wit much above that I have howbeit that I may not wholly conceal things so remarkable I am contented to say so much thereof as my grosse stile will permit me to deliver The Kingdome of Pegu hath in circuit an hundred and forty leagues is scituate on the South side in sixteen degrees and in the hearâ— of the Country towards the rhomb of the East it hath an hundred forty leagues being invironed all above with an high ground named Pangavirau where the Nation of the Bramaas doth inhabit whose country is fourscore leagues broad and two hundred long This Monarchy was in times past one sole Kingdome which now it is not but is divided into thirteen estates of Soveraignes who made themselves masters of it by poysoning their King in a banquet which they made him in the City of Chaleu as their histories relate of these thirteen estates there are eleven that are commanded by other Nations who by a tract of another great country are joyned to all the bounds of the Bramaas where two great Emperors abide of which the one is called the Siamon and the other the Calaminham who is the same I purpose only to treat of According to report the Empire of the Prince is above three hundred leagues bredth and as much in length and it is said that antiently it contained seven and twenty Kingdomes the inhabitants whereof spake all one language within this Empire we saw many goodly Cities exceedingly well peopled and abounding with all provisions necessary for mans life as flesh fresh water fish corn pulse rice pastâ—res vines and fruits the chief of all these Cities is Tymphan where this Emperor the Calaminham with his Court commonly resides it is seated along by a great river named Pitâ—y and invironed all about with two broad walls of earth made up with strong stone on either side having very broad ditches and at each gate a Castle with high Towers certain Merchants affirmed unto us that this City had within it some four hundred thousand fires and albeit the houses are for the most part not above two stories high yet in recompense thereof they are built very stately and with great charge especially those of the Nobility and of the Merchants not speaking of the great Lords which are separated by great inclosures where are spacious outward Courts and at the entring into them arches after the manner of China as also gardens and walks planted with trees and great ponds all very handsomely accommodated to the pleasures and delights of this life whereunto these people are very much inclined We were also certified that both within the inclosure of the City and a league about it there were six and twenty hundred Pagodes some of which wherein we had been were very sumptuous and rich indeed for the rest the most of them were but petty houses in the fashion of Hermitages These people follow four and twenty Sects all different one from another amongst the which there is so great a confusion of errors and diabolicall precepts principally in that which concerns their bloudy Sacrifices as â—abhor to speak of them but the Idol which is most in vogue amongst them and most frequented is that whereof I have already made mention called Quiâ—y Frigau that is to say The God of the Meats of the Sun for it is in this false God that the Calaminham believes and does adore him and so do all the chiefest Lords of the Kingdome wherefore the Grepos Menigrepos and Talagrepos of this false god are honored far more then all others and held in the retation of holy personages their superiours who by an eminent title are called Cabizondos never know women as they say but to content their bruitish and sensuall appetites they want not diabolicall inventions which are more worthy of tears then recital during the ordinary Fairs of this City called by them Chanduâ—â—s we saw all things there that nature hath created as iron steel lead tin copper lattin saltpeter brimstone oyl vermillion honey wax sugar lacre benjamin divers sorts of stuffes and garments of silk pepper ginger cinamon linnen cloth cotton wool alum borax corâ—alines christall camphire musk yvory cassia rhubarbe turbith scamony azure woad incense cochenill saffron myrâ—he rich porcelain gold silver rubies diamonds emerauds saphirs and generally all other kind of things that can be named and that in so great abundance as it is not possible for me to speak that which I have seen and be believed women there are ordinarily very white and fair but that which most commends them is that they are of a good nature chast charitable and much inclined to compassion The Priests of all these four and twenty Sects whereof there are a very great number in this Empire are cloathed in yellow like the Roolims of Pegu they have no money either of gold or silver but all their commerce is made with the weight of cates casis maazes and conderins The Court of the Calaminham is very rich the Nobility exceeding gallant and the revenue of the Lords and Princes very great the King is feared and respected in a marvellous manner he hath in his Court many Commanders that are strangers unto whom he giveth great pensions to serve him for the safety of his person our Ambassador was assured that in the City of Timphan where most commonly the Court is there are above threescore thousand horse and ten thousand Elephants the gentlemen of the country live very hand somely and are served in vessels of silver and sometimes of gold but as for the common people they use porcelain lattin in summer they are apparrelled in sattin damask and wrought taffetiâ—s which come from Persia in winter in gowns furred with marterns there is no going to Law amongst them noâ— does any man enter into bond there but if there be any difference
among the common people certain Magistrates like to our Aldermen of Wards do decide it and if contention happens to arise between persons of an higher quality then they submit to the judgment of certain religious men who are expresly deputed for that purpose and from them matters pasâ—e on in manner of appeal to the Queitor of Justice which is as the superintendent thereof from whose sentence there is no appeal how great and important soever the business be The Monarchy of these seven and twenty Kingdomes hath seven hundred Provinces that is six and twenty in every Kingdome and in the capitall town of each of those Provinces doth a Governor preside all of them being of like and equall power Now on every new Moon each Captain is bound to muster the souldiers that are under his charge which ordinarily are two thousand foot five hundred horse and fourscore fighting Elephants one of the which is called by the name of the capitall town of the same Province so that if one should make a just computation of all those men of war that are in those seven hundred companies of those Provinces they would appear to be seventeen hundred and fifty thousand whereof there are three hundred and fifty thousand horse and five and fifty thousand Elephants for in regard of the great number that there are of those beasts in that country this Emperor stiles himself in his titles Lord of the indomptable force of Elephants The revenue which the Monarch draws from his Royall Prerogatives by them called the price of the Scepter as also from his Mines amounts to twenty millions of gold without compâ—ising therein the presents which are given him by the Princes Lords and Captains and a great quantity of money that is distributed amongst the men of war according to every onâ—â— merit which are not of that accompt In all this country pearl amber and salt are very much esteemed of because they are things that come from the Sea which is far distant from the City of Timplaâ— but of all other commodities they have infinite store The Country of it self is very healthy the ayr very good and likewise the waters When they sneeze they use to say the God of truth is three and one whereby one may judge that these people have had some knowledge of the Christian Religion Being departed from the town of Bidor we held on our course down the great river of Pitâ—y and the same day at night we went and lodged at a certain Abby of the land of Quiay Iareno the God of married folks this Abby is seated on the bank of the