into England by these his Ambassadors the two Bishops of Chartres and of Beauvois the Lord Lewis of Cleremont the Duke of Burbon the Earl of Harecourt and the Earl of Tancarville and divers other Knights and Learned Men whom he sent into England to demand a further performance and satisfaction in the Premises By this time the King of England and his Council who were then at Westminster had well consider'd the Usage of former Kings of England when they did Homage in like Case for the Dukedom of Aquitain And they saw that things had indeed been of old so performed as they now were demanded to be done And thô many in the Realm were Highly offended at these doings of the French King and stuck not openly to declare that the King of England their Lord was Truer Heir to the Crown of France by Right of Succession than was Philip of Valois himself yet the King and his Council at this time prudently forbore to take notice hereof till he had better weigh'd his own strength and sounded his Friends and Allies So that now not one Word was mention'd concerning King Edward's Pretences thô much time was spent in searching and arguing whereby the Ambassadors were fain to tarry in England all that Winter till the May following before which they could not obtain any positive Answer But then at last the King being prevail'd on by his Council wrote these his Letters Patents Seal'd with his Broad Seal wherein he acknowledges that he ought to have done Homage to the King of France for his Countries and Seigniories held in France the Tenour of which Letters followeth k Frois c. 24. fâ—l 14. b. Da Chesne l. 14. p. 638. Edward by the Grace of God King of England Lord of Ireland and Duke of Aquitain to all who shall see or hear these Presents Greeting Be it known that whereas we made Homage at Amiens to the most Excellent Prince our Dearest Lord and Cozen Philip King of France and then it was of him required that we should acknowledge the said Homage to be l Homage Liege is done by the Vassal ung â—t bare-headed with joyned Hands laid on the Evangelists and a Kiss received in the taking of his Oath c. Vid. Cetgrace in hoc Titulo Liege and that we in doing the said Homage should promise expresly to bear unto him Faith and Loyalty Which thing We did not as then because We were not fully informed but only made unto the said King of France our Homage in general Terms Saying that we enter'd his Homage as our Predecessors Dukes of Guienne in time past had enter'd the Homage of the Kings of France for the time being But being since that time well informed of the truth we do by these presents acknowledge that the said Homage which we made in the City of Amiens to the King of France as it was in general Terms is and ought to be intended Liege and that we ought to bear unto him Faith and Loyalty as Duke of Aquitain and Peer of France and Earl of Ponthieu and Monstreul And We promise to bear unto him Faith and Loyalty And to the intent that hereafter should arise no difference for this cause We promise for Us and our Successors Dukes of Aquitain that this Homage shall be made in this Manner The King of England Duke of Aquitain shall hold his Hands between the Hands of the King of France and he that is to speak for the King of France shall say thus You become Liegeman to our Lord the King here present as Duke of Guienne and Peer of France and you promise to bear to him Faith and Loyalty Say Yes And the King of England Duke of Aquitain and his Successors shall say Yes And then the King of France shall receive the said King of England and Duke of Guienne to the said Homage Liege with Faith and Troth by word of Mouth saving his own Right and all other Furthermore when the said King and Duke shall enter the Homage of the King of France for the Earldom of Ponthieu and Monstreul he shall put his Hands between the Hands of the King of France for the said Earldom of Ponthieu and Monstreul and he that shall speak for the King of France shall address his Speech to the said King and Duke and shall say thus You become Liegeman to our Lord the King of France here present as Earl of Ponthieu and Monstreul and you promise to bear unto him Faith and Loyalty Say Yes And the King Earl of Ponthieu shall say Yes And then the said King of France shall receive the said King and Earl to the said Homage with Faith and Troth by word of Mouth saving his own Right and all other And thus it shall be done and Renewed as often as Homage shall be done Of which We and Our Successors Dukes of Guienne shall after the said Homage done deliver Our Letters Patents Sealed with Our Great Seal if the King of France shall so require And moreover We promise in good Faith to hold and keep entirely the Peace and Accord made between the Kings of France and the said Kings of England Dukes of Guienne c. These Letters the French Ambassadors deliver'd to the King their Master who caused them to be kept in his Chancery II. But before this while the Ambassadors were at London being then but just come thither the King intending to let the French-men see what kind of men he Ruled over and what he might do if too far provoked privately order'd that certain choice Knights should make a Challenge as of their own Heads Who gladly taking this occasion published throughout the City with Sound of Trumpet that on the m Joh. Tinemâ—uth fol. 229. Walsingh hist p. 112. 25 of September being the Munday after that Thursday which was St. Matthew's day there were Thirteen Knights in London that would be ready for three days together to perform Feats of Arms against all Comers whatsoever The Place appointed for the Solemnity was Cheapside between the Cross and Soperlane where the Stony Street n Stow's Survey of London p. 280. was well cover'd with Sand that the Horses might not slide when they ran their Courses And there was a Spacious Wooden Scaffold like a Tower Erected cross the Street whereon Queen Philippa and many of the Greatest and Fairest Ladies Assembled from all parts of the Realm did stand richly attired to behold the Solemnity The Lord Maurice second Brother to Thomas Lord Barkley was of such Renown for Martial Atchievements at this time that among other Accoutrements prepared for this Turneament o Dugd. Bar. 1 Vol. p. 356. divers Surcoats were used depicted with his Arms and Cognizance That any of the French undertook with these Challengers I do not find thô 't is highly probable that being Persons of Title and Honour they would by no means omit such an opportunity of signalizing themselves since it could not but reflect
