the Romans and to give them battell but being beaten back with our horsemen they conveyed themselves into a wood The place was strongly fortified both by Art and Nature and made for a defence as it seemeth in their civill wars for all the entrances were shut up with great trees layd overthwart the passages And the Britans shewed themselves out of the wood but here and there not suffering the Romans to enter the fortification But the souldiers of the seventh legion with a Testudo which they made and a mount which they raised took the place and drave them all out of the woods without any losse at all saving some few wounds which they received But Caesar forbade his men to follow after them with any long pursuit because he was both ignorant of the place and a great part of that day being spent he would imploy the rest thereof in the fortification of his Camp OBSERVATION CAesar having taken what assurace of peace he could with the Galles both by carrying the chiefest of their Princes with him and by leaving three legions in the Continent to keep the vulgar people in obedience he imbarked all his men at one place that they might be all partakers of the same casualties and take the benefit of the same adventures which being neglected the year before drew him into many inconveniences for want of horse which being imbarked at another Haven met with other chances and saw other fortunes and never came to him into Britany The place of landing in this second voyage was the same where he landed the year before and by the circumstances of this history may agree with that which tradition hath delivered of Deale in Kent where it is said that Caesar landed In the first year we find that he never removed his Campe from the sea shore where he first seated himself although his men went out to bring in corne as far as they might well return again at night but now he entred further into the Iland and within twelve miles march came unto a river which must needs be that of Canterbury which falleth into the Sea at Sandwich In that hee saith that the garrison of his shipping consisted of ten Cohorts which I have said to be a legion we must understand that Caesar left not an entire legion in that garrison but he took ten cohorts out of his whole forces peradventure two out of every legion and appointed them to take the charge of his shipping CHAP. IV. Caesar returneth to his Navies to take order for such losses as had happened by tempest the night before THe next day early in the morning he divided his forces into three companies sent them out to pursue the enemy but before they had marched any far distance and came to have the rereward of the Enemy in view there came news from Q. Atrius with whom he left the ten cohorts and the charge of the shipping that the night before there was such a tempest at sea that the whole Navy was either fore beaten or cast on shore and that neither anchour nor cable could hold them nor yet the Sailers endure the force of the weather and that there was great loss in the shipping by running against one another in the violence of the tempest Upon these news Caesar caused the legions to be called back again and to cease for that time from following the enemy any further He himself returned to the navy where he found that to be true which he had heard and that about forty ships were lost and the rest not to be repaired but with great industry and paines First therfore he chose ship-wrights and carpenters out of the legions and caused others to be sent for out of Gallia and wrote to Labienus to make ready what shipping he could And although it seemed a matter of great difficulty and much labour yet he thought it best to hale up all the ships on shore and to inclose them within the fortification of his camp In this business he spent ten daies without intermission either of night or day until he had drawn up the ships and strongly fortified the camp leaving the same garrison which was there before to defend it THE OBSERVATION WHerein we may behold the true image of undaunted valour the horrible industry as Tully termeth it which he used to prevent Fortune of her stroke in his business and comprehend casualties and future contingents within the compasse of order and the bounds of his own power being able in ten dayes space to set almost eight hundred ships from the hazard of wind weather to make his Camp the Road for his Navy that so he might rest secure of a means to return at his pleasure CHAP. V. The Britans make Cassivellaunus Generall in this war The Iland and the manners of the people described CAesar returning to the place from whence he came found far greater forces of the Britans there assembled then he left when he went to the Navy and that by publick consent of the Britans the whole government of that war was given to Cassivellaunus whose kingdom lay divided from the maritime States with the river Thames beginning at the sea and extending it self four score miles into the Iland This Cassivellaunus made continual war with his neighbour States but upon the coming of the Romans they all forgot ther home-bred quarrels and cast the whole government upon his shoulders as the fittest to direct in that war The inner part of Britany is inhabited by such as memory recordeth to be born in the Iland and the maritime coast by such as came out of Belgia either to make incursions or invasions and after the war was ended they continued in the possessions they had gained and were called by the name of the cities from whence they came The country is very populous and well inhabited with houses much like unto them in Gallia They have great store of cattel and use brass for mony or iron rings weighed at a certain rate In the mediterranean parts there is found great quantity of Tyn and in the maritime parts iron but they have but little of that their brasse is brought in by other Nations They have all sorts of trees that they have in Gallia excepting the Fig and the Beech. Their religion will not suffer them to eat either Hare Hen or Goose notwithstanding they have of all sorts as well for novelty as variety The Country is more temperate and not so cold as Gallia The Island lyeth triangle-wise whereof one side confronteth Gallia of which side that angle wherein Kent is the usuall place of landing from Gallia pointeth to the East and the other angle to the South This side containeth about 500 mile Another side lyeth toward Spain and the West that way where Ireland lyeth being an Island half as big as England and as far distant from it as Gallia In the mid-way between England and Ireland lyeth an Iland called
grlorious of all Monarchs Nay in their account Caesar farre outweighs him since that all that may be call'd great or illustrious either as to Vertue Valour true Magnanimity or Clemency is more conspicuous in him then in all the Roman Emperours who after him sate at the helm of that Monarchy Those who made difficulty to assign him the first place among the Roman Emperours considered not certainly that the designation of a building is the Master-piece of the Architect and that superstruction may require no eminency of perfection For having consummated those innumerable Trophees he had erected among the Galls by those about Pharsalia he laid the foundation of that eternall fame the world hath deservedly honoured him with since nay to that height of adoration had he rais'd the minds of Posterity that his very Successours thought it their greatest glory to wear the livery of his Name and after him to be called Caesars To offer at a perfect anatomy of this great man's actions were to quote most Authours and writers that have been and consequently a work of too long a breath It shall therefore suffice to trace him out in those great designes whereby he laid the foundations of the Roman greatnesse The first thing worthy not onely notice but admiration is the strange judgement of Sylla of him who reflecting on the great perfections of Caesar when yet a youth and the strange vivacity and conduct of his first actions made that inhumane proposition that he might be killed as he had caus'd divers of the Kinred and party of Marius who had married Iulia an Aunt of Caesar's by the mother side Nor doth Envy want pretences since as he conjectur'd one Caesar contain'd many Marius's and should if suffer'd to live prove the Viper of the Common-wealth But this may be easily passed by since that they are indeed the greatest actions that must expect Censure But it must in the mean time denote a strange transcendency of courage and confidence to think to conquer that people who had conquer'd the Vniverse it must be the effect of an ambition more then humane for this is commonly fetter'd to probabilities The Emperour Iulian though he hath made it his businesse to satyrize against his predecessors yet having to do with Caesar he by a strange fiction discovers the greatnesse of his designations Caesar sayes he a person of a gallant and gracefull presence being entered the place where Romulus was to entertain the Gods and Roman Emperours at the Saturnalian feasts came in with such an insolent deportment that the Gods were of opinion he was not come thither unlesse it were to manage some ambitious plots against the Majesty of Heaven whereof Iupiter being very jealous he was thrust by till at last Mars and Venus made him place The ingenuity of this Satyrist amounts onely to thus much to paint ever that great Vertue that great indulgence of Nature and Fortune in the colours of an insatiable ambition which had not this Censor been excessively guilty of might have prov'd somewhat But the endowments of Nature the constant presence of Fortune and the surprizing Glory consequentiall to his Actions were the Genius's that rais'd him to such high adventures as the sudden change of the Democraticall State of Rome into a Monarchicall to pretend a title to the great acquests of a valorous people for 700. yeares and to assume to himself an Empire far greater then the Assyrian Persian or Macedonian both in extent of time greatnesse and power For not to descend to the acquisitions of the later Emperours we shall onely take a view of the Roman Empire as it stood before Caesar seiz'd the raines of Government In Europe they were Masters of all Italy and Gallia Cisalphina or Lombardy Austria and Illiricum now call'd Slavonia reaching as farre as Danubius They had reduc'd all Greece the States of Athens Lacedemonia Thebes Corinth and all Peloponesus now call'd Morea Macedon and Epire now call'd Albania and Thrace They had the Islands of Sicily Sardynia Creeta Candia Cypres Rhodes and Negrepont and divers others in the Mediterranean Sea They had taken in all Spain and which was Caesar's own work all France that part of Germany lying on the Rhine call'd Gallia Belgica and great Britain They were Masters of all Africk the third part of the world then even to pull down the pride of Carthage The best Provinces of Asia were Tributaries as Syria Phoenicia Palestina Iudaea Phrygia Caria Cilicia and Bithynia Aegypt and Cappadocia were confederates In Armenia and Colchos they had forces Albania Iberia and some other Countries paid Contributions and did homage In fine they were so great that they were unconquerable unlesse by their own strength that so they might have this satisfaction and glory in their conquest that they triumph'd over themselves It is easy to attribute to ambition and discord what is the design of Fate Greatnesse must expect a period and to be successefull presumes a happy conjuncture of men and affaires Some differences there were between Caesar and Pompey the most eminent and the most powerfull in Rome rak'd up in the embers of the civile warre between Sylla and Marius wherein the later being slain the other made himself Dictator and seiz'd Rome but quitted both before his death Pompey had sided with Sylla Caesar with Marius as being his Kinsman But to ascend a little higher in these Broiles we are to note that Sylla having dispower'd himself Pompey and Crassus came into repute The later was the more recommended by his wisdome eloquence Nobility and excessive riches the other had gain'd the popular esteem by his Victories and great actions in warre even in Sylla's time While the differences of these two encreas'd with their greatnesse Caesar returns to Rome from his Praetorship in Spain bringing that reputation with him that swell'd the greatnesse and ambition of his thoughts He had gone through most charges Civile and Military he had been Quaestor Tribune of the Souldiers Aedile High-priest and Praetor All which with other accomplishments he was furnish'd with which we shall mention elsewhere though they brought him into much esteem yet was he not yet arriv'd to near the Authority and reputation of either Crassus or Pompey Caesar though he were come to Rome yet stifled all thoughts of aspiring for a while so that both Crassus and Pompey apply'd themselves to him hoping by his accession to ruine one the other But Caesar declin'd both and carried himself with circumspection that he endeavour'd to reconcile them so hoping by his new trality to undermine them both which was as Plutarch sayes observ'd onely by Cato At length he so order'd things that he made an agreement between them and so oblig'd both which caus'd that retaining some jealousies of each other they equally courted Caesar's friendship by which means he became equall to either so that the power which before was between two became now tripartite Things being thus appeas'd Caesar demands the
I have noted in my former discourses the causes of an unpeaceable government are as well externall and forreign as internall and bred in the body which need the help of a Physician to continue the body in a perfect state of health require as great a diligence to qualify their malicious operations as any internall sicknesse whatsoever In the second Commentary I briefly touched the commodity of good discovery but because it is a matter of great consequence in the fortunate carriage of a war I will once again by this example of Caesar remember a Generall not to be negligent in this duty Suetonius in the life of our Caesar reporteth that he never undertook any expedition but he first received true intelligence of the particular site and nature of the Country as also of the manners and quality of the people and that he would not undertake the voyage into Britany untill he had made perfect discovery by himself of the magnitude and situation of the Island Which Suetonius might understand by this first voyage which Caesar would needs undertake in the later end of a Summer although it were as he himself saith but to discover It is recorded by ancient Writers that those demi-gods that governed the world in their time gave great honour to the exercise of hunting as the perfect image of war in the resemblance of all parts and namely in the discovery and knowledge of a Country without which all enterprises either of sport in hunting or earnest in wars were frivolous and of no effect And therefore Xenophon in the life of Cyrus sheweth that his expedition against the King of Armenia was nothing but a repetition of such sports as he had used in hunting Howsoever if the infinite examples registred in history how by the dexterity of some Leaders it hath gained great victories and through the negligence of others irrecoverable overthrows are not sufficient motives to perswade them to this duty let their own experience in matters of small moment manifest the weaknesse of their proceedings when they are ignorant of the chiefest circumstances of the matter they have in hand But let this suffice in the second place to prove the necessity of good discovery and let us learn of Caesar what is principally to be inquired after in the discovery of an unknown country as first the quantity of the land secondly what Nations inhabite it thirdly their use of war fourthly their civile government and lastly what Havens they have to receive a Navy of great shipping All which circumstances are such principall Arteries in the body of a State that the discovery of any one of these demands would have given great light concerning the motion of the whole body CHAP. IX Caesar sendeth C. Volusenus to discover the coast of Britanie and prepareth himself for that voyage CAesar sent out Caius Volusenus with a Galley to discover what he could concerning these things with charge that having made perfect discovery he should return again unto him as speedily as might be he himself marching in the mean time with all his forces unto the Morini forasmuch as from thence lay the shortest cut into Britanie Thither he commanded that ships should be brought from all the maritime Cities of that quarter and namely that fleet which he had built the year before for the war at Vannes In the mean time his resolution being known and carried into Britanie by Merchants and others many private States of that Island