yet further desiring and also most earnestly requiring you as you tender the state of our company that you will haue a speciall regard vnto the order of our houses our seruants aswell at Colmogro and Vologda as at Mosco and to see and consider if any misorder be amongst our seruants or apprentises wherby you thinke we might hereafter be put to hinderance or losse of any part of our goods or priuilege there that you doe not onely see the same reformed but also to certifie vs thereof by your letter at large as our trust is in you And for the better knowledge to be had in the prices and goodnes of such things as we do partly suppose you shall finde in the partes of Russia we doe heerewith deliuer you a quantitie of certeine drugges wherby you may perceiue how to know the best and also there are noted the prices of such wares and drugges as be heere most vendible also we deliuer you heerewith one pound and one ounce weight in brasse to the end that you may therby with the bill of prices of wares know what things be worth here As for the knowledge of silks we need not to giue you any instructions thereof other then you know And if you vnderstand that any commoditie in Russia be profitable for vs to haue with you into Persia or other places our minde is that our Agents shall either prouide it for you or deliuer you money to make prouision yourselfe And because the Russes say that in traueiling Eastwardes from Colmogro thirty or forty dayes iourney there is the maine sea to be found we thinke that Richard Iohnson might imploy his time that way by land and to be at Mosco time enough to goe with you into Persia for if it be true that he may trauell to the sea that way and that he may know how many miles it is towards the East from Colmogro it will be a great helpe for vs to finde out the straight and passage that way if any be there to be had Gouernors William Gerard. Thomas Lodge William Merike Blase Sanders A compendioâ—s and briefe declaration of the iourney of M. Anth. Ienkinson from the famous citie of London into the land of Persia passing in this same iourney thorow Russia Moscouia and Mare Caspium aliâs Hircanum sent and imployed therein by the right worshipfull Societie of the Merchants Aduenturers for discouerie of Lands Islands c. Being begun the foureteenth day of May Anno 1561 and in the third yere of the reigne of the Queenes Maiestie that now is this present declaration being directed and written to the foresayd Societie FIrst imbarking my selfe in a good shippe of yours named the Swallow at Grauesend hauing a faire and good winde our anker then weyed and committing all to the protection of our God hauing in our sailing diuersitie of windes thereby forced to direct and obserue sundry courses not here rehearsed because you haue bene thereof heretofore amply informed on the fourteenth day of Iuly the yere aforesayd I arriued in the bay of S. Nicholas in Russia and the sixe and twentieth day of the same moneth after conference then had with your Agents there concerning your worships affaires I departed from thence passing thorow the countrey of Vago and on the eight day of August then following I came to Vologda which is distant from Colmogro seuen hundred miles where I remained foure dayes attending the arriuall of one of your boats wherein was laden a chest of iewels with the present by your worships appointed for the Emperors Maiesty which being arriued and the chest receiued I therewith departed toward the city of Mosco and came thither the twentith day of the same moneth where I immediatly caused my comming to be signified vnto the Secretary of the Imperiall Maiesty with the Queenes Highnesse letters addressed vnto the same his Maiestie who informed the Emperour thereof But his Highnesse hauing great affaires and being at that present ready to be married vnto a Ladie of Chircassi of the Mahometicall law commanded that no stranger Ambassadour nor other should come before him for a time with further streight charge that during the space of three dayes that the same solemne feast was celebrating the gates of the citie should be shut and that no person stranger or natiue certeine of his houshold reserued should come out of their said houses during the said triumph the cause thereof vnto this day not being knowen The sixt of September following the Emperour made a great feast whereunto were called all Ambassadours and strangers being of reputation and hauing affaires amongst whom I was one but being willed by the Secretary first to come and to shew him the Queenes Maiesties letters I refused so to doe saying I would deliuer the same vnto the Emperours owne hands and not otherwise which heard the Secretarie answered that vnlesse he might first