die ipso quo matreÌ„ occiderat Suet. i cap. 40. Neron Now Agrippina was slaine ipsis QuinquatruuÌ„ diebus Tac. 14. k pag. 479. Ann. Suet. l cap. 34. Nerone Quinquatrus begin the nineteenth day of March Ouid. Fast 3. so allowing some coÌ„peteÌ„t time froÌ„ VieÌ„na or LioÌ„s to Naples it wil appeare that Vindex rebellioÌ„ began about the tenth or twelfth of March. Againe Xiphilinus saieth that Galba reigned nine moneths and thirteene daies which is to be vnderstood from the time he tooke the Empire vpon him in Spaine as Xiphilinus himselfe noteth in the last words of Vespasians time so that Galba dying the fifteenth of a Tac. 1. Hist Ianuary beganne his raigne about the first or second of Aprill Nero began the 13 of October Tac. 12. b pag. 447. An. 1 That is And hee raigned thirteene yeares and eight moneths wanting two daies and died in the moneth of Iuly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saieth Zonaras tomo 2 which two sayings cannot both be true for if Nero deceased in Iuly then raigned he more then thirteene yeare eight moneths but if his raigne was no longer which Xiphilin also assureth vs of theÌ„ died he not in Iuly Againe the same Xiphilin writeth 2 That is That by iust computation from Neroes death till the beginning of Vespasians raigne there was one whole yeare and two and twenty daies pag. 225. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but the first day of VespasiaÌ„s Empire was the first day of Iuly Tac. 2. Hist so that Neroes death was vpon the 8. of Iune so it should seeme by Tacitus in this very booke septeÌ„ à Neronis fine menses sunt Aurelius Victor saieth Menses septem diesque totidem imperauit Galba which vnderstoode from Neroes death agreeth iustly with the former account About the very same time with Nero dyed Vindex in France The word came first of his death to Galba in Spaine and certaine daies after of Neroes in post Plutar. Galba And certaine it is that Nero neuer had any newes of Vindex ouerthrowe for it could not haue beene otherwise but that beeing heard must needes haue wrought some notable alteration at Rome Philostratus l. 5. de vita Apollonij 3 That is It was reported at Messana where Apollonius then was that Nero was fled and Vindex deade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as though at Messana in Sicily the newes of Neroes destructioÌ„ had first bene reported Of Neroes death Icelus brought Galba the newes in seuen dayes from Rome Plut. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So allowing some time for prouision it may seeme that Galba set forward about the beginning of Iuly and entred the citty as it may be reasonably supposed about September follovving his iourney sayeth Tacitus vvas slowe the vvay long and his men heauy loaden 23. Galba brought in the Spanish Legion That is as I thinke Septima Galbiana gathered as it may seeme by Tacitus 3. c pag. 120. Hist Dio. d pag. 384. lib. 55. and e Galbâ cap. 10. Suetonius by Galba in Spaine which notwithstanding seemeth to haue bene sent away into Illyricum before his death vnder Antonius Primus Lieutenant therefore without cause remembred here in the tumult of Otho I finde no mention of any Hispana legio neither in Tacitus in this booke nor any writer beside vnlesse percase they alone were a sleepe when al the world beside was in armes 24. To the straits of the Caspian mountaines Suetonius f cap. 1â— Nerone Parabat Nero ad Caspias portas expeditionem conscriptâ ex Italicis senûm pedum tyronibus noua legione quam Magni Alexandri phalangem appellabat Xiphilinus addeth further that he had purposed a viage into Aethiopia 25. Lieutenants of legions Legati legionuÌ„ Legatus in this very booke hath 3. significations 1. Legatus for an Embassadour p. 24. CensueraÌ„t patres mitteÌ„dos ad GermanicuÌ„ exercituÌ„ legatos 2. Legatus or Legatus consularis or consularis for a LieutenaÌ„t deputy president or gouernour of a whole prouince or army p 21 Othonem in prouinciam Lusitaniam specie legationis seposuit p 42 Hordeonius Flaccus consularis legatus aderat p. 19 inferioris Germaniae legiones diutiùs sine consulari fuere 3. Legatus legionis or legatus Praetorius or legatus simply but by circumstaÌ„ce to be discerned for the LieutenaÌ„t of a LegioÌ„ whereof were in euery army as many as Legions p. 44 Coelius legatus vicesimae legionis p. 586 in vitâ Agricolae speaking of the same LegioÌ„ maÌ„ Quippe legatis coÌ„sularibê° nimia ac formidolosa erat Nec legatus Praetorius ad cohibeÌ„duÌ„ potens p. 42 Nullo legatoruÌ„ tribunoruÌ„ue pro Galba niteÌ„te p. 44 Foedis legatoruÌ„ certaminibus spoken equiuocally to the vaÌ„tage of the worde for the one of theÌ„ was legatus consularis the other legatus legionis 26. Prouinces abroad Eprouincijs Scilicet Caesaris onely ment as I take it here for Augustus after the warre at ActiuÌ„ enforced forsooth by the Senate to vndertake the Monarchy diuided the prouinces into two sorts The quiet peaceable cuntreyes he rendred into the Senate peoples hande the prouinces that limited bordered the Empire with the rest where any rebellion or warre might be feared he retained to himselfe his successours in shew to sustaine himselfe al danger alone and leaue to the Senate the sweete at their ease but in trueth to keepe himselfe alwayes armed and them without armes To the Senate and people as a lib. 17. Strabo and b lib 53. Dio vvrite belonged these prouinces follovving vvhich c 13. Ann p. 450. Tacitus if I be not deceiued calleth publicas prouincias Duae consulares Africke with Numidia and Asia so called because these tvvo prouinces vvere properly assigned to those vvho had beene Consuls vvhereas for the rest it suffized to haue borne inferiour office and decem praetoriae Boetica Narbonensis Sardinia vvith Corsica Sicilia Epirus Macedonia Achaia vvith Thessalia c. Creta vvith Cyrene Cyprus Pontus and Bithynia To himselfe he retained Hispania Tarraconensis Lusitania Gallia Lugdunensis Belgica Aquitania Syria c. Cilicia Egypt Dalmatia Moesia Pannonia and the tract of Rhene vpon the French side called by the name of d In Marcellinus li. 15. p. 1461. Germania prima wherein were Magontiacus Vangiones Nemites Argentoratus and Germania sâ—cunda Agrippina Tungris munita superior and inferior Germania as it is also at this day called Germanie but by Caesars description comprehended in Gallia and a verie part of Belgica vvho knevv no other Germania but that vvhich the later vvriters call for difference sake 1 Great Germanie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beyond the Rhene vvhereas Tacitus in this first booke naming often Germany meaneth alwaies the other two prouinces so called because the Germans continually passing the Rhene inhabited the cuntrey and so by little and little changed the name Caesar lib. 2. com Dio. lib.