sent Embassadours unto him promising him hostages of their loyalty and signifying their readinesse to submit themselves to the Roman Empire To these he made liberall promises exhorting them to continue in that obedience and so sent them back again And with them he sent Comius whom he had made King of Arras whose wisdome and vertue he held in good account and whom he took to be faithfull to him and of great authority in those Regions To him he gave in charge to go to as many of the States as he could and perswade them to accept of the friendship of the Roman Empire and acquaint them that Caesar himself would presently follow after Volusenus having taken what view of the Countrey he could for he durst not go on shore to commit himself to the barbarisme of the enemy after five dayes returned to Caesar and related unto him all that he had discovered Whilst Caesar stayed in those parts for the furnishing of his fleet the Morini sent messengers unto him excusing themselves for their former faults that being a rude and barbarous people and altogether unacquainted with our customes they had made war against the people of Rome and withall manifesting their readinesse to obey his commands Caesar not willing to leave any enemy behind him or to engage in a new war at this time of the year or to neglect his voyage into Britanie for such small matters willingly accepted of their submission having first received many hostages of them and having made ready eighty ships of burthen which he thought sufficient to transport two legions he divided the Gallies to the Questor the Legates and the Commanders of the horse There were also eighteen ships of burthen more which lay wind-bound at a Port eight miles off and them he appointed for the horsemen The rest of the Army he committed to Q. Titurius Sabinus and Luc. Aurunculcius Cotta commanding them to go to the confines of the Menapii into those parts of the Morini who had sent no Embassadours to him and appointed P. Sulp. Rufus a Legate to keep the Port with a sufficient garrison CHAP. X. Caesar faileth into Britanie and landeth his men THese things being thus dâ—spatched having a good wind in the third watch he put out to Sea commanding his horsemen to â—mbark themselves at the further Port and follow him which was but slowly performed He himself arrived upon the coast about the fourth hour of the day where he found all the Clifts possessed with the forces of the enemy The nature of the place was such that the hils lay so steep over the sea that a weapon might easily be cast from the higher ground upon the lower shore and therefore he thought it no fit landing-place notwithstanding he cast anchour untill the rest of the Navy were come up unto him In the mean time calling a Councell of the Legates and Tribunes he declared unto them what advertisements he had received by Volusenus and told them what he would have done and withall admonished them that the course of Military affairs and especially Sea matters that had so sudden and unconstant a motion required all things to be done at a beck and in due time The Councell being dismissed having both wind and tide with him he weighed anchours and sailed eight miles from that place unto a plain and open shore The Britains perceiving the Romans determinations sent their horse and chariots which they commonly use in war before the rest of their
Caesar's souldiers with Ladders got upon the wall but being admonished by them of Brundusium to take heed of the blind dâ—tch they stood still At last they were brought a great compasse about and so came to the Haven and with skiffes and boates seized two ships with souldiers which stuck by chance upon the Mounts which Caesar had made OBSERVATIONS FOrasmuch as this manner of Pompey's departure from Brundusium and the sleight he used to imbark himself and his Armie without danger of Caesar's entering the town is commended for one of the best stratagems of warre that ever he used let us a little consider the parts thereof which present themselves of two sorts the one consisting of the works he made to hinder and retard Caesar's entrance if happily he should have knowledge of his departure and the other in the cleanly conveighance of his men aboard without noise or tumult and the semblance he made of keeping the town by continuing watch upon the walls to the end there might be no knowledge taken thereof The works were of three sorts For first he â—ured and stopped up the ends and entrances of streets and lanes which might give accesse to a pursuing enemy And to that end also he sunk ditches or trenches crosse the waies and passages which he stuck full of sharp stakes and galthrops and covered them with light and thin hurdles that the Enemie might not espy them And thirdly hedged in the waies leading to the Port with a strong Palisado of huge sharp piles And so used both the Lions and the Foxes skin to avoid the danger which might have fallen upon him if Caesar happily had found means to attach them as they were incumbered in getting to their ships and disposing themselves to flie away Which being an occasion that might have given him great advantage was in this manner carefully prevented by Pompey Howbeit this his quitting Brundusium is censured but for a faultie resolution handsomely carried for Cicero doth much blame him for abandoning Italie calling it a Themistoclean policie to perswade his partie to forsake their Countrey and to leave the best of their pleasures and the weakest of each sexe to such miserie and desolation as moved pittie in those that considered but the condition of the dogges and brute beasts as it fell out at Athens when Themistocles perswaded the Athenians to leave their town and Countrey and betake themselves wholly to sea to fight against Xerxes CHAP. XI Caesar dispatcheth forces into Sardinia and Sicilie Cato's endeavour to keep Sicily for Pompey ALbeit Caesar well knew that it much imported a speedy end of the business to get ships and passe the Seas after Pompey before he could joyn himself with the forces of the transmarine parts yet doubting the lets and the long time before it could be effected for that Pompey had taken with him all the shipping he could get and thereby left him for the present no means to follow after it remained that he attended shipping to be brought from remote parts as out of Gallia from Ancona and the Streights which at that time of the year would require a long and troublesome passage In the mean time he thought it no way fit that Pompey's old Army and the two Provinces of Spain should be settled and assured one of them being deeply ingaged to Pompey for many great and ample benefits or that they should have time to raise new troups especially of horse or that Gallia or Italie should be solicited or wrought from him in his absence And therefore for the present he resolved to desist from making any further pursute after Pompey and to go into Spain giving order to the Duumviri of all the Municipall towns to provide shipping and send it to Brundusium He sent Valerius a Legate into Sardinia with one legion and Curio the Propraetor into Sicily with three legions commanding him after he had possessed Sicily to transport his Army into Africa Marcus Cotta governed Sardinia and M. Cato Sicily Tubero should by lot have held Africa The Caralitani understanding that Valerius was to be sent unto them before he had left Italy of their own accord thrust Cotta out of the town Cotta amused thereat and perceiving withall that the whole Province gave consent unto it fled presently out of Sardinia into Africa Cato prepared and new trimmed the Gallies in Sicily giving order to the towns to build new and prosecuted his direction with great diligence Moreover by his Legats he mustered and inrolled Citizens of Rome in Lucania and Brutia requiring rateable numbers of horse and foot from the towns in Sicilie Which things being almost accomplished understanding of Curio his coming he complained in publick how he was abandoned and betraied by Pompey who without any providence or preparation had ingaged himself in an unnecessary warre and yet being demanded by himself and the rest in the Senate answered confidently that he was provided of all necessaries fit for warre And after he had thus publickly complained he fled out of the Province By which means Valerius found Sardinia and Curio Sicily void of government and thither brought their Armies Tubero arriving in Africa found Actius Varus commanding the Province who as we have formerly shewed having lost his cohorts at Auximum fled forthwith into Africa and of his own authority possessed himself of the Province which he found without a Governour He got together by new inrolements two compleat legions which he raised by his knowledge and experience of the people of that Country by reason he had governed that Province as Praetor some few years before Tubero arriving with his fleet at Utica was by Varus kept out of the town and the Haven neither would he suffer him to set his son ashore which was sick but compelled him to weigh Anchour and depart THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Chapter maketh the first period of this Warre as it is taken from the beginning of these Civill Broiles unto Pompey's forsaking Italie which was begun and ended in the space of 60 daies and also openeth the gate to second resolutions which are prosecuted as the sequele of the Historie will manifest Containing likewise the reasons why Caesar made not present pursute after Pompey as the hinges of the succeeding War and the true causes of the consequents of the same In the consideration whereof albeit Caesar understood the advantage of him that prosecuteth a receding enemie and the hopes which might be thereby conceived of a speedy end of that warre yet having no ready means to accomplish his desire he thought it better to prevent such inconveniences as might happily have fallen out upon the same and so to keep his partie in a progresse of their active thoughts by clearing and assuring that Western part of the Empire which Pompey had left unto him by his departure rather then to leave an enemie on his back or to admit a cooling and languishment of their resolutions through
the next year and that the rather because his adversaries proudly made their brag that L. Lentulus and C. Marcellus were created Consuls to deprive Caesar of all honour and authority and that the Consulship was wrested from Sergius Galba though he had more voices on his side because he was a familiar friend of Caesars and had been engaged unto him as his Legate Caesar at his coming among the municipall towns was entertained with extraordinary affection and respect that being his first coming from the warres in Gallia Nothing was omitted that could be devised for the decking and adorning of their gates wayes and places where Caesar should passe All the people came forth with their children to meet him by the way sacrifices were every where offered the temples and market-places were hanged with clothes of tapestrie so that a man would have thought by the expressions of joy there had been some great triumph expected and provided for So great costlinesse was among the richer sort and such hearty expression among the meaner sort When Caesar had lightly passed through all the countreys of Gallia Togata he returned with all speed to his army at Nemetocenna and calling all his legions out of their winter-quarters into the countrey of the Treviri he went thither and there mustered them T. Labienus he made governour of Gallia Togata thereby to get himself the more favour and furtherance in his suit for the Consulship He himself removed from one place to another according as he found it necessary for health And albeit he heard oftentimes that Labienus was solicited strongly by his enemies and was also advertised how it was carried on by a small faction at Rome to take away part of his army from him by a decree of the Senate yet notwithstanding he neither gave credit to any thing that was reported of Labienus nor would be drawn to do any thing contrary to the authority of the Senate For he believed that if the Senatours might give their voices freely he should easily obtain his purpose For C. Curio Tribune of the people who had taken upon him the defence of Caesar's cause and dignity had oftentimes propounded to the Senate that if the fear of Caesar's army prejudiced any man and seeing that the authority and power of Pompey did not a little keep the Courts in aw that both of them might lay down their arms and dismisse their armies and so should the City be at liberty to use her own right as she pleased This he not only propounded but began to divide the Senat about it which the Consuls and the friends of Pompey commanded should not be done and so ruling the matter as they listed they departed This was a great testimony of the whole Senate and agreeable to their former act For Marcellus the year before opposing Caesar's dignity contrary to the law of Pompey and Crassus and having put up a bill to the Senate for the discharge of Caesar before the time of his commission was expired when they had given their voices Marcellus who sought all his honour by working spight against Caesar departed aside and the Senate fell all of them quite upon other matters This did not at all daunt the spirits of Caesar's enemies but rather stirred them up to strengthen their party and thereby to compell the Senate to approve of that which they had determined Hereupon a decree was made that Cneius Pompeius should send one legion and Caesar another to the warre against the Parthians But it was easily discerned that both these legions were taken from Caesar For the first legion which Cneius Pompeius had sent unto Caesar levied in the Province he gave unto Caesar as one of his own number Neverthelesse albeit that no man need doubt but that Caesar was spoiled at the pleasure of his enemies yet he sent Pompey his legion again and of his own forces he ordered the fifteenth legion which he had in the hither Gallia to be delivered to him according to the decree of the Senate In the room whereof he sent the thirteenth legion into Italy to ly in garrison in the same place from whence the fifteenth was drawn Then he distributed his army into winter-quarters C. Trebonius with four legions he placed in Belgium C. Fabius with as many amongst the Hedui For this he thought would be the best way to keep Gallia in most safety and quiet if the Belgae who were the most valourous and the Hedui who were of most authority had forces quartered among them to keep them in obedience This done he took his journey into Italy When he came thither he understood that the two legions which he had dismissed which by the decree of the Senate should have been employed in the Parthian warre were by C. Marcellus the Consul delivered to Pompey and kept still in Italy Although by this dealing it was evident to all the world what was intended against Caesar yet Caesar determined to take all things patiently as long as he had any hope left to decide the controversy rather by the law then by the sword OBSERVATIONS UPON THE EIGHTH COMMENTARY OF THE VVARRES IN GALLIA SOme attribute the so frequent revolts of the Galles to their changeable and impatient humour which cannot endure to be lorded over by strangers and others to the too great clemency of Caesar I grant that clemency apt to pardon emboldens to revolt for that we easily forget all benefits which do not intirely establish our liberty but if cruelty causeth them lesse frequent yet it renders them more dangerous for that when despair driveth men thereunto and that the hope of safety resteth onely in voctory the revolted become all valiant obstinate constant and faithfull to the end which never falleth out where there is hope of the enemies clemency We have here plentifull examples thereof Caesar in the greater part of the revolts of the Galles hath often found great facilities to reduce them to his obedience by reason of his clemency which hath been a powerfull means for him to make divisions amongst themselves and to prevent obstinacy in their revolts and if sometimes it hath so happened that he hath used severity it hath been occasioned by fowl and unworthy acts as when the Veneti under publick faith imprisoned the Roman officers which came to them to buy corn for the sustenance of the army But I cannot excuse that of Uxellodunum On the contrary the cruelties of the King of Spain executed by the Duke of Alva drove poor fishermen so into despair that they have shaken off his insupportable yoke and with an admirable constancy have maintained and enriched themselves and are grown so potent as that they are able to resist him by land and by sea take from him his treasure in the Indies Caesar sheweth us also by his care and industry to get intelligence of the enemies proceedings whether by taking prisoners in the field or by having good spies the advantage which may be made thereof many