together with an handsome Gratuity and a promise of much more upon his Return to him unto Reims with an Answer When this Indigent fellow had received the Letter he revolved many things in his mind considering of what consequence such a Matter might prove at last and he said to himself Well! Colinet thou may'st be poor but thou shalt never be a Traytor Wherefore now contrary to his Oath and Promise to Gawin but agreeable to the Duty he ow'd to his King and Country he took his way toward Paris and presented the Letter to the French King in which was set down the whole Manner Tune and Means how and when the City of Laon should be betray'd When the King understood the whole Series of this Black-Treason he instructed Colin how to behave himself in returning with an Answer and to fit his return according to the time as if he had been at Calais with the King of England and so at a convenient day to go to Reims according to Gawin's appointment During which Interval King Philip wrote secretly to the Provost of Reims that as soon as Colin Tomelin was come to Dr. Gawin with his Answer the said Gawin should be attached and had unto Prison all which was accordingly executed When Process was made against him forasmuch as he was in Holy Orders the Provost of Reims sent him to the City of Laon where he was put in the Bishops Prison But when the Commons of Laon heard how there was a Man Prisoner there who would have betrayed their City they rose in great uproar and would have broken up the Prison with intent to tear him in pieces But the Bishop who is an Earl and one of the Twelve Peers of France and of the Supream Judges so pacified them by his Officers that for that time they went back again to their several Houses The next day to quiet the People he was brought forth to his Judgement and there because he was a Clergyman only condemned to perpetual Prison But for his greater Infamy and shame he was further Order'd to be set up on high in a Tumbrel or Dung-Cart bare-headed to be seen of all Men and so with vile Instruments of wretched Musick as Bagpipes and the like to be carried thrô the High-street of the City unto the Bishops Prison aforesaid there to remain close Prisoner during his Life But he was not carried far in this Manner when the Common people fell upon him with great moutings pelting him with dirt and stones so rudely that before he had finished half his Progress he was stoned to Death after which his Body was buried in a filthy Moor hard by the City With him also his Only Son being in some measure guilty of his Fathers crime was condemned to perpetual Imprisonment But being excused the shamefull Riding was not expos'd so to the Fury of the Rabble wherefore he had his Life but lost his Liberty for ever Shortly afterward b Faban p. 275. there was also executed at Paris a Burgess of the said City who as was laid to his charge had undertaken to betray that great Metropolis of the Kingdom to King Edward For which Fact he was first dismembred of his Legs and Arms and afterwards hanged up by the Neck on the great Gallows of Paris called Monfaucon But in relation to these two supposed Treasons for my part I cannot see how onely one or two Persons can be supposed capable of Betraying such Considerable Places as Laon and Paris near which the King of England had no Garrisons and as for Himself he was then too far off being at Calais Nor could he be able with all his Forces to take and hold Possession of two such Cities especially of Paris even thô he had left the Siege of Calais Wherefore I rather think the whole Matter amounted to no more than this that some certain Persons who either shew'd small satisfaction in King Philips Government or were less carefull of their Carriage and Speech in such a Juncture or lay obnoxious to the Malice or Spight of any prosligate Wretches wanted not Evidences to swear home against them and lay Matters to their Charge which thô never so improbable were then accounted no less than Treason by a Prince so mortally jealous as King Philip was VIII Now the French King having found all his peacefull Overtures with the Flemings ineffectual especially now that they had proceeded so far as to quarrel with their young Lord the Earl of Flanders for the Sake of King Edward his Adversary as well to revenge his own and the Earls injuries as hoping by some notable Success against them to enduce them to some Reasonable Terms resolves c Serâ—es p. 12. in Phil. Val. is Speed p. 580. Fâ—x p. 506. c. to send his Son John Duke of Normandy with a Considerable Army against them But Duke John it seems was born under no better Stars than his Father for having besieged Cassel a Town between St. Omers and Ipres he was at last in a Sally set upon couragiously by the Flemings being joyned with a good Body of English from Calais and compelled to raise his Siege without Honour but not without considerable Loss For the Conflict enduring from Morning till high Noon the French were utterly vanquished and enforced to break up having left behind them many Hundreds of their Men as well slain as Prisoners whereas on the other Side rather by a Miraculous Protection of Heaven than any Chance of War not one is reported to have been grievously wounded among the Flemings and their English Auxiliaries To this Town above all the Towns of Flanders King Philip ow'd an ill-will because d Fabian p. 264. Jacob Meyer Ann. Flandr l. 12. p. 153. in the beginning of his Reign when he laid siege unto them in Person the Inhabitants had in derision of Him and his Title caused a Red Cock to be painted on a White Cloth under which in great Letters they wrote this following Rhyme and hung iâ— over the Walls Quand ce Coq icy chantera Le Roy Trouvé ca entrera Which signifies When this Cock shall crow clear The Found King shall enter here At which Lines the French King was horribly vexed especially because they Nick-named him the Found King as if having no manner of Title the Frenchmen had as it were upon diligent search found him out to hold Pretensions against King Edward After this Repulse at Cassel Duke John collecting his shatter'd Forces made yet another Attempt upon Lilers a Town of Flanders by the River Navez between Arien and Bethune But here also he received another Repulse so as he could hardly come off with the rest of his Troops to his Father who stormed and fretted exceedingly at these fresh Disgraces IX All this while was the Siege of Calais carried on with great Application but the Defendants held out with equal Obstinacy For thô King Edward's chief trust was to reduce them by Famine yet
River Garonne and by his Heralds demanded of them in the Name of his Master the King of England to yield or to come forth and give him Battle To which the Captains within returned Answer that if he would tarry five Days they would then come out and fight him Hereupon he granted them a Truce for Four days but on the Fifth when he saw they would not fight according to their Promise he set fire on the Suburbs and so returned having spoiled the Country all about to the great terrour of the Inhabitants There accompanied the Earl of Lancaster in this his Expedition d Stow p. 247 Ralph Lord Stafford the Lord Bartholomew Burwash and Sr. Bartholomew his Son the Eldest Sons of the Lords Nevill and Piercy Sr. e Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 70. Miles Stapleton Knight of the Garter and Thomas Lord Furnival Which latter f Stow p. 249. 