peruse the sayd letters I should not come into the Emperors presence so that I was not at the feast Neuerthelesse I was aduertised by a noble man that I was inquired for by the Emperours Maiestie although the cause of my absence was to his Maiestie vnknowen The next day following I caused a supplication to be made and presented it to his Highnesse owne hands and thereby declared the cause of my comming signified by the Queenes Maiesties letters and the answere of his sayd Secretary most humbly beseeching his Grace that he would receiue and accept the same heâ— Highnesse letters with such honour and friendship as his letters sent by Osep Napea were receiued by the hands of our late Souereigne Lady Queene Mary or els that it would please his Highnes to dismisse me saying that I would not deliuer the said letters but vnto his owne hands for that it is so vsed in our countrey Thus the matter being pondered and the effect of my supplication well disgested I was foorthwith commaunded to come with the said letters before his Maiestie and so deliuered the same into his owne hands with such presents as by you were appointed according to my request which were gratefully accepted the same day I dined in his Graces presence with great entertainment Shortly after I desired to know whether I should be licenced to passe thorow his Highnesse dominions into the land of Persia according to the Queenes Maiesties request hereunto it was answered that I should not passe thither for that his Maiestie meant to send an armie of men that way into the land of Chircassi whereby may iourney should be both dangerous troublesome and that if I should perish thereinâ— it would be much to his Graces dishonour but he doubted other matters although they were not expressed Thus hauing receiued his answere neither to my expectation nor yet contentation and there remaining a good part of the yere hauing in that time solde the most part of your kersies and other wares appointed for Persia when the time
times with all their ships yet would they not set againe vpon vs and those of our men which were farthest off cryâ—d to them â—maine being both within shot of artillerie muskets and caliuers whereby they receiued euident hurt by vs They plyed their great ordinance according to their manner and especially their Uâ—ceadmirall and seeing our resolution how sharpe we were bent towards them they with all expedition and speedâ— possible prepared to flieâ— way hoysing sailes and leâ—uing their boates for haite in the sea but I followed them with nine ships all the night following and with foure more the next day till I made thâ—m double the Cape of S. Antonie and to take the course towards the Câ—anell of Bahama according to the instructions from his Maiestie It little auailed vs to be seene with lesse number of ships neither yet all the diligence we could vse could câ—use them to stay or come neere vs nor to shoot off one harquebuze or peece of artillerie for they fled away as fast as they could and their shippes wâ—re halfe diminished and that the best part of them the cost they repaired in Puerto Bello whereas they were about fortie dayes and so by that meanes they were all wâ—ll repayred and our shippes were very soule because the time would not peâ—mit vs to â—rim them I haue sayled 2 moneths and a halfe in the Admirall since we departed from Cartagena we haue not repaired their pumpes nor clensed them and the same day I departed tâ—enâ—e there câ—me vnto me a small Pinnesse in the like distresse our Uiceadmirall and the rest of our ships haue the like impediment but no great hinderance vnto vs for ought I could perceiue by our enemies It is manifest what aduantage they had of vs and by no meanes was it possible for vs to take them vnlesseâ— we could haue come to haue found them at an anker Neuerthelesse they left vs one good shippe behinde for our share well manned which tolde me that Drake died in Nombre de Dios and that they haue made for Generall of the English fleete the Colonel Quebraran and also by meanes of the small time being straightly followed by vs they had no opportunitie to take either water wood or flesh and they are also in such bad case that I know not how they will be able to arriue in England The number of men we haue taken are about an hundred and fortie and fifteene noble captaines of their best sort and some of them rich as well may appeare by their behauiour I haue no other thing to write at this time Our Lord keepe you who best can and as I desire From Hauaua the 30 of March 1596. DON BERNALDINO DELGADILLO DE AVELLANEDA THe Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa Lieutenant of the Assistants of the citie of Siuill and the Prouince thereof who doth