river in a plain where are a great many of trees planted and very rich buildings here the Ambassador was well entertained by the Cabizondo and the Talagrepos then continuing our voyage seven dayes longer we arrived at a town named Pavel where we staid three dayes to furnish our vessells with some provisions which we needed in this place the Ambassador bought divers knacks of China and other commodities that were sold there at a very cheap rate as musk fine porcelains wrought silks Ermins and many other sorts of furs which are much used in that country because it is extreme cold there these wares were brought thither by great troops of Elephants and Rhinocero's from a certain far distant Province as the Merchants told us called Friouâ—araniaa beyond the which they said was a kind of people called Calogâ—â—s and Funcaos tawny men and great Archers having their feet like unto Oxen but hands like unto other men save that they are exceeding hairy they are naturally inclined to cruelty and have below at the end of the backbone a lump of flesh as big as ones two fists their dwelling is in mountains that are very high and rough on some parts where there are mighty deep pits or caves from whence are heard in winter nights most dreadfull cries and dolefull lamentations We were told likewise that not far from these people there were others called Calouhos Timpates and Bugems and a good way beyond them some named Oquens and Magores who feed on wild beasts which they catch in hunting and eat raw as also on all kind of contagious creatures as lizards serpents and adders they hunt those wild beasts mounted on certain animalls as big as horses which have three horns in the midst of their foreheads with thick short legs and on the middle of their backs a row of prickles wherewith they prick when they are angry and all the rest of the body is like â— great lizard besides they have on their necks instead of hair other prickles far longer and bigger then those on their backs and on the joynts of their shoulders short wings like to the sins of fishes wherewith they fly as it were leaping the length of five or six and twenty paces at a jump These creatures are called Banazes upon which these savage ride into the country of their enemies with whom they hold continuall war and whereof some pay them tribute in salt which is the thing they make most account of in regard of the need they have of it for that they are very far distant from the Sea We spake also with other men called Bumioens who live on high mountains where there are Mines of Alum and Lacre and great store of wood of this Nation we saw a troop conducting of above two thousand oxen on whom they had put pack-saddles and so made them to carry their Merchandise these men were very tall and had eys and beards like the Chineses We saw others likewise that had reasonable long beards their faces full of freckles and their ears and nostrills pierced and in the holes thereof small threds of gold made into clasps these were called Ginaphogaas and the Province whereof they were Natives Surobosay which within the mountains of the Laâ—hos are bounded with the lake of Chiammay and are cloathed with hairy skins going bare-foot and bare-headed certain Merchants told us that these had great richeâ— and that all their traffique was in silver whereof they had great store We spake also with another sort of men call d Tuparoâ—ns who are tawny great eaters and much addicted to the pleasures of the flesh these gave us better entertainment then all the rest and oftentimes feasted us Now because in a certain banquet where we nine Portugals were with the Ambassador one of us named Francisco Temuda challenged them to drink they taking it for a great affront caused the feast to continue the longer for the recovery of their honor but the Portugal set on them so lustily twenty that they were as he laid them all along drunk on the ground himself remaining still sober when they were out of their drink the Sapiton that was their Captain and in whose house the feast had been made called his company together which were above three hundred and whether the Portugal would or no made him to mount upon an Elephant and so lead him
that in four daies they took an hundred Juncks vvherein they killed above six thousand men vvhereof notice being given to the King of Panaruca Prince of Balambuam and Admirall of the Sea of this Empire he ran thither with all speed and of the number of those which were convicted of manifest robbery he caused fourscore to be hanged all along the shore to the terror of those that should behold them After this action Quiay Ansedeaa Pate or Duke of Cherbom who was Governor of the Towne and greatly in authority taking this which the King of Panaruca had done for a manifest contempt because he had said he little respected his charge of Governor was so mightily offended â—t it as having instantly got together about six or seven thousand men he went and 〈…〉 this Kings Palace with an intent to seize upon his person but the Panaruca resisted him with his followers and as it was said he endeavoured with many complements to justifie himself to him all that ever he could whereunto Quiay Ansâ—dâ—aa was so far from having any regard as contrarily entring by force into his house he flew thirty or forty of his men in the mean time so many people ran to this mutiny as it was a dreadfull thing to behold For whereas these two heads were great Lords one Admirall of the Fleet the other Governor of the Town and both of them allied to the principall families of the Country the devill sowed so great a division amongst them as if night had not separated the fight it is credible that not one of them had escaped neverthelesse the difference went yet much farther and ended not so for the men of war who were at that time above six hundred thousand in number coming to consider the great affront which Quiay Ansedeaa Governor of the Town had done to their Admirall they to be revenged thereof went all ashore the same night the Paâ—aruca not being of power enough to keep them from it notwithstanding he laboured all that he could to do it Thus all of them animated and transported with wrath and a desire of revenge went and set upon Quiay Ansedeaas house where they slew him and ten thousand men wherewith not contented they assaulted the Town in ten or eleven places and fell to killing and plundering all that ever they met with so that they carried themselves therein with so much violence as in three daies alone which was as long as the siege of this Town lastâ—d nothing remained that was not an insupportable object to the sight There was withall so great a confusion of howling weeping and heavy lamentation as all that heard it could think no other but that the earth was going to turn topsie turvy In a word and not to lose time in aggravating this with superfluous speeches the Town was all on fire which burnt to the very foundations so that according to report there were above an hundred thousand houses consumed above three hundred thousand persons cut in pieces and almost as many made prisoners which were led away slaves and sold in divers countries Besides there was an infinite of riches stollen whereof the value as it was said only in silver and gold amounted even to forty millions and all put together to an hundred millions of gold As for the number of prisoners and of such as were slain it was neer five hundred thousand persons and all these things arrived by the evill counsell of a young King bred up amongst young people like himself who did every thing at his own pleasure without any body contradicting him CHAP. LXVI That which befell us untill our departure towards the Port of Zunda from whence we sâ—â— sail for China and what afterwards happened unto us THree daies after so cruell and horrible a mutiny whenas all things were peaceable the principall Heads of this commotion fearing as soon as a Pangueyran should be elected that they should be punished according to the enormity of their crime they all of them set sail without longer attending the danger which threatned them They departed away then in the same Vessells wherein they came the King of