Belgica from Pompeius Propinquus Procurator there that the legions of vpper Germany without respect of oth and duty demanded another Emperour and that this their reuolt might be the lesse hainously taken had referred the choise thereof to the Senate and people of Rome These news hastned the purpose of Galba who had already a good while before deuised with himselfe and with some near about him concerning the adoption No speech was for the time more common and curraunt in the whole city partly vpon a licence and lust to talke of such matters and partly because Galba was spent and feeble for age vpon iudgement or loue to the commonwealth very few the most part vpon secret hopes as they fauored or followed this man or that offred occasion to bring them in speech for the succession And now Vinius was grown into great hatred who as hee waxed daily more mighty so daily more odious for Galba with his too much facilitie encreased and nourished the greedy and gaping desires of his friendes neuer satisfied in so greate meanes and offending as vnder a Prince weake of body and light of beleefe with lesse feare and greater aduantage The whole power of the Prince was diuided betweene Titus Vinius the Consul and Cornelius Laco captaine of the garde Neither was Icelus the freed-man inferiour in fauour with his master who being priuiledged to weare gold rings made a gentleman was commonly called by the name of Martianus These three otherwise disagreeing and in points of lesse importance drawing euery one a sundry waie in this consultation of chusing a successour were diuided into two sides Vinius was for Marcus Otho Laco and Icelus agreed not so much vpon any one as vpon any other Neither did Galba much like of the party suspecting the counsell of Vinius as partiall and grounded vpon a mariage pretended betweene * Crispina his daughter being a widowr and Otho an vnmaried man a matter wherewith the ears of the prince by reason oftalecariers in court were not vnacquainted I thinke also that Galba was touched in part with care of the common wealth which might seeme in vain transferred from Nero if it were to be left vpon Otho for Otho had spent his tender yeares without a Parhici gestamen Othonis Ivenal Sat. 11 regard of his honour his youth afterward in al dissolute disorder in grace with Nero b Perlibertinam aulicam insinuatus Neroni facilè summum inter amicos locum tenuit congruentiâ moruÌ„ Suet. Oth. c. 2. through emulation of vice therfore Nero had left in his custodie as with one that was c Delapso Nerone in amorem Actae assumpto in conscientiam Othone c. Ann. 13. priuy to his lusts Poppaea Sabina his principal minion til he had dispatched his hands of Octauia his wife soone after vpon an apprehension of ielosy he sent him d At Senecaes intreating Plutar. p. 1503. Ann. 13. Deijcitur familiaritate sueta post congressu comitatu Otho postremò ne in vrbe aemulatus ageres prouinciae â—usitantae praeficitur vbi vsque ad ciuilia arma non expriore infamia sed integrè sanctéque egit proca otij potestatis temperan tior away into Lusitania coulorably to be Lieutenant there Otho hauing gouerned the prouince with al curtesy being the first that came in to Galba therwith a man of action of those which were present during the war of greatest account readily conceiued hope of adoption and daily toke himselfe better of assured being wel fauoured of most of the soldiers and greatly beloued of Neroes court as one like to their late master But Galba after the newes of the German rebellion although of Vitellius as yet he vnderstoode noe certainetie being doubtfull to what issue this violent proceeding of the armies would growe and reposing no trust in the city-souldier proceedeth to declare a successour the onely stay as he supposed of his estate And calling to him beside Vinius and Laco Marius Celsus consul elect Ducenius Geminus * Praefectus vrbis Prouost of the city after some speech vsed of his age a Sueton. c. 17. somewhat differing from Tacitus writeth Pisonem repentè è media salutantium turba apprehendit filiuque appellani in castra perduxit he commandeth Piso Licinianus to be sent for either vpon his owne choise or as some haue reported at the instance of Laco who cunningly preferred him as a mere stranger to himselfe whereas indeede they had in Rubellius Plautus house had long acquaintance together the good opinion which went generally of Piso gaue credit to his counsel Piso was sonne to Marcus Crassus and Scribonia nobly borne on both sides in countenance and presence after the ancient sort rightly to iudge seuere but to them which interpreted al to the worst seeming too sowre That quality of his the more it was by some men carefull in that behalfe misdoubted and feared the better it pleased the man who was to adopt him So Galba taking Piso by the hand is saied to haue spoken in this manner If I should as a priuate man only by an act of the Curiae and assent of the Priestes as the maner is adopt you it woulde bee both an honour for me to take into my family the progenie of Marcus Crassus and Pompey and a