supply the office of the Assistant in the absence of the Right honourable the Earle of Priego giueth licence to Roderigo de Cabriera to imprint the Relation of the death of Francis Drake which onely he may do for two moneths and no other to imprint the same within the said terme vpon paine of tenne thousand Marauedis for his Maiesties chamber Giuen in Siuill the 15 of May 1596. The Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa By his Assigne Gregorie Gutierez Notarie THis letter of the Generall Don Bernaldino sent into Spaine declaring the death of Sir Francis Drake and their supposed victorie was altogether receiued for an vndoubted trueth and so pleasing was this newes vnto the Spaniarde that there was present commandement giuen to publish the letter in print that all the people of Spaine might be pertakers of this common ioy the which letter printed in Siuill bearing date the 15 of May 1596 came to the hands of Henrie Sauile Esquire who being employed in that seruice for the West Indies and Captaine of her Maiesties good shippe the Aduenture vnder the conduct of sir Francis Drake and sir Iohn Hawkins hath caused the said printed letter to be translated into English And that the impudencie of the Spanish Generall may the more plainely appeare the sayde Henrie Sauile doth answere particularly to euery vntrueth in the same letter contayned as hereafter followeth The answere to the Spanish letter First the Generall doth say that Francis Drake died at Nombre de Dios as he had intelligence by an Indian THe Generall sent this newes into his countrey confirmed with his hand and seale of Armes It is the first newes in his letter and it was the best newes that he could send into Spaine For it did ease the stomackes of the timorous Spaniards greatly to heare of the death of him whose life was a scourge and continuall plague vnto them But it was a point of great simplicitie and scarcely befeeming a Generall to tie the credite of his report locally to any place vpon the report of a silly Indian slaue For it had bene sufficient to haue sayd that Francis Drake was certainly dead without publishing the lie in print by naming Nombre de Dios for it is most certaine sir Francis Drake died twixt the Iland of Escudo and Puerto Bello but the Generall being rauished with the suddaine ioy of this report as a man that hath escaped a great danger of the enemie doth breake out into an insolent kinde of bragging of his valour at Sea and heaping one lie vpon another doth not cease vntill he hath drawen them into sequences and so doth commende them vnto Peter the Doctor as censor of his learned worke Secondly The Generall doth write vnto the Doctor that Francis Drake died for very griefe that he had lost so many barkes and men A Thing very strange that the Generall or the Indian whom hee doth vouch for his lie should haue such speculation in the bodie of him whom they neuer saw as to deliuer for truth vnto his countrie the very cause or disease whereof hee died and this second report of his is more grosse then the first For admit the mistaking of the place might be tollerable notwithstanding this precise affirming the cause of his death doth manifestly prooue that the Generall doth make no conscience to lie And as concerning the losse of any Barkes or men in our Nauie by the valour of the Spaniard before Sir Francis Drake his death we had none one small Pinnesse excepted which we assuredly know was taken by chance falling single into a fleete of fiue Frigates of which was Generall Don Pedro Telio neere vnto the Iland of Dominica and not by the valour Don Bernaldino the which fiue Frigates of the kings afterwardes had but ill successe for one of them we burnt in the harbour of S. Iuan de Puerto rico and one other was sunke in the same harbour and the other three were burnt amongst many other shippes at the taking of Cadiz This I thinke in wise mens iudgements will seeme a silly cause to make
Nations had those bright lampes of learning I meane the most ancient and best Philosophers Historiographers and Geographers to shewe them light and the loadsâ—arre of experience to wit those great exploits and voyages layed vp in store and recorded whereby to shape their course what great attempt might they not presume to vndertake But alas our English nation at the first setting foorth for their Northeasterne discouery were either altogether destitute of such cleare lights and inducements or if they had any inkling at all it was as misty as they found the Northren seas and so obscure and ambiguous that it was meet rather to deterre them then to giue them encouragement But besides the foresaid vncertaintie into what dangers and difficulties they plunged themselues Animus meminisse