Fourth of Edward the Third and the words of it are these It is accorded that a Parliament shall be holden every year once and more often if need be Now Sir you must observe that this Act was made whilst the King was but Nineteen years of age and both himself and Kingdom under the care of Twelve Governours His Mother Queen Isabel and Roger Mortimer very powerful the Governours of the Pupil King divided amongst themselves and many other pressing affairs of the Nation oblig'd most people to propose that expedient of frequent Parliaments as the most probable means to secure the peace and prosperity of the Kingdom at least until the King should come of riper years and thereby many differences be reconciled After this in the Thirty sixth year of his Reign he called a Parliament and wanting money as generally he did the Parliament would grant nothing until an Act passed for maintenance of former Articles and Statutes there expressed And that for redress of divers mischiefs and grievances which daily happen a Parliament shall be holden every year as another time was ordained by Statute These are the two Statutes intended by our Author when he tells us that the Statute of Edward the first was confirmed by that glorious Prince Edward the third Whereas in truth they were both made by the same King and both in a great measure revoked in his own time Having declared after the making this last Act that he yielded to it only to serve his own turn This Sir is the matter of Fact upon which our Author builds his great pretensions to the old constitutions of Annual Parliaments The first Act was made whilst the King was very young the second when he wanted money and had Twenty six shillings and eight pence granted him upon every sack of wool transported for three years And both first and second Acts were broken by several intermissions before he died Besides we must make this remark that a Parliament seldom met without giving the King some money which might encourage those Kings to assemble them oftner than lately they have done But the truth is Annual Parliaments were lookt upon as so great a grievance to the Nation that we find that about the Tenth year of Richard the Second his Successor it was thought a great Prerogative in the King that he might call a Parliament once a year And both Houses appointed the Duke of Glocester and Thomas Arundell Bishop of Ely to acquaint the King that by an old Statute the King once a year might lawfully summon his Court of Parliament for reformation of corruptions and enormities within the Realm And if we consider with our selves we shall find that if yearly Parliaments were imposed upon us they would become grievances equally insupportable as to have no Parliaments at all For if the Knights Citizens and Burgesses be chosen out of the Countrey Gentlemen and Merchants inhabiting those Countries where they are elected as sure they ought to be what inconvenience if not ruin must it bring upon their affairs when they shall be forced to run every year a hundred or two hundred Miles from their particular domestick affairs to serve in a formal Parliament in which it may be the greatest business will be to make business for the next Indeed for idle persons who live about Town and have nothing to do but to scrible knavish politicks to the disturbance of honest men such a constitution might do well enough if they could get to be chosen members But we find from experience and History that in those days when Ambition and Faction were not so much in vogue as at present men were so far from making parties to get into the Parliament that many Commoners and Lords too have petitioned and been excused their attendance The King 's Queen's and Prince's Servants have stood upon their priviledge of exemption So James Barner was discharged by the King's command Quia erat de retinentia Regis 7. R. 2 and the Lord de Vessey in Edward the Fourths time obtained Licence not to serve in Parliament during his life Rex concessit Henrico Bromflet Dom. de Vessey quod ipse durante vita sit exoneratus de veniendo ad Parl. Besides the very Writ of Summons shews that in the original institution and design of Parliaments a frequent meeting could not be necessary For they were only to treat concilium impendere de magnis arduis negotiis Now God help us if every year should produce such magna ardua negotia such difficult and weighty affairs that the King with his Judges and â—rivy Council could not determine them without assembling his great Council the Parliament I confess in our Authors Chimerical model I am perswaded our circumstances would be bad enough but I thank God we are not gotten there yet Thus you see Sir that this grievance in not having annual Parliaments is become no grievance at all Mer. I begin Cousin to lose all manner of respect for this mistaken