Panaruca their Admirall being not possibly able to stay them but contrarily was twice in jeopardy of losing himselfe in endeavouring to do it with those few men that were of his party Thus in the space of two daies only the two thousand sailes which were in the Port went away leaving the Town still burning which was the cause that those few Lords which remained being joyned together resolved to pasâ— unto the Towne of Iapara some five leagues from thence towards the Coast of the Mediterranean Sea This resolution being taken they put it presently in execution to the end that with the more tranquillity for the popular commotion was not yet well appeased they might make election of the Panguâ—yran which properly signifies Emperor As indeed they created one called Patâ— Sudayâ— Prince of Sâ—rubayaa who had been none of those eight Pretendents of whom we have spoken but this election they made because it seemed to them necessary for their common good and the quiâ—t of the Country All the inhabitantâ—â—o were exceedingly satisfied with it and they immediately sent thâ— Panarutâ— for 〈◊〉 to a place some dozen leagues from thence called Pisammenes where he at that time lived Nine dayes after he was sent for he failed not to come accompanied with above two hundred thousand men imbarqued in fifteen hundred Calaluzâ—s and Iuripangos He was received by all the people with great demonstrations of jâ—y and a little after he was crowned with the accustomed ceremonies as Pangueyran of all the countries of Iaâ—a Bala and Madâ—ra which is a Monarchy that is very populous and exceeding rich and mighty That done he returned to the Towne of Demaa with an intent to have it rebuilt anew and to restore it to its former estate At his arrivall in that place the first thing he did was to give order for the punishing of those which were found attainted and convictâ—d of the sacking of the Town who proved not to be above five thousand though the number of them was far greater for all the rest were fled away some here some there Thâ—se wretches suffered onely two kinds of death some were impaled alive and the rest were burned in the very same ships wherein they were apprehended and of four daies wherein this justice was executed there past not one without the putting to death of a great number which so mightily terrified us Portugals that were there present as seeing the commotion very great still over the whole country and no likelyhood that things would of a long time be peaceable we humbly desired the King of Zunda to give us leave to go to our ship which lay in the Port of Bantâ— in regard the season for the voyage to China was already come This King having easily granted our request with an exemption of the customes of our Merchandise presented
which the enemies perceiving they formed a new Squadron of all those that remained of them wherein there were above an hundred thousand men as well sound as hurt and so past all the same day there joyned together in one entire body of an Army the King not daring to fight with them by reason he saw them fortified with two thousand ships wherein there were great numbers of men Neverthelesse as soon as it was dark night the enemies began to march away with all speed all along by the river wherewith the King was nothing displeased because the most part of his souldiers being hurt they were necessarily to be drest as indeed that was presently executed and the most part of the day and the night following imployed therein After the King of Siam had obtained so happy a victory the first thing that he did was to provide with all diligence for the fortifications of the town and whatsoever els he thought to be necessary for the security thereof After that he commanded a generall muster to be made of all his men of war that he might know how many he had lost in this battell whereupon he found that some fifty thousand were wanting all men of little reckoning whom the rigor of the Kings Edict had compelled to serve in this war ill provided and without defensive arms As for the enemies it was known the next day that an hundred and thirty thousand of them had been slain As soon as the hurt men were recovered the King having put into the principall places of this frontier such guards as seemed requisite to him was counselled by his Lords to make war upon the Kingdom of Guibem which was not above fifteen leagues from thence on the North side to be revenged on the Queen of Guibem for having given free passage thorough her dominions to those of Chiammay in regard whereof he attributed to her the losse of Oyaa Capimper and the thirty thousand men that had been killed with him The King approving of this advice parted from this town with an army of foure hundred thousand men and went and fell upon one of this Queens towns called Fumbacor which was easily taken and all the inhabitants put to the sword not one excepted This done he continued his voyage till he came to Guitor the capitall town of the Kingdom of Guibem where the Queen then was who being a widdow governed the State under the title of Regent during the minority of her son that was about the age of nine years At his arrivall he laid siege to the Town and forasmuch aâ— the Queen found not her self strong enough to resist the King of Siams power she fell to accord with him to pay him an annuall tribute of five thousand Turmes of silver which are threescore thousand Duckats of our money whereof she paid him five years advance in hand Besides that the young Prince her son did him homage as his vassall and the King led him away with him to Siam Hereupon he raised his siege from before the Town and passed on towards the North-East to the Town of Taysiran where he had news that the King of Chiammay was fallen off from the league aforesaid In the mean time whereas he had been six daies march in the enemies territories he sacked as many places as he met withall not permitting the life of any male whatsoever to be saved So proceeding onward he arrived at the Lake of Singipamor which ordinarily is called Chiammay where he stayed six and twenty daies during the which he took twelve goodly places invironed with ditches and bullworks after our fashion all of brick and mortar without any stone or lime in them because in the country it is not the custome to build so but they had no other Artillery then some Faulconets and certain muskets of brasse Now forasmuch as winter began to approach and that it was very rainy weather the King too feeling himself not very well he retired back again to the Town of Quitiruan where he tarried three and twenty daies and better in which space he made an end of fortifying it with walls and many broad and deep ditches so that having put this Town into an estate of being able to defend it self against any attempt he imbarqued his Army in the three thousand vessells which brought him thither and so returned towards Siam Nine daies after he arrived at Odiaa the chiefe City of his whole Kingdome where for the most part he kept his Court. At his arrivall the inhabitants gave him a stately reception wherein they bestowed a 〈◊〉 of money upon divers inventions which were made against his entry Now whereas during the six moneths of the Kings absence the Queen his wife had committed adultery with a Purveyor of her house named Vquuâ—cheâ—iraa and that at the Kings return she found her selfe gone four moneths with-child by him the fear she was in left it should be discovered made her for the saving of her self from the danger that threatned her resolve to poyson the King her husband as indeed without further delaying her pernitious intention she gave him in a messe of milk which wrought that effect as he died of it within five daies after during which time he took order by his Testament for the most important affairs of his Kingdome and discharged himself of the obligation wherein he stood ingaged to the strangers which had served him in this war of Chiammay In this Testament whenas he came to make mention of us Portugals he would needs have this clause added thereunto It is my intent that the sixscore Portugals which have alwayes so faithfully watched upon the guâ—rd â—f my person shall â—eceive for a recompence of their good services half a years tribute which the Queen of Guâ—bem gives me and that in my custome houses their Merchandise shall pay no custome foâ— the space of three years Moreover my intent is that their Priests may throughout all the Townes of my Kingdome publish the Law whereof they mâ—ke profâ—ssion namely of a God made man for the salvation of mankind as they have many times assured me To these things he added many others such like which well deserve to be reported here though I passe them under silence because I hope to make a more ample mention of them hereafter Furthermore he desired all the Grandees of his Court which were present with him that they would give him the consolation before he died to make his eldest Son be declared King which was incontinently executed For which effect after that all the Oyaas Conchalis and Montâ—os which are Soveraign dignities over all the rest of the Kingdome had taken the oath of Allegeance to this young Prince they shewed him out at a window to all the people who were in a great place below and they set upon his head a rich Crovvn of gold in the form of a Miter and put a svvord into his right hand and a pair of balances into