horret I tremble to recount For first they were to expose themselues vnto the rigour of the sterne and vncoâ—th Northren seas and to make triall of the swelling waues and boistrous winds which there commonly do surge and blow then were they to saile by the ragged and perilous coast of Norway to frequent the vnhaunted shoares of Finmark to double the dreadfull and misty North cape to beare with Willoughbies land to râ—n along within kenning of the Countreys of Lapland and Corelia and as it were to open and vnlocke the seuen-fold mouth of Duina Moreouer in their Northeasterly Nauigations vpon the seas and by the coasts of Condora Colgoieue Petzora Ioughoria Samoedia Noua Zembla c. and their passing and returne through the streits of Vaigatz vnto what drifts of snow and mountaines of yee euen in Iune Iuly and August vnto what hideous ouerfals vncertaine currents darke mistes and fogs and diuers other fearefull inconueniences they were subiect and in danger of I wish you rather to learne out of the voyages of sir Hugh Willoughbie Stephen Burrough Arthur Pet and the rest then to expect in this place an endlesse cataloque thereof And here by the way I cannot but highly commend the great industry and magnanimity of the Hollanders who within these few yeeres haue discouered to 78. yea as themselues affirme to â—1 degrees of Northerly latitude yet with this prouiso that our English nation led them the dance brake the yee before them and gaue them good leaue to light their candle at our â—orch But nowe it is high time for vs to weigh our ancre to hoise vp our sailes to get cleare of these boistrous frosty and misty seas and with all speede to direct our course for the milde lightsome temperate and warme Atlantick Ocean ouer which the Spaniards and Portugales haue made so many pleasant prosperous and golden voyages And albeit I cannot deny that both of them in their East and West Indian Nauigations haue indured many tempests dangers and shipwracks yet this dare I boldly affirme first that a great number of them haue satisfied their fame-thirsty and gold-thirsty mindes with that reputation and wealth which made all perils and misaduentures seeme tolerable vnto them and secondly that their first attempts which in this comparison I doe onely stand vpon were no whit more difficult and dangerous then ours to the Northeast For admit that the way was much longer yet was it neuer barred with yee miâ—â— or darknes but was at all seasons of the yeere open and Nauigable yea and that for the most part with fortunate and fit gales of winde Moreouer they had no forren prince to intercept or molest them but their owne Townes Islands and maine lands to succour them The Spaniards had the Canary Isles and so had the Portugales the Isles of the Açores of Porto santo of Madera of Cape veâ—d the castle of Mina the fruitfull and profitable Isle of S. Thomas being all of them conueniently situated and well fraught with commodities And had they not continuall and yerely trade in some one part or other of Africa for getting of slaues for sugar for Elephants teeth graines siluer gold and other precious wares which serued as allurements to draw them on by little and litle and as proppes to stay them from giuing ouer their attempts But nowe let vs leaue them and returne home vnto our selues In this first Volume friendly Reader besides our Northeasterne Discoueries by sea and the memorable voyage of M. Christopher Hodson and M. William Burrough Anno 1570. to the Narue wherein with merchants ships onely they tooke fiue strong and warrelike ships of the Freebooters which lay within the sound of Denmark of purpose to intercept our English Fleete besides all these I say thou maiest find here recorded to the lasting honor of our nation all their long and dangerous voyages for the aduauncing of traffique by riuer and by land to all parts of the huge and wide Empire of Russia as namely Richard Chanceler his first fortunate arriuall at Newnox his passing vp the riuer of Dwina to the citie of Vologda for the space of 1100. versts and from thence to Yaruslaue Rostoue Peraslaue and so to the famous citie of Mosco being 1500. versts trauell in all Moreouer here thou hast his voiage penned by himselfe which I hold to be very authentical for the which I do acknowledge my selfe beholding vnto the excellent Librarie of the right honorable my lord Lumley wherein he describeth in part the state of Russia the maners of the people and their religion the magnificence of the Court the maiestie power and riches of the Emperour and the gracious entertainment of himselfe But if he being the first man and not hauing so perfect intelligence as they that came after him doeth not fullie satisfie your expectation