Mountebank For I perceive notwithstanding his great words and pretences all is but wind emptinâ—ss and cheat Having therefore fully satisfieâ— me concerning our liberties properties and Parliaments pray forget not to say somewhat of our Religion Trav. Sir I shall not presume to meddle with the Doctrinal part of any Religion that being none of my Province Nor shall I say much concerning the Ceremonial part or discipline of our own that is to say the Church of England It is sufficient to mind you that both the Doctrine and Discipline in Church Government have been established and confirm'd by several Acts of Parliament and Statutes Which Parliaments being the most Soveraign power that our Author himself pretends to set up amongst us we ought all to acquiesce in and be concluded by what they have done until an equal authority shall repeal those Acts or otherwise determine concerning us Mer. There is no objection can be made against this answer But Sir since the difference in our Religion seems manifestly to occasion most of our troubles why may not the King by his own authority dispence with the penal part of these Laws or grant a toleration especially to Protestant Dissenters or encourage an Act of Parliament for uniting them into the Church of England or else why might not the same Church release some part of the rigour of the Discipline and Ceremony since 't is agreed on all hands that the observance or non-observance of them are not points necessary or absolutely conducing to Salvation Trav. Cousin I shall answer you all these questions as plain as I can And first I shall never believe that true and unfeigned Religion especially amongst men where the Doctrine agrees is ever the real cause of any troubles disturbance or disobedience to lawful authority such as is that which produces an Act of Parliament even in our Authors sence being so contrary to the Doctrine and Principles of Christian Religion that I may confidently affirm where
to embrace Shadows than retain Substances I have endeavoured to distinguish Both unmask our Republican Daemon shew no less his horrid Claws than his Cloven-feet I should now make some excuse that this Answer comes so late into the World but I have a sufficient Witness that I had never seen the Book call'd Plato Redivivus before I received it at Paris about May last from My Lord Preston His Majesties Envoy Extraordinary in the French Court To his Lordship I owe the first motion and encouragement of answering it you the advantage if any be and satisfaction of the Answer Next I must inform you that I meddle little with the Law-part which is now and then to be met withal in Our Author not only because it hath been sufficiently answer'd already but besides if there be any breach of the Law or Government by any Person whatsoever the Courts of Justice are open which are the proper places for Law matters and when Plato shall think fit to shew himself and legally accuse both himself and such other of the Kings Subjects who may have been deceived by him will receive a more full ample satisfaction than I durst pretend to give them The historical and rational part I endeavour to answer as plainly as my judgment and little time would permit which I have done also by way of Dialogue that I might in all things comply with Our Authors method as far as is reasonable Many impertinencies I have passed by to avoid tediousness Those faults in this Discourse which shall not be found malicious I hope the Reader will excuse small mistakes may be easily rectified And as to the whole if the Reader shall please to examine it as impartially as it is writ sincerely I persuade my self that he will find nothing misbecoming an Honest Man and a Loyal Subject Farewell PLATO'S Daemon OR The State-Physician unmaskt BEING A Discourse in Answer to a Book call'd Plato Redivivus The Argument An English Gentleman lately return'd from France and Italy where he had spent several years is invited by a very considerable Merchant and his near Kinsman to his Country House where discoursing of many things with great liberty the Merchant accidentally opens a Book call'd Plato Redivivus which the Traveller had brought down with him into the Country This becomes a new subject of Discourse and both deliver their opinions concerning it with great freedom as follows First Discourse Merchant GOod morrow Cousin What up and ready too so early How do you like our Old English Country Air Traveller Very well Sir and indeed the pleasantness of this situation with those many delights which appear round about it are sufficient to raise any Man from his Bed especially one who hath been so long a stranger to the happinesses of a Country retirement and who loves them so much as I do Mer. I rather feared that notwithstanding our best endeavours here your time would pass tediously