not stand in need of that Charity Some of them spoke loosely in compliance with a Platonick Notion of the Trinity not fore-seeing what Consequences might be drawn from their Expressions or how narrowly they should come afterwards to be examin'd Certain it is that the Fathers that followed the Nicene Council Athan. ad Afros Hist Tripart l. 2. c. 7. Socr. l. 5. c. 10. Sozom. l. 7. c. 12. took all the Ecclesiastical Writers before their time to be of their Opinion and Sisinnius the Novatian Reader afterwards Bishop is said to have confounded all the Arrian Disputants by putting the matter to this issue Whether they would stand to the Judgment of the Ancient Fathers in the Interpretation of such places of Scripture as were controverted between them Eusebius no Enemy to the Arrians Ep. ad Caesar Hist Tripart l. 2. acknowledges 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be used by some Ecclesiastical Writers long before the Council of Nice the Creed of the Council of Antioch against Paulus Samosatenus has it Vid. Conâ— Antioch and several other things that shew how much the Doctrine of the Church at that time differ'd from that of the Arrians It would be a great Service to the Truth that seems now to labour under some Prejudice if some learned hand would take the Pains to shew which I believe is not impossible how Petavius has betray'd the constant Tradition of this Doctrine to establish it by the Authority of the Church and relieve the Memories of those holy Martyrs that he leaves charg'd with the Suspition of blasphemous Opinions concerning our Saviour Having done with the Nicene Council p. 50. §. 7. and all that related to it Mr. B. thinks it worth his labour to add the Sum of the History of the Audians out of Epiphanius Epiph. Haeres Audian That the World may percieve what Spirit the hereticating Prelates were then of and how some called Hereticks were made such or defamed as such and who they were that did divide the Churches and break their Peace The Author of this Sect was Audius a man severe in his Life and sound in his Principles but one that took great Liberty of Speech and reproved sharply whatsoever he found amiss though it were in the Bishops they in Revenge persecuted him and turn'd him out of the Church He is made Bishop of his own Sect and so exasperated as to abhor all Communion with the Bishops of the Catholick Church If all things were as Epiphanius represents them Audius had very hard Measure but it seems from Epiphanius his own account that there was not wanting just occasion against him for he held that God had Humane Shape a Doctrine if obstinately maintain'd and such bold men are not easily reclaim'd altogether intolerable But I am afraid Epiphanius had this Story from as bad hands as that of the Meletians for this Schism happening in a remote part of the World and being scatter'd afterwards into several Parts it is likely that some Audian might impose upon him l 4. Haeret. â—ah For it looks like the Story of one party and the more likely because Theodoret a man that lived in that Country where they first sprung gives an infamous Character of them That they held some of the Doctrines of the Manichees That God was not the Author of Fire and Darkness that they exercised Usury that they cohabited with Women without Marriage that they were great Hypocrites of a proud Pharisaical Spirit that cried Touch me not for I am holier than thou If Audius were like his Followers I know nothing so like him and them as Labady and his Disciples See Labady's Epist against Reformation This was a man very free in his Reproofs too he spoke sharply against the Vices of the Clergy where he lived though there were no Bishops amongst them and it may be one of his Followers may be able to perswade a learned man in Constantinople that he was banish'd only for his Liberty of Reprehension and out of Envy to his Virtue Page 52. Section 14. we have several shrewd Remarks upon some Canons of the Council of Nice As first That no Patriarchs are named there Secondly That they nullifie the Ordination of scandalous and uncapable men Can. 9.10 Which will justifie Pope Nicholas forbidding any to take the Mass of a fornicating Priest This fornicating Priest of Pope Nicholas is no other than a married one and whatsoever will justifie that Prohibition cannot but condemn Mr. B. who is himself married As for deposing scandalous Ministers there is none but wishes it but not in the manner he seems to insinuate by the Sentence of the people but by their lawful Superiors which these two Canons do suppose 3. That Rural Bishops were then in Vse and allowed by the Council Can. 8. And what can he infer from hence Not surely That every Country Parish had a Bishop but that such Cities as had larger Territories belonging to them had Ecclesiastical Visitors under the city-City-Bishop which were called Chorepiscopi Can. 57. Conc. Laodic Whether they were Bishops indeed or Priests with a delegated Episcopal Power is not agreed amongst Learned men Sure it is that they had this Obligation common to them with other Presbyters not to do any thing of Moment without the Advice and Approbation of the Bishop Conc. Carthag 4. 4. That no Bishop was to remove from one Church to another yet some other Councils allow this Translation and Gelasius understands it only of such as out of Covetousness or Ambition and by indirect means shall endeavour to translate themselves and the Practice of the Church was never very conformable to this Canon the most eminent Bishops in the World Socr. l. 7. c. 36. having transgres'd it 5. The Arabick Canons the fourth Si pâ—pulo placebit is a Condition of every Bishops Election Newer Translations render this Concurrence of the People Cum consensu Pepuli Populo consersum praevente which implies little more than that the Bishop ought to be such as the People should have nothing material to object against and not that they were to please themselves and to indulge their Fancies in the Election of their Bishops for that did belong to the Clergy Vid. loâ— ap Synod Bâ—â—â—r â—0 and particularly to the Metropolitan as the â—â—â—th Arabick Canon does expressly inform us 6. The fifth Arabick Canon in case of Discord among the People who shall be their Bishop or Priest refers it to the People to consider which is most blameless and no Bishop or Priest must be taken into anothers place if the former was blameless so that if Pastors be wrongfully cast out the People must not forsake them nor receive the obtruded Nothing can be more disingenuous than this Dealing The design of that Canon is that there should be but one Bishop in every City but if the People disagree and one party stand up for one and another for another
est curam Parochiae habere Hispani Episcopi docent Baptizare posse Mendoza where it is ordered That if a Deacon who has the government of a Congregation or Parish without a Bishop or Presbyter shall Baptize any the Bishop shall perfect it by Confirmation or if in the mean time the party dyes we are to hope well of him The Council of Neocaesarea in like manner does signifie the same distribution of Dioceses into several Parishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Conc. Neocaes c. 13. where the Country Presbyters are distinguished from those of the City and the former are forbid to officiate in the Citie 's Cathedral in the presence of the Bishops or Presbyters belonging to them Now when Constantines conversion had made so great and happy a change in the affairs of the Church when the Civil power that hitherto used all means possible to destroy it took it not only into its protection but to special favour and kindness and studyed all means possible to render it great and honourable the number of Bishops and Dioceses were so far from being diminished that they soon after were exceedingly encreased partly by the Emperors multiplying Metropoles partly by the unhappy Divisions that soon after afflicted the Church as will appear by the progress of this deduction When Constantine Indicted the Council of Nice it appears from Eusebius that he us'd all means to have as great an Assembly of Bishops as could well come together Euseb â—e vita Constant l 3. c. 6. for which purpose he furnish'd many of them especially such as were at a great distance with convenience for Travail and there is no doubt but as many as could have any means of going would be carri'd thither by their curiosity to see and enjoy the Presence of a Christian Emperor that new Miracle that God had wrought in favour of his Church and accordingly they came from all parts of the Roman Empire and some from the Nations beyond it The Countries that lay next to Nice did doubtless send the greatest part of their Bishops as may be inferr'd by comparing the subscriptions of the Bishops of Palestine Phoenice Coelosyria Egypt and some other Countries either with the Ancient Notiâ—â—â— of the Dioceses of those Countries or the subscriptions of following Councils and it is observable that the Province of Bithynia where this Council was held had but 13 Bishops Present though the principal Bishop of the Province were extreamly concern'd and at last condemned by this Synod therefore we cannot but conclude that that Province had very few more Yet after all this care to make a full assembly the number of Bishops scarce exceeded 250. as Eusebius who was present does affirm 232. according to the MS. cited by Mr. Selden in Eutich 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which Sandius takes to be Sabinus often mention'd by Socrates and one that exposed this Council as consisting of poor Illiterate men and Eustatius Bishop of Antioch reckons but 20 more though the Common opinion reckons 318. and yet how small a number is this in comparison of some succeeding Councils where we find without half the Apparatus that belong'd to the Nicene Council double the number meet together The Council of Sardica on the part of the Catholicks had near 300. the Hereticks had great numbers at the same time in Philippopolis the Arrian Council of Sirmium had 300 Western Bishops besides those of the East that of Ariminum had 400. Bishops from the Western parts of the Empire for in the East there was another Council called at Seleucca and lastly that of Chalcedon had no less than 600. There can be no reasonable account given of this difference 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb vit Const l. 3.17 but that the multitude of Dioceses was strangely increas'd for Constantine design'd the Council of Nice to be as great and Magnificent as was possible and yet it was nothing in comparison with those that followed nay was outdone by some Provincial Councils of Africk And as the number of the Council of Nice shews that Dioceses in those times were not so many nor small as they became afterwards so the Canons of the same Council do suppose Bishopricks to be very large and forbid the dividing of them for one Canon orders that every Bishop should be ordained by all the Bishops of his Province Can. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And considering how large Ecclesiastical Provinces were then they cannot suppose all the Pastours of every Congregation to meet nor indeed the Ministers of every good Town or substantial Village which in several Provinces would amount to several thousands without making such an Assembly more numerous than any general Council that ever was in the world Can. â— another Canon provides against the dividing of Dioceses in case a Novatian Bishop shall happily be willing to be reconcil'd to the Church but that he should be content with the place of Presbyter unless the Catholick Bishop should think fit to leave him the title of a Bishop if not Inveniat eâ— locum ut sit in Parochia Chorepiscopus then to make him a Chorepiscopus i. e. the Rector of a Country Parish in his Diocese or a City Presbyter lest there should be two Bishops in the same City The African Councils took another course as we have seen and divided the Diocese in such a Case but when they consider'd the Authority of this Council we find them changing their Practice for Augustin when he had design'd his Successour yet would not suffer him to be ordain'd in his life time because he would not violate this Canon although his Predecessor had permitted his Ordination while he was alive August Ep. but Augustin makes his excuse that he did not know of this Canon then and yet his Diocese was large enough to hold two but he understood this one City with all its dependencies and thought that by vertue of this Canon there ought not to be two Bishops together in the Diocese of Hippo that was above forty miles in length The Diocese of Constantinople to which Constantine was so great a Patron 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb vit Const l. 3. c. 46. was very considerable in his time for it had so far outgrown the measure of one Congregation that the Emperor thought it necessary to build a great many Churches and very large Temples or Martyria because they were dedicated to the memory of Martyrs and this not only within the City but in the Suburbs that is in the language of that time the Territory belonging to it And it is great pity there was no Bishop or Presbyter that could inform the welmeaning Emperor that this was mistaken devotion to submit all these Churches to one Bishop The Council of Antioch supposes Bishops to have large Dioceses An. Ch. 341. Can. 8. and therefore provides that Country Presbyters shall not give Canonical Epistles not so much as to the
in the Funeral Oratition of his friend where besides this new Bishoprick he shews that seâ—â—â—al others were erected upon that contention and that the Church had this advantage that By the increase of Bishops there would be a more exact and particular care taken of Souls and every City should be governed in all Ecclesiastical affairs within it self which before in that Country it seems they were not used to And Lastly That by this means the strife endeds After what manner he does not say perhaps this increase of Bishops carried the cause for Basil against Anthimus and so the controversy ended However Nazianzen commends Basil here for multiplying Dioceses yet in the Verses before cited he makes it a very unnecessary innovation for him to set up a Bishop at Sasima having no less than fifty Suffragan Bishops in his Province already 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet if we consider how far Sasima was probably from Caesarea we must conclude the Diocess of Basil out of which this is expresly said to be taken to have been very large for that this place was at some good distance from Basil we may perceive from Nazianzen's complaint as if he had been banished by this promotion into some remote place 2. If any guess may be made by comparing the itinerary from Constantinople to Jerusalem Printed â—â—th that of Antonius with the Tabulae Peuterigeranae Apud Itinerarium Antonini Sasus in finibus Ciliciae But this cannot be the same with Sasime in the other Itinerary the distance must be as great at least as between Hippo and Fussala for in that Itinerary there is reckoned sixteen miles from Sasima to Andavalis which in Peutingers tables is a great way from Caesarea 3. Sasima in the Ancient Greek Notitiae Printed with others by Carolus â S. Paulo Ordo Metropolitarum prout descriptus est in Chartophylacio is set down in the second Cappadocia which was under the Metropolis of Thyana and therefore it is not likely to be very near Caesarea the Metropolis of the other Cappadocia And one may observe that the Dioceses of Cappadocia notwithstanding this division were yet very considerable and far from being reduced into Congregational Churches It is plain from Nazianzen that Cappadocia had but fifty Bishops for so many he sayes Basil had under him and no doubt he owned him as Metropolitan of the whole Province and considering the extent of that Country the Dioceses must needs be large for the Country as Strabo computes Strab. l. 12. is near four hundred miles in length and little less in breadth as Causabon restores the reading of one thousand eight hundred furlongs in the twelfth book by a passage in the second where the breadth is made two thousand eight hundred And in this compass Bishops may contrive fifty Dioceses of very competent extent and not inferior to many of ours Basil writing to the Presbyteâ—â— of Nicopolis Salutes the Clergy of the City and the Clergy of the Diocess And in a Letter to the Citizens of the same place Bas Ep. 592. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 desires them to shew a good example of affection towards their new Bishop to the rest of the Diocess Ep. 94. And in another to the Brethren of Colonia whence Euphronius was chosen to Nicopolis he tells them that he who was their Chorepiscopus before may take care of them still and continue to be their Bishop The same Father in another Epistle Ep. 72. Evasenis shews that Ancyra was a Diocess of good extent for Eustathius passing through the Territory of that City is said to have overthrown the Altars of Basilides the Bishop of it and to set up his own Tables which supposes several Country Churches under the jurisdiction of that Diocesan Bas Ep. 406. Amphilochio sub nomine Hâ—racleidae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. And Lastly when Basil directs Amphilochius Bishop of Iconium to constitute Bishops in the Province of Isauria which at that time was it seems distitute upon what occasion I know not he enters upon a comparison between the convenience of large and small Dioceses and debates for sometime whether it were best to Ordain one Bishop of the Metropolis Seleucia I suppose who shall take care of the whole Province and Ordain more Bishops as he shall find expedient or else appoint a number of lesser Bishops first And here he confesses that if he could find one that would answer the character of St. Paul that were a workman who needed not to be ashamed such a one would go a great way and be worth many little Bishops would be of greater use to the Church and by that means we might with less hazard undertake the care of the Souls of the Province But if this cannot be done then let there be made Bishops in the lesser Cities and Villages where there were Bishops before and the matter be so ordered that the Bishop of the Principal City may not disturb us hereafter in point of Ordinations By which it appears that Isauria was then part of Basils Province and we may perceive the reason why he chose rather to Ordain the Country Bishops first to form an interest in the first place and to diminish the strength and power and to prevent the usurpations of the Bishop of the chief City Nor were these Chorepiscopi Country Bishops other than Diocesan as to the extent of their Church which consisted of many Congregations and those at a good distance one from the other for these were not as Rectors of a single Parish but Visitors of several Churches to the proportion it may be of our Rural Deaneries though like them they were more immediately related to a certain Parish or Town But their Episcopacy was in relation to the association of several Churches So Basil sayes he sent to the Chorepiscopus of those places not of one Country Town 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bas Ep. 355. and therefore the Council of Laodicia calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Visitors and where Cities were not very thick some of them had the inspection of a large Territory But yet these were but the Deputies or Surrogates of the City Bishops in point of jurisdiction for they were to do nothing of moment without their Bishop and several Councils provide against their Usurpations Basil whose Diocess and Province we come from giving an account of is so resolute upon his prerogative that he will not endure they should ordain as much as the inferior Clergy as Deacons Subdeacons Readers and several others which the Church of that time reckon'd among the Clergy without his consent Bas 181. and if they do let them know sayes he that whosoever is admitted without our consent shall be reputed but a Layman What would he have said if they had pretended to ordain Presbyters or Bishops in opposition to them The Bishops of the Church of England desire no more than S. Basil assumed That none should be reputed Priests