in describing the foresayd countrey and people I then referre you to Clement Adams his relation next following to M. Ienkinsons discourse as touching that argument to the smooth verses of M. George Turberuile and to a learned and excellent discourse set downe pag. 475. of this volume and the pages following Vnto all which if you please you may adde Richard Iohnsons strange report of the Samoeds pag. 283. But to returne to our voyages performed within the bounds of Russia I suppose among the rest that difficult iourney of Southam and Sparke from Colmogro and S. Nicholas Baie vp the great riuer of Onega and so by other riuers and lakes to the citie of Nouogrod velica vpon the West frontier of Russia to be right woorthy of obseruation as likewise that of Thomas Alcock from Mosco to Smolensko and thence to Tirwill in Polonia pag. 304. that also of M. Hierome Horsey from Mosco to Vobsko and so through Liefland to Riga thence by the chiefe townes of Prussia and Pomerland to Rostok and so to Hamburg Breme Emden c. Neither hath our nation bene contented onely throughly to search into all parts of the Inland and to view the Northren Southerne and Westerne frontiers but also by the riuers of Moscua Occa and Volga to visite Cazan and Astracan the farthest Easterne and Southeasterne bounds of that huge Empire
ouercome and all their nobles in the armie except seuen were slaine And for this cause when they purposing to inuade anie region are threatned by the inhabitants thereof to be slaine they doe to this day answere in old time also our whole number besides being slaine we remayned but seuen of vs aliue and yet notwithstanding we are now growen vnto a great multitude thinke not therefore to daunt vs with such brags But Chingis and the residue that remained aliue fled home into their countrey And hauing breathed him a little he prepared himselfe to warre and went forth against the people called Huyri These men were Christians of the sect of Nestorius And these also the Mongals ouercame and receiued letters or learning from them for before that time they had not the arte of writing and nowe they call it the hand or letters of the Mongals Immediately after hee marched against the countrey of Saruyur and of the Karanites and against the land of Hudirat all which he vanquished Then returned he home into his owne countrey and breathed himselfe Afterward assembling his warlike troupes they marched with one accord against the Kythayans and waging warre with them a long time they conquered a great part of their land and shut vp their Emperour into his greatest citie which citie they had so long time besieged that they began to want necessary prouision for their armie And when they had no victuals to feede vpon Chingis Cham commaunded his souldiers that they should eate euery tenth man of the companie But thâ—y of the citie tought manfully against them with engines dartes and arrowes and when stones wanted they threw siluer and especially melted siluer for the same citie abounded with great riches Also when the Mongals had fought a long time and could not preuayle by warre they made a great trench vnderneath the ground from the armie vnto the middest of the citie and there issuing foorth they fought against the citizens and the remnant also without the walles fought in like manner At last breaking open the gates of the citie they entred and putting the Emperour with many other to the sworde they tooke possession thereof and conueighed away the golde siluer aâ—d all the riches therein And hauing appointed certaine deputies ouer the countrey they returned home into their owne lande This is the first time when the Emperour of the Kythayans being vanquished Chingis Cham obtayned the Empire But some parte of the countrey because it lyeth within the sea they could by no meanes conquere vnto this day The men of Kytay are Pagans hauing a speciall kinde of writing by themselues and as it is reported the Scriptures of the olde and newe Testament They haue also recorded in hystories the liues of their forefathers and they haue Eremites and certaine houses made after the manner of our Churches which in those dayes they greatly resorted vnto They say that they haue diuers Saints also and they worship one God They adore and reuerence CHRIST IESVS our Lorde and beleeue the article of eternall life but are not baptized They doe also honourably esteeme and reuerence our Sciptures They loue Christians and bestowe much almes and are a very courteous and gentle people They haue no beardes and they agree partly with the Mongals in the disposition of their countenance In all occupations which men practise there are not better artificers in the whole worlde Their countrey is exceeding