so surpriz'd Pompey that he could not believe Caesar would thrust himself into so much danger or that his forces were so considerable But though Pompey was impower'd by the Senate to levy forces recall the Legions and provide for the defence of Italy yet all could make nothing against Caesar The rumour of his advance spreading Pompey and the Senate leave Rome and repair to Capua from thence to Brundusium from whence the Consuls were dispatch'd to Dyrrachium to unite what forces they could since they despair'd of resisting Caesar in Italy who hearing the Consuls and Pompey were at Brundusium march'd thither and having invested the Town Pompey in the night time embarques for Dyrrhachium where the Consul expected him so that Caesar became absolute Master of Italy Having not shipping to pursue him he resolv'd for Spain which held for Pompey where his best Legions were and two Captains Petreius and Afranius Returning from Brundusium he in 60. dayes master'd all Italy without any bloudshed and coming to Rome the memory of the devastations of Sylla's dayes frightned the people extreamly But Caesar's clemency and his attributing the cause of all the distractions to Pompey quieted all things He so far justifi'd his own Cause that he mov'd that Ambassadors might be sent to Pompey for peace and causing himself to be chosen Consul he opened the Roman Treasury and made a divided of it among the Souldiery This done he provides for Spain having taken care for the civile as well as military government Brundusium Otranto and other maritime places he fortifies against Pompey's entring into Italy in case he should attempt it Hortensius and Dolabella were to provide shipping for him at Brundusium against his return Quintus Valerius he sends with a Legion into Sardinia against Marcus Cotta who held it for Pompey To Sicily he sends Curius against Marcus Cato which when he had taken in he was to march into Africk He leaves Lepidus to govern at Rome and Antonius for all Italy Thus intending to leave Licinius Crassus in France he with his wonted celerity went on his journey meeting with no resistance but at Marseilles which leaving D. Brutus and C. Trebonius with sufficient forces to besiege he went forward towards Spain where he was expected by Petreius and Afranius with whom though he met with the inconveniences of the Winter and high Rivers he had divers skirmishes yet at length he carried his businesse so that the enemies were forc'd by hunger to a composition the Legions and Captains such as would not remaine with Caesar having leave to depart whither they pleas'd The spring now coming on to leave nothing unsubdu'd he marches into Baetica now called Andaluzia where quarter'd Marcus Varro with one Legion of Souldiers as Pompey's Lieutenant who conceiving himself unable to make opposition resign'd both the Country and Legion to Caesar whereby all was quieted Thence he marched to Cordova where assembling the estates of the Provinces he acknowledg'd their affection and devoirs and so went to Cales where he took such ships and Gallies as Marcus Varro had there with what others he could get and embarqued Having left Q. Cassius which four Legions in that Province he marches to Narbona and so to Marseilles which having suffer'd great miseries during the siege at length surrendred yet he protected it from any violence preferring the consideration of the antiquity of the place before the affronts he had receiv'd from it and so having sufficiently garrison'd it he marches into Italy and so to Rome all things succeeding Prosperously to him though not so to his Captains For Antonius who was joint Generall at sea with Dolabella was over thrown and taken Prisoner by Pompey's Lieutenant in the gulfe Venice and that by a strange stratagem Antonius being forc'd for want of ships to put his men into long boates the Pompeians ty'd ropes under the water by which means one of them which carried a thousand Opitergins stout young men was surpriz'd and assaulted by the whole Army yet making resistance from morning till night they at last seeing all their forts ineffectuall did by the instigation of their Commander Vulteius kill one another Dolabella was also overcome as also Curius who was ordered to go into Africa was overthrown by Pompey's friend Iuba King of Mauritania While Caesar was at Rome busy in causing himself to be made Dictator and then putting off that Consull that so he might send Praetors into the Provinces as Marcus Lepidus into Spain A. Albinus into Sicily Sextus Peduceius into Sardinia and Decius Brutus into France and taking such further order as he thought fit Pompey was as busy in Macedonia raising of men and mony and providing ships in order to his return into Italy What his forces might amount unto may be judg'd from the almost infinite assistances came in to him from divers Kingdomes and Provinces of Asia and Greece from Syria Pontus Bithynia Cilicia Phoenicia Cappadocia Pamphilia Armenia the lesse Aegypt Greece Thessaly Boeotia Achaia Epire Athens Lacedaemonia the Isles of Creta and Rhodes and divers other places there coming to his assistance in person the Kings Deiotarus and Ariobarzanes These certainly with those he had brought with him out of Italy must needs make up a vast Army by land nor could the number of ships and Gallyes but be proportionable However Caesar knowing all this leaves Rome in December and so marches to Brundusium whence he was to embarque for Macedonia out of this consideration that his Victory consisted in expedition though Pompey in the mean time upon intelligence of Caesar's being at Rome had scattered his people into Macedonia and Thessaly conceiving the inconveniences of the winter would have deferr'd him from crossing the Seas But Caesar being come to Brundusium now call'd Brindez he embarques seven Legions of his choicest men in the beginning of Ianuary leaving order to those that were coming to make hast and joine with those which remained behind all whom he would speedily send for Three dayes after he arrives upon the coast of Macedonia before Pompey had so much as heard of his embarquing and lands in Spite of Pompeys Captains and presently commands the ships to returne for the remainder of his Army which done he takes it by storm Apollonia now call'd Bellona and Oricum two Cities kept by L. Torquatus and L. Straberius for Pompey who alarm'd by this sends for such troups as were nearest and marches to Dyrrachium where all his Ammunition and Provision lay to secure it from being surpriz'd by Caesar which indeed he had attempted but by reason of the naturall strength of the place to no purpose Pompey being come both Armies lodg'd not many furlongs from one another onely they were divided by a River Which post as it gave occasion of divers skirmishes so it begat many overtures of Peace from Caesar which Pompey presuming upon his strength would not hear of This proposition of Caesar's though it proceeded from his meeknesse which was not the
reduction of Africk wherein was placed Iuba's Son as a captive As for the Battel against Pompey Caesar would not triumph for it because it was against Roman Citizens These triumphs ended and great rewards scatter'd among the Souldiery who had been assistant in so great Transactions the People being also entertained with feasts sports and presents Caesar is chosen the fourth time Consul But there yet remain'd some sword-work to do for Gneius Pompeius Great Pompey's Son had got together most of the remainder of the African Army and was gone into Spain to joyn with his Brother Sextus who as was hinted before was there and had possess'd himself of a great part of Spain with the Cities of Sevill and Cordova the Spaniards being ready enough to come in to their assistance Caesar takes with him his most experienc'd veterane Souldiers and with extraordinary speed arrives in Spain within a few dayes being accompany'd with his Nephew Octavius who was about sixteen years of Age. Being come into Baetica now Andaluzia where the two Pompeys were with such Legions as they had got together he soon began a hot and bloudy war whereof to be short the issue was this Caesar and Gneius Sextus being in Cordova near Munda join battell which proves the sharpest and most obstinate that ever was It lasted almost a whole day and that with such indifference as to point of Victory that it was adjudg'd sometimes to one side sometimes to another Suetonius and Eutropius tell us that Caesar one time upon his mens giving ground was in such a plunge that he was almost resolv'd to have kill'd himself so to have avoided the shame and dishonour of being conquer'd and that in that heat of indignation and despair he snatched a Target from one of his Souldiers saying with a loud voice as Plutarch relates If you are not asham'd leave me or deliver me into the hands of these Boyes for this shall be the last day of my life and your honour With which words the Souldiers being animated and heighten'd by his example regain their lost ground turn by degrees the scales of the Battell and towards the evening the enemy fainting and flying become apparent Victors The Enemy lost in this field 30000. men Caesar beside the common Souldiery 1000. all persons of quality This did Caesar account the most glorious of all his Victories the commemoration of hazzards and suffering being to some the greatest satisfaction conceiveable for he would often say afterwards that at other times he fought for Fame and Victory but that that day he fought for his Life which he had never fought for before Pompey who had performed all that a wise and stout captain could persecuted by a malicious fortune and seeing there was no other remedy escaped by flight but being hopelesse and refugelesse he was at last surpriz'd by some of Caesar's friends kill'd and his head brought to him which was also the fate of Labienus Sextus upon this quits Cordova and shortly after Spain leaving all to Caesar who in a short time reduc'd and settled the whole Country Which done he returns to Rome and triumphs for the warres of Spain which was his fifth and last triumph Having thus conquer'd the greatest part of the world and by consequence gain'd the reputation of the most famous and most powerfull man in it it was at least a pardonable ambition if he thought no title name or dignity too great for him It requires some faith to believe that such vast bodies as Roman Armies consisting of many Legions could at an ordinary rate march through so many Countries and crosse so many Seas had they had no enemy to engage but to conquer them transcends it and must be attributed to Miracle for within lesse then five yeares through infinite conquests and Victories he consummated the Roman Monarchy making himself perpetuall Dictator Sovereign Lord or Emperour Which later title though it had not that height of signification which his Successors have rais'd it to yet was it the greatest attribution of honour which that or after-Ages have acknowledg'd But if his thoughts were so high and his ambition so exorbitant as to deserve a severe Censure certainly it may prove so much the more excuseable by how much it was enflam'd by the generall acclamations and acknowledgments For both the Senate and peole of Rome some out of feare some out of affection some out of dissimulation were forward enough to invent those appellations of honour and preeminence and afterwards to elevate them to the height of his ambitious mind Hence was he call'd Emperour Father Restorer and Preserver of his Country hence created perpetuall Dictator and Consul for ten yeares and perpetuall Censor of their Customes his Statue erected among the Kings of Rome hence he had his thrones and chaires of state in the Theatre and Temples which as also all publick places were filled with his pictures and images Nay their adoration ascended to that point that from these humane honours they attributed to him divine finding marble little enough for Temples and Statues for him which were dedicated to him with the same veneration as to their Gods and metall little enough to represent his high and almost incredible adventures But all the power and command of so many nations as he had conquer'd was inconsiderable as to the extent of his mind whereby we may see what small acquaintance there is between Ambition and Acquiescence It was not sufficient to have been personally engag'd in fifty signall Battels and to have lay'd with their Bellies to the Sun a million ninety and odd thousand men abating all those that fell in the Civile warres but there yet remains something to do greater then all this The fierce Parthians break his sleep they are yet unconquer'd which once done t' were easy like lightning to passe through Hyrcania and other Countries to the Caspian Sea and so scoure the Provinces of Scythia Asiatica and so passing over the River Tanais to come into Europe and bring in Germany and the bordering Provinces under the wings of the Roman Eagle In order to this expedition had he in sundry places raised 10000. horse and 16. Legions of choice foot but another greater power thought fit he should leave some work for his successours Nay some things he aim'd at beyond Man's attempt correcting even nature it self As that design of making Peloponnesus an Island by cutting of that neck of Land which is between the Aegeaan and Ionian Seas He thought to have altered the courses of the Rivers Tiber and Aâ—ien and made them navigable for ships of the greatest burthen He had begun to levell diverse hills and mountains in Italy and to dry up Lakes and Fenns He re-edified and re-peopled the once famous Carthage and Corinth These and many other things he had done without doubt had not an unexpected and barbarous death surpriz'd him in the midst of his designations Which because it is the tragicall part of this Relation we
begun and ended both in a summer the first between Caesar and the Helvetii the second between him and Arâ—ovistus king of the Germans The history of the Helvetians may be reduced to three principall heads under the first are the reasons that moved the Helvetians to entertain so desperate an expedition and the preparation which they made for the same The second containeth their defeat by Caesar and the third their return into their Country That of Ariovistus divideth it self into two parts the first giveth the causes that induced Caesar to undertake that war the second intreateth of the war it self and particularly describeth Ariovistus overthrow CHAP. I. Gallia described the Helvetians dislike their native seat and propound to themselves larger territories in the Continent of Gallia Orgetorix seedeth this humour for his own advantage GAllia is all divided into three parts whereof the Belges do inhabite one the Aquitanes another and those which they call Celtes and we Galles a third all these do differ each from others in manners language and in laws â—he river Garun doth seperate the Galles from the Aquitans and Marne and Seine do bound them from the Belges Of these the Belges are most warlike as furthest off the civility and politure of the Province and lesse frequented with Merchants or acquainted with such things as are by them imported to effeminate mens minds as likewise being sited next to the Germans beyond the Rhene with whom they have continuall wars For which cause also the Helvetians do excell the rest of the Galles in deeds of Arms being in daily conflicts with the Germans for defence of their own territories or by invading theirs The part inhabited by the Galles beginneth at the river Rhone and is bounded with Garun the Ocean and the confines of the Belges and reaching also to the Rhene as a Limit from the Sequans and Helvetians it stretched northward The Belges take their beginning at the extreme confines of Gallia and inhabit the Country which lieth along the lower part of the Rhene trindling to the North and to the East Aquitania spreadeth it self between the river Garun and the Pyrenean hils and butteth upon the Spanish Ocean between the West and the North. Amongst the Helvetians Orgetorix did far exceed all others both for noble descent and store of treasure and when M. Messala and M. Piso were Consuls being stirred up with the desire of a kingdome he moved the Nobility to a commotion perswading the State to go out of their confines with their whole power as an easy matter for them that excelled all other in valour and prowesse to seize upon the Empire of all Gallia To which he did the rather perswade them for that the Helvetians were on every side shut up by the strength and nature of the place wherein they dwelt on the one side with the depth and breadth of the river Rhene which divideth their Country from the Germans on the other side with the high ridge of the hill Jura which runneth between them and the Sequans on the third part they were flanked with the lake â— Lemanus and the