250. within a while after too rashly engaging with his Enemies was by them taken Prisoner Soon after King Edward himself prepared to make a Voyage into France but the Earl of Lancaster returning the mean while out of Gascogne signified unto him that according to the Extent of his Commission he had agreed unto a further Truce wherefore that Design was no further pursued at that time VIII Now during these Wars in Bretagne and Gascogne there were many single Combats and sometimes Battles at utterance between certain Numbers of French and English as sometimes 10 20 or 30 on each Side All which were fought with extream Animosity and Obstinacy as wherein the Honour of their several Countries was so nearly concerned One particularly at one time was occasion'd in this Manner Twenty g Knighton p. 2607. n. 20. French Knights challenged Twenty Others either of England or Gascogne to fight them in a certain place assigned them in the Marches between Gascogne and France which Challenge being accepted each Party gave Security to the other not to forsake the Field upon any Account so long as one was left ready and willing to engage him in Combat Accordingly the time being come they all performed their Parts so valiantly and stood to it so long that of the French but Three were left alive and of the other Part only the Noble Lord of Pamiers being slain almost all the rest were grievously wounded Another Combat in like manner was agreed to be fought between h Mezeray p. 39. ad ann 1351. Sr. Walter Raleigh Hist of the World p. 954. Thirty English and Thirty Bretons Sr. Richard Bembre being Captain of the former and the Lord of Beaumanoir of the latter In which Number there was a Valiant Young English Gentleman named Sr. Hugh Calverlee Of whose Martial Acts we shall speak hereafter Froisard names i Frois c. 149. one young Esquire Croquart who being at this time chosen on the English Part wan the Prize above all of either side However Mezeray says the Advantage remain'd here with the Bretons and the chief Honour of that Side with the Captain the Lord of Beaumanoir and it is added in the Margin that afterwards Sr. Bertram of Clequin fighting hand to hand with the said Sr. Richard Brembre in close Field vanquished and slew him IX By reason of these hot Wars many poor and mean Fellows arrived to great Riches as Fortune favour'd that side they served So that in time several such kind of Persons set up for themselves and grew Captains of Robbers and retain'd Assistants whereby they wan Towns and Castles took Prisoners and by their Ransoms and otherwise got incredible Pillage and Booty some of their Captains being worth above 40000 Crowns of Gold. These Men would often by their Spies seek out where there was any considerable Town or Village within a Days journey or so from them and being informed as to that point they would assemble Thirty or Fourty of them together and take by ways travelling night and day and so unknown enter into the Place designed before it was Light and straight set fire to some House or Barn Whereupon the poor Inhabitants thinking some Men of War near would fly away with all speed imaginable the mean while these Robbers would break up their Houses and Coffers and having thence taken what they pleased march off as they came Among others there was one of these graceless Captains in Languedoc named Bacon who having by his Spies privaly found out the manner of the strong Castle of Colbourne in Limosin rode by Night with 30 Chosen Men in his Company and presently surprized the Castle and the Lord thereof who was called by the Castles Name the Lord Colbourne whom he imprison'd and held there in his own Castle under restraint so long till at last he made him pay 24000 Crowns for his Ransom And yet for all that he kept the Castle still and thence made war upon the Country Till at last the French King was fain to buy him off and to purchase his Service and the Castle For the latter whereof he gave him 20000 Crowns more and made him Usher of Arms about his own Person And thus was thô Bacon of a Robber made a Gentleman and Servant to a King and he went always well Horsed and Armed as if he had been an Earl during his life Nor was the Dutchy of Bretagne free from this Sort of People who now in time of Truce made War where they listed and wan and surprized Towns and Castles and lived on Plunder holding of no Man For what they got they kept themselves or sold back to the Country at their own Rates The most considerable among those who reign'd thus in Bretagne was one Captain Croquart a valiant and expert Man of Arms who had formerly been a Page and waited on the Lord Barkley in Holland but when he began to be a Man his Master gave him leave to follow the Wars in Bretagne There he fell into service with an English Man of Arms and behav'd himself so well that when afterwards his Master was slain in a Skirmish his Fellow-Souldiers chose him for their Captain and Master Whereupon teaching his Men this sweet way of Free-booty he arrived to such Wealth that he was accounted worth above 40000 Crowns besides his Horses and Warlike Furniture and he had always at least twenty or thirty good Barbed Horses menaged for the War And himself bare the Reputation of being one of the most expert Men of Arms in all that Country for he had been chosen in the Combat whereof we spake to be one of the Thirty on the English Side and there he wan the Prize beyond all of either Party The French King attempted to bring him also over to his Side offering him if he would turn against the English to make him a Knight and marry him to a great Fortune and likewise to allow him out of his Exchequer 2000 l. of yearly Revenues during his Life But either he loved the English or at least this licentious way of Robbing
to this Point may refer themselves to the Authors quoted in the Margin of this latter part of the Chapter CHAPTER the FOURTH The CONTENTS I. AN. DOM. 1359. An. Regni Franciae XX. Angliae XXXIII A Method of Agreement pitch'd upon by the two Kings but rejected by the French Parliament whereupon King Edward resolves for War. II. St. Valery yielded up to the French. Prince Philip coming too late to its Rescue hardly gets off well III. Sr. Peter Audley attempts Chalons but gains little IV. The Earl of Roucy taken by the Navarrois a second time V. Melun besieged but the Quarrel is ended by the Reconciliation of the King of Navarre and the Regent VI. The Lord Eustace Dambreticourt taken Prisoner by the French. VII A strange Judgment upon a 〈◊〉 for Sacrilege VIII The Garrisons of the Navarrois decline suddenly IX Vpon the Death of Sr. Peter Audley Sr. Eustace Dambreticourt is redeemed by the English Navarrois and made their Captain X. Sr. Robert Knolles his Expedition he retires being overmatched Submits to the King and obtains his Pardon XI The Flemings revolt from King Edward XII A solemn Just held by King Edward his Four 〈◊〉 and Nineteen Great Lords in the name and stead of the Lord Mayor and Aldâ—râ—â—â— of London XIII John of Gaunt marries the Duke of Lancasters Daughter XIV King Edward chooses the place of his Sepulture in Westminster Abbey I. NOW on the Feast of St. John Baptist or the 24th of June the Truce between England and France which from the Battle of Poictiers had been continued till then with expectation that a full Peace should be established thereby was wholly a Frois c. 2â—1 f. 107. â— expired And thereupon all the Garrisons in France as well Navarrois as English began to make War in the Title of King Edward as before most of them had done in the Title of the King of Navarre who was now again outwardly reconciled to the Dauphin But least any way should be left untir'd for the prevention of those Miseries which are necessarily attendant upon War. Some Months before the Expiration of the said Truce King b 〈◊〉 f. ibid. Dâ— Chesne p. 681. D. 