rich in corne wine golde silke and other commodities Of their warre against India maior and minor Chap. 10. ANd when the Mongals with their emperour Chingis Cham had a while rested themselues after the foresayd victorie they diuided their armies For the Emperour sent one of his sonnes named Thossut whom also they called Can that is to say Emperour with an armie against the people of Comania whom he vanquished with much warre and afterward returned into his owne country But he sent his other sonne with an armie against the Indians who also subdued India minor These Indians are the blacke Saracens which are also called AEthiopians But here the armie marched forward to fight against Christians dwelling in India maior Which the King of that countrey hearing who is commonly called Presbiter Iohn gathered his souldiers together and came foorth against them And making mens images of copper he set each of them vpon a saddle on horsebacke and put fire within them and placed a man with a paire of bellowes on the horse backe behinde euery image And so with many horses and images in such sorte furnished they marched on to fight against the Mongals or Tartars And comming neare vnto the place of the battell they first of all sent those horses in order one after another But the men that sate behind laide I wote not what vpon the fire within the images and blew strongly with their bellowes Whereupon it came to passe that the men and the horses were burnt with wilde fire and the ayre was darkened with smoake Then the Indians cast dartes vpon the Tartars of whom many were wounded and slain And so they expelled them out of their dominions with great confusion neither did we heare that euer they returned thither againe How being repelled by monstrous men shapen like dogs they ouercame the people of Burithabeth Chap. 11. BUt returning through the deserts they came into a certaine countrey wherin as it was reported vnto vs in the Emperours court by certaine clergie men of Russia and others who were long time among them and that by strong and stedfast affirmation they found certaine monsters resembling women who being asked by many interpreters where the men of that land were they answered that whatsoeuer women were borne there were indued with the shape of mankinde but the males were like vnto dogges And delaying the time in that countrey they met with the said dogges on the other side of the riuer And in the midst of sharpe winter they cast themselues into the water Afterward they wallowed in the dust vpon the maine land and so the dust being mingled with water was frozen to their backes and hauing often times so done the ice being strongly frozen vpon them with great fury they came to fight against the Tartars And when the Tartars threwe their dartes or shot their arrowes among them they rebounded backe againe as if they had â—ighted vpon stones And the rest oâ— their weapons coulde by no meanes hurt them Howbeit the Dogges made an assault vpon the Tartars and wounding some of them with their teeth and slaying others at length they draue them out of their countries And thereupon they haue a Prouerbe of the same matter as yet rife among them which they speake in iesting sorte one to another My father or my brother was slaine of Dogges The women which they tooke they brought into their owne countrey who remayned there till their dying day And in traueiling homewardes the sayd
of your maiesties Countries according to the priuiledge giuen vnto vs we pray for your maiesties health with prosperous successe to the pleasure of God From Narue the 15. of Iuly Anno 1570. Your Maiesties most humble and obedient Christopher Hodsdon William Borough A letter of Richard Vscombe to M. Henrie Lane touching the burning of the Citie of Mosco by the Crimme Tartar written in Rose Island the 5. day of August 1571. MAster Lane I haue me commended vnto you The 27. of Iuly I arriued here with the Magdalene and the same day and houre did the Swalow and Harry arriue here also At our comming I found master Proctor here by whom wee vnderstand very heauie newesâ— The Mosco is burnt euery sticke by the Crimme the 24. day of May last and an innumerable number of people and in the English house was smothered Thomas Southam Tofild Wauerley Greenes wife and children two children of Râ—â—â— more to the number of 25. persons were stifeled in our Beere seller and yet in the same seller was Rafe his wife Iohn Browne and Iohn Clarke preserued which was wonderfull And there went into that seller master Glouer and master Rowley also but because the heate was so great they came foorth againe with much perill so that a boy at their heeles was taken with the fire yet they escaped blindfold into another seller and