all the Churches they lookt upon that as their peculiar Charge and govern'd not as ordinary Presbyters but by Apostolick Authority as a Metropolitan who although he has the supervising of all the Diocesses within his Province yet may have his proper Diocess which he governs as a particular Bishop And the Office of an Apostle does not essentially consist in the governing of more Churches than one else St. Paul would never have vindicated his Apostleship from the particular Right he had over the Corinthians 1 Cor. 9.2 If I be not an Apostle to others yet doubtless I am to you for the Seal of my Apostleship are ye in the Lord. So that though he had had no more Churches to govern yet his Apostolick Authority might have been still exercised over that particular one of Corinth The Provinces of the Evangelists were not yet so large as those of the Apostles for these were either sent to such Cities or Parts whither the Apostles themselves could not go or left where they could not stay The Church of Ephesus was the Diocese of Timothy from whence although the greater Occasions of other Churches might call him away and require his Assistance yet his Authority was not Temporal nor would it have expired if he had resided a longer while at Ephesus so that these Apostolick men were not so because they were unfixt but because they had that Eminence of Authority which they might exercise in one or more Churches according as their Necessities did require or as the Spirit signified and that they did not settle in one place is to be ascribed to the Condition of their Times and not to the nature of their Office for the Harvest was now great and such Labourers as these were but few and therefore their Presence was required in several Places And as this Unsetledness is not essential to Apostolick Authority no more is it essential to Episcopacy to be determined to a certain Church Every Bishop is Bishop of the Catholick Church and that his Authority is confined to a certain district is only the positive Law of the Church that forbids one Bishop any Exercise of his Office within the Diocess of another and St. Paul seems to have given them the occasion who would not build upon another mans Foundation However in any case of Necessity this Positure Law is superseeded and a Bishop may act in any place by virtue of a general Power he has received in his Ordination so that this first Exception of the Apostles and the Evangelists being unfixt and Bishops determined to a particular Church can make no essential Difference As to the Visitors of the Church of Scotland they make evidently against Mr. B's Notion of an essential Difference between Bishops and Evangelists for first of all the Residence was fixt to certain Cities and their Jurisdiction confin'd within certain Provinces as the Superintendent of the Country of Orkney was to keep his Residence in the Town of Keirkwall Spotswood Hist Scot. l. 3. p. 158. he of Rosse in the Channory of Rosse and so the rest in the Towns appointed for their Residence Their Office was to try the Life Diligence and Behaviour of the Ministers the Order of their Churches and the Manners of the People how the Poor were provided and how the Youth were instructed they must admonish where Admonition needed and dress all things that by good Counsel they were able to compose finally they must take note of all hainous Crimes that the same may be corrected by the Censures of the Church So far of their Constitution as we find it in Mr. Knox's first Project of Church-polity Spotswood p. 258. and their practice was altogether the same with that of Diocesan Episcopacy as Bishop Spotswood describes it The Superintendents held their Office during Life and their Power was Episcopal for they did elect and ordain Ministers they presided in Synods and directed all Church Censures neither was any Excommunication pronounced without their Warrant And now let the Reader judge how the Constitution of Diocesan Episcopacy becomes a Crime and yet these Visitors of the Church of Scotland conformable to divine Institution As to the second Exception that the Apostles and Evangelists were Episcopi Episcoporum and had Bishops under their Jurisdiction which our Diocesans who are the Bishops but of particular Churches do not pretend to This makes no Difference at leastwise no essential one for the same person may have the Charge of a particular Church or Diocess and yet have the supervising Power over several others But in this point Mr. B. does but equivocate and impose upon his Reader for by his Episcopus gregis he means only a Presbyter and a particular Bishop may have Jurisdiction over such without any Injury or Prejudice done to the Office which from it's first Institution has been under the Direction of a superiour Apostolical Power if therefore these Presbyters do retain all that Power which essentially belongs to them under a Diocesan Bishop how are they degraded In short either this Order of Congregational Episcopacy is different from Presbytery or the same with it if the same how is it abrogated by Diocesan Episcopacy since Presbyters are still in the full Possession and Exercise of their Office If they are distinct how then comes Mr. B. to confound them as he does § 16. where he says That the Apostles themselves set more than one of these Elders or Bishops in every Church So then those Apostolick men as Bishops of the particular Churches wherin as they resided had Authority over Presbyters within the Extent of their Diocess and a general Supervising Care of several other Churches and so they were Episcopi Episcoporum in the first they are succeeded by Diocesan Bishops in the latter by Metropolitans which yet were never lookt upon as two orders essentially distinct But after all this we shall never come to a right Understanding of Mr. B's Episcopacy unless we take along with it his Notion of a particular Church which he sets down p. 6. § 19. There is great Evidence of History p. 6. that a particular Church of the Apostles setling was essentially only a Company of Christians Pastors and People associated for personal holy Communion and mutual help in holy Doctrine Worship Conversation and Order therefore it never consisted of so few or so many or so distant as to be uncapable of such personal Help and Communion but was ever distinguished as from accidental Meetings so from the Communion of many Churches or distant Christians which was held but by Delegates Synods of Pastors or Letters and not by personal Help in Presence Not that all these must needs always meet in the same place but that usually they did so or at due times at least and were no more nor more distant than could so meet sometimes Persecution hindred them sometimes the Room might be too small even independent Churches among us sometimes meet in diverse Places
govern'd by a Bishop Presbyters and Deacons was but one Congregation for every such Church had but one Altar This Observation of one Altar in one Episcopal Church he confirms by Mr. Mede who propounds it with great Modesty and onely as a Conjecture and M. B. has added nothing to his Reason more than his own Confidence If he had but taken leisure to consider and not have run away with that onely which seems to make for his purpose he might have found enough in those very Passages cited by Mr. Mede to have undeceived him The Matter in short is thus The Principal Church or Meeting-place in every City belong'd to the Bishop where his Chair was set up with a Bench of Presbyters on every side circling the Communion Table this whole place was called Altare Sacrarium and within the Jurisdiction of a single Bishop it is probable there was no more than one the Bishop with his Presbyters and Deacons represented the Unity of the Church although it might be divided into several Congregations and every Congregation might have a Communion Table so that one Bishop one Altar signifies indeed the Unity of the Church as being the place of its common Councel and solemn Tribunal and to set up an Altar is not to have two Communion Tables in a City but to have distinct Governments Mr. B's Dispute of Church Government p. 90. The Ancients ordinarily call the Lords Table and the place where it stood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I say the Table and the Sacrarium or place of it's standing And so says Bishop usher in his Notes upon the passage before cited Altare apud patres mensam Dominio eam passim denot at apud Ignatium Polycarpum Sacrarium quoque and opposite Bishops and Presbyters this is confirmed by a Passage of Ignatius in his Epistle to the Magnesians cited by Mr. B. Omnes adunati ad templum Dei concurrite sicut ad unum Altare If this reading which he uses were right it would distinguish between Christian Temples and imply that some of them had not Altars which is not likely to be true if Altar and Communion-table were the same But to speak ingeniously neither Temple nor Altar here does signifie what Mr. B. would have it for the Florentine Copy has 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which refers only to the Jewish Temple and Altar wherein consisted the Unity of the Jewish Church notwithstanding they were divided into many Synagogues and Congregations But that one Altar for every Church so frequently mention'd by Ignatius does not signifie every Communion-table but that eminent one together with the Bishops Chair and the bench of the Presbyters appears from diverse Passages in his Epistles In that to the Magnesians he alledges to this Ecclesiastical Consistory about the Altar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That well-platted Crown of our Presbyters alledging to the Figure in which they sate and then follows 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Counsel of the Altar or Sacrifices And in his Epistle to the Ephesians he speaks to this Effect Unless a man be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 within the verge of the Altar he is no partaker of the bread of God and this Phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he explains in his Epistle ad Trallenses he that is within the Altar is clean wherefore he obeys the Bishops and the Presbyters he that is without is such a one that does any thing without the Bishop and the Presbyters so that Obedience to the Bishop or Presbyter is an Explication of that Phrase of being within the Altar and this might consist with the Division of the Church into several distinct Congregations But St. Cyprian in his fifty fifth Epist makes this yet clearer where speaking of the Insolence of such as having sacrificed to Idols thrust themselves into Church-Communion without doing any Pennance he breaks out at last into this passionate Aggravation what then remains but that the Church should yield to the Capital and that the Priests withdrawing themselves and taking away the Altar of our Lord Images and Idol-Gods together with their Altars should succeed and take Possession of the place proper to the sacred and venerable bench of our Clergy the bench of the Clergy then belongs to the Altar that is the Communion-table of the Principal and Episcopal Church to which all other Congregations did belong in as much as the Presbyters they joyn'd with appertain'd to that Altar and so there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and yet several Assemblies under his Direction and within the Communion of that Altar This Usage of one Altar and several Communion-tables depending upon it continu'd a long while after in the Church Innocent I. in his Letter to Decentius mentions the sending of the consecrated Symbols from the Episcopal Church Altar to the depending Parishes upon solemn times and long after that all the Parishes of a Diocese paid Homage to the Episcopal Church by sending some of their principal Members to communicate there upon Solemn Festivals as appears by several Canons that are cited and examined more particularly hereafter and here in England there have been Footsteps of the same Custom till of late in Comparison though from the first beginning of the Gospel we have not the least hint of Congregational Episcopacy in this place The next thing he alledges is a passage out of Justin Martyr Just Martyr Ap. 2. p. 97. Ed. Paris 98.99 where he describes the manner of the Christian Assemblies in his time where the Eucharist is said to be celebrated by the Bishop 1 Dispute p. 92. and that on Sunday all the Christians that liv'd either in Cities or in the Country came together prayed with and received the Sacraments at the hand of the Bishop and those that were absent had it sent to them by the Hand of the Deacons but what shall we conclude from hence That all that came together could come to one place or because the Congregation of the Bishop as being the most eminent is here only described must we conclude that there was no more than one in any City This account is only General and serves only to shew what they did when they came together and the Principal Assembly was surely the most proper instance and not in how many places they might be Assembled Disp p 33. The Story of Gregory Thaumaturgus makes the next Proof who being made against his will Bishop of Ne-Caesarea found but seventeen Christians in the whole City this was indeed a small Congregation and hardly numerous enough to make a Church but if Mr. B. had been so ingenious 〈…〉 as to have mentioned the Success of that Bishop's Ministry he might have spared any one else the Labour of answering this Instance for the same Bishop out of those contemptible Beginnings did so far enlarge the Church of that place that when he dyed he left but seventeen in the whole City that were not Christians if
may as well believe that there was a time when all the Republicks in the world upon the consideration of their being obnoxious to Factions became Monarchies by mutual consent Nay this might with greater reason be believed for it is not impossible but that men who are satisfied of their power to set up what form of Government they please might agree to shake off together a form that they find very incommodious but that so many Societies as there were Churches in the World appointed by divine direction should so universally change what the Apostles had instituted without any noise or resistance and that by one common decree is altogether incredible and one may say with the same reason that they conspired at the same time to change their Creed Having examined St. Jeroms singular opinion concerning the rise of Episcopal Government I should now conclude that point if Clemens Romanus in his excellent Epistle to the Corinthians did not seem to favour this opinion therefore I think it necessary to consider such passages in it as are alledged against Episcopacy and from the whole to make a conjecture of the state of that Church when that Epistle was written The Inscription of it affords Blondel an argument against Episcopacy for it is not in the name of the Bishop or Clergy but of the whole Church that it is written The Church of God at Rome to the Church of God at Corinth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 From whence Blondel infers that since there is no mention of the Clergy it follows that the Church was governed then not by the pleasure of one man but by the common Counsel of those that were set over it This way of reasoning I must confess to be very extraordinary Because there is no mention of the prerogative of the Roman Clergy Ubi cum nulla peculiaris vel scribentis mentio vel cleri Romani Praerogativa vel Corinthiaci Presbyterii a plebe discretio appareat sed omnes ad omnes confertim scripsisse compertum sit luce meridiana clarius clucescit tune temporis Ecclesias communi Praepositorum Consilio gubernatas non unius regi mini à cujus â—utu penderent omnes subjacuisse or of that of Corinth as distinguished from the Laity it 's clear nay clearer than the day that there was no Bishop It would be a very strange thing to see two men with their eyes open dispute fiercely whether it were noon-day or midnight and yet this is our case that consequence which to him is as clear as the Sun does not at all appear to others If he had said because there is no mention of the Clergy in the Inscription as the Governing part therefore there was no Clergy or the Clergy did not govern the inference would have appeared but what truth there would be in it I need not say Others inscribe Epistles in the same style to the Church of such a Place where notwithstanding there is a Bishop and a Clergy Dionys Corinth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And yet in the body of these Letters he mentions the Bishops of those Churches Irenaeus ubi supra Euseb l. 4. c. 23. And this Argument of Blondel may be justly suspected when we consider that the Ancients though they were well acquainted with this Epistle of Clemens and its Inscription yet they could by no means see this consequence that is now drawn from it Irenaeus had doubtless seen that Epistle for it was in his time commonly read in Churches and yet he thought Clemens who wrote it to be Bishop of Rome notwithstanding his name be not mentioned in it Dionysius Bishop of Corinth sayes it was read in his Church and yet he could not find any thing in it to perswade him that at that time there were no Bishops but on the contrary he was of opinion that Bishops were instituted by the Apostles and that Dionysius Areopagita was ordained by St. Paul the first Bishop of Athens so that these ancient writers it seems were as blind as we and could not observe either in the Inscription or body of this Epistle what Blondel at such a distance of time could perceive as clear as the noon day and yet those writers if they had suspected any such thing might have been easily satisfied by their Fathers who might have seen the state of the Church about which the difficulty was and so told them upon their own knowledge whether the Government was Episcopal or Presbyterian And therefore this is our comfort that if we cannot discern this light which Blondel talks of that those who lived nearer the East the rising of it could see no more than we But some men surely have glasses for distance of time as well as place and can see farther in the Apostolick times than the next Generation that followed them But to proceed Clemens owned but two orders in the Church of Apostolick Institution 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishops and Deacons which he sayes the Apostles ordained out of the first-fruits of the Gospel over those that should afterwards believe And these were appointed in Cities and the Country or Regions round about from whence Blondel draws many observations and out of him Mr. B. as 1. That in those days no body thought of what the Council of Sardica did afterwards decree that no Bishop should be made in any Village or small City lest the dignity of that office should be undervalued and grow cheap This is grounded as most of the rest of Blondels and Mr. B.'s Arguments from this Epistle upon a mistake and I fear a wilful one concerning the name of Bishop For if the Bishops of Clemens who he sayes were apponited 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were only Presbyters then the Council of Sardica did not do any extraordinary thing by that prohibition of Bishops in little Dioceses for Presbyters were still allowed in the Country Villages by that Council and therefore if Episcopacy was an institution later than Clemens this Council has done nothing so contrary to this by forbidding Bishops properly so called and allowing Presbyters to reside in Country Villages Some there are that interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Provinces but there is no necessity at all for this though the phrase will very well bear it for these Bishops I believe with Blondel and Mr. B. were no other than Presbyters such as were first appointed to govern the Church but in subordination to the Apostles who were the proper Bishops of those Churches they founded and as they found occasion appointed others to succeed them in that eminence of Authority over such districts of the Apostolical Provinces as they judged most convenient for the edification and unity of the Church And this distribution of Church Officers by Clemens into Bishops and Deacons is the less to be depended upon as exact 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Esay 60.17 because it seems to be made only with allusion to a place in the Old Testament where those