glory for you to adioine the honorable encrease of the Sulpitian and Lutatian houses to your owne nobility But now being by the consent of gods and men called to the Empire I am moued by your rare towardnes and the loue I beare to my countrey to offer vnto you without your trouble the Princes place that for which our auncestors haue contended in armes which by armes my selfe haue obtained following herein the example of Augustus who placed in estate next to himselfe first Marcellus his sisters son afterward Agrippa his sonne in lawe then his daughters sonnes and lastly his wiues sonne Tiberius Nero. But Augustus as it seemeth sought a successour in his family and I b To this saying alluded as it may seeme Dagalaiphus master of the horse to Valentinian the Emperour who beeing demanded in counsel by his master what partener he were best to assume of the Empire answered briefly Si tuâ—â— amas habes fâ—airem si temp alium quaere Marcellin lib. 26. pag. 1719. in the common wealth Not that I lacke some neare me in bloud or companions in armes whom I could respect but neither did I by ambition attaine to the Empire of my iudgement herein may be proofe not onely mine owne friendes passed ouer but yours also A brother you haue noble alike in yeares before you wel worthy of this honour were not you the more woorthy Your yeares are such as are settled from the affections of youth and so spent as no thing past needeth excuse Hitherto you haue tasted onely of aduerse fortune prosperity searcheth more deepely the minde for miseries are borne with patience
as the sacke or spoile of a citty or couetâ—ie donatiues or any other extraordinary librality rewardes and booties then ordinary pay they had passed before a long fruitles and hard seruice there partly through the * ingenio loci coeliq 2. Hist p. 97. Germanicae hiberna coelo ac laboribus â—dura qualitie of the soyle and clymate and partly through the straitnesse of discipline which in time of peace being rigorously obserued by ciuill warres is vtterly dissolued corrupters being ready at hande on both sides and fugitiues scaping as then without punishment Men armour horses they had sufficient for vse and ornament too but before the a Against Vindex warre they had no further acquaintaunce together but with the men of their owne troupes and companies the armies lay seuered b And so remained for ought I know in the warre against Vindex where onelie the vpper army was present by the testimonie of all writers and Tacitus himselfe in many places in seuerall prouinces then against Vindex the Legions being assembled in one and hauing proued themselues and the forces of Gallia sought nowe a fresh occasion of warres and new troubles not terming c To wit them of Gallia with whom they had sought them as they were wont friendes and allies but enemies and conquered persons The tract of Gallia which lyes vpon Rhene hauing followed before the souldiers side auanced them selues then with the foremost to instigate the armies against the Galbians for so now they called them disdayning the name of Vindex as stale Thus being incensed against the Sequani and Hedui and so further as the townes were in wealth they conceiued in hope sacking of citties wasting of countries rifling of houses irritated next after couetousnesse and presumption principall vices of them which be stronger by the peruersenesse of them of Gallia foolishly bragging that Galba had released a fourth part of their tribute and * publicè i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the primores of Gallia had obtained the priueledge before Claudius time 1. Ann p. a 11. priuores Galliâ— faâ—dâ—ra 〈…〉 secuâ—â— generally made them cittizens of Rome in despite of the army Moreouer it was giuen out craftily and rashly beleeued that in the Legions euery tenth man was alotted to dye and the ablest men of the Centurions should be cassed from euery quarter hainous rumours sinister reports from Rome the colony of Lions discontented and as it were a nurcery of tales by reason of their constant affection to Nero but greatest matter to forge out a lye and winne it credit the camp it selfe did yeeld vpon hatred feare security also when they had measured their own ability Aulus Vitellius entering the yeare before about the first of December into lower Germany with great care and diligence had visited and surueyed the standing camps of the Legions many he restored to their roomes to their fame honor most part to winne fauour and some vpon iudgemeÌ„t vndoing that with integrity which Fonteius Capito vpon bribery lucre had done displacing or placing for money in degrees of seruice nether were his doings accepted after the measure of an ordinary Lieutenant general but in a far higher degree And as amoÌ„g the seuerer sort Vitellius was thought base demisse so his fauourers termed it curtesy and goodnesse because without measure or judgement he gaue out his own lasht out other mens construing vices for vertues * auiditate imperandi vpon an extreme desire of the Empire Many in both armies there were as modest and quiet men so likewise bad valiant by name among other Alienus Caecina and Fabius Valens a Valens in lower Germanie where Vitellius and Caecina in higher where Hordeonius Flaccus was Lieutenant generall Lieutenants of Legions in appetites immoderat singularly rash Valens offeÌ„ded with Galba as being not recoÌ„pensed according to his deserts for discouering Verginius doubtful proceeding the oppressing of Capitoes conspiracy ceased not to vrge incite Vitellius laying open before him the soldiers ferueÌ„t good wil the honorable report that weÌ„t euerywher of his doings as for Hordeonius Flaccus that seely man could hinder but little that Britanny would ioin the German Aids folow him that the prouinces were nor assured in fine that the old man was Emperour of curtesy and quickly would lose it let Vitellius only but opeÌ„ his bosome make towards receaue