delay This done he parted the day following with a small train from the City of Pegu to give example to others to do the like and wept and lodged at a Town called Mouchan with an intention to tarry there those fifteen days he had limited the Lords to come unto him Now whenas six or seven of them were already past he was advertised that Xemin de Satan Governor of a Town so named had secretly sent a great sum of gold to the Zemindoo and had withall done him homage for the same Town where he commanded This news somewhat troubled the King of Bramaa who devising with himself of the means which he might use to meet with the mischief that threatned him he sent for Xemin de Satan who was then in the said Town of his Government with a purpose to cut off his head but he betaking himself to his bed and making shew of being sick answered that he would wait upon the King as soon as he was able to rise Now in regard he found himself to be guilty and misdoubting the cause wherefore he was sent for he communicated this affair to a dozen of his kinsmen that were there present with him who all of them concluded together how since there was no better way to save himself then in killing the King that without further delay it was to be put in execution so that all of them offering secretly to assist him in this enterprise they speedily assembled all their Confidents without declaring unto them at first the occasion wherefore they did it and withall drawing others unto them with many fair promises they made up of all being joyned together a company of six hundred men Whereupon being informed that the King was lodged in a certain Pagode they fell upon it with great violence and fortune was so favourable unto them that finding him almost alone in his chamber they slew him without incurring any danger That done they retired into an outward Court where the Kings Guard having had some notice of this treason set upon them and the conflict was so hot between them that in half an hours space or thereabout eight hundred men lay dead in the place whereof the most part were Bramaaes After this Xemin de Satan making away with four hundred of his followers went to a place of a large extent called Poutel whither all those of the country round about resorted unto him who being advertised of the death of the King of Bramaa whom they mortally hated made up a body of five thousand men and went to seek out the three thousand Bramaaes which the King had brought thither vvith him And forasmuch as these same vvere dispersed in severall places they vvere all of them easily slain not scarce so much as one escaping With them also vvere killed fourscore of three hundred Portugals that Diego Suarez had with him vvho together vvith all the rest vvhich remained vvith their lives saved rendred themselves upon composition and vvere received to mercy upon condition that for the future they should faithfully serve Xemin de Satan as their proper King vvhich they easily promised to do Nine days after this mutiny the Rebell seeing himself favoured by fortune and such a multitude of people at his devotion which were come to him out of this Province to the number of thirty thousand men caused himself to be declared King of Pegu promising great recompences to such as should follow and accompany him untill he had wholly gained the Kingdome and driven the Bramaaes out of the country With this design he retired to a fortresse called Tagalaa and resolved to fortifie himself there out of the feare he was in of the forces vvhich vvere to come to the succour of the deceased King thinking to find him alive having been advertised that many vvere already set forth from the City of Pegu for that purpose Now of those Bramaaes which Xemin de Satan had slain one by chance escaped and cast himself all woundeâ— as he vvas into the river and swimming over never left travelling all that night and the day follovving for fear of the Pegues untill he arrived at a place called Coutasarem where he incountred with the Chaumigrem the deceased Kings Foster-brother vvho vvas incamped there vvith an army of an hundred and â—ourscore thousand men vvhereof there vvere but only thirty thousand Bramaaes all the rest Pegues finding him then upon the point of parting from thence in regard of the heat that vvould be vvithin tvvo hours after he acquainted him vvith the death of the King and all that had past besides Now though this news greatly troubled the Chaumigrem yet he dissembled it for the present with so much courage and prudence as not one of his followers perceived any alteration in him But contrarily putting on a rich habit of Carnation Sattin imbroidered with gold and a chain of precious stones about his neck he caused all the Lords and Commanders of his Army to assemble before him and then speaking to them with the semblance of a joyfull man Gentlemen said he this fellow which you saw come to me but now in such hast hath brought me this Letter which I have here in my hand from the King my Lord and yours and although by the contents thereof he seemeth to blame us for our carelessâ—ness in lingering thus yet I hope e're long to render him such an accompt of it as his Highnesse shall give us all thanks for the service we have done him By this letter too he certifies me that he hath very certaine intelligence how the Zemindoo hath raised an army with an intent to fall upon the Towns of Cosmin and Dalâ—â— and to gain all along the rivers of Digon and Meâ—doo the whole Province of Danaplâ—â— even to Ansedaa wherefore he hath expresly enjoyned me that as soon as possibly I may I put into those places as the most important such forces as shall be able to resist the enemy and that I take heed nothing be lost through my nâ—gligence because in that case â—e will admit of no excuse This being so it seems to me very importanâ— and necessary for his service that you my Lord Xemiâ—brum go instantly without all delay and put your self with your forces into the Town of Dâ—laa and your brother-in-law Baâ—â—haa Quem into that of Digon with his fifteen thousand men as for Colonel Gipray and Monpocasser they shall go with their thirty thousand souldiers into Ansedaa and Danapluu and Ciguamcan with twenty thousand men shall march along to Xaraa and so to Mâ—lacou moreoâ—er Quiay Brazagaran with his brethren and kinsmen shall go for Generall of the Frontier with an Army of fifty thousand men to the end that assisted with those forces he may in person give order wheresoever need shall be Behold what the King hath written to me whereof I pray you let us make an agreement and all sign it together for it is no reason that my head should answer for your