happy are those that enter that way behaving themselves peaceably For let a man be faithful let him be never so powerful a Preacher let him be never so wise and discerning holy in his life yet by how much he seems to excel others by so much ought he to behave himself more humbly and seek the common good of all and not his own particular Besides this the passionate expostulation of Clemens with the Ringleaders of this sedition makes this conjecture yet more probable Who is there among you generous and charitable Let him say if this Schism and Sedition has been raised upon my account I will withdraw I will be gone withersoever ye please only let the Fold of Christ live in unity and peace with the Presbyters that are over it and to incourage them to this generous resignation he tells them of many Kings that have offered themselves a Sacrifice for the safety of their Countrys How many to put an end to sedition have left their own Cities Apud Euseb Hist l. 6. c. 45. with more to that effect which Dionysius of Alexandria borrows out of this Epistle and sends it as an exhortation to Novatus to put an end to that Schism he had caused and what is there so proper against a Schismatick Bishop we may judge not without reason to have been applyed by the first Author upon the same occasion And thus much of the state of the Church of Corinth at the writing of this Epistle The last thing I shall observe out of Clemens is a passage that seems to favour the distribution of the Clergy into three Orders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishop Priests and Deacons The High-Priest sayes he hath his proper office the Priests have a proper place appointed for them and the Levites have their peculiar Ministry and the Lay-man is obliged to keep himself within the bounds of his own station Brethren let every one of you glorifie God in his own place and keep himself within his own line not breaking over the bounds of his own Office and Ministry Having now given an account of the Original of Diocesan Episcopacy out of Scripture and Antiquity and examined the singular opinion of St. Jerom concerning it I come now to give a short view of the progress and advancement of it The first Bishops after the Apostles according to the opinion of Rabanus Maurus In 1 Tim. 4. had very large Dioceses Primis temporibâ—â— Episcopi Provincias integras regebant Apostâ—lorum nomine nuncupati i. e. In those first times Bishops governed whole Provinces being called then Apostles and this conformable to Theodoret who affirms not only the same thing of the first Bishops being called Apostles Is Argumento Ep. ad Tit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theod. in 1 Tim. 3. but also that they had large Dioceses too for speaking of Titus he calls him Bishop of Crete though it were a very great Island and in another place he sayes that Epaphroditus was the Apostle of the Philippians Titus of the Cretians and Timothy of the Asians i. e. In his language their Bishops and the Canons of the Apostles signifie as much where they order every Bishop to medale only with his own Diocess and the Regions that belong to it Can. Ap. 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But as Christians were multiplyed in the World so the number of Bishops increased every considerable City with the Country about becoming Dioceses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phil 1. Chrysost in loc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oecum Theoph. nor â—â—iâ— una in urbe plures Episcopi esse potuissent Hieron It could not be It was against the design of the institution Loci ipsius Episcâ—â—o scribendum esset non duobus aut tribus Ambr. in Loc. so Asia towards the latter end of St. John had seven Bishops and by proportion we may conjecture of other Countries and the first advances of Christianity being very wonderful and the success of our Religion giving occasion to envy and persecution the condition of those times seems to have proportioned the distribution of the Church and to multiply Dioceses For in those troublesome times it being very difficult to maintain such a communication as ought to be between a Bishop and all the parts of his Diocese it was found necessary to multiply Churches and that every City with some Portion of Countrey belonging to it should have its own Bishop who though his flock might at first be but small and not exceed a Congregation yet was he properly the Bishop of the place i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of those that afterwards should believe Whatever accessions were made to this Church though the whole City and Country should be converted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cornel. ap Eâ—seb l. 6. c. 43. Episcope cedunt they accrue to the Bishop of the place into how many Congregations soever they might after be distributed and therefore the Church of a Bishop retained still the singular number though distributed into several Congregations and in such a Church they contended there ought to be but one Bishop though it had never so many Presbyters as that of Rome had when Cornelius pretended there ought to be but one Bishop and Novatus did not contradict him but the dispute was about this which of them were the rightful Bishop Episcopacy being setled upon these foundations with a regard to the future increase as well as the first condition and small beginnings of the Church we do not find that for the first three Centeries the number of Bishops was near so great as it became afterwards although in a little while the multitude of believers was so great that there was no Country no City no village in several Provinces of the Roman Empire where there was not a good number of Christians Before the persecution of Trajan they were so increased that in the Province of Bithynia as Pliny complains the Heathen Temples were become desolate Prope jam desolata Templa coepisse celebrari Sacra Solemnia diu intermissa repetl paffimque venire victimas quarum ad huâ— rarissimus emptor inveniebatur ex quo facile est opinari quae turba hominum emendati possit Yet after the Apostasy of so many the numbers are still great Visa est mihi res consultations digna maxime proper periclitantiam numerum multi enim omnis aetatis omnis or diâ—is utriusque sexus neque enim Civitates tantum sed vicos agros superstitionis istius contagio pervagata est Plin. Ep. l. 10. Ep. 100. the Sacrifices neglected and laid aside and notwithstanding the severity of that persecution made great numbers fall off yet those that remained unshaken and resolved to dye Martyrs for their Religion were exceeding numerous Not long after Arrius Antoninus found so many of them in Asia that it was an endless thing to put them to death though they made no resistance and when they thronged so much about his Tribunal
offering themselves to death he sends them back again desiring them if they had such a passion to dye that they would hang themselves because he had not Executioners enough And at Carthage the number of Christians was so great that they could not have been destroyed without making the City desolate as Tertullian tells Stapula the Governour of the Province If thou shouldest go about to destroy the Christians here what wouldst thou do with so many thousands of people when men and women of all degrees of all ages should offer themselves to the Executioners how many Swords Tertull. l. ad Scap. c. 5. Hoc si placuerit hic furi quid facies de tantis millibus hominum tot viris ac foeminis omnis Sexus omnis â—tatis omnis dignitatis offerentibus se tibi quantis ignibus quantis gladiis opus erit paree tibi si non nobis parce Carthagini si non tibi what fires would be necessary for the Execution of so great a multitude Spare the City by sparing us Nor are we to imagin Carthage to abound more with Christians than the rest of the Empire for the same Author tells us that the whole world was oversprend with Believers and that the Heathen cryed that they had ever run the City and the Country Obsessm vociserantur Civitatem in agris in Castellis in Insulis Christianos omnem sexum 〈◊〉 aâ—â—m dignitatem transgredi ad hoc nomen quasi detrmento moerent Apol. c. 1. and every place was full of Christians that persons of all conditions sexes and age was over to this name Nay so great were their numbers that it was not want of strength but want of will that hindred them from becoming masters of the Empire Loyalty was part of their Religion and that was the reason why they did not force the Government to a Toleration of or a submission to it The barbarous Nations that over-ran the Empire were not near so numerous Plares nimirum Mauri Marcomanni ipsique Parthi omnia vestra implevimus urbes insulas castella municipia contillabula castra ipsa Tribus Decarias Palaâ—ium Senatum forum The Christians had filled all Places their Cities their Towns their Councils their Tribes the Court the Senate and what not and though they had been yet inferiour in number and force yet their contempt of death would render them a very formidable Enemy Nay without Rebellion we might easily ruine our Persecutors should we but withdraw Potuimus inermes nec Rebelles sed tantummodo discordes solius divortii invidia adversus vos dimicasse si enim tanta vis hominum in aliquem orbis remoti sinum abrupissemus à nobis suffudisset vestram dominationem tot qualiumcunque Civium amissio imo etiam ipsa destitutione punisset proculdubio expavissetis ad solitudinem vestram ad silentium rerum stuporem quendam quasi mortuae urbis quaesissâ—tis quibus in ea imperassetis plures bosles quam Civis remansissent nunc autem pauciores hostes habetis prae multitudine Christianorum pene Omnium Civium peâ—e Omnes Cives Christianos habeâ—do Apol. c. 37. and retire to any corner of the World the loss of so many subjects of any kind would unavoidably ruin the Government How you would be astonished at the strange solitude our departure should cause at the silence and stilness of your City as if it had expired by our departure you would be to seek for Subjects to govern and wore enemies than Citizens would remain with you but now your enemies are more inconsiderable by reason of the great multitude of Christians who are your Citizens and almost all your Citizns are Christians And because the Heathens complained that Christian Religion was an enemy to trade and that it would destroy the commerce of the East which depended upon the consumption of Frankincense and Spices in the Temples the Apologist answers that the Arabians sell more for the Christian funerals than they do to the Heathen Temples and the Christian Charity spent more in a street than the Heathen superstition did in a Temple Sciant Sabaei pluris charioris suas merces Christianis sepeliendis profligari quam diis fumigardis Interim plus misericordia nostra insumit vicatim quam vestra Religio Timplatim c. 42. Now the largeness of the Dioceses of those times will appear by comparing the vast multitude of Christians and the small number of Bishops and first no City how great soever had more than one Bishop this is so well known that it would be great impertinence to go about to prove it by instances and I have shewed already how the Fathers were of opinion that there ought to be no more Besides the Bishops of most Cities if not all had a considerable Territory belonging to their jurisdiction which was commonly the Country lying round about their City So Alexandria besides the Ager Alexandrinus which was of very large extent had likewise all the Region called Mareotes containing above an hundred and fifty Villages as Athanasius rightly understood computes them For every Presbyter had ten or more Villages under him Athan. Apol. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Singuli autem Presbyteri pâ—â—prios habent pages â—osque maxemos denos interdum aut plâ—res ex bis apparet singulâ—s Mareotice pages non habuisse snum Presbyterum sed unicum Presbyterum denos pages rexisse atque interdum plures Valesius and probably some Assistants or Curates to take care of some of them This Region alwayes belonged to the Diocess of Alexandria and never had as much as a Chorepiscopus But I have before given a particular account of Rome and Alexandria and therefore I shall say no more here than that there being but one Bishop in each of those Cities his Diocess must be very large and contain several distinct Congregations The African Dioceses which Mr. B. fansies to be no bigger than our Parishes were at first very large till the Schism of the Donatists had divided that Church into small pieces the manner and the reason of this change I shall shew in due place and even then it will appear that there were some very large Bishopricks in Africk Carthage in Tertullians time had an infinite multitude of Christians as we have shewed already and Cyprian who was made Bishop there not long after gives us hints enough of the greatness of his Diocess Tempestas maxima ex parts plebem nostram prostravit ita ut cleri portionem sua strage perstringeret Ep. 6. Multi adbuc de Clero absentes 28. Presbyteri qui illic apud confessores offerunt singuli cum singulis Diaconis per vices alternent quia mutatioâ—ersonarum vicissitudo convenientium minuit invidian Ep. 5. The number of the Clergy there even in time of persecution when he confesses several of them to have fallen away yet even then there were so many Presbyters left in the City that he advises them to
or Deacons that were ordained in their Dioceses without their consent and that by simple Presbyters who were never Chorepiscopi or had any character to distinguish them from other Presbyters Therefore the case ought not to be reckoned so hard as it is commonly represented by the more moderate Nonconformists who pretend this point of Reordination the only bar that keeps them out of the Church since there was never any other Church not any in Ancient times would have received them upon any other terms and they must have remained Nonconformists under Basil Athanasius and all the ancient Bishops whose names are and alwayes have been had in veneration with all Christians not one of these would have ever been perswaded to own a Pastor that his Presbyters had ordained in opposition to him nay hardly could they have been prevailed with to admit such as any other Bishop should Ordain within their Diocess so extream punctilious they were in this matter and there is hardly any one thing that caused so frequent and dangerous contentions between them as the point of Ordination Nor was this Province singular in the extent of its Bishopricks or the manner of their Administration but all the parts of the Christian World went by the same Rule as to Diocesan Episcopacy and most of them had much larger Dioceses than these we have been speaking of The Frontier Provinces of the Empire towards the East being more remote from the contentions that afflicted the Church were not cantoned into so small Dioceses as other Countries and being likewise less divided in their Civil Condition because it might render them less defensible against Invasion the Ecclesiastical Dioceses likewise remained intire in the the measure of their first Constitution The Diocess of Edessa seems to be of extraordinary extent Conc. Chal. Act. 10. even at the time of the Council of Chalcedon when the ambition of some Metropolitans and the contentions of Hereticks and Schismaticks had reduced Bishopricks to be very small For 1. some of the misdemeanors charged upon Ibas Bishop of this place shew that Diocess to be extreamly rich 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Collection for redemption of Captives amounted to fifteen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and tho' it is not easy to reduce that summ to our money yet we must conclude it to be a considerable sum when we reflect upon another accusation of Daniel Brother to Ibas as if he had bestowed on Calloa the money of the Church for she had let out to use two or three 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which must be a considerable summ since it 's taken notice of as an argument of her wealth Besides the Church of Edessa had six thousand more of these Numismata besides its ordinary Revenues and one of its Mannors called Lafargaritha is mentioned there and two hundred pound weight of Church Plate 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The City of Battina was in the Diocess of Edessa for Ibas is accused of having endeavoured to make one John Bishop of it who was suspected of Magick But Ibas his Arch-Deacon of that place opposed it 3. Maras who was one of Ibas his accusers was Excommunicated by another Arch-Deacon of his 4. The Clergy of the City of Edessa was above two hundred persons not reckoning that of the Country within his Diocess and this was a Diocesan Bishop to purpose who besides a large Diocess had Excommunicating Arch-Deacons and a great Revenue And if Mr. B. or his Brethren had been of that Diocess we might have found them among his accusers The Diocess of Cyrus whereof Theodoret was Bishop was yet larger Theodor. Ep. 113. containing eight hundred Churches as he writes to Leo Bishop of Rome The exceptions which Mr. B. makes against this Epistle are so fully answered by the incomparable Dean of Pauls that nothing can be added But if Mr. B. should quarrel with any writings of this time for mentioning great Dioceses we must have a new Critick and disgrace a great deal of the Fathers that have hitherto been received by a general consent It is a very hard matter to convince men that imagine all that time for them whereof we have little or no account and reckon silence of Antiquity for consent and then if any thing shall appear against what they have once fanfi'd though it be never of so good credit it is spurious it is all Imposture because it makes against them who would ever be convicted if it shall be Defence enough to say the Evidence is a Lye Petavius mistaking a passage in Epiphanius Not. in Epiph Haeres Arr. Epiph. Ep. ad Joh. Hieros ap Hieron thought the Dioceses of Cyprus to be very small but from Epiphanius his Letter to John Bishop of Jerusalem it appears that his Diocess was of good extent John had a quarrel with him for having Ordained a Presbyter in his Diocess though it was only for the use of a Monastery and he excuses himself by shewing how common a thing this was and how frequently it was done in his own Diocess and he was so far from taking offence at it that he thought himself obliged to some of his neighbouring Bishops for using that liberty and therefore commends the good nature and meekness of the Cyprian Bishops who never quarrelled with one another upon this account and then adds That many Bishops of our Communion have Ordained Presbyters in our Province that we could not take because they fled from us on purpose to avoid that honour which was the modesty of those times Nay I my self desired Philo of blessed memory and Theophorbus that they would Ordain Presbyters in those Churches of Cyprus which were near them O vere benedicta Episcoporum Cypri mansuetudo bonitas multi Episcopi communionis nostrae Presbyteros in nostra ordinaverunt Provincia quos nos comprehendere non poteramus ipse cohortatus slim b. m. Philonem sanctum Theophorbum ut in Ecclesiis Cypri quae juxta se grant ad meae autem Parochiae videbantur Ecclesiam pertinere to quod grandis esset late patens Provincia ordinarent Presbyteros and belonged to my Diocess because my Province i.e. my Docess was very large Now that this Province which is here said to be of so large extent was no other than his Diocess appears from the nature of the thing For if we shall imagine that it was his Province as Metropolitan the words will have no sense for then are not there Bishops enough dispersed through this great Province who may Ordain within their respecture Dioceses and to them belonged the Ordination of Presbyters and not to the Metropolitan If we shall take this Province for a Civil division there will be yet greater absurdity for there may be other Metropolitans as well as he and by what Authority could he dispose of their Dioceses or Provinces In short there he gives leave to Ordain Presbyters where the right of Ordaining them belonged to
him and that being in his particular Diocess only it follows that this great Province was no other than his own Diocess or Parochia as he calls it also in the same passage Nor were the Dioceses of the West generally any thing inferior to those we have been speaking of Italy indeed had the smallest not only by reason of the great multitude of Cities there but by the policy of the Bishops of Rome who having alwayes had some Authority over the greatest part of the Country strengthened themselves by making as many Bishops as they could within the dependance of their City and by that means secured themselves from all such dangers as might threaten them from general Councils having a strong party of Bishops at hand to send whither the Popes occasions should require their service What effect this policy of multiplying Bishops in Italy had we see in the History of the Council of Trent whither several Bishops came from France Spain and Germany with design of reforming most of the grossest abuses in the Church and to moderate if not wholly to remove that insupportable Yoke of the Papacy But the Italian Pensioners being too many for the well-meaning Bishops that Yoke was setled more grievous than before and weight added to the oppression No remedy being left but vain complaints and Dudithius makes a very lamentable one to the Emperor and then submission Yet after all this the Italian Dioceses were never reduced to a single Congregation and some of them remain still of a very considerable extent The Bishopricks of Spain were at first very large as may be observed from the small numbers of Bishops that met in the Councils of that Country The Council of Eliberis had but nineteen Bishops and the first of Toledo had the same number Hinc colligo Nationale fuisse Concilium cum to tempore sedeâ— Toletana tot Suffraganeos non haberet Episcopos Similiter de Eliberitano statuo cum eodem Episcoporum numero fuisset celebratum adde etiam quod in subscriptionibus Marcellus subscribit qui suit Episcopus Hispalensis Gar. Loyasa from whence Garsias Loyasa infers that these were general Councils of all Spain because the Province of Toledo sayes he had not so many Suffragans at that time and that Marcellus Bishop of Sevil who was a Metropolitan of another Province was there But the extent of the Spanish Dioceses does appear not only from the number of Bishops in their Councils but also from the Canons made in them As that of the Council of Toledo is very express about the making of Chrism that it belonged only to the Bishop Quamvis paene ubique custodiatur ut absque Episcopo Chrisma nemo conficicat tamen quia in aliquibus locis vel Provinciis Presbyteri dicuntur Chrisma conficere placuit ex hac die nullum alium nisi Episcopum Chrisma facere per Dioecesin destinare ita ut de singulis Ecclesiis ad Episcopum ante Diem Paschae Diaconi destinentur ut confectum Chrisma ab Episcopo destinatum ad diem Paschae possit occurrere Conc. Tolet. 1. Can. 20. Fratri autem Ortygie Ecclesias de quibus pulsus fuerat pronunciavimus esse reddendas Exemplar Defin. sent and that all the Churches of his Diocess should send before Easter every year for it to the Bishop who was to be put in mind of it by the Arch Deacon And in the same Council there is a definitive sentence whereby Ortygius is restored to his Bishoprick out of which he had been unjustly ejected that shews that his Diocess consisted of several Churches for so the Sentence runs That he be restored to his Churches Nor can any one think it strange that these should be general Councils of all Spain when he considers the numbers that usually met in Provincial Synods of that Country For the Council of Saragossa had but twelve and that number is extraordinary compared with some following Councils Concilium Gerundense had but seven Bishops that of Ilerda eight whereof one was present but by Proxy that of Valentia seven And lest we may imagine the Bishops of Spain neglected their Synods the sixth Canon of the Council of Arragon which consisted of ten Bishops Orders That if any Bishop having received Summons from his Metropolitan Si quis Episcoporum commonitus à Metropolitano ad Synodum nulla gravi intercedente necessitate Corporali venire contempserit sicut statuta Patrum sanxierunt usque ad futurum Concilium cunctorum Episcoporum Charitatis Communione privetur Conc. Tarracon c. 6. shall neglect to come to Council being not hindred by sickness shall according to the Decrees of the Ancient Fathers be excluded the communion of the other Bishops untill the next Council following And the same Council by another Canon signifies the extent of the Dioceses in Spain Multorum casuum experientia magistrante reperimus non nullas Dioecesanas Ecclesias esse destitutas ob quam rem hac constitutione decrevimus ut Antiquae consuetudinis Ordo servetur annis vicibus ab Episcopo Dioeceses visitentur siqua Basilica reperta fuerit destituta Ordiâ—atione ipsius reparari praecipiatur c. Can. 8. where it Orders every Bishop once in a year to visit his Dioceses according to the ancient usage of that Church and see what Churches there were out of repair and ordered them to be repaired out of the Revenues of those Churches there being a third part reserved for that purpose by ancient custom and tradition and the thirteenth Canon of the same Council makes a distinction between the Presbyters of the Cathedral and those of the Diocess Non solum è Cathedralis Ecclesiae Presbyteris verum etiam de Dioecesanis ad Concilium trabant Can. 13. and that the Metropolitan take care to summon some of both sorts to the Council of the Province And this was the state of the Dioceses in Spain from the time of the first Council of Nice to the latter end of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth Century The Churches of France as they had a near correspondence with those of Spain in several other things Bona de Reb. Litur l. 1. c. 12. and as Bona conjectures had anciently the same Liturgy before Pipin's time so they were not unlike in the extent of their Dioceses For Gallia before the time of the Council of Nice seems to have had but very few Bishopricks although it is to be supposed the number of Christians there was much greater than in any other part of the Empire Constantius the Father of Constantine the Great having favoured the Christians in the Provinces under his Government Euseb de vit Const l. 1. c. 13. while his Collegues used all manner of Violence and Arts to root them out every where else vid. Conc. Arelat 1. apud Sirmond Conc. Gall. Yet when Constantine the Great called a Council at Arles to resume the cause of the Donatists the Gallican