there as Gods will was they were preserued The Emperour fled out of the field and many of his people were cariâ—d away by the Crimme Tartar to wit all the yong people the old they would not meddle with but let them alone and so with exceeding much spoile and infinite prisoners they returned home againe What with the Crimme on the one side and with his cruâ—ltie on the other he hath but few people left Commend me to mistresse Lane your wife and to M. Locke and to all our friends Yours to command Richard Vscombe A note of the proceeding of M. Anthonie Ienkinson Ambassadour from the Queenes most excellent Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia from the time of his arriuall there being the 26. of Iuly 1571. vntill his departure from thence the 23. of Iuly 1572. THe said 26. day I arriued with the two good ships called the Swalow and the Harry in safetie at the Baie of S. Nicholas in Russia aforesayd and landed at Rose Island from whence immediately I sent away my interpreter Daniel Siluester in post towards the Court being then at the Mosco whereby his maiestie might as well bee aduertised of my arriuall in his Dominions as also to know his highnesse pleasure for my further accesse And remaining at the sayd Island two or three dayes to haue conference with your Agent about your affaires I did well perceiue by the wordes of the sayd Agent and others your seruants that I was entred into great perill and danger of my life for they reported to mee that they heard said at the Mosco that the princes displeasure was such against me that if euer I came into his countrey againe I should loose my head with other words of discouragement Whereat I was not a litle dismaid not knowing whether it were best for me to proceed forwards or to returne home againe with the ships for the safegard of my life But calling to mind mine innocencie and good meaning and knowing my selfe not to haue offended his Maiestie any maner of wayes either in word or deed or by making former promises not performed heretofore by mine enemies falsly surmised and being desirous to come to the triall thereof whereby to iustifie my true dealings and to reprooue my sayd enemies as well here as there who haue not ceased of late by vntrue reports to impute the cause of the sayd Emperors displeasure towards you to proceed of my dealings and promises made to him at my last being with him although by his letters to the Queenes Maiestie and by his owne words to me the contrary doeth appeare I determined with my selfe rather to put my life into his hands by the prouidence of God to prosecute the charge committed vnto me then to returne home in vaine discouraged with the words of such who had rather that I had taried at home then to be sent ouer with such credite whereby I might sift out their euil doings the onely cause of your losse Wherefore leauing the said ships the nine and twentieth day of the moneth I departed from the seaside and the first of August arriued at Colmogro where I remained attending the returne of my said messenger with order from his Maiestie But all the Countrey being sore visited by the hand of God with the plague passage in euery place was shut vp that none might passe in paine of death My messenger being eight hundreth miles vpon his way was stayed and kept at a towne called Shasko and might not bee suffered to goe any further neither yet to returne backe againe or sende vnto me by meanes whereof in the space of foure moneths I could neither heare nor know what was become of him in which time my said messenger found meanes to aduertise the Gouernour of the Citie of Vologda as well of his stay as of the cause of his comming thither who sent him word that it was not possible to passe any neerer the Prince without further order from his Maiestie who was gone to the warres against the Swethens and that he would aduertise his highnesse so soone as he might conueniently And so my said messenger was forced to remaine there still without answere During which time of his stay through the great death as aforesaid I found meanes to send another messenger with a guide by an vnknowen way through wildernesse a thousand miles about thinking that way he should passe without let but it prooued contrary for likewise hee being passed a great part of his iourney fell into the handes of a watch and escaped very hardly that hee and his guide with their horses had not bene burnt according to the lawe prouided for such as would seeke to passe by indirect wayes and many haue felt the smart thereof which had not wherewith to buy out the paine neither could that messenger returne backe vnto me And thus was I kept without answere or order from his Maiestie and remained at the saide Colmogro vntill the 18. of Ianuary following neither hauing a Gentleman to safegard me nor lodging appointed me nor allowance of victuals according to the Countrey fashion for Ambassadours which argued his grieuous displeasure towards our nation And the people of the Countrey perceiuing the same vsed towards mee and my company some discourtesies but about the 28. day aforesaid the plague ceased and the passages being opened there came order from his Maiestie that I should haue poste horses and bee suffered to depart from Colmogro to goe to a Citie called Peraslaue neere to the Court his Maiestie being newly returned from the said warres And I arriued at the