〈…〉 lyd 〈…〉 19 p. 3â—3 Edward with his Son the Black-Prince and King John with the Lord James of Bourbon held a friendly Treaty at London between themselves only Where at last a Peace was consented to and agreed on between both the Parties on these Conditions viz. 1. That Aquitain should remain entirely to King Edward and his Heirs for ever together with Gascogne Poictou Touraine Santogne Perigort Quercy Limosin Angoulesmois Calais Guisnes Boulonois and the Earldom of Ponthieu without any Resort or Homage or Tribute to be paid therefore even as Absolutely as he held his Kingdom of England 2. Item That King John should pay four Millions of Crowns of Gold for the Ransom of Himself and the other French Lords Prisoners that is to say three Millions for Himself and the Fourth for the Lords of France In Consideration of all which King Edward would give over and wholly remit all his Right in and to the Dutchy of Normandy Anjou and Maine and renounce and lay aside the Right which he had to that Crown and never after take upon him the Stile Quality or Title of King of France This Agreement was Signed and Sealed by both the Kings on the 24 of March and a Copy thereof sent into France to the Duke of Normandy by the Lord James of Bourbon and the Lord Arnold D'Endreghan which latter was still a Prisoner and lately before returned into England having obtained leave to visit France upon Parole These Lords crossing the Seas landed at Boulogne whence they rode to Paris where they found the Duke of Normandy and his Council together with the King of Navarre unto whom they produced King Johns Letters The Regent having perused them asked Counsel of the King of Navarre who remitted him to the Three Estates who being assembled it seem'd unto them that the Conditions of the Agreement were too grievous to be born whereupon with one Voice the King of Navarre and the Dauphin also concurring they returned this final Answer unto the two Lords That the Contents of the Letters which they had brought were so prejudicial to them and to their Country that they had much rather endure far greater misery than they had already done than ever suffer so considerable a loss and empairment of the Realm of France and that they could not either in Honour or Conscience desire the Liberty of their King himself when it could not be effected without Enslaving the Kingdom When this Answer was brought to King John into England he shook his Head for Anger and said Ah! Son Charles Son Charles You are lead by the King of Navarre who is too cunning for you and will deceive Fourty such as you are And therewithall turning to King Edward who was present he said Sir the fatal Obstinacy of my infatuated People is providing another Trophy for your Victorious Arms You must again shew them the Effects of War before they will understand the Advantages of Peace But thrice-unhappy I who cannot be at Liberty till I see my Subjects once more vanquished nor can oblige them to their Duty but by the Arms of my Conquerour King Edward was of himself sufficiently enraged at this Dealing of the French and sware that when the Truce was expired They should see War in the Bloodiest shape that he could dress it in Surely said he before next Winter be past over I shall invade the Realm of France with such a Power and shall tarry there so long that I will either end the War to my Satisfaction or make Peace to my Pleasure and Honour And then he sent Word to the Dauphin to look to Himself for when the Truce was out he would most certainly give him a Visit at Paris to see how able he was for a War which himself had thus pull'd upon his own Head. At which time he set about the greatest Preparations that ever he had made before in all his Life About which we shall now leave him for a while and resume somewhat of those Matters which we left unfinished in the preceding Year II. We then shew'd as we remember how the c Frois 〈◊〉 1â—â— f. 1â—4 Constable of France and the Earl of St. Paul with the Lords and Knights of Picardy Artois Ponthieu and Boulonois had sat down before St. Valery where they held a long and hard Siege and made many brisk Assaults employing at the same time Engines of Battery and other Instruments of War. Among other Chances that fell during this Siege it happen'd that the Lord of Baugency approaching the Castle one day in a Vessel to consider of its Strength that way was stricken with a Springal and slain Wherefore this Siege continued from the beginning of August 1358 untill March this Year the besiegers designing to reduce the Place by
z Pelyd Virg. l. 19. p. 360. n. 10. Others add to this that a little before their flight the King resolving to send two considerable Detachments from his Army to intercept the passage of the Scots on each Flank himself intending to pass over against them by that time the rest might be up with the Enemy certain from the Lord Mortimer be like gave them a sign of their Danger which might have been privately agreed on before whereupon they escaped as we have declared However King Edward had such good Advice and such Success even in this unhappy Journey as to be able to rid the Land of its Enemy without any considerable Loss but what no humane Industry or Wisdom could foresee or prevent I confess to use the words of Mr a p. 645. Ashmole that the first Actions of Princes are Generally look'd upon by all Eyes and not seldom by many Critical Observators taken as the Radix whence to calculate their future either Successes or Miscarriages Now as he goes on if a full age entitle them to the sole management of Affairs we are enclin'd to think that a judicious Eye may partly discern the strength of their Fortune from such their beginnings But while they remain under Tutorage and their Designs are carried on by the Conduct of others the Event of things will manifest a dependency upon the strength or weakness of the genius of those Persons who are the Chief Managers of their Concerns And this was fully made out in this Prince whose Martial undertakings succeeded little or nothing while the Government of the Kigndom remain'd in other Hands and sometimes after also when he was tyed up and hamper'd by his Allies in Flanders but He no sooner arrived at full Age and had the Dispose of publique Affairs in his own Hands but all things shew'd themselves as disposed by his own Happy Genius And the first remarkable Experiment hereof was verified even upon the Scots themselves from whom before He had received some affronts and indignities as we shall see hereafter Thus this Expedition ended as it was the b Frois c. 18. fol. 10. next day the English Army return'd homeward and about noon they came to a great Abby within two miles of Durham where the King lodged with all his Host about him in the Field Here they found good forage for their Horses and refreshment for Themselves Next day the King leaving the Gross of the Army there still went to Durham to visit the famous Church of St. Cuthbert and to offer at his Shrine In this City were found all the Carriages which were left by the Army about a Month ago in the Wood one Morning when they marched towards the Tyne to intercept the Scots as we c p. 9. shew'd before For the Mayor and Burgesses of Durham having found them order'd them for their better security to be brought into the City at their own costs and charges where they were placed safe in empty Barnes and Granges the Name or Arms or other Cognisance of each Owner being before left on every Man's Carriage that the several Proprietors might be known It extreamly satisfied the Lords and Gentlemen when thus unexpectedly they had recover'd what they lately looked on as no better than lost Here and about the City the whole Army refreshed themselves well for two days all the Horses were new shod and what was amiss