away for having seen all France and Italy which they call the Garden of Europe I apprehended that the best part of England would have appeared no better to you then an uncultivated Desert Trav. No nor yet shall Lumbardy nor Capua which is the Garden of Italy be ever preferr'd by me before our own blest happy soil Mer. I am glad to find you so good an Englishman the rather because we may now hope to keep you henceforward in a place which it seems you like so well Trav. Believe me Tutto il mondo è paâ—se All Countries are in this alike that they have their conveniences and inconveniences their particular delights and their particular wants And when we shall have made a just estimate of all the Kingdoms in Europe I know none which for pleasure and profit ought to be preferr'd justly before our own Mer. Sir I was always satisfied with my own Countrey and the little encouragement you give me to exchange it for any other confirms me now so much in my Opinion that I am resolv'd never to cross the Seas except some greater Business than I can foresee should necessitate me Trav. I have now spent somewhat more than Eight years as you know Cousin out of England The first time I went abroad I only learnt my Exercises and made those Tours of France and Italy which generally other Gentlemen use to do I could then have told you who was the best Dancing Master of Paris where liv'd the most fashionable Taylor the airiest Perriwig-maker and such like In Italy where the best Wines and what Curiosities were particular to every City But having almost lost the bon goust as they say or rellish for those youthful pleasures since I went last abroad I have made other remarks and grown more sullen possibly than I ought to be can tell you now of the pride and libertinage of the French Noblesse the impertinence coquetry and debauchery of the Gentry the misery of the Commonalty the extream poverty of most and slavery of all In Italy the restraint of their Wives and Women the jealousie of Husbands and their general vindicative humour At Venice the insupportable insolence of their Nobili Venetiani and triumphant Vice At Genoua the scandalous Mechanick Traffick and notorious Avarice oâ— their Grandees insomuch that they starve even a Jew in his own Trade Their frequent assassinations pride and ill manners The dull Bigotry of Florence and hard impositions upon Subjects The formalities of Rome the lost Vertue and Courage and natural Cowardize and Poltronery of the degenerated Romans the insolence of the Commonalty del regna as they call it or Kingdom of Naples the Robberies of their Banditti the great Titles and small Estates of the Nobility the hereditary risses or quarrels of the Piedmontesi and those of Monferat and from their ill administration of Justice their eternal Processes And to conclude add to this the arbitrary Government exercis'd generally all over Italy and the heavy impositions upon their Subjects greater than they ought to bear Now Cousin with all I have said compare the extream happiness of the English Nation The Riches of the Commonalty insomuch that some have thought it to be the greatest part of our disease The vast trade and prosperous condition of our Merchants The Hospitality Wealth and Modesty of our Gentry The high quality and true worth of our Nobility their uncorrupted Loyalty to their Prince and unaffected kindness for the People But above all let us reflect seriously upon the most happy security and liberty of our Persons and Estates which all strangers are forc't both to admire and envy Our freedom and exemption from all manner of Taxes and Impositions but such as we our selves shall consent to And not to be too tedious upon a subject which is so large let us truly consider and at the same time bless God Almighty for our just Laws and impartial execution of them for the admirable equal Constitution of our Government where the Prince hath so great
Monarchies And that they descended for many ages successively from Father to Son as generally amongst us at this day I will pitch chiefly upon Athens and Sparta which I suppose will be sufficient at present I need not begin so high as the very original of Greece it self and tell you they were peopled by Fathers of Families I mean Jon Javon or Javan the Son of Japhet Whence durum Japeti genus and thence their name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as is observ'd by Suidas Of these you may read farther in Josephus and other Authors I shall only mind you that before Deucalion's Floud Cecrops was said to have brought Learning and with it Idolatry out of Aegypt into Greece and was King in that Country which we call Attica or Athens Ante Deucalionis tempora Regem habuêre Cecropem Cranâ—us succeeded Cecrops to whose Daughter Athis that Country owes its name After him Amphiction who