river Rhone parting their territories from our Province Hence it happened that being thus straightned they could not easily enlarge themselves or make war upon the bordering Countryes and thereupon being men wholly bent to Arms and war were much grieved as having too little elbow-room for their multitude of people and the renown they had got of their Valour their whole country containing but 240 miles in length and 180 in breadth Spurred on with these inducements and moved specially with the authority of Orgetorix they resolved to make provision of such things as were requisite for their expedition bought great numbers of Carrs horses for carriages sowed much tillage that they might have plenty of Corn in their journey made peace and amity with the confining Countryes For the perfecting and supply of which things they took two yeares to be sufficient and in the third enacted their setting forward by a solemn Law assigning Orgetorix to give order for that which remained THE FIRST OBSERVATION HE that will examine this expedition of the Helvetians by the transmigrations and flittings of other Nations shall find some unexampled particularities in the course of their proceeding for first it hath never been heard that any people uâ—terly abandoned that Country which Nature or providence had allotted them unlesse they were dâ—iven thereunto by a generall calamity as the infection of the aire the cruelty and oppression of a neighbour nation as were the Suevians who thought it great honour to suffer no man to border upon their confines or some other universall which made the place inhabitable and the people willing to undertake a voluntary exile But oftentimes we read that when the inhabitants of a Country were so multiplied that the place was over-charged with multitudes of off-spring and like a poor father had more children then it was able to sustaine the abounding surplus was sent out to seek new fortunes in forraine Countries and to possesse themselves of a resting seat which might recompense the wants of their native Country with a plenteous revenue of necessary supplements And in this sort we read that Rome sent out many Colonies into divers parts of her Empire And in this manner the antient Galles disourdened themselves of their superfluity and sent them into Asia The Gothes came from the Islands of the Baltick sea and in Sulla his time swarmed over Germany besides many other Nations whose transmigrations are particularly described by Lazius But amongst all these we find none that so forsook their Country but there remained some behind to inhabite the same from whence as from a fountain succeeding ages might derive the stream of that over-flowing multitude and by them take notice of the causes which moved them unto it For their manner was in all such expeditions and sending out of Colonies to divide themselves into two or three parts equall both in equality and number for after they had parted their common people into even companies they divided their Nobility with as great equality as they could among the former partitions and then casting lots that part which went out to seek new adventures left their lands and possessions to the rest that remained at home and so by industry they supplied that defect which continuance of time had drawn upon them And this was the meanes which the first inhabitants of the earth found out after the floud to people the uninhabited places and to keep oft the inconveniences of scarcitie and famine THE SECOND OBSERVATION HE that would prognosticate by the course of these severall proceedings whether of the two betokened better successe hath greater reason to foretell happinesse to these which I last spake of then to the Helvetians unlesse their valour were the greater and quitted all difficulties which hatred and envy would cast upon them for an action which savoureth of necessity
a Maniple was either a Hand or a Dragon a Wolf or a Sphinx as it appeareth besides the testimony of history by the Column of Trajan in Rome wherein the Ensignes are figured with such pourtraitures so that these Ensignes resembling the proportions of living creatures had their fore-parts alwayes carried that way which the legious were to march or where they were to fight And therefore in this history by the aspect and carrying of the Ensignes the front of the Army was commonly noted as in this place it is said that the Ensignes of the first and second battel were carried towards the hill whither the Helvetians had made their retreat and the Ensignes of the third battel looked another way towards the Boii and Tulingi which stood on the foot of the hill By which is signified how the legions were divided to resist the brunt of the double incounter THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the time of the day we are to understand that the Romans used not the same division of the day as we commonly do for they divided their artificiall which is the space between sun-rising and setting into twelve equall parts which the Astronomers called unequall or planetary houres The first houre of the day began alwayes at sun-rising the sixth houre was alwayes high noon and the twelfth houre was sun-setting And as the day waxed longer or shorter so these houres were either greater or lesse neither did they agree with equall or equinoctiall houres such as are now used but only at the Aequinoctium so that by this manner of reckoning Ab hora septima ad vesperum is meant the battel began about one of the clock according to our Computation and continued untill the evening The like we must understand throughout this whole history as often as there is mention made of the circumstance of time Chap. X. The Helvetians continue their fight at the carriages but at length they leave the field and march towards Langres IN like manner the fight was kept on foot at the carriages untill it was far in the night the place being fortified with Carts instead of a Rampier and the Enemy casting their weapons from the upper ground and with Darts and Javelins under the waggons and from between the wheeles did wound and gall many of our men After a long conflict our souldiers took their carriages and their Camp wherein Orgetorix daughter and one of his sons were taken There were saved out of that battel about one hundred and thirty thousand persons who marching continually all that night and making no stay in any place came the fourth day into the confines of the Lingones for by reason of the souldiers hurts and the buriall of the slain wherein there was spent three dayes there was no pursuit made after them OBSERVATION IF we consider the nature of the action and look into the true cause of their overthrow as far as the right sense of the history shall direct our judgement we shall find valour not to be wanting in the Helvetians but rather superlatively abounding in the Romans For that vehement opinion of their valiancy and manhood which carried them out of the starits of the Country to seek larger fortunes in other kingdoms was not so abated with the losse of the fourth part of their Host at the river Arar nor with the terrible fury of those veterane legions but it yielded this effect which Caesar in his estimate of valour thought memorable that for five houres space or more there was not one man seen to have turned his back Their manner of imbattelling had not the Romans been the enemy was unresistable For being cast into a Phâ—lanx which in the Plaines of Asia had made Alexander the great and the Macedomans famous they did as farr surpasse any other form of imbattelling supposing that the conveniency of the place did fit that disposition wherein the strength of the whole is divided into many particulars as the violence of a great body exceedeth the force and motion of his parts when it is divided into smaller cantons For as in a phalanx many particular souldiers are by a close and compact order incorporated into one entire body so their severall vertues are gathered into one head and are as parts united into one generall force which easily swalloweth up the ability of many other lesser quantities into which a greater strength is equally divided The advantage of the place which they got by retreat and the double charge wherewith they ingaged the Romans both in front and flank was able in an indifferent conflict to have made Fortune fugitive and bear armes on their side or at the least so to have stâ—â—med the swelling tide of victory which carried the Romans so violently in the chase that they might have been equall shaters in the honour of the day had it not followed from an Ocean of valour whose course could not be hindered with any stops and oppositions untill it came to that height which true valour and unexampled resolution affected And yet the height of this courage could not so allay the heat of the Helvetians fury but it brake forth into dangerous flames when it came to the place where their carriages were laid and cost much bloud and many mens lives before they quitted the place for they fought with that spirit and industry as though they meant to make triall whether their fortune would prove no better in the might then it had done in the day The overthrow of the Tigâ—râ—e Canton at the river Arar proceeded rather from want of good ducâ—tions which is the lesse to be marvelled at considering they had no chief Commander as we read of then from any defect of valour for the rules of Military government 〈◊〉 especiall care in passing over a water for then especially an Army is in greatest danger when it is disordered and divided And therefore the Romans atchieved this victory by the horrible vigilancy as Tully calleth it of their Commandeâ— who alwayes watched opportunitates reâ— bene gerendae as necessary and speedy meanes to overcome in all his wars Chap. XI Caesar after three dayes respite followeth after the Helvetians he taketh them to mercy and sendeth them back again to the Country Caesar sent Letters and Messengers to the Lingones forbidding to supply them either with Cornor any other thing which if they did he would esteem of them as of the Helvetians Himself after three dayes respite follwed after with all his forces The Helvetians pressed with the want of all necessary provisions sent Commissioners unto him to treat of their rendition Who meeting him on the way cast themselves at his feet and with humble words and tears desired Peace Being commanded to attend in the place they then were they accordingly obeyed Caesar being come up unto them required hostages together with their Arms and servants as also the fugitives that were sled unto them While those things were sought out and brought in the
government And therefore Cato nameth it the prerogative of a triumph And Livie in his 26 book saith that it was long disputed on in the Senate how they could deny one that was there present to triumph whose absence they had honoured with supplication and thanksgiving to the gods for things happily effected The manner of the Ceremony was that after the Magistrate had publickly proclaimed it with this form or stile quod bene feliciter rempublicam administrasset that he had happily and succesfully administred the affairs of the common-weal the Roman people clothed in white garments and crowned with garlands went to all the Temples of the gods and there offered sacrifices to gratulate the victory in the name of the Generall In which time they were forbidden all other businesses but that which pertained to this solemnity It seemeth that this time of supplication was at first included within one or two dayes at the most as appeareth by Livie in his third book where he saith that the victory gained by two severall battels was spitefully shut up by the Senate in one dayes supplication the people of their own accord keeping the next day holy and celebrating it with greater devotion then the former Upon the victory which Camillus had against the Veii there were granted four dayes of supplication to which there was afterward a day added which was the usuall time of supplication unto the time that Pompey ended the war which they called Mithridaticum when the usuall time of five dayes was doubled and made ten and in the second of these Commentaries made fifteen and now brought to twenty dayes Which setteth forth the incitements and rewards of well doing which the Romans propounded both at home abroad to such as endeavoured to inlarge their Empire or manage a charge to the benefit of their Commonwealths And thus endeth the fourth Commentary The fifth Commentary of the wars in GALLIA The Argument CAesar causeth a great navy to be built in Gallia he carrieth five legions into Britany where he maketh war with the Britans on both sides the river Thames At his return into Gallia most of the Galles revolt and first the Eburones under the conduction of Ambiorix set upon the Camp of Q. Titurius the Legate whom they circumvent by subtilty and then besiege the Camp of Cicero but are put by and their Army overthrown by Caesar CHAP. I. Caesar returneth into Gallia findeth there great store of shipping made by the souldiers and commandeth it to be brought to the haven Itius LUcius Domitius and Appius Claudius being Consuls Caesar at his going into Italy from his winter-quarters which he yearly did gave order to the Legates to build as many ships that winter as possibly they could to repair the old commanding them to be built of a lower pitch then those which are used in the mediterranean sea for the speedier lading and unlading of them and because the tides in these seas were very great and forasmuch as he was to transport great store of horse he commanded them to be made flatter in the bottome then such as were usuall in other places and all of them to be made for the use of Oares to which purpose their low building served very conveniently Other necessaries and furniture for rigging he gave order to have brought out of Spain Caesar after an assembly of the States in Lombardy went presently into Illyricum where he heard that the Pirustae infested the province by their incursions Assoon as he came thither he levied souldiers and appointed them a rendezvous Which the Pirustae hearing of they sent embassadours presently to him excusing the businesse as not done by publick consent and expressing a readinesse to make any satisfaction that should be demanded Caesar having heard their message appointed them to give hostages and to bring them by such a day or else they must expect notbing but war and ruine to their city Hostages were brought by the appointed time whereupon Caesar deputed certain to arbitrate differences between the cities and to punish as they saw cause for it These things being over he returned forthwith into Lombardy and thence to his army in Gallia THE OBSERVATION THis Itius Portus Floide thinketh to be Callis others take it to be Saint Omer partly in regard of the situation of the place which being in it self very low hath notwithstanding very high banks which incompasse the town about and in times past was a very large haven To this may be added the distance from this town to the next Continent of the Island of Britany which Strabo maketh to contain 320. stadia which agreeth to the French computation of 13. leagues Caesar maketh it thirty miles This is the haven which Pliny calleth Britannicum portum Morinorum CHAP. II. Caesar preventeth new motions amongst the Treviri and goeth to his navy Dumnorix refuseth to accompany him into Britain his flight and death CAesar leaving souldiers enough to do that businesse himself marched with four legions and eight hundred horse into the country of the Treviri in regard they neither came to the assembly of States nor were obedient to his commands and were farther reported to sollicite the Germans beyond the Rhene to new commotions This city was the most powerfull of all Gallia for matter of horse having likewise a great force of foot and lying so conveniently upon the Rhene for assistance wherein there was at thâ—s time a contention betwixt Induciomarus and Cingetorix who should be chief ruler Cingetorix as soon as he heard of the coming of Caesar with his army came in to him assuring him of the fidelity of his party and their constancy to the friendship of the people of Rome discovering withall unto him the present proceedings amongst the Treviri On the contrary Induciomarus gathered together what horse and foot he could resolving upon nothing else then war securing all the old and young folk not fit to bear armes in the wood Arduenna which is a very large wood beginning at the Rhene and running through the middle of the Treviri to the borders of the people of Rheims While things were thus preparing divers of the chief of the city some through the favour they bare to Cingetorix others affrighted at the coming of our army came forth to Caesar and since they could not do it for the whole city they endeavoured to make every man his own peace Induciomarus seeing this and fearing to be left at last alone sent Embassadours to Caesar excusing what he had done in not coming to him which he saâ—d was done onely to keep the city the better in obedience for if all the nobility should have left it the common people would have been apt to have made new troubles that the city was now at his command and if Caesar would give leave he was ready to wait upon him in his camp and to lay the lives and fortunes of himself and the whole city at his feet Caesar albeit he well knew