of the teares of your eyes for the entertainment of my soul because of the good newes I now bring you which is that by the wil of God this Country is setled on our King Chaumigrem without being tyed to make any restitution thereof for which you have all of you good cause to rejoyce like good and faithfull servants as you are He had scarcely made an end of speaking thus when as all those of the assembly clapping their hands gave great demonstrations of joy and cryed out in a way of thanksgiving Be thou praised O Lord. All this ceremony ended the Priests full of devotion and zeal immediately took all the parts of this poor King dismembred in that sort and with great veneration carried them to a place below where a great fire was kindled of Sandal Aloes and Benjamin which cost a great deal then three of them taking up of the body of the deceased with the bowels and all the rest threw it into it and afterwads with a strange ceremony offered many sacrifices unto him whereof the most part were of sheep The body burned all that night untill the next moâ—ning and the ashes thereof was put into a silver urne wherein with a very solemn assembly of above ten thousand Priests it was carried to a Temple called The God of thousand Gods and there was buried in a rich tomb within a Chappel guilt all over Behold what was the end of the great and mighty Xemindoo King of Pegu unto whom his subjects bore so great respect and honour during the time of his raign which was so flourishing that it seemed there was no other Monarch greater then he on the earth but such is the course of all the world CHAP. LXXV My imbarking in the Kingdome of Pegu to go to Malaca and from thence to Japan and a strange accident which arrived there THe death of the good King of Siam and the adulterie of the Queen his wife whereof I have spoken at large heretofore were the root and beginning of so many discords and of so many cruell warres which hapning in those two Kingdomes of Pegu and Siam indured three years and an half with so much expence of mony and bloud as is horrible to think of Now the end of all those warres was that the Chaumigrem King of Bramaa remained absolute Lord of the Kingdome of Pegu howbeit for the present I will speak no further of him but will deliver that which arrived in other Countries untill such time as the same Chaumigrem King of Bramaa returned upon the Kingdome of Siam with so mighty an Army as never any King whatsoever in the Indiaes brought a greater into the field as consisting of seventeen hundred thousand men and of sixteen thousand elephants whereof nine thousand were for the carriage of the Baggage and seven thousand for fighting an enterprize that was so dammageable for us as I learned afterwards that it cost us two hundred and four score Portugals I come now again to my designe from which I have wandered a good while After that these commotions whereof I have spoken heretofore were all appeased Gonçalo Pacheco departed from the City of Pegu with all us the rest of the Portugals which remained there and whom the new King of Bramaa had delivered as I have already declared causing their merchandize to be restored unto them and obliging them with many other courtesies as well of Honour as of Liberty So we an hundred and three score Portugals as we were imbarqued our selves in five vessels which were at that time in the Port of Cosmin one of the principal Townes of that Kingdom and there we divided our selves as pilgrims and travellers to the Indiaes for to go into divers Countries according as each of us thought to be most convenient for him As for me I set sail for Malaca with six and twenty of my companions where when we were arrived I sojourned there one month only and then imbarqued my self again to go to Iapan with one Iorge Alvarez who in a Sip belonging to Simono de Mello Captain of the Fortresse went to traffick Now having been already six and twenty dayes under sail in contiâ—â—ing our course with a good winde according to the season wee came in sight of an Iland called Tanixumaa some nine Leagues South towards the point of the Land of Iapan so that turning our prow that vvay vve vvent and rode the next day in the midst of the haven of Ganxiroo In this place the Nautaquin who was Governour thereof had the curiositie to come unto us for to see a thing which he had never seen before to which effect he got aboard of us where amazed with the fashion and equipage of our vessel as being the first that ever arrived in that Country he seemed to be infinitely glad of our coming yea and was very earnest vvith us to have us trade in that place with him but Iorge Alvarez and the Merchants excused themselves saying that this port was not safe for their Ship if any contrary winde should happen to arise The day following being parted from this place to go to the Kingdom of Bungo from whence vve vvere distant some hundred leagues to the Northward in five dayes after our departure it pleased God that we arrived in the port of the Town of Fucheo where we were vvell received as vvell by the King as the people vvho greatly favoured us in that vvhich concerned the duties of our Merchandize and the King had yet more obliged us if in the little time that vve abode there he had not been miserably slain by a Vassal of his named Fucarandono a mighty Prince Lord of many Subjects and exceeding rich a disaster which hapned as followeth At the time when we arrived there there was in the King of Bungo's Court a young man called Axirandoo Nephew to the King of Arimaa vvho in regard of the ill intreaty vvhich he had received from the King his Uncle had retired himself into this Court and continued there above a yeer with an intent never to return into his Country again but his good fortune was such as his Uncle coming to die and having no other to succeed him he declared him for his Heir Whereupon the Fucarandono of whom I lately made mention desiring to marry this Prince to a Daughter of his intreated the King to mediate this marriage for him which he easily condescended unto For vvhich effect the King one day invited the Prince to go a hunting with him into a Wood which was some two leagues off and where there was great store of game vvhich he much delighted in When they were there in private together he moved this Marriage unto him and certified how exceedingly it vvould content him that hee vvould accept of it vvhich accordingly he did vvherewith the King seemed to be extremely satisfied so that upon his return unto the Town hee sent for the Fucarandono and told him how he had prevailed for the
on the Kings Army which was ready to receive them in battel array as having been advertised of their design there ensued so dreadfull and furious a fight betwixt them as it lasted two hours within day but at length the conflict ended with the death of seven and thirty thousand men amongst the which the ten thousand Mutiners were slain not one of them deigning to save himself upon any termes whatsoever In the mean time the death of his men greatly afflicted the King who after this punishment of the rebels retyring to the town the first thing he did was to provide for the curing of the hurt men wherein he spent a good time in regard they were very many and whereof a great number died afterwards CHAP. LXXVI Our passing from the Town of Fucheo to the Port of Hiamangoo and that which befell us there together with my departure from Malaca and arrival at Goa After that this revolt had taken an end by the death of so many men on the one and the other side we few Portugals that remained as soon as time would permit us got to the port of the town where seeing the Country desolated the merchants fled away and the King resolved to leave the town we lost all hope of selling our comodities yea and of being safe in this harbour which made us set sail and go ninety leagues further to another Port called Hiamangoo which is in the bay of Canguexumaa there vve sojourned tvvo months and an half not able to sell any thing at all because the country vvas so full of Chinese comodities as they fell above half in half in the price for there vvas not a Port or Read in all this Iland of Iapan vvhere there were not thirty or forty Iuncks at anchor and in some places above an hundred so that in the same very year at least two thousand merchants ships came from China to Iapan Now most of this merchandise consisted in Silk which was given at so cheap a rate that the peece of Silk which at that time was worth an