dedicated the Town to Minerva and from her name call'd it Athenae In his days happen'd the Floud of Deucalion After that per ordinem successionis the Kingdom descended to Erichtheâ—s or Erichthonius then passing through many others unto Theseus and from him to Demophoon who was an associate in the Trojan War There you have a long Catalogue of the Grecian Kings without the least mention either of an Aristocracy or a Democracy amongst them And from thence the Kingdom fell by succession to Codrus the Son of Melanthus who was the last King of Athens Eusebius in his Chronology gives us the names of Sixteen Kings of Athens to Codrus inclusively which space of time makes up near Five hundred years And in his time it was that a War broke out between the Athenians and the Dorians Which last when they consulted the Oracle of Apollo which should have the better it was answer'd that they should certainly overcome their enemies except the King of the Athenians were slain Upon this strict charge was given to their Army that none should presume â—â— hurt the Athenian King but Codrus being inform'd as well of the Answer â—f the Oracle as the order which the Dorians had given unknown to any clad himself in a miserable habit and geting in that condition into the Enemies Camp rais'd on purpose an impertinent quarrel and was there according to his intent slain by his enemies This being soon discover'd the Dorians of themselves retreated home and the War ended Quis eum non miretur â—aith Paterculus qui iis artibus mortem quoesierit quibus ab ignavis vita quoeri solet Much such an action did Leonidas King of Sparta for the safety of his Country in the Persian War at the streights of Thermopiloe Who being admonish'd by the Oracle that either himself must fall or Sparta dy'd desperately fighting in the midst of the Persian Army I believe Cousin you will hardly remark two more generous actions of publick spirited men in any Common-wealth than those of these two Mâ—narchs But to return to Athens Mâ—don Son to Codrus was first Archon â— Athens in whose Family that Kingdom continued having chang'd nothing by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into Archon until the death of Alcmoeon After him Charops was first created Archon for Ten years only which constitution lasted Seventy years The last of those was Erixias Tum annuâ—s commissa est magistratibus Respublica Then Monarchy lay bleeding and their Archon became but an annual Magistrate The first of these was Creon to whom Nine other Princes were chosen ex nobilibus urbis And under this Form it was which we may truly call an Aristocracy That Solon was appointed to make them laws which it seems were contrived so equal between the Senate and the People that he was weâ—â— esteem'd and thank'd on both sides This was the first considerable change in the Athenian Government for whâ—â— was before a Monarchy and Govern'd absolutely according to the will of the Monarch became now an Optimacy or if you will according to Isocrates a mix'd Democracy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and had now by the diligence of Solon certain publick written Laws which as I said seem'd so reasonable that both the Prince and the People obliged themselves to observe them Mer. Pray Cousin by your leave had the Athenians no Law before Solon And did their Kings rule after their own Wills which we may call Fancies or Inclinations Trav. First Sir the Athenians had as I said no certain publick Laws by which they might constantly know their Duty and which might regulate the Princes Commands as well as their Obedience except a few which Draco made for them about sixty Years before Solon which being now mostly antiquated signify'd little Solon therefore is truly said to have found Laws proper for the Government and Times which were both much out of order and distracted Administratio Reipublicoe annuis magistratibus commissa sed Civitati nulloe tunc leges erant quia â—â—bido Reguâ—â— pro legibus habebatur Legitur itaque Solon vir justitia insignis qui velut novam Civitatem legibus conderâ—t c. And for their Kings I must tell you that anciently not only in Greece in which there were several Kingdoms but generally all the World over the People were govern'd purely and simply according to the good Will and Pleasure of their Prince This you will easily believe was very inconvenient for the People For since there are more bad than good amongst all sorâ—s of Men and Professions it happened by consequence that there were generally in the World more evil than just and vertuous Princes The last therefore were ador'd as Gods The first from the very ill use of their right of Power were deservedly call'd Tyrants and sometimes remov'd by violence when their Yoke grew insupportable Mer. I do not wonder at it for humane Nature hath its Bounds