corrected The third day they marched towards the City of York which they easily reached in three days after and there the King found his Lady-Mother who received him with great joy with all her Ladies and the whole City Here after great thanks given to all the Barons and Knights that had attended the King for their prompt Advice and loyal Assistance in this Expedition he dismist the greater part of the Army but Sr. John of Heinalt with his Company was still retained because they had not as yet their promised Wages After some time spent in Jollity and Feasting for the Queen and her Ladies made them very good Cheer the Lords and Captains of Sr. Johns Retinue drew up Bills of what was due unto them reckoning in also the Horses and other Stuff they had lost or spoiled in this Journey and deliver'd them in to the Kings Council But then the noble John Lord Beaumont out of the Trust he reposed in the Kings Promise bound himself freely to all his Followers undertaking to content them as to all their particulars within a certain time for all their Losses and Charges contained in the said Bills besides their promised Wages For he well saw that the King could not possibly at that time spare so much Mony Thô with much ado he made shift to allow them for their present Charges and what might be sufficient to carry them handsomly into their own several Countries Yet before the Year was quite ended they were all satisfied in full Then they provided little Naggs for their Lacquies and Pages to ride on and two Ships were lent them by the King to convey their Servants and Stuff to Sluce in Flanders After which the Lord John of Heinalt and his Warlike Company took their leave of the King and the Queen his Mother of the Earls of Norfolk and of Kent the Kings Uncles and of the Earl of Lancaster his Cozen with the Lord Mortimer and the rest of the Barons all whom he found very courteous and honourable to Him and his Followers especially the Queen and her Confident Roger Lord Mortimer for these besides their open Gratuities privately heaped upon Sr. John and his Retinue d Knighton p. 2552. n. 40. such and so many rich Presents as proved much to the detriment of the King and the impoverishing of his Kingdom But upon their parting for fear of the English Archers whom they had in this War so highly incensed the King appointed the e Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 530. Lord William Clinton and eleven other Knights with two f Frois c. 18. fol. 11. hundred Men of Arms to bear them company thrô Lincolnshire Thus at last they all came safe to Dover where they found Vessels ready provided for them and theirs whereby they were carried with a prosperous wind to the place they were bound for VII But now 't is time to look nearer home and enquire what becomes of the Old King whom we left deposed and imprison'd with the promise of an honourable Pension during life He was not so unhappy in the want of his Subjects affections as some imagine and indeed almost all Writers seem to averr For in very truth he was rather depos'd by the deep contrivances of a few subtle Enemies and the despair to which their trayterous Demeanour had already reduc'd them together with his own oversight than thrô any Ill-will that the Generality of his People had to his Person or Government And therefore his Queen and her partakers to gain Popularity upon their first coming into England g Speed ex
should be forthwith raised the One consisting of the Men of Gaunt and Bruges and other Flemmings a Fabian p. 212. with a certain Number of English Archers b Du Chesne p. 651. making up in all 55000 Men which being commanded by the Lord Robert of Artois was to lay Siege to St. Omers And the other consisting of King Edward's own Forces with the rest of his Allies was to sit down before Tournay in like manner The Lord Robert of Artois was soon ready for his Task and went accordingly thô not so soon but that King Philip before his Arrival had sent thither the Duke of Burgundy named c Favine l. 4. c. 3. p. 6. Eudes the IV with many other Lords Captains and Men of Arms to the Reinforcement of the Earl of Armagnac Who Arrived there accordingly d Gaguin l. 8. p. 137. with two and fourty Ships furnished with Souldiers and Provision of all Sorts As for King Edward it was resolved that he should set forward with his Forces by e 22 Julii Magdalene-tide then next ensuing and lay Siege to the City of Tournay And that thither all the Lords of the League should repair to him with their several Forces except the Lord Robert of Artois aforesaid Sr. Henry Eam of Flanders and the rest who were to lie before St. Omers All these things being thus fully Established the Council brake up and every one address'd himself to the performance of this Agreement Now King f Frois c. 53. fol. 30. b. 31. a. Du Chesne Philip of France had presently secret Information of the greater part of the Resolutions of this Council Whereupon besides his foremention'd Provision for St. Omers he sent to Tournay the Chief of all his Men of War as Ralph Earl of Ewe and his Son the Young Earl of Guisnes Gaston Phoebus Earl of Foix and his Brethren Emery Earl of Narbon Sr. Emery of Poictiers Sr. Geoffry Charny a Valiant Young Lord of whose Exploits this History will not be silent with these he sent the two Marshals Sr. Robert Bertrand and Sr. Matthew de la Trie Sr. Gerard de Montfaucon the Lord of Caieux Seneschal of Poictieu the Lord of Chastelan and Sr. John Landas and many other Valiant Knights and Esquires to the Number of g Fabian p. 212. 4000 Men of Arms and h Gievana Villan l. 11. c. 111. p. 769. 10000 Footmen the City it self affording no less than 15000 Fighting Men effective Now therefore when this Great Recruit was come to Tournay the Captain thereof the Lord Godmar du Fay was wonderfully satisfied and so joyning all together they immediately took all Care possible to supply and furnish the Place with Provision of Salt Wine Flesh Fish Wheat Oats Attillery and what else might seem Necessary for the Maintenance of a Town Besieged II. Nor was King Edward himself unwilling that his Intentions should be known in France But according to the Law formerly Established with his Allies in Flanders besides his Defiance made last Year he sends i Walsingh hist p. 135. Edit Franes p. 149. n. 21. before he goes to the Siege of Tournay his Charter of Defiance to King Philip the Tenour whereof from the k Adam Murimouth Original French runs thus l l Id. Adam Mâ—rimouth Walsingh lote citato Fabian p. 212 Fâ—x Acts Monum p. 348. Sandford p. 161. Du Chesne p. 651. Mezeray p. 16. c. Edward by the Grace of God King of England and of France and Lord of Ireland to the Right Noble and Puissant Lord Philip Earl of Valois Sr. Philip of Valois We have long and often peaceably demanded of You by Our Embassadors in the most Reasonable manner we could devise that You would restore unto Us Our Lawfull Right and Inheritance of the Crown of France which all this while You have with great Injustice and Violence detained from Us And whereas We well perceive that You intend to persevere in the same injurious Usurpation without returning any Satisfactory Answer to Our just Demands We give You to understand that We are entred into the Land of Flanders as Sovereign Lord thereof and are now passing thrô the Country And We further signifie unto You that by the help of Our Saviour m m Haec verba videntur