in good fortune as she offred her selfe that Verginius indeede had good cause to be doubtful being only of a Gentlemans house his father hauing not borne office the place was aboue his capacity if he had vndertaken it then refusing it he was out of danger that contrariwise Vitellius father had bin thrise Consull Censor * collegium Caesaris Suceon Vitellio c. 2. l. Vitellius imperatoris pater cum Claudio principe duos or dinarios consulatus censuramque gessis collegue with the Emperor that these qualities in the father took long ago from the son the security of a priuat person put vpoÌ„ him the dignity of a Prince His dul spirits were moued with these speeches rather to desire theÌ„ to hope But in vpper Germanie Caecina a comply young man of body big mind insatiable quicke of speech of gate stately had maruelously won the goodwill of the souldier This youngman Galba promoted to gouern a legion for that being Questor in Baetica he came with out stay to his side by and by being conuicted to haue dealt false with the common treasure he was by Galbaes commaundement endited of purloyning Caecina taking heauily the disgrace determined to trouble the state with the calamities of the common welth to couer and close vp his own priuate woundes Neither in the army wanted there seedes of sedition for they al had bene present in field against Vindex and could not be brought to swear vnto Galba before they did know that Nero was slaine were also in taking the othe preuented by the enseignes of lowe Germanie againe the Treueri Lingones and those other citties which Galba had pinched with heauy edicts or with losse of territorie lay neare to the standing campes of the Legions whereupon grewe seditious conferences and the souldier by conuersation with the countrey-man more corrupted and by a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xiphilinus 202. a reason of the good will borne to Verginius to be employed for any other man The Lingones according to their accustomed maner had sent giftes to the Legions b 2. Hist p. 63. Centurionem Sisennam dextras concodiae insignia Syriaci exercitus nomine ad Praetorianos ferentem varijs artibus aggressus est Right-hands in token of mutual loue and hospitality their messengers purposely with sad cheere and heauy countenance in the Principia in the souldiers cabins lament and bewayle sometime the wrong done to themselues sometime the honour done to their neighbours and perceiuing their talke had so ready an audience they passed on further incensing their
campes were surprized the cohorts defeated slaine not one Roman left in the whole Batauian ilande commanded Mummius Lupercus the Lieutenant who gouerned the standing campe of two Legions to goe foorth against the enimie Lupercus taking the Legionaries about him and the Vbians at hande with certaine horsemen of the Treueri not farre off led them out in haste taking also with him a wing of Batauians which being long since secretely corrupted notwithstanding made shewe of fidelitie to the ende that in the very instant of ioyning betraying the Romans they might slippe away with more dammage to the one and bee better welcome to the other Ciuilis placed rounde about him the enseignes of the late taken cohortes that his souldiers might bee encouraged in beholding the monument of their late glory and the enemy dismaied with the memory of their ouerthrow Moreouer he caused his mother and sisters together with the wiues young children of al his soldiers to stand at their backs for an encouragement to the victory or a shame if they happened to flee In the ioyning of the two armies the singing of their men and howling of their women farre exceeded and drowned the feeble showte of our Legions and cohortes and the Batauian wing fleeing to the enemy and straightway turning vpon vs bared the left flancke of our battell notwithstanding the Legionary souldiers as in a case of such danger yet retained their weapons in their handes and themselues in array The Aydes of the Vbians and Treueri ranne most shamefully away and brake euery where which chase the Germans pursued gaue by that meanes leysure to our Legions to retire themselues into their campe called Vetera Claudius Labeo captaine of the Batauian wing who had followed at home a contrary faction to Ciuilis lest that either his death should offend the cuntrey or his presence minister cause of dissension was quietly sent out of the way into Frisia VIII The eight Batauian cohorts which had serued the Romans so long in Britannie against Otho and elswhere sollicited by Ciuilis forsake Magontiacum make their way at Bonna by the sworde and so ioine to Ciuilis IN the meane season the messenger sent by Ciuilis to Magontiacum to sollicite the cohorts of Batauians Caninefates came thither and founde them in readinesse by Vitellius commandement to march toward Rome Vpon that message receiued forthwith they waxed prowde and intolerable crying out or els refusing to march for their donatiue for double wages for an augmentation of the number of their horsemen things indeede promised by Vitellius but demanded by them not in hope to obtaine but to picke an occasion of mutinee and Flaccus yeelding to diuerse of their demandes gayned nought els but that they more instantly craued those things which they knew hee could not but denie So setting Flaccus at naught they tooke vp their ensignes and marched towarde lowe Germanie to ioyne themselues with Ciuilis Hordeonius calling the Tribunes and Centurions also to councell debated the matter whether he should by maine strength seeke to enforce them which so contemptuously brake away anone partly of his owne cowardlie nature partly through the timorousnesse of the officers who trusted neither the faith of their Aides nor the force of their a At Magontiacum then with Hordeonius were abiding two Legions quartae duodevicesima aliâs ducetvicesim◠Legions being gathered in hast of men vnskilfull