beyond which it cannot suffer and both Respect and Obedience too will break when bent with too much Rigor and beyond their Trempe Trav. This hath happen'd and may do so again especially amongst People whose Understandings having been never open'd by the more glorious Rays and Light of the Gospel follow at best the Dictates of Nature only amongst which that of Self-Preservation is none of the least But you will observe that these Accidents are still no Arguments against a Monarchical Form of Government no more than the happy Reign of a good King and the entire Obedience of most dutiful Subjects are certain Reasons for it these being Contingences and may vary often in Prince or People or in both together Mer. What solid Foundation then do you establish for perpetuating a Government and judging of its Goodness Trav. The same which God and Moses did I mean good Laws of which we have as many as prudently penn'd and as proper for us as any People upon Earth not only in the point of Meum and Tuum but the more necessary parts of Obedience and Command the Right of Power
there reigned any King over the Children of Israel And these are the Names of the Dukes that came of Esau according to their Families after their Places by their Names And Verse the last These be the Dukes of Edom according to their Habitations in the Land of their Possessions he is Esau the Father of the Edomites Now what can be more particular or express than what I have here produc'd Or what can he mean by tracing the Foundation of Polities which are or ever came to our Knowledge since the World began if these will not pass for such He cannot pretend that we should bring a long Roll of Parchment like a Welch Pedigree ap Shinkin ap Morgan and so from the Son to the Father untill we arrive at ap Ismael ap Esau ap Magog ap Javan and so forth that would be too childish to imagine of him for we know very well that all the Kingdoms upon the Earth have oftentimes chang'd their Masters and Families But if he means as surely he must if he mean any thing that we cannot name any such Kingdom or Government that hath been so begun then he is grosly mistaken for the Assyrians the Medes the Ethiopians or Cusoei the Lydians the Jones or Greeks and very many others are sufficiently known and preserve to this day the very names of their first Founders who as is made appear were all Fathers of Families Mer. Cousin I begin to be very weary of this rambling Author Pray therefore let us go on as fast as we can Trav. Read then what follows Mer. As for Abraham whilst he liv'd as also his Son Isaac they were but ordinary Fathers of Families and no question govern'd their Housholds as all others do What have you to say to this Holy Patriarch and most excellent Man Trav. I say we are beholden to our Author that he did not call him a Country Farmer some such a one it may be as in his new Model of the Government is to share the Royal Authority Indeed it is hard that whom the declar'd Enemies to the Hebrew People have thought fit to call a King we who adore the Son of Abraham will not allow to be better than a common Housholder Mer. I confess my Reading is not great but as far as the Bible goes I may adventure to give my Opinion And if I mistake not the Children of Heth own'd him to be a mighty Prince among them Trav. Yes Sir and the Prophet David in the hundred and fifth Psalm calls him the Lords Anointed But because I perceive the Word of God is too vulgar a Study for our Learned Statesman I have found out a Prophane Author who concurs with the History of the Bible And first Justin makes no Scruple to call him in plain Words a King Post Damascum Azillus Mox Adores Abraham Israel Reges fuere lib. 36. Josephus also and Grotius who are Men of no small Repute even amongst the most Learned have quoted Nicolaus Damascenus to vindicate the Regal Authority of Abraham His Words are very intelligible 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And tells us moreover that in his Days which was in the Reign of Augustus the Fame of Abraham was much celebrated in that Country and that there was yet a little Town remaining which was called by his Name Mer. I perceive when Men grow fond of their own Imaginations they run over all and neither Reason nor Religion have any Power to stop them Trav. Then he introduceth Samuel upon the Stage chiefly I suppose to insinuate that the People had a Power and did choose themselves a King which is so notoriously false that they never had the least share or pretended any in the election of Saul It is true they chose rather to be govern'd by a temporal King who was to live amongst them and rule as other Kings did than continue under the Government of the King of Heaven and Earth and so the Word chose relates wholly to the Government but not to the Person of the Governour For