alludere ad illud DIEU Eâ— MON DROIT i.e. God and my Right which words are still under the Arms of the Kings of England c. Jesus Christ and Our Righteous Cause with the Forces of the said Country Our Subjects and Allies We purpose to recover the Right which We have to that Inheritance which You by Your injurious Violence detain from Us. And therefore are We now approaching toward You to make a quick decision of this Our Rightfull Challenge if You also will do the like And forasmuch as so great an Army as We bring with Us on Our part supposing You also on Your Part to do the like cannot remain long in the Field without great Destruction both of the People and Country which thing every Good Christian ought to avoid especially Princes and others who have the Government of the same We are desirous by as short dispatch as may be to meet and therefore to prevent the Mortality of Christians since the Quarrel apparently belongs to You and Me let the Controversie between Us be fairly decided by Our own Persons Body to Body to which thing We offer Our Selves for the Reasons aforesaid that the Great Nobility and Valour of each other may be seen of all Men. But if in case You shall not vouchsafe this way then let Us end the Dispute by the Battle of one Hundred of the most sufficient Persons of Your Party and as many of Mine which each of Us shall bring into the Field But if You will not admit either of the One or of the Other way then that You will Assign unto Us a certain Day before the City of Tournay which Day to be within Ten days next after the Date of this Our Letter wherein to Combat both of Us Power against Power We offering unto Your Choice these above specifi'd Conditions as We would have all the World to know not of any Malice Presumption or Pride in Our Selves but for the Causes aforesaid and to the intent that the Will of Our Saviour Jesus Christ being declared between Us two Peace and Unity might grow more and more among Christians the Power of Gods Enemies may be abated and the Bounds of Christendom be enlarged and enfranchised Wherefore consider hereupon with Your Self which of Our foresaid Offers You will accept and by the Bearer of these Our Letters send unto Us quick and speedy Answer Given under Our Great Seal at Chyn upon the Skell near Tournay the n n Sandford p. 161. Fox 27 Julii Fab. 15 Julii Alii diem non assâ—gnâ—nt 17 Day of Julii A. D. 1340. This Letter was some Days after thus
at his Funeral Where his Son afterwards erected to his Memory a Fair Tomb on the Northside of the High Altar in the Collegiate Church of our Lady called the New-Warke But there is no Coronet on his Head. II. About this time there happen'd a memorable Revolution in Flanders which may teach us how uncertain Popular Favour is and how suddain the Fall of those Great Ones proves who are not fixed on a sure Foundation We have frequently had occasion to speak of Jacob van Arteveld of Gaunt who had long govern'd all Flanders with a more absolute Sway than ever the Earls themselves had done This Man whether thrô hopes of raising his Family to future Time or whether out of Inclination or of meer Policy to secure his own Greatness by the Aid of England was all along a fast Friend to King Edward and had again as much respect and favour from that Prince as his Heart could desire He now d Frois c. 115. Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 46. p. 854. in Confidence of his boundless Authority among the Commons of the Country grew so presumptuous as some while before this to entertain a Resolution of Disinheriting his Natural Lord Lewis Earl of Flanders and to put the Government thereof into the Hands of King Edward of England On Condition that He the said King should endow his Eldest Son the Prince of Wales therewith and make a Dukedom of the Earldom of Flanders These things being thus privately agreed on beforehand about the Feast of St. John Baptist King Edward having e Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 167. left his Son Prince Lionel of Antwerp his Lieutenant at Home during his Absence took Shipping at Sandwich and came before Scluse with a great Navy the Young Prince Edward his eldest Son being with him and Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick Thomas Lord Vghtred John Lord Seagrave John Lord Leiburn and many Others attending Him. The King lay at Anchor in the Haven of Scluse and there kept House on Board whither his Friends the Chief Men of Flanders came to visit him One Day the Flemish Burgesses being invited into the Kings Ship called the Catherine after a f Mezeray p. 23 ad hunc ann most Magnificent Collation bestowed on them by the King Jacob van Arteveld rose up and made a most plausible Oration extolling the King of England's great Power either to protect his Friends or to punish his Enemies he set forth also the notable Good-will which he had all along bore to his Allies and Subjects of Lower Germany That the Young Prince of Wales his Son did no way come short of his Fathers Steps but rather promised if God gave life to reach the very Height of all his Vertues That their own Lord Lewis unmindfull of the Welfare of his People had confederated with King Philip their Mortal Enemy and had himself made War against them and done unto them many great Inconveniences and Dammages Wherefore if they judged it fit to requite their Haters with Neglect and to pay unto their Lovers and Protectors Friendship and Service He must needs advise them either to make the Earl of Flanders pay his Homage unto King Edward to whom as to the Rightfull King of France it was only due or if thrô his Stubborn Obstinacy they could not prevail with him herein then wholly to cast off the hatefull Yoke of a Tyrannous and an Unkind Lord and submit to the pleasant and honourable Government of King Edward and his Son who would advance the Earldom of Flanders into a Dukedom and make them flourish above all other People in Trade and Prosperity III. When the Burgesses had all heard what secret Poison lurked in the Breast of this subtle Orator in their Hearts they utterly abominated his Perfidious Treason and firmly resolved never to be Guilty of so black and base a Deed as to disinherit and depose their own Natural Lord and his Young Son Lewis from their proper Right and Title But however to get off handsomly and make fair weather for the present after a little private Conference they gave this Answer to the King. Sir said they there is proposed unto us a Matter of no small Importance which may some Ages after very nearly concern the whole Country of Flanders and our Heirs for ever as well as our Selves And thô surely we know no Person in the World at this time whose Promotion and encrease of Wealth and Honour We so heartily desire as We do your Majesties Yet this Business we dare not of our selves determine unless the Commonalty of Flanders yield their Consent thereto Wherefore Sir for the present we crave leave to return every Man to his own City and there we shall confer with the Generality of every Town and Corporation and as the Major Part shall agree we shall act most willingly Within a Month at farthest we will all return hither again and bring your Majesty we doubt not such an Answer as shall be agreeable IV. The King and Jacob van Arteveld urged them much to make a more speedy Return but they could obtain no other Reply at that time wherefore they were all dismist to their