before Arrius's time Epiphan Haeres Melet Arrian who was the fixt Minister of one of them call'd Buchalis are to be supposed to have been instituted before for Epiphanius though he observe this as singular in the Alexandrian Church at that time yet says nothing at all of its Novelty which he would not probably have omitted and Sozomen seems to imply Soz. l. 1. c. 15. that it was an ancient Custom Petavius mistakes Epiphanius's his words and imagines in Epiph. that these Divisions of Alexandria are therefore said by him to be singular and different from the Usage of other Churches because says he those which Epiphanius had seen were but small and might have but one Congregation but it is plain from Epiphanius his words that what he look'd upon as singular was not their having several distinct Assemblies but because they had certain and fix'd Presbyters and therefore he adds as an Effect of that Custom that every one would be denominated from his Pastor as the Corinthians did when one cry'd I am of Paul I am of Apollos and this indeed was so singular that perhaps no other Church in the World had it besides Vales Annot in Sâ—zom l. 11. c. 15. not that of Rome and Valesius infers from the same Passage of Pope Innocent's Epistle to Decentius which Petavius brings to prove the contrary that although there were several Titles or Churches in Rome then and had been long before yet none of them was as yet appropriated to any Presbyter but they were served in common as greater Cities in Holland and some other Reformed Countries that have several Churches and Ministers who preach in them all by their turns Lastly and to conclude this account of the Church of Alexandria it is evident out of Athanasius how the Bishop of that City had from the Beginning several fix'd Congregations under him Athan. T. 1. p. 802. particularly those of Mareotes who though they must be suppos'd to receive the Faith almost as early as Alexandria yet never had a Bishop before Ischyrias if he were to be reckon'd one Mareotes says Athanasius is a Countrey belonging to Alexandria wherein there never was a Bishop not so much as a Chorepiscopus but all the Churches of that place were subject to the Bishop of Alexandria And now let the Reader judge whether the Bishop of Alexandria had more Congregations than one under him or no more than could conveniently meet in one place I have hitherto examin'd Mr. B's Evidence of History for his Congregational Churches let us now see whether there be not as good Evidence to the contrary The growth of the Church of Jerusalem was so sudden and so great as to exceed the measure of one or two Congregations St. Peter's first Sermon brought over three thousand another five thousand Acts 2.41 then the Sacred Historian as if the Multitude had grown too great to be numbred mentions the other Accessions in gross and indefinitely but with such Expressions as imply they much exceed the numbers aforementioned Multitudes both of Men and Women were added to the Church and the number of the Disciples multiplyed in Jerusalem greatly and a great number of the Priests were obedient to the Faith Act. 6.7 Now let us seriously consider whether all these Converts could meet together in one place for personal Communion Doctrine and Worship or whether they could find a room spacious enough to meet in all together we find but two sorts of places they met in the Temple and from House to House the Temple cannot be supposed the ordinary place of their Assembly since the generality of the Priests and People did oppose them and though the Apostles preacht there it was no otherwise than they did in the Synagogues acd Market-places and other places of concourse to gain new Proselytes and not to instruct those they had converted when they preacht from House to House the fifth or tenth part of them can hardly be supposed to have convenience for personal Communion and it is certain they did break Bread no otherwise than from House to House from whence it is plain that it was not possible for them all to hold personal Communion in the principal part of Christian Worship i. c. the holy Eucharist which is made by Mr. B. as necessary to the Individuation of a Church as Communion in Doctrine The Presbyterians prest this Instance very unmercifully upon those of the congregational way who made use of all Shifts and most of them very poor ones To elude the force of the Argument sometimes they turn the Temple into a Church another while they send the greatest part of them home to the country and whatsoever other means they could find to diminish their number they laid hold of them and this way not succeeding in their own Opinion they found a Secret in the Ayr Grand Debate Answer of the Assembly to the Reasons of the dissenting Br. p. 27. ibid. which they fancied to be much more pure and shine in Jerusalem than our Northern Climates and so more proper to convey a Voice to a greater Distance whereas our dull unyielding Fog arrests the Voice in every point as it passes However the Assembly of Divines resolved they would not be paid with this piece of Philosophy and undertook to shew the Argument to be as thin as the Ayr they talkt of and the Lord Bacon relieves them in this Distress who was of Opinion that a Voice could be heard much farther in a gross than a pure Ayr the Resistance perhaps preserving it longer as Opposition serves to lengthen a Discourse and to make Disputes endless p. 81.82 but in the second part of Ch. Hist takes it up again but Mr. B. in his first Disputation of Church-Government summing up the Exceptions of the Independents against the Presbyterian Argument drawn from the Church of Jerusalem prudently leaves out this of the Ayr but finds another Expedient as proper for his purpose and that is that men had much stronger Voices in those times and places which they may believe that can fancy Nature to decay and that our Fore-fathers were Giants For my part the next thing I expect is that they should believe with Kirker that the Ancients knew the use of Sir Samuel Morland's speaking-trumpet for Kirker had a Vision of some old Manuscript that no body else ever saw which revealed to him that Alexander the Great could speak to his whole Army together by the help of a Trumpet and who can tell but in this vast Congregation of Jerusalem such an Engine might be made use of However since Dioceses are to be no larger than the Sphear of a man's Voice it will be an useful Instrument to a Preacher of weak Lungs to stretch out the Bounds of his Diocess and be as serviceable to the Church as it is to the Camp Disp of Ch. Gov. p. 81. But Mr. B. tells us one thing more which a Friend told
Facundo Editae à Sirmondo Though Mr. B. makes them 660. by comparing the Arrian Visitation of Africk where there were but four hundred sixty six Bishops in all and I believe the Schismaticks come into the number who might abhor Arrianism no less than the Catholicks and then Churches must be of greater Extent even in Africk than Mr. B. fancies them all these were call'd before King Hunnericus to give an account of their Faith of whom but eighty eight fell away and three hundred seventy eight persever'd It seems the majority of Bishops was not then so complying as they are injuriously represented in this History St. Basil in the Descriptions he makes of the lamentable Estate of the Eastern Churches does not complain of the Temporizing and Compliance of the Bishops but of the hard measure they receiv'd and how they were generally turn'd out by the Arrians Thus that excellent Bishop complains to his Brethren of the West Basil Ep. 70. The Shepherds are driven away that the Flocks might be dissipated And a little farther There is no Criminal condemn'd without some Evidence but Orthodox Bishops are punish'd without any proof at all some of them never saw their Accusers and were never brought to any Bar nor were ever indicted of any Misdemeanour but secretly in the Stilness of the Night were hurried away into Banishment and dy'd with the Hardships of the Wilderness and though we should be silent yet the World cannot be ignorant of the Banishment of the Priests and Deacons and of the Havock that is made of the whole Clergy And in another Place Ep. 220. Among all the Dioceses of the Bishops those that are the most eminent Assertors of the Faith are driven out of their Country by Calumnies and false Accusations and others brought in who lead Captive the Souls of the ignorant And if you would know what persons they were that made up the Arrian Councils the same Author tells you they were such as they put into the places of those good men that were turn'd out Men that would not fail to serve them Basil Ep. 69. the Arrians that put them in to the Destruction of the true Faith and were the Slaves and Instruments of those that promoted them in their Revenge upon the Orthodox Doctrine And now judge whether it was the Compliance of the Bishops or the Violence of the Hereticks that made so great and sudden Change in the Church and in the Doctrines of Councils In reckoning up the principal things done in the Council of Constantinople § 4. p. 66. he makes the Deposition of Gregory Naz. to be one against all History and against himself in the next page where he says That Gregory seeing the Resolutions and offended with the furious Carriage of the Bishops in the Council resigneth to the Emperour and departeth Let them be resolv'd upon casting him out as much as they will yet it was not done only they put another into his place which was made vacant by his voluntary Resignation Upon this account he represents this Council in a most odious manner p. 66. § 7. and for this end makes use of the words of Nazianz. speaking of the general Corruptions of the Times and the Divisions of the Church and what Age has been so happy as not to labour under these Evils But he has mangled and disjoynted the Words of that eloquent Father more barbarously than ever the Bishops or their Councils did the Church The Courtiers Gregor Orat. in Synod whether true to the Emperour I know not but for the most part perfidious to God This is in the Close of his Speech in the Council among those passionate Valedictions but Mr. B. joyns with it his sharp Reproof of the Bishops page 524. where we may observe his wonted Candour for Nazianz. speaking of the Factions of the Bishops under these Metaphors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mr. B. thought fit to render it Raging like furious Horses in Battel and leaves out the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Almost to make the Satyr more full writes and like Madmen casting Dust into the Air. And as he thought fit to leave out in one place so he adds in another to the Words and Sense of Nazianzen therefore he professes That it is unseemly for him to joyn with them in their Councils as it were to leave his Studies and Quietness to go play with the Lads in the Streets To joyn with them in their Councils is an addition of Mr. B. the words of Gregory are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In like manner it would not become me who know better things than the multitude whilst others bustle in a Crowd to choose rather to be one of them than to enjoy my Liberty with Obscurity There is nothing reflects upon this Council before which this Oration was spoken but only representing the great Trouble that would attend the Office of a Bishop and especially the Bishop of the Imperial City that he might obtain the Request he had made before and which all this lamentable Description of the Church is design'd to recommend he desires to be dismiss'd Give me says he The Reward of my Labour What p. 23. Not such as some envious men may think but such as I may safely ask give me Rest and Ease from my long Labours have Compassion on my gray Hairs have some Respect to a Stranger and put another into my place who may be vex'd and disturb'd in my Stead such as hath clean hands and an eloquent Tongue such as is able to gratifie you in all things and may be sufficient to joyn with you in an effectual Care for the Church But as for me you see how I am wasted with Time and Labour and Sickness The Verses cited out of Gregory Ch. Hist p. 67. do not concern this Council at all but represent the miserable Distractions of the Church at that time he accepted the Bishoprick of C. P. and his chief design in it 1 Carm. de vita sua was to reconcile if it were possible these Differences which were occasion'd by Hereticks who envy'd the Orthodox Bishops and had a violent Passion for their Chairs However Mr. B. will have it That he spake all this and a great deal more of this Council of C. P. one of the four which is equall'd to the four Evangelists He does indeed in several places find fault with this Council but is far from making such a Riot as this and it seems he had a great many Friends in it as appears by their Dissention concerning him which he put an end to by a voluntary Resignation of his Place and it is evident from his own Account that the Council had not agreed upon his Deposition till after his Resignation Carm. de vita sua for after his Speech he says That a confus'd Murmur follow'd and the younger men brought the old over I suppose to accept of this Offer that since his Case did
they differ'd widely from the doctrine of Nestorius But though some few men might be transported and mistake one another in the heat of their contention it is strange that all the world should be so blind and undiscerning that no man before our Author should find out this undiscover'd agreement between the contending Bishops and not one have the fortune to stumble upon this observation Mr. B. does endeavour to satisfie this doubt by shewing that besides the factiousness of the generality of the Bishops there were but few among them that had any learning p. 92. and this he offers to make out by several arguments 1. That the Fourth Council of Carthage did forbid Bishops to read any Heathen Authors Mr. B. mistakes it for the 6th But how should this Prohibition make ignorant Bishops in the East where it had no force Nor do we find any such prohibition there unless that of Julian the Apostate to bring Christian Religion into contempt by making the professors of it ignorant of all humane learning 2. When no Bishop was to be remov'd from place to place but they were made in every Church out of an inferiour degree why should this keep them in ignorance since they had the freedom of liberal education and the lower degrees of the Church did no more incapacitate men for learning than they did for Episcopacy 3. Vniversities were rare therefore no wonder if learned Bishops were so rare If University education be so necessary for learning our Author I believe must keep these ignorant Bishops company and he will help them to more if others heed what he writes of the Universities But yet Philosophy Schools were not so rare as he fansies in the Eastern Church for there was hardly a considerable City that had not one and besides all this the great learning of the world being easily intelligible to the Eastern part of the World as being written in their common language they had the less need of Professors and a man might go a great way with his own private Reading 4. When Nectarius must be the great Patriarch that was no Christian and when Synesius because he had Philosophical knowledge is chosen Bishop even before he believ'd the Resurrection Learned men were very scarce he would inferr but it is hard to do so from these instances for 1. I do not find any where that Nectarius was made Patriarch for his learning Socr. l. 5. c. 8. Socrates indeed says he was noble by descent and a Prator by office that he was of a sweet obliging temper and an extraordinary and admirable person 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which rendred him very popular and the Multitude in a fit of kindness would force him to be their Bishop There is not a word of his learning or of the scarcity of learned men that might justifie this extraordinary and irregular election of a Catechumen into the second Bishoprick of the World and if any one should yet fansy that to be the reason let him consult Sozomen l. 7. c. 8. who gives a more particular account of this action and different from Socrates He is so far from thinking that there was no Christian of learning and abilities equal to that dignity that he tells us there was great variety and that several Bishops of the Council that then sate propos'd many as fit for that Charge Diodorus Tarsensis happen'd to be strangely taken with Nectarius his Countrey man and the circumstances if true make it look something like a miracle He propos'd him to the Bishop of Antioch as a sit person for that high charge the Bishop wonder'd at the fancy and to comply with Theodorus puts his name among several others that he offer'd to the Emperour but in the last place little expecting he should be return'd Bishop The Emperour by an unaccountable impulse pass'd all by till he came to his name and fix'd there and nominated him Bishop He was no Christian says our Author He was not yet baptiz'd indeed but he was a Catechumen and a very good man and wanted nothing but that consummation which was Constantine's condition till within a month before his death and now let the shrewdest guesser in the world consider whether the small number of learned Bishops was the reason why Nictarius was chosen to be the great Patriarch Synesius his promotion concludes the ignorance of Bishops no more than that of Nectarius For Synesius besides his learning had a peculiar eloquence and besides that was a person of an extraordinary life and reputation so that it was not his Philosophical learning was the only reason of his preferment but he did not believe the Resurrection and surely there must be a great want of able men when a person under that and several other unqualifying circumstances should be forc'd into a Bishoprick But Theophilus understood the meaning of it that this was but a fiction to avoid being Bishop for his Letter to his Brother was not design'd as a secret Syn. Ep. 105. but as he suggests there that it might be shew'd and become a remedy against that fondness the people had of him and in another to the Presbyters of Ptolemais after he was made Bishop Ep. 11. he does acknowledge that he had us'd all the arts and stratagems that he could devise to escape it Evagrius and Nicephorus did take him at his word Vid. Bar. An. 410. Luc. Holst dissert de fug Ep. and represented him to posterity as he had characterized himself and excuse those that ordain'd him by saying that they had hopes that afterward he would believe more Orthodoxly and correct those errours he confess'd It was not then for want of able men that he was made Bishop but it was the extraordinary affection of Theophilus and the people of Ptolemais and the great reputation he had in the world having been sent long before by the City of Cyrene to Arcadius and deliver'd that noble Oration de Regno that alone were enough to make all ingenious men in love with him for his eloquence and his gravity and to render him eminent in the most learned age of the World though Mr. B. in the second Part of his Church-History part 1. p. 169. affirms That there are divers poor men Weavers Plowmen and others of the Church of Kederminster that can Pray and Teach and Write as methodical pious weighty tractates as Synesius notwithstanding he was a Philosopher and as well as any Eusebius extoll'd as famous Bishops of the second and third age c. not to say of Clemens Ignatius Irenaeus Cyprian yea even as Holy Macarius Ephrem Syrus Synesius Isidore Pelus By this you may judge how well our Author is acquainted with those Ecclesiastical Writers The last thing by which he proves the scarcity of learned Bishops is the ignorance of Nestorius which Socrates that knew him does affirm But here our Author does Socrates wrong for he does not say that Nestorius was ignorant but