which Samuel also reproves them and accordingly they acted no farther leaving the Election of their new King wholly to God and their Prophet and God did particularly choose him from the rest of their People and Samuel actually anointed him before the People knew any thing of the matter Afterwards lest some might have accus'd Samuel of Partiality in the Choice he order'd Lots to be cast which in the Interpretation of all men is leaving the Election to God and Saul was again taken What Junius Brutus another old antimonarchical seditious Brother objects concerning renewing the Kingdom at Gilgal where it is said And all the People went to Gilgal and there they made Saul King before the Lord will serve very little to prove any Right of Power in the People no not so much as of Election for confirming and renewing the Kingdom and such like Expressions signifie no more than the taking by us the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy which I think were never thought to give the King any Right to the Crown but only a just Right to punish us for our Perjury as well as Disobedience in Case of Rebellion So renewing the Covenant with God as particularly a little before the Death of Joshuah cannot be supposed to give a greater right of Power to God Almighty than what he had before but is only a stricter Obligation for the Peoples Obedience that they might be condemned out of their own Mouths And Joshuah said unto the People See ye are Witnesses against your selves So Samuel makes the People bind themselves to God to their King and to their Prophet that they would faithfully obey him whom the Lord had set over them And behold saith Samuel the Lord hath set a King over you But having spoke more to this purpose elsewhere and the Case being most clear as well by the History it self as by the Authority of Grotius and other learned Men that Saul and the rest of the Hebrew Kings did not in the least depend upon their People but received all their Right of Power wholly from God we will proceed with our Author Only I must note by the way that with the learned Gentleman's leave neither the Sanhedrim the Congregation of the People nor the Princes of the Tribes had any manner of Power but what was subordinate and that only to judge the People according to the Laws and Institutions of Moses And so they continued to the Babylonish Captivity Grotius only observing in favour of the Sanhedrim that they had a particular Right of judging concerning a whole Tribe the High Priest and a Prophet Mer. Well Sir we are now come to our modern despotical Power What say you to Mahomet and Cingis Can. Trav. Prethee Cousin let 's not trouble our selves with those Turks and Tartars they are yet â—ar enough off and not like to trouble us nor does their Government much concern us we have Laws of our own sufficient which
so that power which the Roman people pretended to under the Seditious Gracchi and others was the true cause which made the Commonwealth no longer governable under that form Haec ipsa in perniciem redibant misera Respublica in exitium suum merces erat Flor. l. 3. c. 13. But lest all should come to ruine and the conquering Romans be at last overcome by their own victorious arms the arbitrary government of the Roman Emperours was introduc'd as the only remedy for the truly distempered State Non aliud discordantis patriae remedium fuisse quam ut ab uno regeretur Tacit. Ann. 1. But how the Gracchi endeavour'd to prevent this power in the people who stood up so violently for them is a riddle which can be salv'd this only way That in truth though they set on foot the popular pretence of Liberty and Property yet honour and Empire was the true game which they themselves hunted Seditionum omnium causâ—s saith Florus Tribunitia potestas excitavit quae specie quidem Plebis tuendae cujus in auxilium comparata est re autâ—m Dominationem sibi acquirens studium populi ac favorem Agrariis frumentariis Judiciariis legibus aucupabatur Mer. Sir I am apt to believe that our Author means by which in the last place The ruin of the people's Liberty which the Gracchi endeavour'd to prevent Trav. Indeed the sence is somewhat mended but the English is stark nought however we 'l consider it according to your construction the story then is this Tib. Gracchus an ambitious Gentleman and discontented with the Senate for what reason I care not struck in with the people and became their Tribune The first great thing which he undertook in outward appearance for the good of the people but truly for the advancement of his own private designs and Empire which he affected was the establishment of the Agrarian law and restitution of the lands among the people Mer. Pray what was the Agrarian law and land which the people so much desired might be restored Had they any injustice done them or were they