hundred Taies in China was sold in Iapan for eight and twenty or thirty at the most and that too with much adoe besides the prices of all other commodities were so low as holding our selves utterly undone we knew not what resolution or counsell to take But whereas the Lord doth dispose of things according to his good pleasure by waies which surpasse our understanding he permitted for reasons only known to himself that on the new moon in December being the fifth day of the month there arose so furious a tempest of wind and rain as all those vessels saving a few perished in it so that the losse caused by this storm amounted unto a thousand nine hundred and seventy two Iuncks amongst the which were six and twenty Portugals ships wherein five hundred and two of our nation were drowned besides a thousand Christians of other Countries and eight hundred thousand duckets worth of goods cast away Of Chinese vessels according to report there were a thousand nine hundred thirty and six lost together with above tvvo millions of gold and an hundred and threescore thousand persons Now from so miserable a ship-wrack not above ten or eleven ships escaped of which number was that wherein I was imbarqued and that almost by miracle by reason whereof these same sold their commodities at what price they would As for us after we had uttered 〈◊〉 and prepared our selves for our departure we put to sea on a twelfth day in the morning and although we were well enough contented in regard of the profit we had made yet were we not a little sad to see things fall out so to the cost of so many lives and riches both of those of our nation and of strangers But when we had weighed anchor and hoisted our sailes for the prosecution of our course the ties of our main sail brake by which means the sail yard falling down upon the of the ship brake all to peices so that we were constrained by this accident to recover the port again and to send a shallop on shore to seek for a sail yard and shipwrights to fit it for us To this effect we sent a present to the Captain of the place that he might suddenly give us necessary succor as accordingly he did so that the very same day the ship was put into her former estate and better then before Neverthelesse as we were weighing anchor again the cable of our anchor broke and because we had but one more in the ship we were forced to indeavor all that we might for the recovery thereof by reason of the great need we stood in of it now to do this we sent to land for such as could dive who in consideration of ten duckets that we gave them fell to diving into the sea where they found our anchor in six and tvventy fathome depth so that by the means which we fastned unto it vve hoysted it up though vvith a great deal of labour vvherein vve all of us bestovved our selves and spent the most part of the night As soon as it vvas day vve set saile and parting from this river of Hiamangoo it pleased God that in fourteen daies vvith a good vvind vve arrived at Chincheo vvhich is one of the most renovvned and richest Ports of the Kingdome of China there vve vvere advertised that at the entrance of this river there lay at that time a famous Pirate called Cheopocheca vvith a mighty fleet vvhich put us into such a fear that in all hast vve got avvay to Lamau vvhere vve made some provision of victuals vvhich lasted us untill our arrivall at Malaca Having stayed some time at Malaca for the dispatch of certain affaires that I had there I imbarqued my self for Goa vvith an intent of length to return into Portugal if I could meet vvith shipping ready to depart from thence at that time but some fevv daies after my arrivall there it happened that a Portugal named Antonio Ferreyra brought a present of very rich peeces to the Vice-Roy Don Pedro Mascarenhas which the King of Bungo sent him from Iapan to getherwith a letter whereof the contents were these Illustrious Lord and of great majesty Vice-Roy of the limits of the Indiaes the dreadfull Lion in the flouds of the sea by the force of thy ships and artillerie I Yacatauandono King of Bungo Facata◠Omangucha and the Countries of the two seas Lord of the petty Kings of the Ilands of Tosa Xemenarequa and Miaygimaa do give thee to understand by this my letter that Father Francisco Xavier having been not long since in this Country preaching to them of Omangucha the new law of the Creator of all things I secretly promised to him that at his return into my Kingdome I would receive from his hand the name and water of holy Baptism howsoever the noveltie of so unexpected a thing might put me into bad terms with my subjects Whereupon he also
Frâ—ncisco Toscano a Worshipfull and rich man who defrayed our chaâ—ge during all our Voyage yea and most part of the time that vve were in China not permitting any of our Company to spend a peny From this Island Pullo Timan we put to sea on Friday the seventh of Iune in the same yeer One thousand five hundred fifty and five and discovering the firm land of the Kingdome of Champaa we sailed along the Coast with a North-West winde and in twelve dayes we arrived at an Island called Pullo Champeiloo in the Straight of Cauchenchina where we took in fresh vvater at a River which descended from an high Mountain There amongst the Rocks we perceived a very-fair Cross graven on a great free Stone and under it 1518 with six letters abbreviated which said Duart Coelho We observed also towards the River and on the South-side two flight shot off threescore and two men hanged on trees alongst the Strand besides others that lay on the ground half eaten a thing which seemed to have been done not above six or seven dayes before Upon another tree there hung a great Banner wherein these vvords vvere seen in Chinese letters Let every Ship or Iunck which shall arrive in this place be sure to dislodg quickly from thence after shee hath furnished her self with fresh water whether shee hath time or hath it not on pain of incurring the same justice as these wretches have done whom the fury of the arm of the son of the Sun hath overwhelmed Wee were mightily surprised vvith so strange an accident so that vve could make no other judgment of it but that some Chinese Army had arrived there and meeting with those vvretches had as Pirats use to do intreated them as vve saw under the specious pretext of Justice CHAP. LXXVIII Our departure from the Iland of Champeiloo and our arrivall at that of Lampacau with a relation of two great disasters which hapned in China unto two Portugal Colonies and of a strange accident that befell in the Country WHen we were parted from the Iland of Champieloo we got to the Ilands of Canton so that on the fifth day of our voyage it pleased God that we arrived at one of them called Lampacau where at that time the Portugals excercised their commerce with the Chineses which continued untill the year One thousand five hundred fifty and seven when as the Mandarins of Canton at the request of the Merchants of the Country gave us the port of Macao where the trade now is of which place that was but a desert Iland before our country men made a very goodly plantation wherein there were houses worth three or four thousand Duckats together with a Cathedral Church Moreover this Colony hath its Governor Auditor and Officers of Justice whereunto I shal add that the inhabitants of this place are in as great safety there as if they were in the quietest part of Portugal But God grant of his infinite mercy and goodnesse that this Colony may be of longer durance then that of Liampoo which was another of the Portugals and whereof I have spoken at large heretofore being two hundred leagues from this same on the North Coast. But ill fortune would that by the disorder of one Portugal it was demolished in a very little time in which disaster I my self was present and can say that the losse which was made there as well of people as of riches was inestimable For in this plantation were three thousand men whereof twelve hundred were Portugals and the rest Christians of divers nations Yea and I have heard many say which spoke like knowing men thereof that the Portugals traffick there exceeded three millions of gold Now the most