please But the best of it is that if God permitted a Bishop of so eminent a Church as that of Antioch to fall into Heresie he on the other hand rais'd up Godly and Orthodox Bishops to oppose him and to vindicate not only the Christian Religion but the Order of Episcopacy also which he had dishonour'd For the Neighbour Bishops assembled in the Second Council of Antioch Condemn'd and Depos'd him Dionysius of Alexandria being now very old and unfit for Travel could not be there but writ to him says Theodoret Theod. Haer. Fab. l. 1. Eus l. 7. c. 30. Eusebius cites the Epistle of this Synod that expresly denys that saying that Dionysius of Alexandria had writ to the Council but had not vouchsafed so much as to salute Paulus From which passage Valesius concludes that the Letter of Dionysius to that Heretick Bishop in the Bibliotheca Patrum is forg'd Vales Annot in Eus l. 7. c. 30. notwithstanding Baronius receives it for genuine Now because Mr. B. promises to shew not only Who have been the cause of Heresies c. but also How It will not be impertinent to shew briefly how this Bishop also fell into Heresie It was in short by the way of Comprehension for Zenobia Queen of Palmyrene after her Husbands death being very considerable in the East and being Proselyted to the Jewish Religion for which reason likely Lâ—nginus her Favourite speaks so favourably of Moses this Paul Bishop of Antioch thought that by reducing Christ to be a meer man he might reconcile both Religious and take away the Partition-wall that divided the Jews and Christians nothing being so great an offence to the Jews as that Christ was own'd by his Disciples to be God And thus compliance and vain projects of Comprehension made this man a Heretick But Philastrius is not to be regarded Phil. Haer. 17. Ap. Biblieth Patr. who charges this Bishop with being turn'd Jew and teaching Circumcision and bringing over Zenobia to Judaism Before this time there is another Bishop reckon'd by some Collectors of Heresies as the Author of one Nepos Nepos an Egyptian Bishop who taught out of the Revelation of St. John as he pretended Euseb Hist l. 7. Theod. Haer. Fab. l. 3. that the Saints should live a Thousand years of pleasure here on Earth If this be a Heresie it was much older than this Nepos Just Mart. Dial. cum Tryph. p. 307. Ed. Par. For it was so ancient and so general an opinion that Justin Martyr did not believe they were perfectly Christians that did not believe it For all that were Orthodox did look for the Restauration of Jerusalem and that Christ should reign there gloriously with his Saints a thousand years which he endeavours to prove out of the Revelations and the Book of the Prophet Isaiah Iren. l. 5. c. 33 34 35. Ireneus endeavours to prove the same thing at large and derives the Doctrine from Papias and by him from St. John the Beloved Apostle So that if Nepos prove Heretick for this he is like to find very good company but Author of it he cannot be It is some favour to him that Epiphanius and Philastrius pass him by for I do not remember that either of them mention him However you will say that though he was not the first that taught this Doctrine yet he was the first that divided the Church about it And that is a heavy fault that Mr. B. charges upon the Bishops that they divide the Church about unnecessary nice Speculations But this Nepos is as far if not farther from the Imputation of Schism than that of Heresie For Dionyfius charges him not with Schism but only with writing a book for the Millenary opinion which others afterwards laid a great stress upon and by that means several Churches were divided and some entirely carried away and all this after Nepos his death They might have done the like with Justin Martyr or Irenaeus if they had pleas'd and made the same stir and yet those Fathers not at all concern'd in the Schism this is manifestly the present case there is no account of any Schism made about this point till after this Nepos his death And Dionysius who writes against him thinks himself oblig'd to make his Apology before hand saying that he honour'd the man for many great good qualities and was sorry that he was forc'd to write against his Brother in the defence of Truth And as to the matter of fact it was thus He found in the Region of Arsinoe several Churches distracted about this matter so that they began to make Schisms in several places The Bishops surely must be concern'd where there is any Schism or Heresie they must have a hand in it But here by good fortune no such thing appears Euseb l. 7 here is mention only of Presbyters and Teachers whom this Bishop assembled Presbyters of the Villages and these after some Dispute he at last perswaded to Peace But what became of the Bishop of that Region will you say It may be he was dead and that this Nepos was the man unless one may imagine the Diocess of Alexandria to extend so far for the Country adjoyning to the Lake Mareotes and call'd by that name was part of the Alexandrian Diocess as we have shew'd before out of Athanasius and the Arsinoeites was the next Region to that But however this be our point is sufficiently clear'd that this Nepos was neither Heretick nor Schismatick Nor does it appear that any Bishop was concern'd in that difference save only Dionysius of Alexandria who by his Prudence and Authority did compose it To conclude For the first three hundred years after Christ there is but one Bishop found who was the Author or rather the Reviver of a Heresie and yet Mr. B. looks upon it as a strange thing that there should be a Heresie rais'd by one that was No Bishop The following Ages were not so happy but as Christians generally degenerated so did the Clergy too but yet not so much as our Author would make it appear The beginning of the fourth Century was very unhappy to the Church not only by reason of a most violent Persecution rais'd against it from without but also of Heresies and Schisms from within Meletius an Egyptian Bishop Meletius and the first of that Order that began a Schism forsook the Communion of the Church because they that fell from the Faith under Persecution were receiv'd into it Epiph. as Epiphanius tells his story though others of better Authority give other Reasons that this Bishop had himself deny'd the Faith and being condemn'd by a Synod of Bishops he set up a Schism But of this we have said enough elsewhere Athan. Ap. 2. About the same time started up the Schism of the Donatists Donatus named so from one of their Bishops Aug. de Haeâ—es that lived a good while after the rise of that Faction this was carried
disturbance but all that love peace should surely cleave to their Bishop For his interest as well as duty oblige him to maintain peace and Unity for he is unavoidably a loser by the Quarrel and cannot rationally be suppos'd to have any design but to preserve things as they are But the Pretences of others though never so plausible are to be suspected of design where the separation is manifestly to the prejudice of the people as well as of the Bishop and to the advantage of him only that perswades it Now as the Bishops are under the least Temptation to make a disturbance and what Governour will raise a Sedition against himself so in fact likewise they are sound to be very few that being Bishops have rais'd any Heresie or Schism Let any man consult the Catalogues of Ancient Heresies and Compute how many of the 60 reckon'd by Epiphanius or of the 88. of St. Austin or of the greater number of Philastius and the more confus'd account of Theodoret How many of them I say were Bishops when they turn'd Hereticks and he shall find very few if any one in all those numbers But if any after they had Debauch'd the people from their Rightful Pastors were by subreption made Bishops of their Party They were never look'd upon as Bishops but only as heads of a Faction So that I believe the reader may by this time easily perceive what truth there is in Mr. B.'s General Charge that the Bishops were the causes of the Heresie and Schism and that it was so wonderful a thing that a Heresie should be begun by one that was no Bishop Besides this charge of Heresie and Schism Mr. B. accuses the Bishops of having been the cause of Church corruptions and Sedition As to the first if he means that the Bishops first introduc'd these corruptions into the Church I believe he will be never able to prove it as to the latter we shall examine it in due place The Corruptions of Christian Religion whether in Doctrine or Worship have crept unperceivably into the Church and by such degrees that it is a hard matter to ace their Original and we are so far from nowing the first Authors of them that we are ignorant even of the age wherein some of them were introduc'd Mr. B. charges considently but proves nothing But the most probable conjecture I think can be made of the rise and Progress of these is 1. That most of the corruptions in Doctrine crept in together with the Heathen Philosophy For great Philosophers especially the followers of Plato turning Christians still retain'd something of their former Notions which not appearing to be any way prejudicial to Christianityl but on the Contrary rendering it more acceptable to the wiser part of Heathens were by degrees own'd among the more learned sort in their Disputations with Heathens and pass'd without contradiction But afterwards busie men building farther consequences upon this foundation Improv'd the corruption till at last it grew Gross and intolerable Hence came the Invocation of Saints and Angels Plat. Pot. l. 5. Orig. adv câ—ll l. 8. Hieron descript Eccl. in Orig. Euseb Praep. Ev. l. 12. Virg. Georg. 6. Somn. Scip. c. and the opinion of their knowledge of Humane affairs Hence Prayer for the Dead and the opinion of Purgatory Hence proceeded many other curious Questions about the nature of God and his Attributes of the Fatal determination of events of free will and the like And as to the more sordid superstitious corruptions in Worship If any one sort of men are to be charg'd with them I believe the Monks will bid fairest The Cross and Reliques that came first from Judea are owing as far a I can observe to Melania and her Monks Paulin Epad Sulp. Sever. and I do believe the story of the finding of the Cross is of no ancienter standing Who has fill'd all the world with fictitious Reliques and fabulous Revelations concerning them Who Debauch'd the reason and common sense of men by their fulsome Legends and fictions of Miracles By whose means in short had Superstition overspread the face of the Christian world Were not the Monks the manifest Authors and Promoters of all this Superstition was born and brought up first in Monasteries and as Monks came into the Church they brought it along with them and the opinion the people had of the piety of these Retir'd men made every thing current that they advanc'd What so devoted Instruments had the Papal usurpation as the Monks that pretended exemption from the jurisdiction of their Bishops and subjected the Episcopal Authority to it And for Transubstantiation though the Grossness of the conceit were enough to prove it Monkish yet besides it is found by matter of fact to be theirs Paschasius Radbertus being the first that broach'd this Doctrine All this that I have but just mentioned in the General may be made out by a deduction of the rise and Progress of Superstition but a particular account would exceed too much the Proportion of this book This I must add that the Bishops who are charg'd with these Corruptions by Mr. B. were the only opposers of them that we find in Antiquity as we may see in the Canons of the African Church and that of Spain and other Countreys The first Picture we read of in a Christian Church was torn in pieces by Epiphanius a Bishop the first Councils about Images condemn'd the Idolatrous use of them with great zeal but at last superstition being still advanc'd by the Popularity of the Monks and the ignorance of the Age and some of the Emperors joyning with them prevail'd against the Bishops and so Idolatry was brought for a help to Christian Devotion And if at last the Bishops joyn'd in the superstitions it is no more a wonder than that they were engag'd in Heresie For when any number of people are corrupted whether with superstition or false Doctrine they will find Teachers to their own mind not that their Bishops will comply with every popular wind of doctrine but because men will make themselves Pastors after their own hearts and as long as there is a Heretick or an Ambitious man who will be any thing for applause or preferment they will never want Bishops and heads of their faction or if the Clergy have no Judas they will find Teachers amongst themselves and give them what Titles they please The last branch of the Charge is Sedition and this is as grievous as any of the other Suppose the matter of fact in the first place true that several Bishops had been Seditious does this proceed from their Constitution or any Principle the Bishops maintain that is inconsistent with the people where they live This I suppose cannot be pretended Or is Diocesan Episcopacy such an enemy to the peace of the Government We have had the experience of it for many ages and find but few that were so troublesome But because as the case stands now we are
reverence to Ambrose but for fear of Valentinian's preparation accepted a Peace But this Vsurper faith Mr. B. wrote Letters to Valentinian in favour of the Orthodox Bishops and St. Ambrose Who can help it if a busy Usurper will be forward to concern himself in matters that do not belong to him But lest the Reader may suspect any treacherous correspondence between those Bishops and this Usurper Amb. Ep. 27. I will give a brief account of Ambrose his negotiation with him When Maximus had seised that part of the Western Empire that Gratian was possessed of Valentinian fearing lest the Tyrant should invade his Countries sends St. Ambrose to mediate a peace Maximus having understood that Valentinian was making some preparations against him and had entertained the Huns and other Auxiliaries began to incline to an accommodation looking upon the Invasion of Italy as too hazardous an attempt Therefore he sent some of his Officers to meet Ambrose and to offer him a peace which afterwards was concluded upon these Terms That Maximus should be owned Emperour and retain all the Countries he was possessed of This was the first Embassy of Ambrose in which negotiation it was not so much to do Honour to Ambrose as out of fear of Gratians preparations that Maximus did forbear invading Italy But when this Usurper perceived that Valentinians affairs were not in so good a posture as he imagined at first he was vexed that he had let so fair an opportunity slip of adding the Dominions of Valentinian to his other Conquests Upon this he begins to pick quarrels with Valentinian to take the part of the Orthodox Bishops nay of the Heathens and every one that had reason of discontent calling himself Procuratorem Reipublicae Valentinian jealous of his designs sends Ambrose a second time to desire Gratians body and likely to sound Maximus This good Bishop was entertained this time but very coldly The Usurper reproached him with having imposed upon him before and keeping him out of Italy The Bishop replyed that it was not he but his own fears that prevailed with him and in short when Ambrose would not communicate with him nor his Bishops because he looked upon him as a man of blood He was sent back without having been able to effect any thing and with no better answer than that Maximus would consider of it This is the summ of this negotiation as Ambrose himself and Paulinus in his life gives an account of it And now if any disloyalty can be suspected in Ambrose and the Orthodox Bishops it must be such a secret as was never yet revealed Whereas nothing is more evident from these Relations than the integrity of that Bishop and his extraordinary affection towards his Prince and Country For from what has been already said we may observe 1. That Ambrose was not only a dutiful Subject but as himself sayes though without vanity the Father or Guardian of his Prince 2. The confidence his Prince had in his integrity when after so great and fresh Provocations he would trust him with his life and Empire and that although he had been provoked in the most tender part by his Princess indeavours for the introducing of Arianism Others perhaps if they had been in his condition would have looked upon this Tyrants declaring for the Truth as such an opportunity that Providence had offered for the preservation of the Faith and since the Empress was of a false Religion and the Emperour was Governed by her why should noâ— they set up this Maximus as the Protector of the true Faith But Ambrose and the Bishops were of another mind They knew what it was to Dye for their Religion but did not understand what it was to brigue or to resist I have thus far observ'd with Mr. B. what this Usurper Maximus did in favour of the Bishops how he studied to please and rise by them The next thing we ought to enquire after is what success his Design upon the Bishops produced and whether they answer'd his kindnesses by forming any interest to support his Pretensions or by declaring in his favour Mr. B. gives a full account of it in these words and the said Maximus and the Bishops did so close that only one Hyginus a Bishop is mention'd and Theognostus besides Ambrose and Martin that rejected Maximus I shall grant Mr. B. here more than he desires The truth is that even those Bishops that he says rejected Maximus did Really own him for Emperor as having all the Confirmation the Laws of that time did require and it is a mistake of Mr. B. before where he tells us that Ambrose would not Communicate with the Bishops because they own'd Maximus whereas all the quarrel of St. Martin and Theognostus was against his proceedings with the Priscillianists and his Murdering of Gratian if he Murder'd him But for all that they own'd him to be Emperor as much as those did that Communicated with him Ambrose would not Communicate with Theodosius upon the like account but never disown'd his Authority as Emperor all that while what Hyginus did Mr. B. cannot tell without Revelation he was bannish'd by Maximus as St. Ambrose tells us but the Reason is not express'd Well then if all this be true Mr. B's Observation will be so too That Bishops can comply with Vsurpers that will be for them as well as Presbyters What they can do is not our Question but this instance of Maximus I am sure does not discover in them any great inclination to it for how I pray did these Bishops comply with that Usurper Were any of them instrumental to his Advancement did they Preach up his cause and the lawfulness of his Revolt Did they ever press the people to bring in their Plate and Contributions Or after his successes and the Murder of Gratian did any of these Bishops justifie the Usurpers Proceedings and preach and print in defence of that Barbarous Regicide did they flatter him as the Preserver of Religion the David the Champion of Israel I believe one much better vers'd in Antiquity than Mr. B. will find it a hard task to find out any Books or Dedications of Bishops to this effect But Mr. B. can tell who Printed and Preach'd and gathered subscriptions for the Approbation of the most execrable Regicide committed under the Sun and others can say something though at present it is not necessary to be particular Well But as to the Bishops that own'd Maximus what sort of compliance was theirs What did they do so much in favour of the Usurper When he had Conquer'd the Countrys where they liv'd and been own'd by both the Emperors Reigning then they submitted to him that is they did not think themselves oblig'd to Rebel or to stir up the People against him that was none of their business and therefore they meddled not with it And in short we do not find they studied any other complyance than only to be quiet and to do their own business