forceably taken from them Trav. No sure Sir If there were any injustice in the case it lay in the restoration but you shall be Judge your self When the Romans under the Infancy of their Government had conquer'd any of their neighbours they usually took away some of their lands which were disposed of partly for the support of the State or publick revenue and the other part was distributed among the indigent Citizens and Soldiers especially the Lame Ancient and decrepit and such as had deserved well who were thence called Emeriti or Veterani milites now these Lands remained to them and their heirs upon the payment of some small acknowledgment or performance of some certain Services which were in the Nature of Tenures But in process of time when the Roman Empire and with it luxury encreas'd the common people following the example of their Governours liv'd in great ease and plenty To support which many sold their lands either to the richer Noblemen or to their fellow Citizens as they could find a Chapman Vnde enim Pop. Romanus Agros Cibarios flagitat nisi per samâ—m quam Luxus fecerat hinc ergo Gracchana seditio Flor. l. 3. cap. 12. Mer. Was there no difference between the Lands given to the Citizens and those which were thus bestowed upon the Soldiers Trav. Yes those granted to the Citizens were of the more ancient Institution and called Clientela's which some good Authors believe to have been the original of all Tenures Those given to the Soldiers were called Praeda militaria or stipendiaria and were such lands as had been taken from some conquered Provinces as hath been before declared Those which bordered upon the Skirts of the Enemies Countries were generally granted unto some of their principal Captains and Commanders which became an Inheritance to themselves and posterity upon presumption and Condition that they should and would defend their Prince and Country with the greater courage and fidelity since in effect they secured at the same time their own Estates Hence it is supposed that those Inheritances which we now call Feuds had in process of time their first Institution though the word Feodâ—m was unknown to the ancient Romans And it is further conjectured That from the differences between those Clientela's and these Praeda militaria sprang our ancient Tenures and their several diversities as grand Serjeanty Knights Service Soccage c. Now these Praeda militaria were not in their Original Institution alienable so as the Clientela's were whence as hath been said the Citizens or Clientes took the liberty to sell these lands as their occasions required which lands so sold became as in good reason they ought the inheritance of the purchasers and so descended from father to son for several generations till at last it came into the fancy of Tib. Gracchus to have these lands restor'd again to the people And that he might kill two birds with one stone that is impoverish the Senate or Government which being an Aristocracy he hated and enrich the people whom he seemingly protected he order d that the purchasers or those in whose families these lands were found should be re-imburst out of the publick revenue You may guess what a disturbance this must needs make among the Senators and Noblemen whom it chiefly concern'd and what inconveniences would inevitably happen upon a redistribution of those lands which had been so long consolidated with their own Mer. Nothing methinks could be more unreasonable and unjust Trav. No matter Sir for as I have seen two doors of a room so artificially contriv'd that the shutting of one hath at the same motion open'd the other so generally wheresoever Ambition enters Justice immediately avoids the place and indeed Haud bene conveniunt Gracchus therefore eagerly pursuing Dominion Vt qui die Comitiorum prorogari sibi vellet Imperium puts forward this Agrarian Law with great vehemency Which when his Collegue and another Tribune of the people M. Octavius oppos'd without whose consent nothing could be concluded nor law pass'd most contrary to all Justice and Law too Gracchus by force and violence a thing before unheard of turns him out of his Office Having thus gain'd his point and ready to finish what he had so prosperously begun Scipio Nasica with the most worthy of the Citizens and Nobility cuts him off and for a mark of ignominy flings his carkass into the river Now as the same Laws were promoted by his brother Caius with this difference that he extended his insolence farther deferring the Judgment of cases which had been ever particular to the Senate to the people and introducing the antiquated Licinian Law by which no Citizen was to possess above 500. acres of land within the Domicilium Imperii so the same fate attended him and that even with the consent of the people for whose sake he seem'd to have pursu'd this