part of this traffick was in lingots of silver of Iapan which had been found out not above two months before and was such as a man doubled his mony three or four times by the commodities which he sent thither In this Colony there was a Governor who resided in the Country there were also an Auditor Judges Sheriffs Aldermen a Provisor of the deceased and Orphelins a town Clark and all other Officers that are usually in a Commonwealth together with four publick Notaries and six Registers each of whose offices were sold for three thousand duckats yea and there were some farre dearer There were also two Hospitals wherein above thirty thousand duckats was spent every year and the Town house had in revenue six thousand per annum So that it was generally said that this Colony was the richest and best peopled of any that was in the Indiaes besides for matter of extent it had not its fellow in all Asia Furthermore when the Registers or Secretaries passed any Grant or when the publick Notaries made any writings they ordinarily used these termes In this most noble and alwaies faithfull town of Liampoo for the King our Soveraign Lord. Now having said so much of it I hold it not amisse to tell you how and wherefore so noble and rich a Colony was destroyed which arrived in this sort There was living there a man of a good extraction and rank named Lancerote Pereyra born at Pont de Lima a town in Portugal it is said that this same had lent some thousand duckats to certain Chineses who were not men solvent but became bankrupts and never paid him any thing nor could he hear any newes of them afterwards which was the cause that desiring to make good this losse and to recover it of them which were not the occasion of it he assembled for that effect some eighteen or twenty Portugals idle fellows and of lewd dispositions with whom under the favor of the night he fell upon a village some two leagues from thence where he robbed eleven or twelve labouring men and withall seizing on their wives and children killed about half a score persons without any reason at all so to do In the mean time the Alarum being taken up by the whole country round about by reason of this violence the inhabitants went and complained to the Chumbin for Justice and having made a verball process of the businesse they presented it in the name of the people to the Chaem of the Government which is as one of the Vice-Roys of the Kingdome who immediately thereupon dispâ—tched away an Haitau who is as an Admirall amongst us with an Army of three hundred Juncks and four score Vançons with Oares wherein there were threescore thousand men which being all made ready in seventeen daies came and fell on this misfortunate Colony and the matter passed in so strange a manner for them as I must confesse I have not capacity enough to recount it sufficiently neither understanding enough to imagine it only it shall suffice me to say as one who saw it that in lesse then the space of five hours which this dreadfull chastisement of the hand of God indured these cruell enemies left not any thing at all in Liampoo to which one could give a name
for they demolished and burnt all that they could find they put to death withall twelve hundred Christians amongst the which were eight hundred Portugals who were all burned alive in five and twenty ships and two and forty Juncks It is said that in this common ruine there was lost to the value of two millions of Gold as well in Lingots Pepper Sandal Cloves Mace and Nutmeggs as in other Commodities and all these desasters arrived by the ill conscience and little judgment of an avaricious Portugal Now from this misfortune was another farre greater derived which was that we lost our credit and reputation so mightily over all the Country as the inhabitants would no longer endure the sight of us saying that we were divels incarnate ingendred by the malediction of the wrath of God for the punishment of sinners This hapned in the year one thousand five hundred forty and two Martim Alfonso de Sousa being Governor of the Indiaes and Ruy Van Pereyra Marramaque Captain of Malaca Two years after the Portugals desiring to make another new Colony in a Port called Chincheo in the same Kingdome of China five leagues lower then Liampoo with an intention to settle their trade there the Merchants of the Country coming to consider what great profit would redound to them thereby intreated the Mandarins to make shew of permitting it and obliged them thereunto with many great presents we had commerce then with those of the Country about two yeares and an half untill such time as by the expresse command of Simano de Mello Captain of the Fortresse there was sent into this place another man of the same humor as Lancerote Pereyra was of unto whom the said Simano de Mello gave a commission to be Governor of this Port of Chincheo and Provisor of the Deceased but the bruit went of him that the extream covetuousnesse wherewith he was possest made him lay hands on all things without any the least respect to ought whatsoever It hapned then that in his time there arrived in the Port of Chincheo a stranger by nation an Armenian who was held by every one for a very good Christian This man who had an estate of ten or twelve thousand duckets and being a Christian as I have said and a stranger as we were passed out of a Mahometans Junck wherein he was into the ship of a Portugal named Luis de Montaroyo Now having lived some six or seven months very peaceably amongst us and much respected and favored of every one he chanced to â—all sick of a feaver whereof he died but before he gave up the Ghost he declared by his Testament that he had a wife and children in a town of Armenia called Gaborem and that of his twelve thousand duckets estate he left two thousand to the Hospitall at Malaca and for the rest he desired it might be kept in safe hands untill there were an opportunity to have consigned it unto his children as to his lawfull heirs and in case they were dead he left it to the Hospitall Behold what was the Testament of this faithfull Christian who was no sooner buried but Ayrâ—z Botelho de Sousa Provisor of the dead seized on all his estate without making any Inventorie or other kind of accompt saying that before any farther proceeding therein they were to send to make enquiry in Armenia which was above two thosand leagues from thence to see whether there were not some ingagements or seizure of Justice upon it There arrived also at the same time two Chinese Merchants who had to the value of three thousand duckets in silk peeces of damaske musk and porcelaines appertaining to the deceased Armenian the Provisor arrested them all and not contented therewith he would needs make the Chineses beleeve that all the merchandise which they had belonged also unto the Armenian so that under the pretext thereof he took eight thousand duckets from them and bid them go to Goa and there demand justice of the Provisor Generall by reason he could do no otherwise then he did for that he was obliged to deal in that sort by the duty of his Charge Now not to stand upon the delivering of the reasons which in vain were alledged by them against this injustice of his I will only say that these two Merchants returning home without any of their merchandise went with their Wives and Children and casting themselves at the Chaems feet represented unto him in a Petition the whole businesse as it past informing him moreover that we were men quite-void of the fear of God The Chaem willing to do justice then to these Merchants and to many others which had formerly complained against us caused it to be every where proclamed that no man on pain of death should converse with us whereupon the scarcity of victuals came to be so great amongst us as that which was wont to be bought for six blanks was then worth above a ducket so that necessity constrained us to go unto certain hamlets whereupon ensued such disorders as all the Country rose up against us with so much hatred and fury that sixteen daies after we were set upon by an Army of an hundred and twenty very great Juncks which intreated us in that manner for our sins as ofthirteen ships which we