own several Homes But Jacob tarried still with the King bearing him all along in hand that he would not fail to bring this Purpose to good Effect But King Edward who was not apt to be blinded with Prosperity and had a more piercing Judgment in publick Affairs doubted much not only lest this Business should miscarry but his Friend also incurr some Danger thereby Wherefore at parting he gave him great Caution in the Management of that Affair and allow'd him g Holinshead Engl. Chron. p. 926. also for a Guard 500 Welchmen under the Command of Sr. John Maltravers senior and Sr. William Sturry Sr. John Maltravers was indeed a Baron of the Realm and the same Person we mention'd to have been concerned together with Sr. Thomas Gournay in the barbirous Murther of King Edward the Second wherefore also as we shew'd he fled upon that Act and was three Years after condemned in Parliament to be put to Death wherever he should be found with the price of 500 Marks for his Head or a 1000 for any one that should bring him in alive For fifteen Years after he had lived in great Penitence and very privately in and about Flanders and either finding some hopes from the Kings Mercy or being not so guilty as he was represented or in Confidence of having merited something by his late Services for he had lost h Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 101. 102. all his Goods and suffer'd much hardship upon the Kings Account in Flanders he came now voluntarily to the King and rendred himself into his Hands Whereupon especially since he had never undergone a legal Trial he was respited now and by the King set over these Welchmen and six years after fully pardoned But to return This Guard some i Holinshead ibid. p. 926. say that
what should be the Meaning of this That always in my Passage for France the Winds and Seas befriend me but in my Return for England I meet with nothing but adverse Storms and destructive Tempests But however at last thô not without great difficulty and the loss of many Vessels Men and Horses he arrived safely at Land on the 14 of October and soon after went to London where he was received in Great Triumph of the Mayor and Citizens and by them honourably attended to his Palace at Westminster Among those Lords and Gentlemen that having served King Edward at the memorable Siege of Calais returned now home with him I must not forget the Noble Fitz-Thomas Earl of Kildare in Ireland who g Holinshead Chron. Ireland p. 71 7â— being highly touched with a Sense of King Edwards Favours both to himself and to his Brother the Earl of Desmond went over the Sea in the Spring this Year gallantly attended with divers Lords Knights and Choice Horsemen and offer'd his Service to the King before Calais After the Winning whereof he now returned into his own Country in great Pomp and Honour XXII About the end of this Year the Lord Charles of Blois who called himself Duke of Bretagne was h Knighton p. 2596. n. 50. Frois c. 147. ad finem brought Prisoner to London by Sr. Thomas Dagworth his Conquerour and at King Edwards Command sent to the Tower where David King of Scotland was at the same time But shortly after at the Request of the Queen to whom the said Lord Charles was Cousin German he found so much favour as to be received upon his Word and Honour and had Leave to go any whither about London at his pleasure on Condition he should by no means so much as once lie out of London more than one Night at a time unless it should be where the King or Queen should then keep their Court. And sometime after he was set at Liberty i Frois pars ult c. 62. fol. 82. on Condition to pay unto the King of England 200000 Nobles for his Ransom For the true Payment whereof he left his Sons his Pledges There was also now Prisoner in London the Lord Ralph Earl of k Frois l. 1. c. 147. Eu and Guisnes Constable of France a most pleasant and noble Knight Whose Behaviour was so acceptable that he always brought his Welcom along with him wherever he went and was extreamly gracious with the King and Queen and all the Lords and Ladies of the Court of England In these l Knighton p. 2596. n. 60. Days the Nobles of the Land in all places were mightily addicted to Justs and Tourneaments and such was the Nobleness of King Edward that he permitted the French Prisoners at these Solemnities the Use and Exercise of Arms wherein they behaved themselves with much Honour But particularly the foresaid Earl of Eu and Guisnes gat great Commendation both from King Edward and his Son the Prince of Wales by whom he was held in high Respect for his Worth and Valour Nay we find that King David of Scotland thô he was confin'd as Prisoner in the Tower had such Favour from King Edward that he was also permitted at his Pleasure not only to behold but to exercise these Knightly Sports For m Ashâ—â—le p. 185. ex Rotul Liberat. Draper Offic. mâ—gn Garderch an 21. 22. Ed. 3. m. 11. penes Rememorar Regis against an Hastilude kept at Windsor he had an Harness for his Horse made of Blue Velvet at King Edwards Charge whereon was embroider'd a Pale of Red Velvet and beneath a White Rose after the Custom of that Age whereby one Knight was distinguished from another as well by the Harness of his Horse as by his own Shield and Surcoat About this time the Scotch Nobility sent to King Edward offering to Redeem their King from Captivity to whom he return'd Answer n Knighton p. 2597. n. 16. that forasmuch as they in Defiance of the Truce had made War upon him in his Absence unjustly he expected they should first give him satisfaction for all those Injuries and Damages they had done to him and his Realm in that War And this done they might proceed to the business of the Ransom Thô this Answer was but highly Reasonable it was so distastfull to the Scots that upon the Receit thereof they rose suddenly and in considerable Bodies enter'd the Marches of England where they ravaged the Country fired Villages slew poor People without Mercy and took many sleeping in their Beds whom they carried away Prisoners and set unreasonable Ransomes upon them Because of this the English Lords of the Marches Proclaim'd solemn Turneaments to be held at Barwick thereby to entice the Scots again within the English pale Who coming accordingly in their wonted Bravery were cut short in the way by a good Body of English Borderers who discomfited them and put many to the Sword. And presently after in Prosecution of this Revenge the Northern Lords went into Scotland and spoil'd and ravaged the whole Province of Carrick XXIII We have often made mention of the Emperour Lewis of Bavaria how he was Excommunicated by Pope John XXII and thô he made many Overtures in order to be reconcil'd we do not find that ever he was re-admitted into the Bosom of the Church But on the contrary it o Aâ—â—a Bâ—châ—lceti Isageg Chron. ad an 1346. c. appears that on Holy-Thursday the last Year Pope Clement Cursed him and pronounced him an Heretick and Schismatick and exhorted the Princes Electors to choose another Emperour Wherefore on the second of July Charles the Marquess of Moravia and Son to John King of Bohemia was elected at Rens in the Dioecese of Trier thô the Major part were not for him and all the Cities held for Lewis of Bavaria But now the said Lewis as he return'd p Abr. Buchelcerisageg Chron. ad hunc ann Iabbe Chron. Tech. â—d hunc an from hunting being taken with an Apoplexy fell off his Horse and soon after departed this Life on the 11 of October and was buried at Munchen a City of Bavaria By the irreconcileable Malice of his Enemies he had two Emperours Elected in Opposition to him Frederick of Austria in the beginning of his Reign and Charles Marquess of Moravia in the Latter end but for all this he Ruled the Empire in spight of the Pope's Curses and Combinations against him the space of 32 Years Upon his Death Pope Clement VI. in hate as some say to King Edward of England laboured q Knighton p. 2596. n. 30. all he could to have Charles King of Bohemia acknowledg'd Emperour hoping that thereby he would be enabled the better to Revenge the Death of his Father slain in the Battle of Cressy upon the English Nation Wherefore he sent Charles de la Cerda of Spain with his Papal Bull to the Archbishop of Colen with an Injunction to consecrate him Roman