in seruice he resolued to keepe his soldiers within the trenches and let the Batauians passe Afterwarde repenting himselfe of that resolution they also blaming it which were chiefe autours thereof as if he ment to pursue them he wrote to Herennius Gallus gouernour of Bonna and Lieutenant of the first Legion which wintered there that he should stoppe the Batauians from passage promising that he with his whole power would not faile to be on their backes And so verily they might haue beene defeated and slaine if Hordeonius of the one side and Gallus of the other had brought forward their power and enclosed them in behinde and before but Flaccus changed his purpose againe and in other letters of later date willed Gallus not to staye their passage Whereupon suspicion arose that the Lieutenaunts of set purpose stirred vp and fostered these warres yea all the mischieffes which either had chanced alreadie or were feared hereafter were imputed not to the cowardlinesse of the souldier or strength of the enemie but onely to the fraude and falsehoode of the Leaders When the Batauians drew neare to the campe at Bonna they sent before certaine messengers to declare to Herennius Gallus the intention of the cohorts that their meaning was not to make warre with the Romans in whose behalfe they had so oft borne armes but forasmuch as they were wearied with along and fruitlesse seruice their desire was quietly to liue at home in their cuntrey And therefore if no man made opposition their passage should be harmelesse but if any hostility were offred they would make their way with the sworde Whilest the Lieutenant stoode deuided in minde what to doe his soldiers vrged him to put it to the fortune of a field There were in his campe three thousand a Whereas the ful and iust nūber of a Legion should bee 6000. or 5000. at the least Legionary soldiers and certaine tumultuary cohorts of Belgians and withal a number of pezants and followers of the campe braue men before the danger approche in the danger but cowards Out they issue at all the gates of the campe to enclose the Batauians whom they knew to be farre inferiour in number The Batauians mindfull of their olde order in seruice set themselues in array in pointed battels standing on euery side close together hauing their front their flanckes and their backe surely garded and so with great facility brake thorow our thinne companies The Belgians first gaue ground and then our Legionaries were beaten backe and ranne for feare toward the trenches and gates of the campe There the most slaughter was committed the fosses were filled vp with dead bodies and many dyed in the throng by tumbling one ouer another and running vpon their own weapons aswell as slaine by the enemie After this victory the Batauians went forward leauing Coleyn of the right hand attempted no act of hostility in the rest of their iourney but excusing the battaile at Bonna as a thing done by constraint and for their owne safety whenas they intreated for peace and it would not be granted IX Ciuilis colourably sweareth his men to Vespasian then with his Batauians and the assistance of certaine German nations he besiegeth Vetera giueth an assault and is repulsed CIVILIS vpon the comming of these olde cohorts had now vnder his conduict a full complete army neuerthelesse wauering in minde standing irresolute consideting the puissance of the Roman Empire he caused all his men to sweare to Vespasian and sent forth with embassadours to the two Legions which beeing
a sicke and seely olde man nay why should they not rather dispatch such a traitour and free their fortune and vertue from the ill chance of so vnlucky a leader As they were in these speeches one with another letters came from Vespasian which incensed them more the which Flaccus because hee could not conceale caused openly to bee red before the assembly and sent the bringers thereof bounde to Vitellius By this meanes the souldiers mindes were somewhat appeased and so they came to Bonna the standing campe of the first Legion the souldiers whereof were more displeased with Flaccus then the other laying the fault of their late ouerthrowe wholly vpon him auerring that they at his commaundement marched forth against the Batauians assuring themselues vpon his promise that his Legions from Magontiacum should assayle them behinde and so no supply comming from thence they lost their liues through his treason that these matters had neuer beene notified to the rest of the armies nor to the Prince or els by the helpe and assistance of so many cuntreies this sodaine rebellion might haue beene quenched in the beginning Whereupon Hordeonius caused the coppies of all the letters which he had sent into France Britannie and Spaine requesting their helpe to be red to the army and beganne a very ill example that all letters sent from abroade should be deliuered to the standerd-bearers of the Legions who red them to the souldiers before they came to the Generals hande Then he commanded one of the most factious to be apprehended and bound rather to put his right in vre then because the fault was but of one man alone and so he a Taking along with him the first Legion or a great part thereof as it doeth appear p. 172. c. remoued with his army from Bonna to Coleyn where many Aydes resorted vnto him of the French nation which at the first with all their power assisted the Romans till afterwards seeing the Germans preuaile many of them tooke armes against vs in hope of freedome and that point attained for desire of souerainty But the wrath of the Legions stil increased neither could one souldiers imprisonment terrifie them nay euen the party imprisonned impeached the Generall of treason alleadging that he had beene messenger betweene Ciuilis and him and therefore a colour was sought to make him away lest he should declare and testifie the trueth Then Vocula with maruelous stoutnesse ascending into the