had in the Port there was not one that was not burnt and of five hundred Portugals which were abiding in the Country thirty only escaped who had not the worth of a penny left them From these two sad histories recounted by me I inferre that it seemes the Affairs which we have now in China and the tranquillity and confidence wherewith we live there supposing that the treaties of peace which we have with them be firm and assured wil last but til our sins shal serve for motives to the inhabitants of the Country to mutine against us which God of his infinite mercy permit not for the time to come To return again now to my former discourse you must understand that after we were arrived at the Port of Lampacau as I have declared before we could not meet with any vessel that was bound for Iapan so that we were constrained to passe another year too in this Port with a design in May following which was ten months off to continue our voyage as we had resolved Father Belquior and I perceiving that there was no hope of going to Iapan this yeare as well for that the season was past as for other inconveniences that fell out we were forced to stay in this Iland till the time should serve for us to make our voyage thither Having continued there then til the seventeenth of Feb. following certain news came to us from Cantan that on the third day of the same month the Province of Sansy had been swallowed up in the manner ensuing The first day of Frebruary the earth fel a trembling from eleven til one of the clock at night and the next day from midnight til two in the
from Sues with a design to take in Adâ—m and then to build a Fortress there before they attempted any thing in the Indiaes according to an express charge sent by the great Turk from Constantinople to the Bassa of grand Cairâ— who was going to be General of the Army Besides this he confessed many other things conformable to our desire amongst the which he said that he was a renegado Christian a Maliorquin by Nation born at Cerdenha and son to one named Paul Andrez a Merchant of that Island and that about four years before growing enamored of a very â—air Greekish Mahumetan that was then his wife for the love of her he had abjured Christianity and embraced the Law of Mahomet Our Captains much amazed hereat gently perswaded him to acquit this abominable belief and become a Christian again whereunto the wicked Caytiff made answer with a brutish obstinacy that at no hand he would yield to forsake his Law shewing himself so hardened in the resolution to continue therein as if he had been born in it and never had profest any other By these speeches of his the Captains perceiving there was no hope of recalling him from his damnable error caused him to be bound hand and foot and so with a great stone tyed about his neck to be cast alive into the Sea sending him to participate with the torments of his Mahomet and to be his companion in the other world as he had been his confident in this This Infidel being executed in this sort we put the other prisoners into one of our Foists and then sunk their Vessel with all the goods that were in her which consisted most in packs of stained Cloths whereof we had no use and a few pieces of Chamlet that the Soldiers got to make them apparel CHAP. III. Our travelling from Mazua by land to the Mother of Prester Iohn as also our re-imbarquing at the Port of Arquicâ— and that which befell us by the incounter of three Turkish Vessels WE departed from this place with an intent to go to Arquico the Territory of Prester Iohn Emperor of Aethiopia for we had a Letter to deliver which Antonio de Sylvera sent to a Factor of his named Anrique Barbosa who had been three years resident in that Country by the Commandment of the Governor Nuno de Cunha When we were arrived at Gottor a league lower then the Port of Mazua we were all received there very courteously as well by the Inhabitants as by a Portugal called Vasco Martins de Seixas born in the Town of Obidos who was come thither by Henrico Barbosa's order and had been there a month attending the arrival of some Portugal ship The cause of that his abode was to deliver a Letter from the said Henrico as accordingly he did to the Captains of our Foiâ—ts By this Letter he certified the estate of the Turkish Army and besought them at any hand to send him some Portugals to induce them whereunto he remonstrated unto them how it much imported the service both of God and the King and that for his own part he could not come unto them because he was employed with forty other Portugals in the Fort of Gileytor for the guard of the person of the Princess of Tigremahon Mother to Prester Iohn The two Captains having perused this Letter communicated it to the chiefest of the Soldiers and sat in Councel upon it where it was determined that four of them should go along with Vasco Martins to Barbosa and that they should carry the Letter which Antonio de Sylvera had sent him This was no sooner resolved then executed for the next day three other Portugals and my self departed accordingly and we went by Land mounted upon good Mules which the Ciquaxy Captain of the Town sent us by the Command of the Princess the Emperors Mother together with six Abissins to accompany us The first night we lay at a very fair Monastery called Satilgaon The next day before the Sun rose we travelled along by a River and by that time we had rode five leagues we arrived at a place named Bitonte where we spent that night in a Convent of religious persons dedicated to S. Michael there we were very well entertained both by the Prior and the Fryers A little after our arrival the son of Bernagais Governor of that Empire of Aethiopia a very proper and courteous Gentleman about seventeen years old came to see us accompanied with thirty men all mounted upon Mules and himself on a horse furnished after the Portugal manner the furniture was of Purple Velvet trimmed with Gold fringe which two years before the Governor Nuno de Cunha sent him from the Indiaes by one Lopez Chanoca who was afterwards made a slave at Gran Cario whereof this young Prince being advertised he presently dispatched away a Iewish Merchant of Azabiba to redeem him but as ill fortune would he dyed before the Jew could get thither which so grieved this Prince when he understood of it as the sâ—id Vasco Martins assured us that in the said Monastery of S. Michael he caused the most honorable funerals to be celebrated for him that ever he saw wherein assisted above four thousand Priests besides a greater number of Novices which in their language are called Santilcos Noâ— was this all for this Prince hearing that the deceased had been married at Goa and likewise that he had left three daughters there behind him which were very young and poor he bestowed on them three hundred O quâ—â—â— of Gold that are worth twelve Crusadoes of our mony a piece â— liberality truly royal and which I relate here as well to amplifie the nobleness of this Prince as that it may serve for an example to others and render them more charitable upon like occasions The next morning we continued our journey making all the hastâ— that possibly we could to which end we got upon good Horses that were given us by this Prince and withall he appointed four of his servants to accompany us who during our Voyage entertained us every where very sumptuously That day our lodging was at a goodly place called Betenigus which signifies a royal house and in truth it was not without reason so named for on whatsoever part one cast an eye it was invironed with gallant high Trees for three leagues about nor is it to be credited how pleasing this Wood was for that it was composed all of Cedars Cypres Palm Date Trees and Cocos like to those in the Indiaes Here we past the night with all kind of contentment In the morning we proceeded on our journey and travelling after five leagues a day we past over a great Plain all full of goodly Corn Then we arrived at a Mountain named Vangaleu inhabited by Jews which were very white and handsom Two days and an half after we came to a good Town called Fumbau not above two leagues distant from the Fort of Gileytor there we found Barbosa and the