ever read this Epistle In short if I were as worthy to advise Mr. B. as he was to advise Cromwel I would say it were much more adviseable for a Christian especially for one that thinks he is so near his Eternal State to repent and cry peccavimus with the Bishops in the Council of Chalcedon whom he something Unchristianly derides than to stand upon justification of the fact and think to face it out by comparing himself with them that were so unlike him in all their circumstances This odious unpleasant work is no sooner done but Mr. B. leads me into a subject much more Invidious by his charging the late Rebellion upon the Bishops and their Party But this I must add says Mr. B. ad homines That it has been the Bishops themselves that have been the grand cause of our Church Divisions and Separations What advantage they have given the Separatists I have shewed before I am sure in the Congregation where I once was Teacher and the Country about nothing that ever came to pass has so inclin'd the people to avoid the Prelates as their own doing especially the silencing and Reproaching their Ancient Teachers whom they knew longer and better than the Prelates did and to say truth the people generally are very Competent judges of their Pastors But if the Bishops have been the Cause the Grand cause of our divisions how came it to pass that when the Bishops were gone that these divisions increas'd in other evils when you remove the Grand cause there follows abatement of the distemper This strange disease of separation grows more incurable by removing the cause But Mr. B. saith the reproaching and Silencing of the ancient Ministers gave offence and made the Bishops odious If Mr. B. means that which was done after his Majesties Restauration it will be an easie matter to answer There were many of those Ministers that were Usurpers and had intruded into the Churches of other men who had been silenc'd and cast out by those powers that had reason to be jealous of honest men There were many others that were intruders into the Ministry and such not a few of them as Mr. B. himself would not have thought fit to have continued All the rest were such as would not submit to the Rule that was then Establisht in the Church but chose rather to leave their Livings and the Bishops could not help it any other wise than as they were Members of Parliament for it was the Law that tied them to that choice and not the Bishops If Mr. B. means what happen'd before the last Civil Wars as 't is likely he may because that follows next then these Ancient Teachers that he speaks of howsoever they might be qualified otherwise were the instruments of an Anti-Monarchical Anti Episcopal Faction They would preach but they would not conform to the Establisht Religion Nay many of them would Preach against it and against their Governours too and Alienate the pople from them by their Sermons These were such Incendiaries as no Government would have endured And what manner of men several of them were may be observ'd from the Register of Norwich where Heyl. Life of Land p. 291. of four persons who were inhibited preaching one was by Trade a Draper another a Weaver and a third a Taylor and perhaps not altogether so learned as the Weavers and Plowmen of Kidderminster whom Mr. B. vouches of Abilities not inferior to most of the Ancient Fathers Yet by Silencing of these saith Mr. B. the Bishops caus'd separation It is pity the people should know no better than to follow such men as these out of the Church but if there be such an absolute necessity that these men must preach I should think they would become a Conventicle much better than a Church In the next place Mr. B. gives us a new account of the original of the late Wars and affirms that it was a Parliament of Episcopals and Erastians and not of Presbyterians who first took up Arms in England against the King It is well the Bishops had no share in it But pray where were the Presbyterians when this Parliament took up Arms were they not yet in being Or were there none of them in the House Or did they Protest against the proceedings of those Episcopals and Erastians As many of them as were of the Parliament I hope consented to the taking up of Arms and it may be may give Mr. B. little thanks for depriving them of the glory of the action For the Erastians I have not much to say but that at last they outwitted the Presbyterians although in the beginning they were reckon'd all one But can Mr. B. believe or think any body else so weak as to be impos'd upon in a matter so notorious that it was a Parliament of Episcopals and Erastians and not Presbyterians that began the like War were they Episcopals that voted down Episcopacy Root and Branch before the war was begun Were they Episcopals that Petition'd the King at York for Reformation in Discipline and Worship i. e. for Abolishing of Episcopacy and Common Prayer Were they Episcopals who in their humble desires tendred to the King at Oxford Feb. 1. 1643. pray him to give his Royal Assent for the utter Abolishing Arch-Bishops Bishops c. out of the Church of England and to promise to Pass other such Good Bills for setling of Church Government as upon consultation the Assembly of Divines shall be resolv'd on by both houses of Parliament Were they Episcopas that enter into a Solemn League and Covenant against Episcopacy and for Reforming of our Church after the Presbyterian Platform In short were they Episcopals that set up Presbytery by so many and repeated Ordinances Aug. 19. Oct. 20. Feb. 20. And this was the Parliament that began and continued the War The Erastians and Independents were at first inconsiderable and acted joyntly with the Presbyterians taking the Covenant as well as they and some of them were present at the forming of it in Scotland But afterwards opposing the Establishment of Presbytery they found a device to elude all the force of the Presbyterian Covenant by the means of that clause in it that Reformation intended was to be according to the word of God which they conceived Presbyterian Government not to be Some of them added that the Covenant was so attemkper'd on purpose to take them in for their Principles they said were very well known when they took it Grand Debate p. 89.90 91 c. But the Presbyterians utterly deny'd any such thing that they knew any principles of theirs that were contrary to Presbytery and the Assembly of Divines in their First Conference with the dissenting Brethren p. 108. c. urge the Honour of this Presbyterian Parliament as an argument against the Toleration of the Independents p. 20. because that in so doing the Parliament should grant Liberty to destroy and pull down what themselves are
here An. 1586. A National Synod was call'd to sit at the Hague by the order of the Earl of Leicester without the States and here they insisted upon their Ecclesiastical authority and excluded the Magistrate from any voyce in the chusing of Church Officers That a National Synod should meet every third year without the Magistrates leave and subscription was more strictly press'd upon the Ministers under pain of being turn'd out of their Churches But these were but slight differences in respect of that which follow'd that fatal Schism I mean occasion'd by the Arminian Controversie The seeds of it had lain in that Church from the beginning and Colhaes â—uyrhuis Herberts I'o â—hert and divers oâ—hers had declared themselves against the received confession and Catechism of those Churches long before Arminius But his authority and learning bore up against the Current of the contrary Doctrine that had overborn such as before that had oppos'd it See the preface to the Acts of the Synod of Dore. and now the condition of those Churches was most deplorable for several years together there was nothing but perpetual Dispute and Claâ—rour Conference after Conference and Synod after Synod Appeal upon Appeal At last it came to Tumult and Sedition to Confusion and blood-shed Ministers were turn'd out of their charges some Banish'd Vid. vit Episcopii others set upon by the Rabble and in danger to be torn in pieces Nothing can be imagined more distracted than the state of those Churches was for a long whâ—le together At last after all the interposing and good offices of other Reform'd Churches but without effect a general Synod was resolved upon where the Remonstrants were condemn'd and the Civil Magistrate seconded this sentence by another more severe whereby they Banish'd the Ministers that would not subscribe many of them were imprison'd and in short Bâ—shops could not have procur'd greater rigour and severity which here seem'd to be more grievous where every body else had liberty of Conscience and Jews were allow'd a publick exercise of their Religion And yet these very points in difference that not only rent these Churches in pieces but shook those of France who confirm'd the Decrees of the Synod of Dort and turn'd out such Ministers as favoured the condemn'd Doctrine and requir'd subscriptions to the contrary opinions of such as were to be admitted into the Clergy these points I say have not had the same unhappy influence upon some other Churches that were Episcopal Men in our Church have taught very differently of these matters and yet the Unity of the Church hath been still preserv'd notwithstanding this difference of opinions which shews that Episcopal government is not so subject to Schism as Mr. B. would make the world imagine and to say the truth ours has been troubled with no other such difference but what hath been made in opposition to the very form of Government it self and there is no wonder if it seems so difficult to heal it since the Church can no otherwise satisfie these men than by destroying the whole frame of its Government and order and it is strange any should expect it that did not believe all those under the rule of the Church to be Hypocrites These men talk much of Ceremonies and Liturgy but this is the least of the difference though it be most pretended because most useful to render the Governours of the Church odious for shutting men out of it for such Circumstances as these This makes most noise as a false Alarm commonly does but the real design is upon the Government Therefore those that fancy any Accomodation practicable upon any allowances in this part seem to my apprehension to mistake the disease for Alas It is not accomodation but Victory that these men aim at But to return to the Churches of Holland whose Schism gave occasion to this digression After the Synod of Dort though all means were us'd to suppress the Remonstrants yet they remain still in separate Assemblies and the unhappy breach continues to this day without any probability of being made up Vid. Spanbmite Ep. ad Amie When they had tir'd themselves and the world with this Controversie they were diverted with new matter of dispute the names of Voetius and Cocceius rather than any difference between their Doctrine disturb'd again the peace of those Churches And though the ground of the quarrel is scarce perceivable yet it is hardly to be imagin'd how great the Animosities are This indeed never came to a formal Schism yet it has divided those Churches into formal parties and in some occasions the quarrel seems of more than ordinary consequence and has great influence upon the Promotions of the Ministry and the Affections of several Cites are determin'd to this or that party And as these Presbyterian Churches have been afflicted with Schism and contentions so they have been sensible of the mischiefs of Heresie and labour more than any part of the Christian world under the Infamy of them Here the Ministers have no great Revenues nor dignities nor Power and here are no Patriarchs nor Bishops and yet Heresies makes a shift to thrive Arians Socinians Menonists Labadyists and diverse others they are neglected no general Councils disturb the enjoyment of their errors and yet they abound and are pertinacious Nor is it a wonder they take such deep root in Presbyterian Churches for of late like Storks they have affected a republican Church above all others and it is observable that in these last ages there have been no Hereticks that have not been likewise Anti-Episcopal and at the same time that they become enemies of the truth they declare war against the Bishops who are the Guardians of it If it be objected that our Country swarms with this Vermin too it ought to be considered from whence they came to be so rife among us It was the taking away of Episcopacy that opened such a door to errors and there were more Heresies started here in the space of four years after Bishops had been laid aside if Edwards reckons right than have been known in the Universal Church from the foundation of it to that time And those that fall into Herefie here do it commonly by degrees They begin with Schism and end in Enthusiasm and madness first they are Presbyterians and then if that dispensation be not spiritual enough they are improv'd in to Independents and from thence to the fifth Monarchy or Quakerism All the extravagant Heresies among us are but the spawns of the first Schism and the consequences of those Principles of Separation that draw them from the Communion of the Bishop The Church of Scotland has felt the Distractions occasion'd by this Parity of Ministers more than any of her Neighbours and though it has not been divided by a formal Schisin 'till of late yet from the first setting up of this Government it has been exercis'd with perpetual contentions and Tumults and Sedition about Church Discipline
see will be stiffly deny'd though the Scripture Testimonies already alledg'd are sufficient to perswade any reasonable man that the Church of Jerusalem was more than a Congregation and consequently the Bishop of it a Diocesan according to Mr. B.'s definition But besides we have as ancient Testimonies from Church History too of the greatness of that Church as of any other whatsoever For Hegesippus among several commendations of him sayes that several of the Jewish Sectaries who believed neither a Resurrection nor Judgment to come were converted by James And that when a great number of the Rulers and and principal men of the City Apud Euseb l. 2. c. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were by his Ministry brought to believe the Gospel the Jews made an uproar the Scribes and Pharisees saying that it was to be feared that all the people would turn Christians would they fansie themselves in so great danger if the Christians in so vast and populous a City should have but one single Congregation Suppose they had one Synagogue of four or five hundred is that such a dreadful proportion as to fright people out of their wits as if they were immediately to be overrun with Christianity and what should give them so great disturbance The Christians had alwayes had one Congregation there and surely a pretty full one from the time of Christs Death and if their meeting places were not increased and Synagogues with their Rulers and Officers had not deserted the Jewish Church and professed Christianity there had been no protence for such an apprehension as if all Jerusalem were about to change the Law for the Gospel it was more than a poor Congregational Church and Bishop that must give cause to these apprehensions It was not long ere this Church of Jerusalem that was grown so formidable to the Jews that they were afraid lest in a little while it might swallow up all their Synagogues was removed thence and by a special warning snatch'd from the destruction that was shortly to fall upon that wicked City There is an ancient Tradition that the Christians of Jerusalem forsook it before the last Siege and went to Pella Euseb Hist l. 3.5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a City of beyond Jordan and because the obscurity of the place may make one suspect that the numbers of the Church of Jerusalem were not so great if this Town could receive them all We must understand that Town to be their Metropolis or seat of their Bishop but the believers were all scattered through that whole Country Epip Haer. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb Hist l. 3. c. 11. as Epiphanius writes and his way of expressing himself makes Pella only the principal residence of the Church and here it is probable their Bishop liv'd for after the death of James and the Destruction of Jerusalem the Apostles and Disciples and such of our Savious kindred as remained met together to appoint a Successour to James when this Church was departed from Jerusalem and it must needs be more than an ordinary charge to occasion so solemn a meeting to consult about the Person that should succeed in it It was more surely than the oversight of one single Congregation Id. l. 3. c. 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And his Government added yet greater numbers to that Church many thousands of the Circumcision receiving the Christian Faith at that time and among the rest Justus who succeeded in the Bishoprick of Jerusalem Now from this account of the Church of Jerusalem it appears manifestly 1. That it was Episcopal from the beginning and some of the Authors that attest it liv'd in that time when the Apostolical Church Government is pretended to be chang'd into Episcopacy by Blondel and it shews no less the vanity of Mr. B.'s conceit about the Original of Bishops 2. That the Bishops of Jerusalem were Diocesan's having the oversight of several Congregations which is necessarily inferr'd from the express numbers of Converts from general expressions of wonderful accessions from the jealousy of the Scribes and Pharisees who apprehended from the progress Christianity made that all Jerusalem would soon become Christians from the farther accounts of its increase and of the innumerable multitudes that were added to it and this is sufficient to shew the weakness of Mr. B.'s conjecture who makes Rome and Alexandria to be the first patterns of Diocesan Episcopacy and that not till after the beginning of the third Century Nor was the Church of Jerusalem singular in its constitution but all other Churches of the Apostles planting were of the same kind and design'd for the like and yet farther increase The beginnings of them as of all other things were but small the Kingdom of Heaven is like a grain of Mustard Seed which is yet capable of prodigious improvement and the slip when first planted is but single yet afterwards it shoots out several branches which though never so mnumerous and at some distance one from the other yet communicate all in the same same body and root The design of the Gospel is not like those of the Authors of Sects or Religious orders to have only a select company of followers that are much at leisure but great and comprehensive and suited to the whole World There is no Sex no Capacity no condition but is design'd to be brought into the Church and to be digested the most commodiously that may be so that there may be one fold under one Shepherd Christ the Universal Pastor The Schools of the Philosophers and the Synagogues of the Jews were to narrow foundations for such a building as that of the Christian Church which are to be larger in proportion to the greatness of the Fabrick and it is no less the strength than beauty of the whole to have its Stones and Timber the parts of which it consists of something a greater magnitude than those of private and ordinary building nor can it yet stand without there be some kind of coherence and connection at least wise where the people that are members of the Church are likewise united in a political communion this connection ought particularly to be regarded which the Apostles in their first planting of the Gospel had an eye to as shall be observed farther in the course of Diocesan Episcopacy which after this digression I am going to pursue The first Persecution that was raised against the Church of Jerusalem was by the good Providence of God turned into the happy occasion of planting several other Churches and that storm which was designed to quench that fire that came down from Heaven scattered the sparks of it into all the Regions round about Samaria was the first place we read of that entertained the Gospel when it had been forced out of Jerusalem Acts 8.1 v. 4. v. 5 6. v. 12. Philip the Deacon Preached Christ unto them and the people with one accord gave heed to those things that were spoken by him and when
owed him still the duty of Children notwithstanding his absence and lastly that he would come to them shortly by way of Apostolical visitation and examine the power of those that entred into competition with him For as far as his Line or Diocess or Province did extend so far he pretended a peculiar Authority to govern Rom 15.19 2 Cor. 10.13 to 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dioecesis sive certus Pastorum Ecâ—lesiarum numerus Unit. Frat. Bohem. Sect. de Antist Regulam vocat Ditionem praescriptum Praedicationis Terminum Salmeron and exercised Diocesan jurisdiction upon all within his Rule But when this Line was so far extended that he neither was able to visit every part himself and his communication by Letters would not answer all the occasions of those Churches he had planted 1. Tim. 1.3 18. c. 2.14 15. c. 4.12 14. c. 5.21.22 Tit. 1.5 c. 2.15 he provides for them not by leaving every Congregation Independent and resigning all Authority into the hands of every particular Presbytery but by sending Persons endued not only with extraordinary gifts but with Apostolical power to ordain Elders to end disputes to censure the unruly and irregular whether of the Clergy or People to confute Hereticks to preach the Gospel and in short by all means to provide for thee welfare of those Churches committed to them And now as the Apostle had before ordained assistant Elders in the several Churches which he had planted for the ordinary attendance of the Congregation so now he takes to himself Assistants of another sort Suffragans for the Service of his Province which he distributed as he found most expedient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 1. c. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theod in 1 Tim. 3. Phil. 3.25 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acceperat in illis Apostolatus officium Hieron in locum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Anonym 〈◊〉 Phot. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrysost 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrysost in Timoth. and these in the Apostles time were sometimes called Apostles or Evangelists Bishops Presbyters Fellow Labourers Helpers Deacons c. but their successors leaving greater and more invidious titles contented themselves with the name of Bishops which was common to them with ordinary Presbyters at first though the Offices were alwayes distinct Of this kind we have several mentioned in Scripture of St. Pauls Province as Barnabas Timothy Titus Crescens Epaphraditus Sosthenes and some others that had no relation to him as James the Just Mark Linus Clemens c. These exercised Episcopal jurisdiction in that district where they were appointed Ordained Presbyters received accusations against them Reprov'd and censur'd them as there was cause and in short govern'd those Churches over which they were appointed by full Apostolical power which was transmitted to their successors But the extraordinary abilities of some of these men and the occasions of several other Churches made their residence less constant in the Diocess where they were plac'd 2 Tim. 4.9 than otherwise might have been expected Phil. 2. and therefore Timothy the Bishop and Apostle of Ephesus is called to Rome by St. Paul to be imployed as the necessities of the Church should require Titus is sent to Dalmatia though Crete were his first Province but this concludes no more against their being Diocesans than the Voyage of Germanus and Lupus into Brittain to oppose the Pelagian Heresy would conclude against their being Bishops Now what care was taken for those Churches which these Apostolick Diocesans left whether they returned again to their Provinces is not mentioned in Scripture But Ecclesiastical Records shew an uninterrupted Succession from the Bishops in several Churches Nor do we find that they were all so unfixed as they are represented by the adversaries of Episcopacy for Mark who was the first Bishop of Alexandria remained in that Province Euseb Hist l. 2. c. 16. Niceph. l. 2. c. 43. Gelas in Conc. Rom. in decr de lib. Auth. planting Churches in the Country round about and governing them by Apostolical Authority which after his Martyrdom there was derived to his successuors in the same charge Now this order being of perpetual use and necessity in the Church to ordain Presbyters and Deacons to exercise discipline to preserve unity they were multiplyed according as the Apostles found most expedient for the Church and the most eminent Cities became the Residence of these first Bishops not because God takes greater care of Cities than he does of lesser Towns and Villages but because the Apostles thought it the most natural way to follow the distribution that was then in the more civilz'd part of the world St. John a little while before his death mentions seven in the Lydian Asia under the name of Angels of the Churches nor is it probable there were any more in that Province The Seven Churches being the same with all the Churches mentioned in the next Chapter Rev. 1.20.2.23 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Andr. Caesar Ego puto simul inveniri posse Angelum hominem bonos Ecclesia Episcopos Origen in Lucam Hom. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut Collegas moneat Beza Ad Episcopum loci dirigitur Paraus and Carolus à Sancto Paulo concludes the same thing out of St. John Cum in Asia septem tantum hisce temporibus essent Episcopi ut in Apocalypsi legere est nec majorem corum numerum in Ponto tunc fuisse probalile est Geogr. Sacra p. 289. Dissert 4. c. 5. Quod si de Angelis superiorum Coelorum non de praepositis Ecclesie intelligi vellet non consequenter diceret Laudatur sub Angeli nomine praepositas Ecclesiae Aug. Ep. 162. But Dr. Hammond makes all these Angels to be Metropolitans having several Bishops under them for the reasons I must refer the reader to his Dissertations Thus far the Scripture discovers the rise and progress of Diocesan Episcopacy which was the form of Church Government under the Apostles who had large Provinces to supervise and their suffragans such as are commonly called Evangelists had several Congregations to govern and this was undeniably the constitution of the Church in the first age the next thing we are to inquire is whether the Office expired with those Persons or was designed to be of perpetual use in the Church The Adversaries of Episcopacy are not all agreed as to this point the Presbyterians generally looking upon the offices of Apostles and Evangelists extraordinary as the persons were Mr. B. is something more scrupulous because he does not find any where that Christ design'd to have this alter'd and yet he condemns Diocesan Episcopacy as being altogether different from it I have said something to this already and therefore I shall answer here more briefly 1. That we have no reason to believe from Scripture that the Office of Apostles or Evangelists which concerned the Government of the Church was extraordinary and for a time only
his Diocess But since there is no Record left as Ancient as the times we speak of that gives the just extent of any Diocess and what we mentioned already are only accidental hints we must take some other way to make more just observations of the magnitude of those Stars and of the Orbs in which they moved And since most of the Remains of Ancient writings do either concern Religion in general and are taken up in the defence of it against Idolatry and Blasphemous Heresies or else in giving some account of the general administration of the Church by Bishops met in Councils we must try whether we may not ground a probable computation of the Bishopricks of those times in some Provinces upon the number of Bishops that usually met there to determine such things as concerned the general Union and the peace not only of the Churches within such a district but also the Church Universal Now the Church of Africk at this distance of time stands in the best light of any which is owing to the excellent writings of Cyprian who gives several particulars concerning the state of the Churches of that part of the world in and before his time The first Council mentioned there was under Agrippinus Bishop of Carthage about rebaptizing of Hereticks but the number is not mentioned which if it had been any thing extraordinary Cyprian would not have forborn to alledge to add weight and Authority to the precedent he cites in favour of his own opinion Cypr. Ep. 71. Agrippinus bonae memoriae vir cum caeteris Coepiscopis suis qui illo tempore in Provincia Africa Numidia Ecclesiam Dei gubernabant The next we find is at Lambese against one Privatus of that place where there were present ninety Bishops the most numerous Council we read of in Africk before the Schism of the Donatists Ep. 55. compared with 30. nor is it to be wondred there should be so many Bishops met together in a Provincial Synod since the Province of Cyprian contained Africa properly so called Numidia and the two Mauritania's Latius fusa est nostra Provincia habet enim Numidiam Mauritanias duas sibi cohaerentes Ep. 45. and we find several Councils composed of the Bishops of all these Provinces less numerous than this against Privatus Nanc cum in unum convenissemus tam Provinciae Africaequam Numidiae Episcopi numero 71. Ep. 73. However this passage of Cyprian of Provincia nostra whether it be understood here of the Civil or Ecclesiastical Province yet it was usual for the Bishops of those Provinces in Cyprians time to meet at Carthage to consult as the occasions of the Church did require Cum in unum Cartheâ—ini Convenissent Kal. Sept. Episcopi plurimi ex Provincia Africa Numidia Mauritâ—nia Sententiae Episc ap Cypr. T. 2. ed Goulart And it is further observable that there is a great difference in the number of the Councils of Africa properly so called and the other more general ones of the several Provinces united all the Bishops of that Country or the greatest part coming together upon extraordinary occasions as we shall shew presently from the simplicity of their constitution which continued longer in that Church than in any other of the Christian World and the strict obligations every particular Bishop had of coming to the Synods which here were more indispensable because there were no Metropolitans to represent the Suffragans of their Province but of this hereafter After the persecution that forced Cyprian from Carthage was ceased a Council was assembled to settle the Discipline of the Church relating to the laps'd Cum quies tranquillitas data esset Episcopis in unum convenire indulgentia divina permitteret tune communicate librato de omnium collatione consilio statueremque quid fieri oporteret Si quis vero ante concilium nostrum ante sententiam de omnium Consilio statutam lapsis temere communicareâ— â—yseâ—â— communionâ— arceatur Persecutione sâ—pita copiâ—sus Episcoporum numerus quos integros incolumes fides sua Domini tutela protexit Ac si minus sufficiâ—â—s iâ— Africa Episcâ—porum numerus etiam Râ—mam c. Ep. 52. Epigraph Ep. 54. Cypriaâ—uâ— liberalis c. Numero 42. or such as had fallen away in time of Temptation and since Cyprian in his recess would never determine any thing concerning it before the storm were over and all the Bishops permitted to come together to establish a general rule concerning it it is to be imagined that all that could possibly come together would meet upon this occasion where they were all concerned and so no doubt they did and Cyprian intimates as much where he says that all that had stood and persevered under that persecution came together and their number did hardly exceed forty it is likely that only the Bishops of the Province of Africk appeared here the business requiring some speedy remedy and all of that Province that had not lapsed doubtless came together and Cyprian with regard to the number of Bishops in the Province calls this a great number of Bishops Another Syned is said to be called shortly after by the Author of the Libellus Synodicus in the cause of Novatian which appears to be after that which we have mentioned last 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lib. Synod Sed cum statuissemus Collegae complures qui in unum conveneramus perhaps in Hadrumettina Colonia legatis ad vos coepiscopis nostris omnia interim in t egrasuspenderentur ut tâ— universi nostri Collega communicationem tuam i. e. Catholicae Ecclesie unitatem probarent firmiter ac tenerent and these universi Collegae it seems were the 84. above mentioned who came from Africk Numidia and the two Mauritaniâ—'s for the Union and consent of all these was designed by Cyprian in order to which some Bishops were sent to Rome to inform them of the whole matter Cypr. Ep. 45. as well from the number which was eighty four and supposed the Church in a peaceable condition as from Cyprians Letter to Cornelius about the Clergy in Hadrumettina Colonia which though it be placed in the order of Pamelius before the Synod of Carthage about the lapsed yet from several circumstances I conceive was written some time after For 1. From the Epistle of the Synod last mentioned it appears that it was the first after the Persecution 2. It makes no mention at all of Novatian 3. The Letter of Cyprian about Polycarp and his Clergy gives the reason why they deferred to determine the difference between Cornelius and Novatian because they staid for an account of the whole matter from those Bishops they had sent to Rome that the cause of Cornelius might want no advantage of evidence to justifie and clear it though he Cyprian was well enough satisfied of the justice of it and had communicated with Cornelius before All this he sayes in the same place was done
in order to establish a general consent about communicating with Cornelius which was to be done in a full Council of all the Provinces the same that we have set down here from the Libellus Synodicus Another African Council whose Epistle to Fidus about the Baptism of Infants is still extant Ap. Cypr. Ep. 59. Aug. â—â—â—tr duâ—â— Ep. â—th l. 4. c. â— had sixty six Bishops as St. Augustine reports and names the number as extraordinary to add greater Authority to their Testimony That concerning Basilides and Martialis had but a very small number and the first about the validity of Baptism by a Heretick had no great number as we may conclude from the Inscription of it which shews that the Bishops of Numidia were not there and that it consisted only of the Province of Africa properly so called Cyp. Ep. 68.70 Ep. ad Januarium caeteros Episcopos Numidas And Cyprian though he mentions this Council in several places yet he sayes nothing of the number nay though he mentions it in the very same period with that which followed upon the same account yet he does not say any thing of the multitude of Bishops there but expresses that of the other because he thought it remarkable considering the number of Bishops at that time when we had met together the Bishops of Africa and Numidia seventy one in number Quid in Concilio cum complures adessemus decreverimus Et nunc quoque cum in unum convenissemus tam Provinciae Africae quam Numidiae Episcopi septuaginta unus Ep. 73. And this Council as if it had not been full enough is confirmed by another of greater extent and number Cum in unum convenissent Episcopi plurimi ex Provincia Africa Numidia Mauritania Sententiae 87. Episâ—c ap Cypr. T. 2. c. 15 consisting of eighty seven Bishops assembled out of the Provinces of Africa Numidia Mauritania and of these eighty seven two left their suffrages with Proxies and this is the most numerous of all the Councils in Cyprians time and the last of that Country we have any account of in that age This was the state of the Church of Africk and the number of their Bishops which if we compare with the vast increase of Christians there described by Tertullian and the Accession we may probably conceive to have been made after by the care and ministry of those good Bishops that governed that Church we must conclude the African Dioceses to be very large and to contain each of them not only a very great number of Believers but those also dispersed throughout a great extent of Country But it may be objected that all the Bishops of Africk might not meet in these Councils and therefore there is no computation to be made of their number from this observation To which I answer first that it is possible every individual Bishop might not be present yet the greatest part was and none was to absent himself without absolute necessity as of sickness or the like and the number of such would be inconsiderable And the Canons of that Church are very strict in this point in after times Codex Canon Afric c. 53. vid. Conc. Carth. 3. c. 43. and give strange incouragements to such as have otherwise but ill titles to their Bishopricks to hold them to the prejudice of him who has the juster title if the one frequent their Councils and the other neglect them On the otherside neglect of duty in this particular is made liable to deprivation Carth. 4. c. 21. Episcopus ad Synodum irâ— non sine satis gravi necessitate inhibâ—atur fic tamen ut in sua persona â—egatum mittat 2. In Cyprians time when the African Bishops had no dependance one upon another and no subordination to Metropolitans and the Decrees of their Synods did and could oblige only such as were present and consented to them it was necessary that all should come together or send their Proxy in order to establish that Unity among them which was the design of these Councils and yet all the number even of their most solemn Councils is not great 3. The practice of the African Church within half an à ge after this time confirms this inference from the number of the Bishops at Councils to the number of Dioceses in that Country for we find presently as Bishopricks were multiplyed by the Schism of the Donatists so Councils became much more numerous and whereas ninety was the greatest number that ever met there before this Schism afterwards we find several hundreds But however this inference will hold it is some comfort to find some others of great knowledge and judgement in antiquity to hold the conclusion that the number of Bishopricks was not great in Cyprians time which is assigned as a reason why his Province was so large Aucto numero sedium Episcopalium adeo ut omnibus invigilare haud facile esset Carthagâ—nensi Episcâ—po Carol. à S. Paulo Geogr. sacr p. 84. But to make this point clear beyond all exception I will indeavour to shew from unquestionable testimonies how Bishopricks came to be multiplyed in Africk more than in any other part and then notwithstanding this I will make it evident that those Bishops were Diocesans and some of them after the crumbling of that Church into small pieces had yet very large Dioceses not inferiour to most of ours for extent of Territory The Schism of the Donatists though it broke not forth with any violence till after Caecilianus was made Bishop of Carthage yet it was hatching long before in the time of Mensurius Aug. Ep. 163. when the faction was kept up under hand and had its Agents in several places But being grown ripe it took occasion from the promotion of Caecilianus to declare it self Secundus Tisnigensis being called to Carthage with his Numidian Bishops to set up another He came accordingly with about seventy Bishops all the strength he could make and perhaps more than his own Province could afford him These declare they would not communicate with Caecilianus and therefore set up Majorinus against him and in like manner where ever they could make the least party imaginable they appointed a Schismatical Bishop and not content to equal the number of the Catholicks they divided the ancient Dioceses and erected several new Episcopal seats that by the number of their Bishops at least they might appear to be Catholicks as they afterwards laid claim to the title upon that account It was not long after this breach Aug. Ep. 48. but we hear of unusual numbers of Bishops met in Council and one of the Donatists of Carthage according to Tychonius his relation vid. Valesii Dissert de Schism Donat had no less than two hundred and seventy Bishops which if it be true shews this change to have been very sudden though it cannot be so soon as Balduinus and out of him Baronius would understand it to be but of this I have
is said to contain many Churches by that Canon whereby it is provided that Equitius the Bishop of it is to be deposed and another put in his place and for the easier effecting of it it is said Ecclesiae ibi ab his retinentur qui Equitii facinorosam communionem declinaverunt The Diocess whereof Xantippus was Bishop must be supposed of good extent August Ep. 236. for Augustine complains to him of one Abundantius a Presbyter in fundo Strabonensi at a great distance from his Bishop and near it seems to Augustine as may be gathered from the nature and manner of the complaint in the same place there is 〈…〉 Presbyter Gippitanus who was neighbour to this Abundantius or rather they lived both together tho' they had several Cures Alypius Bishop of Tagastis id Ep. 289. had likewise the Church Thyana under him which probably was a considerable City as may be gathered from the Epistle of St. Augustin to Melania whose Son was forced by a tumult of the people of Hippo to take Orders Hippo Regia the Diocess of St. Augustin was very large Ep. 74.212 236. Ep. He mentions many Parochial Presbyters and Parishes in it as Presbyter Germaniciensis Armemansis Subsana where Timothy was ordained Reader which occasioned no small trouble Malliana Turres Ciran Vitalis c. And such was the number of Churches in his Diocess that he excuses himself to a friend whom he had promised to assist in some kind of Study that he could not be as good as his word because he was gone upon his Visitation which would hold a considerable time and therefore he remits him to one of his Presbyters Quoniam visitandarum Ecclesiarum ad meam curam pertinentium necessitate profectus sum But we have a clearer account of the extent of this Diocess than of any other in Africk id Ep. 261. Volens prodesse quibusdam in nostra vicinitate This Neighbourhood which Mr. B. sometimes argues from to shew the smallness of Dioceses then was not the next door or the next Town in his Letter to Celestinus Bishop of Rome where he mentions a place in his neighbourhood as he expresses it that belonged to his Diocess and had never had a Bishop of its own yet forty miles distant from Hippo the passage because it is something remarkable I will set down in St. Austins words Fussala dicitur Territorio Hipponensi confine Castellum antea ibi nunquam Episcopus fuit sed simul cum contigua sibi Regione ad Paroeciam Hipponensis Ecclesiae pertinebat i. e. Tâ—e place is called Fussala a Town adjoyning to the Territory of Hippo which never had a Bishop of it own but belonged to the Diocess of Hippo with the Country about it Sed quod ab Hippone memoratum castellum millibus quadraginta sejungitur because it is forty miles distant from Hippo and the miserable condition of that Church requiring the presence of a Bishop he ordained one for them which not proving as useful as he expected he sends this Letter to excuse himself Nor are we to imagine that the Diocess of Hippo was singularly great above all the rest of Africk Collat. Carth. 1.65 but that Carthage Cirta Milevis and many others of the more eminent Bishopricks had more Churches under the inspection of their Bishops and the Diocess of Milevis particularly had besides Towns and Villages Cities likewise belonging to it for besides Milevis Civitas Tuncensis belonged to that Bishop And now if Mr. B. and the Nonconformists in whose name he makes Diocesan Episcopacy a reason of Separation had lived in Africa in the time of Cyprian or Augustin they must have renounced their communion or must have renounced these principles they must have been Nonconformists there and abhorred the largeness of the Bishops Dioceses no less than the Donatists did the largeness of their Charity Augustin would have been reckoned for all his learning and holiness no better than an Antichristian Bishop and our Reformers must have had toleration to Separate from him and what is the sweetest liberty of all to discharge their gall and bitterness upon him So that this is our comfort that these men that are such irreconcileable enemies to our Church would have been no otherwise to the Prophets the holy Primitive Bishops that have gone before us And for the same reason they reproach us they must reproach the ancient renowned Churches of Christ Nay the Church Universal as will further appear by what follows Although it may seem sufficient for my design to have shewed the progress of Diocesan Episcopacy in Africk the Country that Mr. B. singles out as retaining the clearest footsteps of the Congregational form yet for farther satisfaction in this point I will briefly shew the progress of Diocesan Episcopacy in other Nations and shew how at first they were but few in comparison not only for want of Christians in all Cities and Villages but by choice and when they came afterwards to be multiplyed it was not so much from the increase of believers as from Schisms and divisions in the Church and from the increase of Metropoles by the Christian Emperors in order to which I shall proceed upon the same grounds I have done hitherto From the great number of Christians that were dispersed into all parts and Cities and the small number of Bishops that met in Councils especially Provincial where all were obliged to be present as also from some general expressions of the condition of some Bishops in the earliest times as it is to be presumed that in the earliest times of the Church the Provincial Synods were the majority at least of the Bishops in the several Provinces so the first Synod had so few Bishops that we must needs conclude their number then to be very small For instance therefore The Gallick Synod assembled at Lyons under Irenaeus Ex Libello Synod against Marcion and other Hereticks had but twelve Bishops in it The Synod of Hierapolis under Apolinarius against Montanus and Maximilla had twenty six Ibid. The Synod of Anchialus under Sotas had twelve or thirteen Bishops Ibid. And Eusebius having cited two or three subscriptions out of Serapions Epistle Hist â—ocl l. 5. c. 9. adds that there were the subscriptions of many more not naming the number perhaps because in his time it would have looked but inconsiderable all being but twelve The Synod of Ephesus under Polycrates about the time of Easter was probably more numerous than most of the Provincial Councils of this age as consisting not only of the Bishops of Asia but of those of the neighbouring Countries as we may conclude from Victors attempt to excommunicate them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 5. c. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Libà l Synod Polycrates in his Letter to Victor sayes they were a considerable number and if he should write down all their names it would seem a great multitude But no number is any where expressed