Tribunal commanded the souldier as he exclamed and cried to be apprehended and caried away to execution which thing so terrified the bad and seditious that the sounder sort without impeachment fulfilled his commaundement and anone by common consent they demanded Vocula to bee their Generall which place Flaccus willingly resigned vnto him But their minds were already mutinously affected and many new occasions of more rage were presented as want of pay prouision of corne b And yet not ten lines before he writeth affluentibus auxilijs Gallorum quae primò rem Romanam enixè iuvabant France refusing to yeelde souldiers and tributes the Rhene also by reason of drought vnusuall in that cuntrey hardly able to beare any vessell scarcity of vittailes garrisons of men placed along the bancke to keepe the Germans from passing the riuer and so lesse corne and more men to consume it Among the ignorant and simpler sort the lownesse of the water was held for a prodigious matter as if the riuers also and the ancient defences of the Empire had now forsaken vs that which in peaceable times would haue beene counted chance or proceeding of naturall causes at that time was called a fatall matter and gods indignation and wrath At Nouesium they assumed the sixteenth Legion and Herennius Gallus Lieutenant of the first Legion was ioyned with Vocula in part of the charge yet durst they not goe to finde the enemy but encamped themselues at a place called Gelduba There they trained and practised their soldiers in ordering of battels in fortifyng entrenching and other militare exercises And to the ende that they might by booties and spoiles take courage and hart Vocula led forth part of his army into the cuntrey of the Gugerni adioyning who had allyed themselues with Ciuilis part remained behinde with Herennius Gallus And as by chance not farre from the campe a barge loaden with corn was runne vpon a shelfe the Germans espying it laboured to draw it to their side of the water which Gallus would not endure but sent a cohort to the reskew the Germans also increased their number and so by little and little supply resorting on both sides a battaile was fought wherein the Germans after the slaughter of many of our men by force haled the boate away Our souldiers being thus put to the worse according to their custome there blamed not their owne cowardlinesse but the treason of the Lieutenant whom they drew out of his tent tare his clothes and bet his body commanding him to tell vpon what price and with what complices he had thus betrayed the army But a Who as it seemes stayed behind at Nouesium Hordeonius was charged with the whole enuy of the fact him they termed the contriuer of the mischiefe Gallus onely the instrument till at length Gallus being terrified with their threatning of his destruction to saue his owne life was content to charge Hordeonius also with treason Then was he put in bandes and afterwardes at the returne of Vocula loosed who the next day following put to death the autors of the sturre So strange diuersity there was in that army both licentiously to commit all enormities and patiently to abide all correction The common souldier was firme to Vitellius the principall men more inclined to Vespasian Hence came XII Montanus a captaine of Vitellius side and borne at Triers bringeth worde to Nouesium of the euent of the battell at Cremona whereupon they there and the rest at Gelduba sware to Vespasian and sent Montanus to declare the same to Ciuilis willing him to desist from hostility but contrarily Ciuilis vvrought Montanus to his purpose and layed the plot of the rebellion of Fraunce vvhich shortlie after ensued THIS was the effect of that which passed in Germanie before the a Which was fought about the later end of October as it is declared elswhere battaile of Cremona the euent whereof Antonius Primus signified by letters directed vnto them sending withall b Who as Consull published belike some edict in fauour of the Flauian side Caecinaes edict and c Sent by the Flauianists 3. Hist p. 125. Alpinus Montanus captaine of one of the vanquished cohortes by worde of mouth confessed the ouerthrow of the side Hereupon ensued diuersity of affections The Auxiliary souldiers of France which serued without al partiality and neither hated nor loued the one faction nor the other at the perswasions of their captaines were content forthwith to forsake Vitellius but the olde souldier stucke at
5 Of the Roman army the left wing was commanded by T. Aebutius Generall of the horse ouer against Sexâ— Tarquinius p 255. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom before he had placed 6 In the left wing of the Latins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the battel ad lacum Regillum And in Callisthenes story of Alexander Polybius l. 12. noteth many 7 Fâ—â—â—ours in n aÌ„ shalling the men in battaile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42 The golden Milliarium Milliarium aureum was a golden piller set vp by Augustus as Dio witnesseth g pag 356. lib. 54. in capite fort Romani saieth Pliny 8 At which all the high waies of italy doe end 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plutarchus Galbâ so called because froÌ„ thence began the account of miles Beside Milliarium aureum there were Milliaria lapidea that is little pillers of stone erected by order froÌ„ C. Gracchus at the end of euery mile Plutarchus Gracchis 9 That is Moreouer hauing measured out the whole way by miles a mile being l ttle lesse then eight stadia he erected pillers of stone as markes of the measure p. 1535. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereupon grew the vsuall phrase ad tertium quartum quintum ab vrbe lapidem for three foure or fiue miles from the citty 43. Not vpon iudgement or any Tacit. 