the Pomp and Magnificence of this Famous Entertainment set forth as well King Edwards Greatness as any other Grandeur of State whatsoever But King John who expected by an high Ransom to pay something toward these vast Profusions said merrily b M.S. vet Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 230. ibid. That he never saw nor knew such Royal Shews and Feastings without some after Reckoning for Gold and Silver And we find that about the same time he made use of one shift to raise Mony for it was now set forth by Proclamation c Dugd. Warw. p 647. â— â—â— Pat. 32. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 25. that all such the Kings Subjects as were possessed of Lands or Rents to the Value of 40 s. should appear before the King there to receive the Order of Knighthood if he should so think fit under Penalty of being fined according to the Law And among others it is recorded that Richard Bermingham of Bermingham in Warwickshire paid a Fine of 10 l. for his Pardon because he did not obey the Proclamation II. A little before this the d Odâ—r Rainal ad hunc annum § 3. ex Tom. 6. Epist secret p. 6. Pope being concerned at the intestine Troubles of France and finding that the Presence of the King was necessary to allay them sent the two Cardinals of Perigort and St. Vitalis with Letters to the Dauphin bearing Date at Avignon VIII Kal. Januarii An o Pontificatûs VI. Wherein he admonished him to use his utmost Endeavours speedily to redeem his Father to compose all Civil Discords and to attend to the Cardinals Advice in those Matters The mean while King Edward e Knighton p. 2618. n. 10. as soon as the Solemnity at Windsor was over removed his Court to London and there began to treat so seriously with King John that all Men believed a Perpetual Peace would now take place between them Yet it was long before Matters could be brought to any tolerable Issue For King Edward f Da Serres c. required Homage of King John for the Realm of France as holding it of Him whose Right it was and upon this Condition he proffer'd him his Liberty and a perpetual Friendship But King John who had not lost either his Courage or Honour by this Adversity made this resolute Answer That he intended whatever came of it to leave the Realm of France free and entire to his Children as he had received it from his Fathers That Affliction might well engage his Person but not the inviolable Rights of his Crown nor the Liberty of that Country where he had the honour to be Born and over which neither the Imprisonment nor Death of any single Person had such Influence especially as to him who should always reckon his Life well laid down for the Immortal Preservation of France This Generous Magnanimity of King John gave King Edward occasion not only to commiserate his Calamity but also more tenderly to respect and honour him as a Person worthy of a better Fortune So that at last especially because his Dearest Son the Prince of Wales had promised unto him both in his Tent the Night of the Battle and afterwards at Bourdeaux that Peace and Concord should take place as much as in him lay if by any means he might prevail with his Father the King being willing to do his Son Honour yielded to more easie Conditions of Peace at least such as seemed so to King John who declared he was ready to pay any Summ of Mony as should be demanded but to subject the Crown of France to any Other that he should never yield to for all the Terrours imaginable So it was agreed g Holinsh Eng. Chron. p. 963. Matt. Villani l. 8. c. 51. l. 9. c. 9. That the whole Countries of Gascogne and Guienne Poictou Touraine Saintogne Perigort Quercie Limosin Angoulmois Ponthieu Boulonois Guisnes and Calais should remain wholly and entirely to the King of England and his Heirs for ever without any Homage or Duty paying therefore And in lieu thereof King Edward to renounce for Him and his Heirs all his Right to the Title and Crown of France as also his Claim which by any manner of Means he might have to the Dukedom of Normandy the Earldoms of Anjou and Maine The King of France being moreover to pay unto the King of England for his Ransom h Ita Authentica Articulerum copia Church-hill's Divi Britan. p. 242. Fabian p. 240. c. Three Millions of Crowns of Gold which amounts to 500000 l. Sterling Whereof 600000 Crowns to be laid down presently 400000 the Year after and the Remainder the next two Years following And that Fourteen of the Chief Nobility of France should lie as Hostages in England till the whole Summ is paid which done King John to be set at Liberty and honourably conveyed into his own Country These Articles were sent over to Avignon to be confirmed and ratified by the Pope and also to the Dauphin to be by him communicated to the Three Estates the success whereof we shall shew in due Place And so the two Cardinals who had now been more than a Year in England took their leave and went home again having the Kings safe Conduct as far as to Calais This Agreement between the two Kings was established by Oaths interchangeably made and with their mutual Kissing each Other and the Fame thereof was spread all about but however on one side or other Sincerity was supposed to be wanting Those Writers i Vid. Odor Rainal ad hunc annum §. 3. that favour the French Interest lay the blame upon King Edward saying that when he beheld the Commotions in France he did his utmost to foment them that so he might subject the Realm unto himself and that he might fling the Odium of the Breach upon the French he k Matt. Villani l. 8. c. 101. contrived to hinder them from raising the Mony which was to be paid ready down and that he secretly assisted the King of Navarre with Men to enable him the more to embroil that Kingdom But all this we shall easily prove to be the Invention of Malice or Mistake For as to the stopping of the Mony 't is l Knighton p. 2618. n. 56. c. affirmed by good Authority That soon after the Departure of the Cardinals there came certain Persons from France with m Forte esset 6 cent Mill. ut suprd twelve hundred thousand Crowns in Part of Payment for their Kings Ransom But King Edward refused the Mony for that they had not brought the Hostages with them as it had been agreed They in their Defence answer'd that a great Part of France was ravaged by the English contrary to the Form and Nature of the Agreement that the People of France durst not go to their own Houses The King told them that such Englishmen who tarried in France after the Agreement made were Outlaws Felons Murderers Theeves