But a Synod held at Rome about the same subject had but fourteen Bishops and several other Synods about this Controversy had not many more That of Jerusalem under Narcissus had but fourteen Papa Victor direxit Authoritatem not the language of that time Praecepta it aque authoritate praedictus Episcopus nonsolum de sua Provincia sed de diversis Regionibus omnes Episcopos evocavit And the famous Council under Theophilus Bishop of Caesarea had but twelve besides him Eusebius makes but one of both these Bede represents it as an extraordinary great Assembly for the Preface to it I conceive to be his he makes him to assemble not only the Bishops of his own Province but from several other parts The Council of Lyons under Irenaeus made up but fourteen That of Corinth under Bachillus eighteen That under Pasna or Palma the same number That of Osroena eighteen but the President of it is not known That of Mesapotamia which follows had the same number and it may be was the same Synod as that of Rome which follows is it may be the same with that which is mentioned before to have had the like number and the occasion of such mistakes as these is that when men find a Synod cited upon several accounts although it might be the same meeting that determined several things they are apt to conclude they were several Synods However it is plain from hence that there were but few Bishops in comparison of what they grew to within an hundred years after and that I take to be an argument of the largeness of their Dioceses But you will say there were but few Christians in these Parts The countrary is notorious to all the Word for these parts where most of these Councils were held were the best planted and furnished with Christians of any in the World But it may be there were but few in the world at this time It is not long after this that Tertullian wrote his Apology and what number of Christians there were then we have shewed already How then can this be imagined for every City if it have a Church must have a Bishop there is no absolute necessity of that that it should have its peculiar Bishop for we have seen already one Bishop as that of Milevis had more Cities than one in his Diocess and it had been so from ancient time or rather from the beginning antiquitus pertinuit And in this time we are now speaking of it is likely the Apostolick constitution of Bishopricks which in the beginning as Rabanus Maurus observed were very large did hold and it was the best suited to the infancy of the Church when one general visit our should take care of several Churches scattered as yet and incoherent and because a persecution might overthrow these little beginnings it was necessary there should be one whose office it should be to cultivate these new Plantations and where they were rooted up to set anew and to confirm those that were shaken with a competent district But when Christians multiplyed every where and most Cities had such numbers belonging to them as must be distributed into several Congregations the Diocess of the first constitution became too great and every City with some of the Territory belonging to it became a Diocess and had its proper Bishop And this seems to be most agreeable both to the Scripture History of the Church which we have made a deduction of before and to the progress of the Church in succeeding ages and particularly to the numbers of Bishops which are found in the first Synods But to proceed The Synod at Rome under Victor wherein Novatus was condemned was much more numerous than any mentioned before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb Hist l. 6. c. 43. and consisted of sixty Bishops besides Priests and Deacons and Eusebius speaking of this observes the number to be very extraordinary consisidering the circumstances of those times and the numbers assembled in foregoing Synods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But the Libellus Synodicus reckons but eighteen which it may be was a small Synod previous to this greater one mentioned by Eusebius The Eastern Synods about Rebaptizing Hereticks were reckoned as for those times very numerous Euseb l. 7. c 5. Plurimi tractavimus Firmil Ep. ad Cypr. contra Crescon l. 3. c. 3. and yet that of Iconium the greatest of those of the East consisted of but fifty Bishops and these met together out of several Countries as Galatia Cappadocia Cilicia and other neighbouring Provinces St. Augustin despises the smalness of their numbers though Dionysius confesses these were mighty Synods in his time or rather before his time for they seem to be earlier than Baronius places them But what were these against so many thousand Bishops as were in the world then sayes Augustin I believe it would have been a very hard matter to have found so many thousand Bishops at that time I am sure the Acts of the Church discover no such multitudes of them and they must be very negligent if they should be so many and yet suffer things to be carried any way in Councils by a very few persons that Father judged of former ages by his own when Dioceses were exceedingly multipyed even to be the grievance and complaint of the African Church But Baronius goes to mend the matter by telling us that this opinion could find but fifty to countenance it among all the Bishops of the East One would imagine by this that the Councils of Iconium and Synadae An. Ch. 258 were but a small number of Bishops protesting against the general suffrage of their neighbour Bishops But if this were true Stephen Bishop of Rome had acted very extravagantly and upon ill information when upon the account of those publick resolutions taken by fifty Bishops he goes to excommunicate all the Bishops of Cilicia Galatia Euseb l. 7. c. 5. Cappadocia and the bordering Nations What number of Bishops France had at this time appears from the Council Vita 5. Pauli ap Bosquet Hist Eccl. Gal. par 2. where Paul Bishop of Narbonne was accused of in continence Evocatis paucis Episcopis Galliae quia nondum erant plures having called a few Bishops together for at that time Gallia had not many Nor do we find that Dioceses were much multiplyed in Spain as yet the famous Council of Illiberis which decreed so many things relating to Communion and such as all the Churches there must be supposed to consent to had but nineteen Bishops a number so small that Baronius takes occasion from hence to despise the Authority of the Assembly But what ever may be inferred from the smalness of their number surely one must infer that their Dioceses were Divided into Parishes from Canon seventy seven Siquis Dia conus regens plebem sine Episcopo vel Presbytero aliquns baptizaverit c. Conc. Illib c. 77. Hic regere posse plebem Diaconum hoc
next neighbouring Bishop but the Chorepiscopi may send such as were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for friendly correspondence and concord And the next Canon about the power of Metropolitans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Can. 9. where it is forbid any Bishop to do any thing of great moment that may concern the whole Province without the concurrence of the Metropolitan does notwithstanding allow that he may govern his own Church and all the Regions under his jurisdiction Another Canon supposes more than one City in a Diocess and therefore Orders That a Bishop shall not Ordain a Presbyter or a Deacon in another City than his own * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Can. 22. or that is not subject to him Concil Agrippin An. 346. Non opinione sed veritate cognovi pro finitimi loci conjuncta Civitate The Council of Colen discovers the Dioceses thereabout to be very large for the Bishops assembled had most of them their Seats at a great distance from Colen Sêrvatius Bishop of Tongres in his Subscription adds something concerning his own knowledg of Euphratas Bishop of Colen and he gives for his reason that he was his next neighbour and yet their Cities are fifty or sixty English miles distant one from the other and the extent of the Diocess of Colen appears from the same Council where not only the people of the City exhibite their complaint against him but of all the Towns of the second Germany Subscriptio Servatii Cumque recitata fuisset Epifiola plebis Agrippinensis sed omnium Castrorum Germaniae secundae Ap. Conc. acta Provincia Germaniae secundae Metropolis Civitas Agrippinens Colozia Libel Provinciar whereof Colen was Metropolis and most of them belonged to that Diocess The Council of Sardica considering what course the Arians took to strengthen their party by increasing the number of Bishops as the instance of Ischyras Presbyter of Mareotes shews who was Ordained Bishop of a Village by the Arian Council of Tyre thought fit to declare against such proceedings as derogating from the dignity of a Bishop and therefore Decree That no Village or inconsiderable City shall have a Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Con. Sard. c. 6. or any place where a Presbyter may suffice and lest you may imagine this an innovation to favour the growing greatness of the Bishops they add immediately That the Bishops of a Province shall Ordain Bishops in those Cities where there were any before which supposes that there were several Cities after the Empire became Christian that had never yet had Bishops Nay they add farther That when a City grows very populous so as to be fit to receive a Bishop it may have one To the same purpose is the Decree of the Council of Laodicea held after that of Sardica and much later than is generally pretended That Bishops ought not to be made in Villages 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Visitatores qui circumtant Isid Merca. or in the Country but Visitors who by the name they bear appear to be Diocesans because they have several Congregations under them which they are to visit and as for such Country Bishops as are already they must take care to act nothing of moment without the advice and privity of the City Bishops Yet all this while Dioceses do multiply against all means used to prevent it as we may perceive by the extraordinary numbers that met in Councils Acciti atque tracti 400 à mplius Episcopi Sul. Sev. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epiph. Synod ap Athan. de Synod exceeding very much the greatest of those that had gone before Extraordinary numbers met at Sirmium and Ariminum at the latter all the Bishops of the West are said to have met for the Emperperors Officers were sent all over Illyricum Italy Africk Spain France to summon the Bishops to meet at Ariminum and all the Bishops are said to come thither from all the Cities of the West And now as we may observe the number of Bishops and Dioceses to increase so we may make some judgment concerning the occasion from that little light that is left in this particular We have but a very obscure account of the erecting of Bishopricks how and when most of them were founded but those instances that are preserved are sufficient to make us comprehend how the numbers came to increase so sensibly after the breaking out of the Arian controversy and in Egypt some time before upon the occasion of the Meletian Schism Epiph. Her 68. Meletius having left the Communion of the Catholick Church formed a separate faction and Ordained Bishops and Presbyters in every Country and in every place through which he passed nor was he content to set up only one Altar against another but to erect several in the same Diocess Nor is there yet any end of dividing Dioceses but these increase in proportion to the divisions of the Church Meletius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Epiph. Haer. 68. and as the Meletian Schism multiplyed Bishops in Egypt the Author of that Sect Ordaining Bishops in every Region and in every place that he passed through several in the same Diocess and as the Arian Controversy made Bishops where there never were any before so it is not to be doubted but the Controversies which followed Athan. Ap. 2. multiplyed Dioceses no less than these But besides this the multiplying of Metropolitans by the Christian Emperors contributed no less to multiply Bishops We have an eminent instance of this in the Province of Cappadocia in the time of Basil the Great The province being divided between two Civil Metropoles the Bishop of Tyana the new Metropolis thought that accordingly all that part of the Country that belongeâ—â—o the Civil jurisdiction of his City became no less subject to him as his Ecclesiastical Province which occasioned great disputes and animosities between the two Metropolitans Basil complains of the Bishops of the second Cappadocia that they presently renounced him in a manner Ep. 259. and when he made any difficulty of Ordaining any Bishop belonging to his Province Anthimus was ready to admit him as it happened in the case of Faustus Therefore to oppose the power of this new Usurping Metropolitan he betakes himself to the ordinary relief of making more Suffragans that by this means he might have some remedy from a Provincial Synod Epist 58. 195. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Naz. de Vit. suâ Ep. 22 23. To this purpose Sasima a small Town belonging to Caesarea is made an Episcopal Seat and Gregory Nazianzen is preferred to it much against his will as a Person that might be of use to him against his Antagonist which he complains of in his Epistles to Basil and in his account of his own life and so sensible was he of Basil's ingaging him in this quarrel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Naz. Or. de Basil that he cannot forbear expressing his resentments even
Bishops it seems were so few that we find but eight of them subscribe in that Council The Council of Valence had twenty one Bishops and this is very extraordinary for the Province of one Metropolitan in these times and therefore it is more probable that it was a general one of several Provinces or of all Gallia For there is an Epistle of this Synod directed to all the Bishops and Churches of Gallia by way of Preface to the Canons of it a thing never assumed by the particular Synods of a Province and this will appear yet more probable by comparing this with other Councils that followed The Council of Regium or Riez consisted but of thirteen Bishops personally present and one Presbyter who was Proxy for a Bishop The first Council of Orange had but sixteen personally present and one Proxy And that we may not imagine the Gallican Bishops to be so negligent as not to attend these Provincial Synods let us but consider the eighteenth and nineteenth Canons of the second Council of Arles which provide against this neglect There it s ordered That if any Bishop be hindred by sickness he shall not fail to send his Proxy But if any Bishop shall neglect to come or depart before the conclusion of the Assembly let him know that he is shut out of his brethrens communion and so to continue until the next Synod shall restore him Yet for all this injunction the Synod of Anger 's assembled the year following had but eight Bishops and the third Council of Arles within three years after had but thirteen Bishops The Synod of Tours ten whereof one subscribed by Proxy and another subscribed being absent the Canons being sent to him The Council of Vennes Venetum had but six Bishops and there were but two more in the whole Province as appears by the Epistle of that Synod to those two that were absent desiring their confirmation of such Canons as they had made And Lastly another Council at Arles about Predestination had but twelve subscriptions From whence it appears how large the Dioceses of Gallia were at that time The Ancient Notitia Galliae published by Sirmond and written as is conjectured in the time of Honorius and Arcadius reckons in all the seventeen Provinces of Gallia one hundred and fifteen Cities taking in all the Country between the Rhine and the Brittish Sea Carolus à Sancto Paulo will by no means allow this to be an Ecclesiastical Notitia Geogr. sacra Galliae p. 124. because there are several Cities mentioned in it that never were Episcopal seats and several Episcopal Sees are omitted indeed the Ancient Notitia of the Gallican Bishopricks published by that Author reckons about one hundred twenty and six in all that vast tract of Country nor are they so few at this day taking in Savoy Suitzerland Alsace and all the Countries bordering upon the Rhiâ—â— to Cologn and the Country of Cleaves besides all the Spanish Netherlands all reckoned within the Ancient Gallia which will afford very fair Dioceses But the Acts of the ancient Gallick Councils do make yet clearer proof of the largeness of the Dioceses there Proculus Bishop of Marseilles layes claim to several Churches as having been anciently Parishes of his Dioceses Con. Taurin c. 1. Easdem Ecclesias vel Parochias suas fuisse vel Episcopos à se in ilsdem Ecclesiis ordinatos and left that the ambiguity of the word Parochia may make the sense doubtful he layes claim in the same place to others as depending upon his Metropolis and where he had Ordained Bishops The Council of Regium Orders That if one be Ordained against his will Bishop of any City by fewer than three Bishops Liceat ei unam Parochiarum Ecclesiam cedere nec uâ—quam duarum Ecclesiarum gubernationem obtineat or without the consent of the Metropolitan that he may be made Rector of one Parish in the Diocess if the Bishop thinks fit but is to have the government of no more than one Parish and the City Bishop to Ordain all his Assistants The First Council of Orange appoints That if a Bishop shall build a Church in another Bishops Territory Gon. Arans 1. Can. 10. the Ordination of Minister to serve it shall belong to the Bishop in whose Territory it is but the right of Presentation and Patronage shall be in the Founder of that Church which supposes a Diocess of more Congregations than one The Council of Vaison Vasense enjoyns all the Ministers of Parishes within every Diocess to repair to their Proper Bishop for Chrism every year before Easter Per singula Territoria Presbyâ—eri vel Ministri ab Episcopis non prout libitum fuerit vicinioribus sed à suis propriis per annos singulos chrisma petant appropinquante solemnitate Paschali Con. vas c. 3. and not to go to other Bishops that may be nearer to them There would be no end of instances of this kind within the space of five hundred years after Christ but this is sufficient for our present design which is only to give a view of Diocesan Episcopacy of the Rise and Propress of it in several parts of the Christian World As to our own Country of Brittain for whose use Mr. B.'s Church History is more especially calculated and against whose Bishops all the Venom is directed it is certain indeed that we had Bishops betimes for we find some of their Subscriptions to the great Council of Arles A. D. 314. Sulp. Sever. l. 2. And there were some of them present about forty years after in the Council of Ariminum But how large their Bishops were then will be a very hard matter to demonstrate Hist Brittan l. 2. c. 1. ed Ascens Jeffrey of Monmouth reckons twenty eight Bishops and three Arch-Bishops in Lucius his time set up in the place of so many Flamins and Arch-Flamins who were the directours of the Heathen Religion here Vid. usser de Primord Eccl. Brit. p. 57. Gild. bis denis bisque quaternis Civt tibus munita Bede Hist l. 1. c. 1. Bede l 2. c. 2 and this it seems he had from Gildas de Victoria Aurelii Ambrosii But all this I suppose has no other foundation than a passage out of Gildas de exidio Britanniae where he mentions twenty eight Cities in Brittian and another out of Bede who follows Gildas The Flamins I suppose were added for ornament afterwards by some imposture under the name of Gildas But all the account that I know of the number of Bishops here is in Bede who sayes That in a Synod assembled in Worcestershire about the receiving Augustine the Monk there were seven Brittish Bishops present and probably all the Bishops in the Country were there this being the second Synod assembled upon that subject and that wherein the matter in controversy was to be finally decided the Bishops that were present in the first Conference pretending they had not sufficient Authority to make an