Mona besides many other smaller Ilands of which some write that in Winter-time for thirty dayes together they have continuall night whereof we learned nothing by inquiry only we found by certain measures of water that the nights in England were shorter then in the Continent The length of this side according to the opinion of the inhabitants containeth seven hundred miles The third side lieth to the North and the open sea saving that this angle doth somewhat point towards Germany This side is thought to contain eight hundred miles And so the whole Island containeth in circuit 2000 miles Of all the inhabitants they of Kent are most courteous and civile all their Country bordering upon the sea and little differing from the fashion of Gallia Most of the in-land people sow no Corn but live with milk and flesh clothed with skins having their faces painted with a blew colour to the end they may seem more terrible in sight they have the hair of their head long having all other parts of their body shaven saving their upper lip Their wives are common to ten or twelve especially brethren with brethren parents with children but the children that are born are put unto them unto whom the mother was first given in marriage OBSERVATION IN the descriptions of the ancient Britans we may first observe their pedegree according to the Heraldry of that time wherein we must understand that in those ages the Nations of the world thought it no small honour to derive their descent from a certain beginning and to make either some of their Gods or some man of famous memory the Father of that progeny and founder of their State that so they might promise a fortunate continuance to their government being first laid and established by so powerfull a means But if this failed they then bragged of antiquity and cast all their glory upon the fertility of their soil being so strong and fruitfull that it yielded of it self such a people as they were And so we read how the Athenians forasmuch as they were ignorant from whence they came ware an Oaken leaf in token that they were bred of the earth where they dwelled And hereupon also grew the controversy between the Egyptians and the Scythians concerning antiquity wherein the Egyptians seemed to have great advantage because of the fertility and heat of of their country whereas the Scythians inhabited a cold climate unfruitfull and an enemy to generation Of this sort were the Britans that inhabited the mediterranean part of the Island who not knowing from whence they came nor who first brought them thither satisfied themselves with that common received opinion that they were born and bred of the earth The sea-coast was possest by such as came out of the Continent and retained the names of the Cities from whence they came as a memoriall of their progenitours The form of the Island is very well described and measured out according to the scale of our modern Geographers For concerning the difference of longitude between the Eastern angle of Kent and the furthest point of Cornewall they make it eight degrees which in a manner jumpeth with Caesars dimensuration The other sides are somewhat longer and therefore Tacitus in the life of Agricola compareth it to a Carpenters Axe making that side which bordereth upon France to resemble the edge and the other two sides to incline by little and little one towards another and so make the Island narrower at the top according to the form of that instrument He setteth down the whole compasse of the Island according to the manner of the ancient Geographers who by the quantity of the circuit did usually judge of the content not considering that the Area of every figure dependeth as well on the quantity of the angle as the length of the side Concerning the temperature of Britany in regard of the cold Winters in France we must understand that Britany hath ever been found of a more temperate constitution in regard of sharp and cold winters then any other country lying under the same parallel Whether the cause thereof may be imputed to the continual motion of the sea about the Island which begetteth heat as some have imagined or to the site thereof in regard of other Continents from whence the wind alwayes riseth carrieth with it the nature of the Country by which it passeth so the Island having no other Continent lying North to it from whence the wind may rise but all for the most part upon the South hath no such cold winds to distemper it as other parts of Germany which are under the same parallel but the Southern wind which is so frequent in Britany tempereth the air with a mild disposition and so keepeth it warm or whether it besome other unknown cause our Philosophers rest unsatisfied But as touching Gallia it may be said that forasmuch as it beareth more to the South then this Iland doth the aire thereof by reason of the continual heat is of a far purer disposition and so pierceth more then this grosser aire of Britany and carrieth the cold further into the pores and so seemeth sharper and of a far colder disposition This Iland which Caesar nameth Mona is known at this time by the name of Man and lieth between Cumberland and Ireland Ptolemy calleth it Monaeda Tacitus calleth Anglesey by the name of Mona peradventure from the nomination of the Britans who called it Tyrmon the land of Mon. Concerning those places where the night continueth in the midst of winter for thirty daies together they must be sited 6. degrees beyond the circle Artick and have a day in summer of like continuance according to the rules of Astronomy In that he found the nights in Britany shorter then in the Continent we must understand it to be onely in summer for the more oblique the horizon is the more uneven are the portions of the diurnall circles which it cutteth and the nearer it cometh to a right horizon the nearer it cometh to an equality of day and night and hence it happeneth that in summer time the nights in France are longer then here in England and in winter shorter The like we must understand of all Southern and Northern Countries To conclude I may not omit the civility of the Kentish men and their courteous disposition above the rest of the Britans which must be imputed to that ordinary course which brought civility unto all other Nations of whom such as were first seated in their possessions and entertained society were the first that brought in civill conversation and by little and little were purified and so attained to the perfection of civill government So we find that first the Assyrians and Babylonians as nearest to the Mountains of Armenia where the Ark rested and people first inhabited reduced their States into Commonweales or Monarchies of exquisite government flourishing with all manner of learning and knowledge when as yet other Countries lay either waste
had seen ten years service grounding this custome upon another law which commanded the Equites to serve ten and the Pedites or Commons twenty whole years before they could be freed and discharged from the wars And therefore according to the proportion of their stipendary time as the Equites were admitted Tribunes at five years so were the legionary footmen at ten as at half their compleat time of serving in the wars The generall respect which the Romans had in the choise of every particular man from the highest to the lowest was included in the circumstances of their age and of their wealth The age which they deemed fit to endure the labours of war was from seventeen to six and forty for so saith Tubero concerning the first limit of military ability that Servius did inrole souldiers from the age of seventeen years adjudging such to be sit for the service of the Common-weale And Censorâ—nus expresseth the second with an etymology of the name where he saith that men were called Juvenes unto the age of forty six years Quod rempublicam in re militari possint juvare because till then they were able to help and serve their country in war In this ability of years we are to understand that the law required every man to perfect the compleat number of twenty years stipend if there were occasion of so many wars in that space of nine and twenty years which is comprehended between seventeen and forty six The wealth which is the second circumstance that made men capable of military dignity was necessarily required to amount to the value of Drachmas quadringentas as Polybius saith which by the Latine phrase was termed quaterna millia aeris such as were not worth so much were neglected in this choise and reserved for sea-service neither was it lawfull for any man to attain to any office or magistracy within the city untill he had merited ten years stipend Upon a resolution to make an inrolement which was almost every year the Consuls did proclaim a day when all men of military age were to present themselves Upon which day the Roman youth being assembled in the city and then in the Capitol the fourteen Tribunes elected out of the body of the Equites divided themselves according as they were chosen by the people into four parts forasmuch as in former time the whole forces of their Empire consisted of four legions or regiments whereof I have discoursed at large in the former book And the four Tribunes first chosen were allotted to the first legion the three next to the second legion the four other to the third and the three last to the fourth In like manner the ten Tribunes which were taken out of the common body of the people divided themselves into four parts and the two first chosen were inrolled in the first legion the three next in the second legion the two following in the third legion and the three last in the fourth By which ingenious and discreet allotment it came to passe that the communalty were intermingled in the government of their Armies with the Gentlemen in such an excellent mixture that the Equites were either superiour or equal to the Plebeii notwithstanding that every legion had an equall number of Tribunes The election being thus far carried the Tribunes of every legion sate them down by themselves the people being divided first into their Tribes and then into their classes and centuries casting lots which Tribe should be taken and out of that Tribe whereon the lot fell they drew fouâ— men as equall as they could both in age and habitude who being brought forth the Tribunes of the first legion made the first choise of one of those four then the Tribunes of the second legion had their choise they of the third legion took the next and the fourth had the last man And again out of the same Tribe were other four chosen and then the Tribunes of the second legion began first to make their choise and so consequently the first legion had the last man Again four other being chosen the Tribunes of the third legion had the first election and in that course the second legion had the last man And by this alternate and successive election it came to passe that every legion was equally compounded both in quality and in number The inrolement proceeding in this manner untill their numbers were full the Tribunes of every legion assembled their severall troups together and took one out of every regiment and gave an oath unto him that he should execute and obey according to his power whatsoever was commanded him by his Generall the rest being particularly called were sworn to keep the same oath which their fore-man had taken And thus we see both who were the electors who were eligible and the manner of their choise Wherein we may observe what means they used to ingage every particular man with an interest in the generall cause for they thought it not sufficient to force men out by publick authority and to bind them siâ—mply to that service by the mandates of their Empire considering the labours and difficulties of war which oftentimes are able to dull the edge of the greatest spirit and to cause omissions of duty in the most honest and obedient minds but they tyed them likewise with such particular respects as did both concern the possessions of their fortune and the religion of their soul For it is observed concerning mans actions that unlesse the mind do faithfully affect the execution it may be carried with such a perfunctory service as shal betray the true intent to no effect and deceive the end of that which was promised by designment And therefore they refused to inrole any man that had not a convenient proportion of wealth to maintain a stedfast and well-resolved courage and to settle the motions of a staggering mind when they bethought themselves that the publick duties wherein they were ingaged were the defensive powers of their Empire and the means whereby the publick weale continued happy and so by consequence their private fortunes were assured from violence and preserved onely by an effectuall observance of their military discipline I grant that it is not altogether wealth that doth grace formalize the actions of men for in some cases penury and want makes men more valorous according to the answer which a souldier once made to Lucullus Ibit eo quo vis qul zonam perdâ—dit inquit Whither you will hee 'l go who 's lost his purse Notwithstanding forasmuch as the publick cause is either misprised or well affected according as it doth concern every man in particular as who will doubt of the uttermost diligence of those Mariners that have their vessell fraught with their own goods or contrariwise who will blame a mercenary Pilot for making peace with death with the losse of other mens merchandise for Patria est ubicunque bene est That 's a mans country
be done forasmuch as neither the Legions durst go out of their wintering camps in the absence of their Generall nor the Generall come to the Legions without a convoy To conclude they held it better to die in fight then to lose their ancient honour in matter of war and the liberty left them by their predecessors OBSERVATIONS THis Chapter discovereth such sparkles of revolt rising from the discontentment of the conquered Galles as were like to break out into an universall burning and within a while proved such a fire as the like hath not been seen in the continent of Gallia For this sommers work verified the saying of the Samnites Quod pax servientibus gravior quam liberis bellum esset That peace is more grievous to those that are in vassalage then warre is to free men and was carried on either part with such a resolution as in respect of this service neither the Galles did before that time ingage themselves seriously in their countries cause nor did the Romans know the difficulty of their task But as Epaminondas called the fields of Boeotia Mars his scaffold where he kept his games or as Xenophon nameth the city of Ephesus the Armorers shop so might Gallia for this year be called the Theatre of war The chiefest encouragement of the Galles at this time was the trouble and dissension at Rome about the death of Clodius and the accusation of Milo for killing Clodius This Clodius as Plutarch reporteth was a young man of a noble house but wild and insolent and much condemned for profaning a secret sacrifice which the Ladies of Rome did celebrate in Caesars house by coming amongst them disguised in the habit of a young singing wench which he did for the love of Pompeia Caesars wife whereof being openly accused he was quitted by secret means which he made to the Judges and afterwards obtained the Tribuneship of the people and caused Cicero to be banished and did many outrages and insolencies in his Tribuneship which caused Milo to kill him for which he was also accused And the Senate fearing that this accusation of Milo being a bold-spirited man and of good quality would move some uproar or sedition in the city they gave commission to Pompey to see justice executed as well in this cause as for other offences that the city might be quiet and the commonwealth suffer no detriment Whereupon Pompey possest the market-place where the cause was to be heard with bands of souldiers and troups of armed men And these were the troubles in Rome upon the death of Clodius which the Galles did take as an occasion of revolt hoping thereby that Caesar being in Gallia Cisalpina which province was allotted to his government as well as that Gallia Northward the Alpes would have been detained from his army CHAP. II. The men of Chartres take upon them the beginning of 〈◊〉 under the conduction of Cotuatus and Conctodunus THese things