3. h pag â—39 Hist Populi mobilem animum si se ducem i Flauius Sabinus praebuisset easdem illas adulationes pro Vespasiano fore which now they vsed to Vitellius and in the k pag â—50 same booke vulgus eâdem prauitate insectabatur interfectum Vitellium quâ fouerat viuentem Iuuenalis Satyrâ 10. Sed quid Turba Remi sequitur fortunam ut semper odit Damnatos idem populus si l Vulsinijs n. â—yn de Seâ—anus erat autore Tacito An. 4. templum Nortiae diae Liu l. 7. Nortiae Tusco Fauisset si oppressa foret secura senectus Principis hâc ipsa Scianum diceret horâ Augustum 44 Framing acclamations at pleasure The formula of acclamations in Senate is to be seene in the later RomaÌ„ stories in fauour as in m pag. 977. Lampridius to Alexander Seuerus Auguste innocens dij te serueÌ„t c. In n pag. 864. Vulcatius Gallicanus to Antoninus Antonine pie dij te seruent Antonine clemens dij te seruent c. to Diuus Claudius in Trebellius a pag. 1107. Pollio Augusto Claudi dij te nobis praestent dictum sexagies Claudi Auguste c. in Flauius b pag. 1145. Vopiscus to Tacitus the Emperour Tacite Auguste dij te seruent te diligimus te principem facimus c. In disfauor as in c pag. 876. Lampridius after Commodus death Hosti patriae honores detrahantur parricidae honores detrahantur parricida trahatur c. Of popular acclamations wee may gesse they were much after this forme 45. Easily beleeued credula fama Dionysius noteth in Thucidides among many other innouations in speech that hee commonly changed actiues into passiues passiues into actiues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Tacitus here we haue credula to signifie cui facile credatur passiuely whereas credulus in common Latin and so it is vsed pa. 20 signifieth onely qui facile credit likewise p. 37. Ne vulgi largitione centurionum animos auerteret i. largitione que fiat vulgo siue gregario militi Againe 15. Ann. p. 518. Iniuriae minorum i. quae minoribus inferuntur But to giue a tast once for all of Tacitus grammar I will note here three or foure places worthy the noting Hist 3. p. 133. It omnes Mutiano volentia scripsere volentia pleasing p. 145 Turbae sacricolarum immixtus ignarusque delituit i. ignotus in another place gnarum id Caesari for notum p. 147. Quâ— gnara Vitellianis incomperta hostibus 1. Ann. p. 244 Fama dediti Segestis vulgata vt quibusque bellum inuitis aut cupientibus erat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 15. An. p. 524. Hac atque talia plebi volenti fuere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In vita Agricolae Vt quibus bellum voleÌ„tibus erat 5. Hist p. 202. Caesar Titus vt superior sui tam crederetur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ann. 2. 280. Appelliâ—que Colophona vt Clarij Apollinis oraculo vteretur Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 An. 3. 306. Adulteros earum morte aut fuga puniuit i. exilio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To be short who so list seeke and looke more nearely into Tacitus phrases shall doubtlesse finde as manie strange points in his grammar as Dionysius hath done in Thucidides 46. As if they had gone to pul Vologeses or Pacorus out Dio. l. 40. 1 That is The Parthians inhabite beyond the riuer of Tigris in castels holdâ— now of late they haue some citties also among others Cresiphon where the kings place of resiace as they were a seuerall nation among the ancient barbariaÌ„s and this name had they euen vnder the PersiaÌ„ Empire notwithstanding at that time their territory was small neither had they any dominion abroad But wheÌ„ the Persian monarchy was dissolued by the Macedonian power and AlexaÌ„ders successours waging warre one against another began to wither decay then attempted the Parthians first of all to come forwarde vnder the conduct of one Arâ—aces of whom all the kings afterward were called Arsaciâ—ae and so good was their fortune that they conquered all the cuntrey adioyning together with the prouince of Mesopotamia In sine they grew to such height both of glory and strength that they opposed themselues in op n warre against the Romans and till this day are accounted the only men to match and make head against theÌ„ p. 80. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d And soliâ— lunae fratres also saieth Marcellinus lib. 23. quoâ— Arsâ—ces astris ritus sui consecratione vt ipsi existimant â—ermâ—xtus est omnâ—â— priâ—aus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Herodâ—â—nus libro 6. pag. 520. 2 Alexanders successours being diuided one against another and the Macedonian power greatly weakened with continuall warres Arsaces by birth a Parthian is saied first of all to haue persuaded the barbarians of those quarters to reuolt from the Macedonians and assuming the diâ—dâ—me bâ— consent both of the Parthians and other barbarians thereabout himselfe was king and after him the crowne continued for a long time in his posterity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The very precise time of the Parthian reuolt was vnder Antiochus Tac. 5. Hist p. 206. Antiochus ParthoruÌ„ bello prohibitus est nam ea tempestate Arsaces desciuerat Appianus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 specifieth which Antiochus to wit Antiochus surnamed Deus grandechilde to e Ammianus lib 23 p. 1651 affirmeth it was Seleucus Nicator Seleucus sounder of the Syrian kingdome p. 90. 3 At that time began the Parthians their reuolt by reason the kingdome of the