being thus disputed the men of Chartâ—es did make themselves the chief of that war refusing no danger for the common safety of their country And forasmuch as at that present they could not give caution by hostage lest the matter should be discovered they desire to have their covenants strengthened by oath and by mutuall collation of their miâ—â—tary ensignes which was the most religious ceremony they could use to bind the rest not to forsake them having made an entrance and beginning to that war The men of Chartres being commended by the rest and the oathes of all them that were present being taken and a time appointed to begin they brake up the assembly When the day came they of Chartres under the conduction of Cotuatus and Conetodunus two desperate fellowes upon a watchword given ran speedily to Genabum and such Roman citizens as were there upon businesse namely C. Fusius Cotta a knight of Rome whom Caesar had left overseer of the provision of corn they slew and took their goods The report thereof was quickly spread over all the States of Gallia for when any such great or extraordinary matter happeneth they signify it through the country by an out-cry and shout which is taken by others and delivered to the next and so goeth from hand to hand as it happened at this time for that which was done at Genabum at Sun-rising was before the first watch of the night was ended heard in the confines of the Arverni which is above a hundred and threescore miles distant OBSERVATIONS THis manner of out-cry here mentioned to be usuall in Gallia was the same which remaineth in use at this present in Wales although not so frequent as in former times For the custome is there as often as any robbery happeneth to be committed or any man to be slain or what other outrage or riot is done the next at hand do go to some eminent place where they may be best heard and there they make an out-cry or howling which they call a Hooboub signifying the fact to the next inhabitants who take it as passionately and deliver it further and so from hand to hand it quickly spreadeth over all the country It is a very ready way to put the country in arms and was first devised as it seemeth for the stay and apprehension of robbers and outlaws who kept in strong holds and lived upon the spoil of the bordering inhabitants but otherwise it savoureth of Barbarisme rather then of any civile government CHAP. III. Vercingetorix stirreth up the Arverni to the like commotion and revoâ—t IN like manner Vercingetorix the son of Celtillus of the nation of the Arverm a young man of great power and authority whose father was the Commander of all Gallia and because he sought a kingdome was slain by those of his own State calling together his followers and clients did easily incense them to rebellion His purpose being known every man took arms and so he was driven out of the town of Gergovia by Gobanitio his unckle other Princes who thought it not safe to make triall of that fortune And yet he desisted not but enrolled needy and desperate people and with such troups whom soever he met withall of the State he did easily draw them to his party perswading them to take arms for the defence of common liberty And having at length got great forces together he expelled his adversaries out of the town by whom he was himself before thrust out He was called of his men by the title of King and sent Embassages into all parts adjuring them to continue constant and faithfull The Senones the Parisii the Pictones the Cadurci the Turones the Aulerci the Lemovicâ—s the Andes and all the rest that border upon the Occan were quickly made of his party and by all their consents the chief command was conferred upon him Which authority being offered him he commanded hostages to be brought in unto him from all those States and a certain number of
of the Bituriges and marched towards the country of the Arverni But Caesar having continued two dayes in those places forasmuch as he understood both by use and opinion what course Vercingetorix was like to take he left the army pretending some supplies of horse which he went to raise and appointed young Brutus to command those forces admonishing him to send out the horsemen into all quarters and that he himself would not be absent from the camp above three dayes These things being thus settled none of his followers knowing his determination by great journeys he came to Vienna where taking fresh horse which he had layd there many dayes before he ceased neither night nor day untill he came through the confines of the Hedui to the Lingones where two legions wintered to the end if the Hedui should undertake any thing against him he might with speed prevent it Being there he sent to the rest of the Legions and brought them all to one place before the Arverni could possibly have notice of it OBSERVATIONS CAesar upon his first entrance into Gallia was perplexed how to get to his army and the matter stood in such terms as brought either the legions or his own person into hazard For as he saith if he should send for the legions to come unto him they should doubtlesse be fought withall by the way which he was loath to adventure unlesse himself had been present or otherwise if he himself had gone unto them he doubted of the entertainment of the revolting Galles and might have overthrown his army by the losse of his own person In this extremity of choice he resolved upon his own passage to the army as lesse dangerous and more honourable rather then to call the legions out of their wintering camps where they stood as a check to bridle the insolency of the mutinous Galles and so to bring them to the hazard of battel in fetching their Generall into the field whereby he might have lost the victory before he had begun the wars And for his better safety in this passage he used this cunning Having assured the Roman Province by strong and frequent garrisons on the frontiers and removed Lucterius from those parts gathering together such supplies as he had brought with him out of Italy with other forces which he found in the Province he went speedily into the territories of the Arverni making a way over the hill Gebenna at such a time of the year as made it unpassable for any forces had they not been led by Caesar only for this purpose to have it noised abroad that whereas Vercingetorix and the Arverni had principally undertook the quarrell against the Romans and made the beginning of a new war Caesar would first deal with them and lay the weight thereof upon their shoulders by calling their fortunes first in question to the end he might possesse the world with an opinion of his presence in that country and draw Vercingetorix back again to defend his state whilst he in the mean time did slip to his army without suspition or fear of perill for staying there no longer then might serve to give a sufficient colour to that pretence and leaving those forces to execute the rest and to make good the secret of the project he conveyed himself to his army with such speed and celerity as doth verify the saying of Suetonius quod persaepe nuncios de se praevenit that he often outwent the ordinary messengers These blinds and false intendments are of speciall use in matter of war and serve as well to get advantages upon an enemy as to clear a difficulty by cleanly evasion neither is a Commander the lesse valued for fine conveyance in military projects but deserveth rather greater honour for adding art unto valour and supplanting the strength of opposition with the sleight of wit Dolus an virtus quis in hoste requirit Who looks at fraud or valour in a foe hath alwayes been held a principle amongst men of warre And Lisander his counsell is the same in effect that where the Lions skin will not serve the turn there take the Foxes Carbo spake it to the commendation of Sylla that he had to do both with a Lion and a Fox but he feared more his Foxes pate then his Lions skin It is reported that Anniball excelled all other of his time for abusing the enemy in matter of stratageme for he never made fight but with an addition of assistants supporting force with art and the fury of armes with the subtiltie of wit Of late time amongst other practises of this nature the treaty at Ostend is most memorable entertained onely to gain time that while speech of parlee was continued and pledges delivered to the Archduke Albertus for the safety of such as were sent into the town to capitulate with the Generall there might be time gained for the sending in of such supplies of men and munition as were wanting to make good the defence thereof which were no sooner taken in but the Treaty proved a stratageme of warre In these foiles and tricks of wit which at all times and in all ages have been highly esteemed in men of warre as speciall vertues beseeming the condition of a great Commander if it be demanded how far a Generall may proceed in abusing an enemy by deeds or words I cannot speak distinctly to the question but sure I am that Surena Lieutenant generall of the Parthian army did his master good service in abusing Crassus the Roman Generall by fair promises or as Plutarch saith by foul perjury till in the end he brought his head to be an actor in a Tragedy albeit Surena never deserved well of good report since that time Howsoever men of civill society ought not to draw this into use from the example of souldiers forasmuch as it is a part of the profession of cutting of throats and hath no prescription but in extremities of warre CHAP. V. Vercingetorix besigeth Gergovia Caesar taketh in Vellaunodunum and Genabum THis being known Vercingetorix brought back his army again into the countrey of the Bituriges and thence marched to besiege Gergovia a town held by the Boii whom Caesar had left there after the Helvetian warre and given the jurisdiction of the town to the Hedui which brought Caesar into great perplexitie whether he should keep the Legions in one place for that time of winter which remained and so suffer the stipendaries of the Hedui to be taken and spoiled whereby all Gallia might take occasion to revolt forasmuch as the Romans should seem to afford no protection or countenance to their friends or otherwise draw his army out of their wintering-camps sooner then was usuall and thereby become subject to the difficulties of provision and carriage of corn Notwithstanding it seemed better and so he resolved rather to undergo all difficulties then by taking such a scorn to loose the good wils of all his followers And therefore
then what Caesar hath related who best knew the whole project of that businesse And thus endeth the seventh and last Commentarie written by Caesar of the warre he made in Gallia FINIS OBSERVATIONS Upon CAESARS COMMENTARIES of the CIVILE VVARRES betwixt HIM and POMPEY By CLEMENT EDMUNDS Remembrancer of the City of London LONDON Printed by ROGER DANIEL 1655. The first Commentarie of the Civile VVarres The Argument THis Commentary containeth the Motions and Contentions at Rome concerning Caesar's giving up his government The rent in the State upon the disagreement of the Senate How either side bestirred themselves to seize upon the Provinces Pompey got the East and Caesar the West part of the Empire and defeated Afranius and Petreius in Spain CHAP. I. The Senates affection on Caesar's behalf LEtters being delivered by Fabius to the Consuls from C. Caesar it was hardly obtained by the extreme importunitie of the Tribunes to get them read in the Senate but to consult thereof or to bring the Contents in question would not be granted The Consuls propounded businesses concerning the state of the City L. Lentulus Consul protested his assistance should not be wanting neither to the Senate nor to the Commonweal if they would speak their minds freely and boldly but if they respected Caesar and had an eye to his favour as in former times they usually had he would then take a course for himself and not regard the authority of the Senate neither wanted he means of entrance into Caesar's friendship and good acceptance To the same effect spake Scipio That Pompey was resolved to be aiding to the Commonweal if the Senate would stand to him but if they temporized and dealth coldly in vain hereafter should they seek aid from him albeit they instantly desired it This speech of Scipio's seemed to come from Pompey's own mouth he himself being present and the Senate kept within the Citie Some others spake more temperately As first M. Marcellus who thought it not convenient that the Senate should bring these things in question untill they had made a levie of souldiers throughout all Italie and inrolled an Army by whose protection they might safely and freely determine what they thought fit At also M. Calidius who thought it requisite that Pompey should go to his Provinces and Governments to remove all occasions of taking Arms For Caesar having two Legions newly taken from him feared that Pompey kept them near about the citie to his prejudice And likewise M. Rufus varying some few words declared himself of Calidius opinion All these were bitterly reproved by L. Lentulus the Consul who utterly denied to publish what Calidius had sentenced Marcellus feared with these menaces retracted his opinion And so what with the clamor of the Consul the terrour of the present Army and the threatning used by Pompey's faction most of the Senators were compelled against their will to allow that which Scipio thought fit which was that by a certain day Caesar should dissolve and dismisse his Army which if he did refuse to do that then he openly shewed himself an Enemy to the Common-weal M. Antonius and L. Cassius Tribunes of the people did oppose this decree Their opposition was instantly spoken unto and many sharp and hard censures were given upon the same for according as any one spake most bitterly and cruelly so they were most highly commended by Caesar's Enemies THE FIRST OBSERVATION AS the former Commentaries do carry in their front the ensignes of honour displaying the military valour of the Roman people in the Continent of Gallia and other Kingdomes of warlike Nations so are these Relations branded in the forehead with a note of Infamy and titled with the direfull name of Civile war An odious and decried cause ill befitting the integrity of that State or the excellency of the Actours which are chief in this Tragedy who neglecting all that might either enlarge the Empire or repair Romes honour for the losse of Crassus chose rather to imbrew their ambitious swords in the bloud of their own Countrey Eagle against Eagle and Pile against Pile in a war which could challenge no Triumph If it be now demanded as formerly it was Quis furor o Cives quae tanta licentia ferri What fury 's this what these licentious arms Was it Pompey's Ambition or Caesar's high Thoughts that bereft the State of liberty with the losse of so many Romans It were besides the scope of these discourses to lay an imputation upon either of those Worthies the one being chief Assistant to the Empire when she put off her Consulary Government and the other sitting sole at the helm directing a course to fetch in many Caesars Only this I may truly say with Tacitus That Civile wars were never set on foot by justifiable courses Yet for the Readers better direction and for opening the truth of this story which is more to be regarded then either Socrates or Plato's friendship it shall not be impertinent to fetch the causes of this war a little higher in a word then these Commentaries do afford them The histories of that age do all intimate that when Rome had ennobled Pompey with her service and stiled him by imployments with the title of Greatnesse as a satisfaction for the injuries done unto his father he forgetting the rights of a State which challengeth the renown of other mens labours and suffereth no subject to be co-partner therein further then by approbation of service and obedience assumed to himself the honour due to the Commonweal and became proud of that which was none of his in which conceit the ambition of his spirit kept no measure but over-valued his merits so far that he thought himself rather a Sovereign then a servant So easily are men bewitched when the favour of a State hath once made them absolute and put it self under the awe of private command In this height of greatnesse and authority he made way for Caesar his father in law who had a spirit as subject to ambition and as capable of publick dignities as any one amongst all the Patrician Families and upon the ending of his first Consulship in the year of Rome 695 obtained the government of Gallia Transalpina and likewise of that other Gallia which they called Cisalpina containing the Countries that lie between the Alpes and the little River Rubicon together with Sclavonâ—a and four legions of souldiers for the term of five years At the expiration whereof his charge was continued by the like favour and meditation of Pompey and the assistance of Crassus for five years longer with a redoubling of his forces But after that Crassus was slain in the Parthian war and that Julia Caesars daughter whom Pompey had married was deceased whereby Caesar stood single without any tie of alliance or other counterpoise of a third party to hold them ballanced at the same weight as they stood while Crassus lived Pompey jealous of those victories and passages