good great extortioÌ„ abroad with great bribery at home according to the Greeke senary 4 Vic that hath stoâ—ne much with giuing a small matter shall escape well enough 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore Tully telleth vs in iest or in earnest that the prouinces would surely preferre supplicatioÌ„ to the Senate that the law de repetundis made in their behalfe at their request might be repealed his words be these prooemio prioris actionis in verreÌ„ Planum facere multis testibus possum C. VerreÌ„ in Sicilia multis audientibus saepe dixisse se habere homineÌ„ potenteÌ„ cuius fiducia prouinciaÌ„ spoliaret neque sibi soli pecuniaÌ„ quaerere sedita trienniuÌ„ illud praeturae Siciliensis distributuÌ„ habere ut secuÌ„ pulchre agi diceret si vnius anni quoestuÌ„ in reÌ„ suaÌ„ coÌ„uerteret alteruÌ„ patronis desesoribus suis traderet tertiuÌ„ illuÌ„ vberrimuÌ„ quoestuosissimuÌ„que annuÌ„ totuÌ„ iudicibus reseruaret Ex quo mihi venit inmenteÌ„ illud dicere ê™ apud M. GlabrioneÌ„ nuper cum in reijciendis iudicibus commemorasseÌ„ intellexi vehementer PopuluÌ„ RomanuÌ„ commoueri me arbitrari fore vti nationes exterae legatos ad Populum Romanum mitterent vt lex de pecunijs repetundis iudiciumque tolleretur si enim iudicia nulla sint tantum vnumquemque ablaturum putant quantum sibi ac liberis suis satis esse arbitrentur nunc quòd eiusmodi iudicia sint tantum vnumquemque auferre quantum sibi patronis aduocatis praetoribus iudicibus satis futurum sit Hoc profectò infinitum esse Se auarissimi hominis cupiditati satisfacere posse nocentissimae victoriae non posse Vnder the Empire the law was vnderstoode as it may seeme by Pliny lib. 2. ep 11. against extortion onely 80. Crime of Maiesty and treason Lex maiestatis in the ancient free common wealth comprehended onely points of greatest importance in state d Tacitus 1. Anu p 251. si quis proditione exercitum aut plebem seditionibus denique malè gestà Republica maiestatem Populi Romani minuisset Augustus put it in vre against libellers whereas before facta arguebantur dicta impunè erant or at least not punished vvith the penalties laesae maiestatis In Tiberius Caius Claudius and Neroes time it vvas vnicum crimen eorum qui crimine vacabant as Pliny speaketh e Falaniut 1. Ann. pag. 251. One vvas accused to Tiberius and all vvas maiestie quòd venditis hortis statuam Augusti simul mancipasset f Rubrius ibidem another quòd violasset periurio nomen Augusti a g Grauius Marcellas ibidem third beside some vndutifull speeches that hee had set vp his ovvne image higher then those of the Princes and that in another image hee had cut of the head of Augustus and clapped in place one of Tiberius for sauing of cost h Lutorius Priscus 3. Ann pag. 318. another for making an epitaph for the Princes sonne before he was dead arraygned condemned a L Ennius Ann. 3. pag. 327. another quòd effigiem principis promiscuuÌ„ ad vsum argenti vertisset b C. Silius 4. Ann. 340. another for that he had done greater seruice for the Prince theÌ„ that he was able any other way to requite it c Cremutius Cordus Ann. 4. pag. 347. another for that in his story he had commended Cassius Brutus enemies of the monarchy dead aboue threescore yeares before d Pompeta Matrinacum marito socero patre ac fratre 6. Ann. 382 others because they were desceÌ„ded of those which in their time had bene of neare acquaiÌ„tance with Pompey e Titius Sabinus 4. Ann 364. C. Silius 4. Ann. 340. c. another because he had bene a follower of Germanicus of whom Tiberius without iust cause had euer bene ielous f Mamercus Scanruâ— 6. Ann. p. 388. another for making a tragedy wherein certaine verses were of doubtful vnderstaÌ„ding In Claudius time g Petra 11. Ann. one was arraigned coÌ„demned of maiesty for dreaming a dreame another for h C. Silanus Dio. pag. 463. being dreamed of In Neroes time one i 10. Ann. p. 546. Cassius quòd inter imagines matorum etiam C. Cassij effigiem coluisset ita inscriptam DVCI PARTIVM And infinite mo for such trifles as these Seing therefore that lex maiestatis had bene so late so odiously executed it pleased the pardoners to tearme that which indeede was extortion crime of maiesty the memory whereof was so hatefull that in respect of it euen other good lawes were neglected 81. To the Hispalienses Emeritenses a new supply of families In deducing of colonies a certaine nuÌ„ber of families were assigned which if tract of time or any mischaÌ„ce had diminished or adulterated to haue them supplied a fresh or increased was esteemed of the rest as a speciall great benefite Liuius lib. 32. fol. 259. C. Acilius tribunus plebis tulit vt quinque coloniae in oram maritimam deducerentur Tricanae familiae in singulas colonias iubebantur mitti eodem lâ—bro f. 253. Narniensium legatis querentibus ad numerum sibi colonos non esse immistos quosdam non sui generis pro colonis se gerere earum rerum causa triumuiros creare L. Cornelius consul iussus creati P. Sex Aelij Poetis fuit ambobus cognomen C. Cornelius Lentulus Quod Narniensibus datum erat vt colonorum numerus augeretur id Cossani petentes non impetrauerunt And in another place postulantibus à senatu AquileiensiuÌ„ legatis vt numerum colonorum augeret M. D. familiae ex S.C. scriptae Tac. 13. Ann. p. 462. Caeterùm coloniae Capua atque Nuceria additis veteranis firmatae sunt Now that Hispalis was a Colony of the Romans Pliny affirmeth lib. 3. c. 2. A laeua Hispalis colonia cognomine RomuleÌ„sis That Emerita Dio. l. 53. p. 348. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The reason of the name is apparent Emerita quod emeriti milites 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deaucerentur For militar colonies to leaue the other kinde which in the free state were deriued abroade by the Senates appointment for so k That is This warre being Ended Augustus diâ—â—ssed the souldiers which were past yeares of seruice and gaue them licence to builde a citty in Portugall called Augusta Emerita â—â—b 1 p. 749. Velleius seemes to diuide them they were deuised for a recoÌ„pence of olde soldiers who hauing spent the floure of their age in the seruice of their cuntrey small reason it were to turne them a begging when they were aged Wherefore Sylla Caesar and the Emperours following at the ende of their seruice rewarded the olde soldier with an honourable mayntenance of lande of inheritaÌ„ce In this kinde of colonies at the beginning l Tac. 15. Ann. pag. 491. vniuersae legiones ducebantur cum tribunis centurionibus siu cuiusque ordinis militibus vt consensu caritate remp efficerent Mela. lib. 2