in height Which being known by the Discoverers Caesar by the extreme labour of the souldiers continued day and night in turning the course of the water at length brought the matter to that passe that the horsemen with some difficulty durst adventure over but the foot troups having nothing above the water but their heads were so hindered as well by the depth of the River as the swiftnesse of the stream that they could not well get over Notwithstanding at the same instant of time news was brought of the making of the bridge over the River Iberus and a foord was found in the River Sicoris THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst concerning the places here mentioned the Reader may take notice that Ilerda now known by the name of Lerida standeth upon the River Sicoris in the Province of Catalonia and being sited upon a hill is inclosed round with a wall of hewen stone in a pleasant and fertile Countrey both for corn wine oyl and fruit as it is graphically described by Lucan Colle tumet modico levique excrevit in altum Pingue solum tumulo super hunc sundata vetusta Surgit Ilerda manu placidis praelabitur undis Hesperios inter Sicoris non ultimus amnes Saxeus ingenti quem pons amplectitur arcu Hybernas passurus aquas With a light rising to a pretty height The rich ground swels on which by ancient hand Ilerda's plac'd with gentle waves slides by The Sicoris none of Spain's meanest streams O're it a bridge of stone with noble Arch Subject to suffer by the winter flouds It was formerly a University and at all times famous for salt meats and pickled fish Whereunto Horace alludeth when he tells his book That although it fell out that no man would regard it neverthelesse it might serve at Ilerda to wrap Salt-fish in Aut fugies Uticam aut unctus mittêris Ilerdam Either to Utica thou'lt passe Or to Ilerda in an oily case Osca now called Huesca a town likewise of Catalonia in former time surnamed Victrix where Sertorius kept the sonnes of the Grandees of Spain as pledges of their loyalty under pretext of learning the Greek and Latine tongue which he had there caused to be taught in form of an Academy In this town his hap was to be slain by Perpenna as Paterculus recordeth the story Tum M. Perpenna praetorius è proscriptis generis clarioris quam animi Sertorium inter coenam Aetoscae interemit Romanisque certam victoriam partibus suis excidium sibi turpissimaÌ„ mortem pessimo auctoravit facinore Then M. Perpenna a praetorian one of the proscribed party of a more noble stock then mind slew Sertorius at Aetosca as he was at supper occasioning by this wicked deed of his certain victory to the Romans ruine to his own party and a shamefull death to himself Which Aetosca is by all men taken for this Osca The inhabitants boast of nothing more at this day then that S. Laurence was a Citizen of their town Calaguris now Calahorra is seated upon a hill on the banks of Iberus the people whereof are famous for their constancie and faithfulnesse to their Commanders and specially to Sertorius as appeareth by that of Valerius Maximus Quo perseverantius interempti Sertorii cineribus obsidionem Cn. Pompeii frustrantes fidem praestarent quia nullum jam aliud in urbe eorum supererat animal uxores suas natosque ad usum nefariae dapis verterunt quoque diutius armata juventus viscera sua visceribus suis aleret infelices cadaverum reliquias salire non dubitavit That they might demonstrate their fidelity to the ashes of Sertorius to the very last by defeating Pompey's siege in regard there was no live thing elseleft in the City they most inhumanely made their wives and children serve them for food and that those which were in armes might so much the longer with their own bowels feed their bowels they stuck not to salt up the pitifull remainders of the dead carcases Neverthelesse Afranius took them in the end by continuall siege amongst whom that antiquity of Bebricius is very remarkable which is yet extant near to Logronno DIIS MANIBUS Q. SERTORII ME. BEBRICIUS CALAGURITANUS DEVOVI ARBITRATUS RELIGIONEM ESSE EO SUBLATO QUI OMNIA CUM DIIS IMMORTALIBUS COMMUNIA HABEBAT ME. INCOLUMEN RETINERE ANIMAM VALE VIATOR QUI HAEC LEGIS ET MEO DISCE EXEMPLO FIDEM SERVARE IPSA FIDES ETIAM MORTUIS PLACET CORPORE HUMANO EXUTIS In English thus To the Dâ—j Manes or divine ghost of Q. Sertorius I Bebricius of Calaguris devote my self supposing it a business of conscience he being gone who had all things in common with the immortall Gods for me to seek to save my own life Farewell Traveller who readest this and learn of me to be faithfull Faithfulness is a thing pleaseth even the dead when they have put off their humane bodies In memorie of whose fidelity Augustus Caesar took a band of these people for a guard to his person In this town was Quintilian the Rhetorician born and being brought from thence to Rome in Nero his time was the first that taught a publick School for salarie as witnesseth Saint Hierome Quintilianus ex Hispania Calaguritanus primus Romae publicam Scholam tenuit salario cohonestatus publico claruit Quintilian a Spaniard of Calaguris first taught a publick School at Rome and had a stipend allowed him Celtiberia was the Countrey lying along the River Iberus inhabited by people coming out of Gallia Celtica whereupon Lucan saith profugique à gente vetusta Gallorum Celtae miscentes nomen Iberis Some Celtick fugitives from Gallia came And with th' Iberi made a compound name Florus calleth them Hispaniae Robur And Valerius Maximus affirmeth That they were alwayes glad of warre as being to end their life in happiness and honour and lamented their ill fortune to die in their beds as a miserable and shamefull end His pugnacecidisse decus corpusque cremari Tale nefas calo credunt superisque referri Impastus carpat si membra jacentia vultur To dy in fight They count great honour know no funerall rite Heav'ns their 's they think the celestial seats Whose scattered limbs the ravenous Vulture eats Their Armes and weapons were of singular raritie for besides the water of Bilbo which gave them an invincible temper they had also a peculiar fashion of working them as witnesseth Diodorus Siculus hiding their plates of Iron in the earth untill the worst and weakest part were eaten out with rust and of that which remained they made very hard swords THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe suddain alterations of warre are like the changings of mens minds upon small accidents which are so forceable to shake our resolutions as made a great Philosopher to describe a man by the propertie of mutabile Animal or a changeable living creature And it is notably seen in this That
of shipping and Corn to keep the Iland THE FIRST OBSERVATION OBserve first how dangerous it is for such as stand neutrall between two parties bearing no affection but to their own ends to declare themselves upon such apparences as commonly happen in the flux and reflux of a war for if their judgement fail as Varro's did they are then forced to redeem their errour with more offices of partiality then can afterwards be excused and so run into a further degree ofenmitie then the party for whom they suffer And certainly whether it be that neutrality refuseth to take part with the right which in matter of controversie must needs stand on one side or whether it favoureth of an ill nature to shew no sympathising affections with such as otherwise have correspondence with them or for what other cause I know not but sure it is that Neutrals attending nothing but their own advantage are of no better esteem then the bird whereof Leo Africus writeth which when the King of Birds demanded tribute would alwaies rank himself amongst the Fish and when the King of Fishes required his service would alwaies be with the Birds or then the Weather-cock whereof there is no other use then indicare regnantem to shew what wind rules THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Iland of Gades was known to the Romans by the name of Tartesson Hic Gades urbs est dicta Tartessus prius Here Gades stands of old Tartessus call'd The Town of Gades was indowed as Dion witnesseth by Julius Caesar with the liberties and priviledges of Rome To which effect Plinie writeth Oppidum habet Civium Romanorum quod appellatur Augusta urbs Julia Gaditana This Iland hath a town of Roman Citizens which is called Augusta Julia Gaditana It was a town of great fame as appeareth by that of Juba king of Mauritania who made ambitious sute to have the title of Duumviri or Two-men of the town as Festus noteth in his Description of the Sea-coast At vis in illis tanta vel tantum decus Aetate prisca sub fide rerum fuit Rex ut superbus omniumque praepotens Quos gens habebat forte tum Maurusia Octaviano principi acceptissimus Et literarum semper in studio Iuba Interfluoque separatus aequore Illustriorem semet urbis istius Duumviratu crederet Such was their power such their grace Of old while faith was yet in place King Iuba the most powerfull Prince The Moors had either then or since In favour with Octavian And every way a learned man Divided from this place by Sâ—n Thought it would greater glory be To be Duum-vir of the town In this Iland stood Hercules Temple to which as well Romans as other noble Adventurers of all Nations made often repair to perform their vowes upon atchievements of deeds of Armes which solemnitie was not omitted by Hannibal before his expedition into Italie Amongst other Altars in this Temple there was one dedicated to Penurie and Art signifying that Art driveth away Penurie as Hercules put to flight and subdued Monsters Those of Asia and the Mediterrane parts took this Iland to be the furthest end of navigation for the Atlantick sea admitted no further passage for want of a load-stone to direct them in that vastness And therefore Pindarus saith that it is not lawfull for wise men nor fools to know what is beyond the streight of Gibraltar the way in the Ocean being a thousand leagues abroad In this town of Gades was born L. Cornelius Balbus who at his death gave a legacy to the Roman people twenty five pence per Pole together with Junius Brutus Columella that writ so excellently De re Rustica Et mea quam generat Tartessi littore Gades And which my Gades yields on Tartesse shoar It is now called Cales and was sacked by our English An. 1596. Hispalis surnamed Romulensis from the Roman Colony that was planted there is seated upon the River Baetis in a very pleasant and fertile Countrey and especially for oiles The town is now the Staple for the West Indies and a very Nursery of Merchants Arias Montanus that great Theologian was born in this City THE THIRD OBSERVATION COncerning these hundred and ninety thousand Sesterces the learned cannot satisfie themselves with any congruent interpretation thereof For if we take them in the Neuter for seven pound ten shillings apiece it amounteth to 1492000 pound which is thought too much if in the Masculine it will rise not to above 1400 pound which is deemed too little And therefore the Criticks do mend the place and read H-S centies nonagies a hundred times ninety H-S which bringeth out 142500 pound and is thought agreeable to the meaning of the Authour CHAP. VIII The Province and the legions revolt from Varro Caesar settleth Spain and returneth to Marseilles ALbeit Caesar was called back into Italy for many great and important causes yet he was resolved to leave no spark or appearance of warre remaining behind him in Spain for that he knew Pompey's deserts to be such as had gained him many followers and dependants in the hither Province And therefore having sent two legions into the further Spain under the conduct of Q. Cassius Tribune of the people he himself made forward by great journeys with six hundred horse sending an Edict before him to summon the Magistrates and chief men of the Cities and Towns to appear before him by a day at Corduba Upon publication of which Edict there was no City in all that Province that sent not some of their Senate by the day appointed to Corduba neither was there any Roman Citizen of note that presented not himself there at that time The Princes and States being assembled of their own accord they shut the gates against Varro set watch and ward upon the walls and in the towers and retained with them two cohorts called by the name of Colonicae which came thither by chance for the safe keeping of the town At the self-same time the Inhabitants of Carmona which is the strongest town of all the Province cast out the three cohorts that were by Varro put into their Cittadell and shut them out of their town Whereby Varro was the rather moved to make haste to Gades with his legions lest he should be hindered and cut off either in the way or in his passage over from the Continent such and so favourable was the generall affection of the whole Province towards Caesar And being somewhat advanced on his journey he received Letters from Gades That as soon as it was known there of the Edict which Caesar had published the chiefest of the Gaditans agreed with the Tribunes of the souldiers which were in Garrison to expell Gallonius out of the town and to keep the City and the Iland for Caesar Which being resolved upon they sent him word to leave the town of his own accord while he might do it without danger and if he refused they would then take such
them certain Cities to riâ—â—e In the mean time he made bitter and heavy exactions of money throughout all the Province for he put a tribute upon slaves and free-men by pole set impositions upon the pillars and doors of houses as also upon grain oar-men armes Engines and carriages and whatsoever had a name was thought fit to yield mony by way of imposition and that not only in Cities and Towns but almost in every Village and Castle wherein he that carried himself most cruelly was held both the worthiest man and the best Citizen The province was at that time full of Officers and Commandements pestered with Overseers and Exactors who besides the mony levied by publick authority made their particular profit by the like exactions For they gave out they were thrust out of their houses and their Country and in want of all necessaries to the end they might with such pretences cover their wicked and hatefull courses To this was added the hard and heavy Usury which oftentimes doth accompany warre when all monies are drawn and exacted to the publick wherein the forbearance of a day was accounted a discharge for the whole Whereby it happened that in those two yeares the whole Province was overgrown with debts And yet for all that they stuck not to levy round sums of mony not only from the Citizens of Rome inhabiting in that Province but also upon every Corporation and particular Citie which they gave out was by way of loan according to a Decree of Senate commanding the receivers to advance the like â—um by way of loan for the year to come Moreover Scipio gavâ— order that the monies which of old time had been treasured up in the Temple of Diana at Ephesus should be taken out with other Images of that Goddesse But as he came into the temple having called unto him many of the Senators that were there present he received a Dispatch from Pompey That Caesar had passed the Sea with his legions and that setting all things apart he should hasten to him with his Army These Letters being received he dismissed such as he had called unto him and began to dispose of his journey into Macedonia setting forward within a few dayes after by which accident the Treasure at Ephesus was saved OBSERVATIONS IT is Seneca his conceit that Iron being of that excellent use in things pertaining to Mans life and yet so much undervalued to Gold and Silver will admit of no peace as often as there is question of Mony but raiseth continuall garboiles and extremities as a revenge that the World doth misvalueâ—t and fell out as true in those better Ages as it doth in these dayes that are of baser Metall For what greater violences in the State of Rome then those concerning Tributes and Impositions A particular whereof may be made out of this Chapter For first we find a Tribute by pole without respect of state or condition which they called Capitatio And then a second as grievous as that being a taxe laid upon every dore in a house which they called Ostiaria whereof Tully maketh mention in the eighth Epistle of his third Book And lastly an other upon every pillar in a mans house which they called Columnaria mentioned likewise by cicero columnarium vide ut nullum debeamus See that we own no tax-mony for our pillars Alciatus understandeth this to be that we read in Dionysius Halicarnasseus That when Treasure failed at the siege of Modena they laid an Imposition upon every tile that was found on the Senators houses in Rome which gave the Trium-virate occasion to make the tiles as heavy to the rest of the Roman Citizens and this saith he was called columnaria Some Popes out of their occasions have gone far in this kind and found means to lay Impositions upon all things pertaining to the use of man Insomuch as Pasquill begged leave to dry his shirt in the Sun before there were an Imposition laid upon the Light The rule is diversly given in this behalf That the Fisk doth not swell above his proportion Alexander is commended for making his Subjects the keepers of his Treasure And Claudianus giveth Honorius this Elogium Nec tua privatis crescunt aeraria damnis Thy chests fill not by losse of private men Basilius adviseth that mony thus raised be not at any time dipped either in the teares or in the bloud of the people But Tully draweth it to a more certainty by making Necessity the square of such commands Da operam saith he ut omnes intelligant si salvi essent velint necessitatie esse parendum Do your endeavour to let all see that they must obey necessity if they mean to be safe And so the opening of private mens purses is but to keep them shut and safe from such enemies as would consume all according as Scipio once answered when the Romans blamed him for spending their Treasure Howsoever Scipio knew well what he did in getting into his hand such store of Treasure for War cannot any way be maintained but with plenty of Money neither can any State continue if the revenue which supporteth the Common-weal be abated as Tacitus hath well observed Dissolvitur imperium si fructus quibus respub sustinetur diminuantur CHAP. XII Caesar sendeth forces into Thessalia Aetolia and Macedonia Scipio cometh into Greece CAesar being joyned with Antonius drew that legion out of Oricum which he had formerly lodged there to keep the Sea-coast and thought it expedient to make triall of the Province and to advance further into the Country And whereas Embassadours came unto him out of Thessalia and Aetolia assuring him that if he would send forces to protect them the Cities of those Provinces would readily obey what he commanded he sent L. Cassius Longinus with the legion of young souldiers called the seven and twentieth and two hundred horse into Thessalia and C. Calvisius Sabinus with five cohorts and a few horse into Aetolia exhorting them specially to take a course for provision of Corn in those two provinces which lay near at hand He sent likewise Cn. Domitius Calvinus with two legions the eleventh and the twelfth and five hundred horse into Macedonia of which Province for that part thereof which is called Frank or Free Menedemus a principall man of that Countrey being sent as an Embassadour had professed exceeding great forwardnesse on their behalf Of these Calvisius upon his coming was entertained with great affection of the Aetolians and having cast the garrison of the enemy out of Caledon and Naupactum became Master of all Aetolia Cassius arrived with the Legion in Thessalia and finding there two Factions was accordingly received with contrary affections Egesaretus a man of ancient power and authority favoured Pompey's party and Petreius a man of a most noble house endeavoured by all means to deserve well of Caesar At
themselves with them amongst whom was M. Opimius the Generall of the horse The rest of those two troups they either put to the sword or took alive and brought them to Domitius Caesar as is before shewed having withdrawn the Garrisons from along all the Sea-coast left onely three Cohorts at Oricum for the defence of the Town and to them he committed the custodic and safe keeping of the Gallies which he had brought out of Italy whereof Acilius the Legate had the charge being left Governour of the town He for the better security of the shipping had drawn all the fleet into a back angle behind the town and there fastened them to the shore and in the mouth of the Haven had sunk a great ship and set another by her upon which he built a tower to keep the entrance of the Port and filled the same with souldiers to defend the Haven from any suddain attempt Upon notice whereof Pompey's son being Admirall of the Egyptian fleet came to Oricum and with many haulsers and hooks weighed up the sunk ship and assaulted the other ship set by Acilius for the defence of the Haven with ships wherein he had made towers which stood by counterpoize that he might sight with advantage of height supplying continually fresh men and attempting also from the Land side to take the town by scaling Ladders as by Sea with his Navy to the end he might distract and dismember the forces within In the end with extreme labour and multitude of weapons he overcame our Partie and took the ship having cast out such as had the guard who fled all away with Skiffs and Boats At the same time being likewise seized of a small height on the other side of the town in the nature of a Peninsula he conveyed over four small Gallies with Rollers and Levers into the inner part of the Harbor lying behind the town insomuch as setting on each side upon the Gallies tied unto the shore empty and unfurnished he carried four of them away and burned the rest This being done he left D. Laelius whom he had taken from the Egyptian fleet to keep the passage that no victualls or other provisions might be brought into the town either from Bullis or Amantia and he himself going to Lissus found thirty ships of burthen which Antonius had left within that Haven and set them all on fire And as he went about to take Lissus the souldiers which Caesar had put there for a garrison to the Town together with the Roman Citizens and the townsmen thereof did so well defend the same that after he had continued there three daies and lost a few men in the siege he left the place without effecting any thing OBSERVATIONS AN Ambushment is easily at all times laid but to do it so that it may not be suspected and in such manner that the Enemy may fall into the danger thereof is that which is to be armed at therein And therefore to give the better colour to such designes the trick hath been to pretend fear and so slight or want of Corn or somewhat else to draw the Enemy to follow after with more boldnesse and resolution And so to have it well done there must be two deceits to assist each other as in this of Domitius to make shew of removing through scarcity and want and then to lie in wait for an advantage According to that of the Spaniard A un Traydor dos Alevosos For the prevention of such snares of deceit the rule is generally given by Onosander That the departure or falling away of an Enemy is alwaies to be suspected And for the more security therein experienced Commanders have been carefull before they stirred their Army to make exact discovery even to the place where they intended to lodge For as in Physick it is the greatest part of the cure to know the disease so in matter of war the danger is almost over when it is perceived whence it may grow The manner observed in discoveries hath usually been to send the Parties out in three Companies or troups The first consisting of a small number to beat the way at ease and to range about from place to place as shall be found convenient the second Companie being somewhat stronger to second and relieve the first if there be occasion and the third able to ingage a good number of the Enemy And after this manner Cyrus disposed of his fore-runners as appeareth in Xenophon But this being subject to the consideration of time and place and other circumstances may varie as shall seem expedient to the wisedome of the Generall CHAP. XV. Caesar marcheth towards Pompey offereth him battel and cutteth him off from Dyrrachium AFter Caesar understood that Pompey was at Asparagus he marched thitherward with his Army and taking by the way the town of the Parthinians wherein Pompey had put a Garrison the third day he came to Pompey in Macedonia and lodged himself fast by him The next day he drew out his forces and putting them in order presented him battel But when he found that he would not accept thereof he drew back his Army into the Camp and bethought himself of some other course For the next day taking a difficult and narrow way he set forward with all his forces towards Dyrrachium hoping either to draw Pompey to fight or to force the town or at least â—o cut him off from all Convoys and Munition which was there stored up for the whole provision of the war as afterwards it came to passe For Pompey being ignorant at first of his purpose inasmuch as he took a contrary way thought he had been driven thence through scarcity and want of Corn. But being afterwards advertised by the discoverers what course he took he rose the next day in hope to meet him a nearer way Which Caesar suspecting exhorted the souldiers to endure a little labour with patience And resting a small part of the night in the morning he came before Dyrrachium even as the first troup of Pompey's Army was discovered afar off and there incamped himself Pompey being cut off from Dyrrachium when he could not accomplish his purposes fell to a second resolution and fortified his Camp in an eminent place called Petra from whence there was an indifferent passage to the ships and sheltered likewise the Haven from certain winds Thither he commanded part of the ships to be brought together with Corn and provision of victuall from Asia and such other Countries as were in his obedience Caesar doubting that the war would prove long and tedious and despairing of any succour of victualls from the Coast of Italy for that all the shore was with great diligence kept by Pompey's partie and that the shipping which in Wâ—nter he had made in Sicilia Gallia and Italia were staied and came not to him he dispatched L. Canuleius a Legate into Epirus to make provision of Corn. And forasmuch as those Regions
to compell them CHAP. VII A new waâ— raised in the territories of the Pictones C. Fabius putteth to flight the forces of Dumnacus subdueth the Carnutes and Areâ—orici IN the mean season C. Caninius the Legate understanding by the messengers and letters of Duracius who had continued alwayes firm to the friendship of the people of Rome that a great number of enemies were assembled in the borders of the Pictones forasmuch as a part of that City had renounced their obedience went to the town of Lemovicum When he came near the town and understood by his prisoners â—ow that Dumnacus Captain of the Andes with many thousands of men had enclosed Duracius and that Lemovicum was besieged he durst not with his weak legions adventure upon his enemies but pitched his Camp in an advantageous ground Dumnacus hearing of the approach of Caninius turned all his power against the Roman legions determining to set upon them in their Camp After he had spent many dayes in the assault and had lost many of his men and yet could not break down any part of their fortifications he returned again to besiege Leâ—ovicum At the same time C. Fabius receiveth many Cities by composition and assureth them with hostages and is advertised by Caninius letters of those things that were done among the Pictones Upon the knowledge whereof he setteth forth to rescue Duracius But Dumnacus understanding of Fabius coming forasmuch as he thought he should hazard the losing all if at once he should be compelled both to abide the Romans his enemies without and also to have an eye to and stand in fear of the town retired suddenly with all his forces from the place and could not think himself to be sufficiently in safety before he had passed his army over the river Loire which by reason of the greatnesse thereof was to be passed by a bridge and not otherwise Although Fabius was not yet come within fight of his enemies not had joyned with Caninius yet forasmuch as he was throughly informed by such as knew the coast of the countrey he suspected that his enemies would take that way which they did Therefore he marcheth with his army to the said bridge where his enemies had passed and commanded his horsemen to go no farther before the footmen then that they might upon occasion reâ—iâ—e into the same Camp without tiring their horses Our horse aâ— was commanded them overtook the host of Dumnacus and set upon them and assaulting them flying and amazed as they marched with their luggage at their backs slew a great number and took a great prey and so with good successe retired into their camp The night following Fabius sent his horsemen before so provided that they might encounter the enemy and stay all the whole army untill he should overtake them Q. Atius Varus the commander of the horse a man of sinlar courage and wisdome having encouraged his men and overtaken the body of his enemies disposed certain of his troups in places convenient and with the rest of his horsemen gave charge upon his enemies The cavalry of the enemy fought so much the more boldly because their foot were ready to assist them who being mingled through the whole army as often as occasion was did succour them against our men The encounter was very sharp For our men despising them whom they had vanquished the day before and remembring that the legions followed at their heels ashamed to give ground and desirous to get the day before their coming fought very valiantly against the footmen On the other side our enemies believing that no greater forces of ours were behind according as they had seen the day before thought a fair opportunity offered them to destroy our cavalry utterly When they had fought a good while very eagerly Dumnacus made a battel to relieve his Cavalry when occasion should be But on the suddain our enemies espied our legions coming up close together at the sight of whom their horse were stricken into such a fear and the foot so amazed that breaking through their carriages with great clamour and confusion they betook themselves every where to flight Then our Cavalry who a little before had their hands full being heartened with joy of the victory raised a great shout on all sides and casting themselves amongst them as they fled made slaughter of them as farre as their horses breaths would serve to pursue them and their arms were able to strike them Insomuch that having slain above twelve thousand men armed and such as for fear had cast away their arms they took all their carriages none escaping Out of the which chase forasmuch as it was certainly known that Drapes the Senon was escaped who when Gallia first began to rebel gathering to him men of desperate fortunes out of all places setting bondmen at liberty entertaining outlawes of all countries and receiving high-way thieves had cut off the carriages and victuals of the Romans was going toward the Province with five thousand men at the most which he had rallied after the chase and that Luterius of Cahors joyned himself with him who in the former Commentary is said to have attempted an invasion of the Province at the first insurrection of Gallia Caninius the Legate with two legions pursued after them lest some great dishonour might be received by those loose fellows terrifying and harrasing the Province C. Fabius with the rest of the army went against the Carnutes and the other States whose power he knew to be crushed in the battel that was fought against Dumnacus For he doubted not but he should find them more tractable to deal with by reason of the late overthrow whereas if he should give them time of respite by the instigation of the said Dumnacus they might be raised again Fabius with marvellous good luck and speed brought those States to submission For the Carnutes who had been oftentimes before ill-handled by us yet would never listen to peace now gave hostages and came into subjection And the rest of the States situate in the farthest parts of Gallia bordering upon the sea which are called Armoricae following the example of the Carnutes at the coming of Fabius with his legions amongst them performed his commandments without delay Dumnacus thus driven out of his own countrey wandring and lurking in corners alone was compelled to betake himself to the uttermost countreys of all Gallia CHAP. VIII Drapes and Luterius seize upon Vxellodunum Caninius pursueth them overthroweth their forces taketh Drapes prisoner and with Fabius besiegeth Vxellodunum BUt Drapes and Luterius when they understood that Caninius approached with his army perceiving they could not without manifest perill enter the bounds of the Province considering how the army pursued them nor yet range abroad on thieving at their pleasure stayed together in the countrey of the Cadurci There Luterius who in times past while he was in prosperity was able to sway greatly with his countreymen and had gotten great estimation