to the English merchants of their goods so deteined by them for custome to take custome for the same according to his Maiesties letters of priuilege 9 10 To the ninth and tenth articles his Maiestie will consider of those matters and hereafter will signifie his princely pleasure therein 11 To the eleuenth as touching an inuentorie giuen into the treasury what goods the merchants had burnt in the Mosco in their houses there his Maiesties pleasure was to vnderstande the same to the intent he might know the losses of all strangers at that present but not to make restitution for that it was Gods doing and not the Emperours 12 To the twelfth concerning Thomas Glouer his Maiestie was enformed by his Ambassâ—dor of the Queenes great mercy and clemencie towards the said Thomas for his sake which his Highnes receiued in good part but what agreement or dealings was betwixt the said sir William Garrard his company the said Glouer or what he doth owe vnto the said merchants his Maiestie doth not know And as for the money which the said Thomas saith is owing vnto him by the Emperour his Maiesties pleasure is that so much as shall be found due growing vpon wares deliuered vnto the treasurie out of the time of his Maiesties displeasure shall be paid forthwith to the said Thomas and the rest is forfeited vnto his Maiestie and taken for a fine as appertaining to Rutter and Benneâ— accompted traitors vnto his Highnes during the time of his displeasure 13 To the thirteenth article concerning Rutter to be deliuered vnto you to be caried home the answere was that as his Maiestie will not detaine any English man in his Countrey that is willing to go home according to the the Queens request euen so will he not force any to depart that is willing to tary with him Yet his Highnes to satisfie the Queenes Maiesties request is contented at this present to send the said Ralfe Rutter home with you and hath commanded that a letter shall be written vnto his chiefe officer at the Mosco to send the said Rutter away with speed that he may be with you at Vologda by the fine of May without faile and touching the rest of your request in the said article his Maiesties pleasure shall be signified in the letters of priuilege granted to the said merchants 14 To the fourteenth touching artificers his Maiestie will accomplish all the Queenes Highnes request in that behalfe and now at this present doth licence such and so many to depart to their natiue countrey as are willing to goe 15 To the 15 touching Besson Messeriuey the Emperors maiestie is much offended with him and will send down a gentleman with you to inquire of his ill behauior aswel for speaking of vndecent words against the Queens maiestie as you haue alleaged as also against you and the merchants for his outrages mentioned in the article the said Besson being found guilty to be imprisoned punished by seuere iustice accordingly and after to put in sureties to answere the Emperors high displeasure or els to be brought vp like a prisoner by the said gentleman to answere his offences before his Maiestie And his highnes doth request that the Queenes highnes would doe the like vpon Middleton and Manlie her messengers sent thither two yeres past and of all others for their ill behauiour towards his maiestie as may appeare by letters sent by Daniel Siluester from his highnes least by the bad demeanor of such lewd persons the amity and friendship betwixt their maiesties might be diminished 16 To the 16 and last article touching the corne brought into the Emperors dominions by the merchants his maiestie doth greatly commend them for so wel doing and hath commâ—nded to giue you a letter forthwith in their behalf directed to his officers of Duina to suffer the saâ—â— merchants to sell their corne by measure great or small at their pleasure without custome Thus I receiued a full answere from his maiestie by his chiefe Secretarie one other of his counsel to the 16 articles afore rehearsed by me exhibited in writing touching your affaires with his letter also sent by me to the Queenes maiesty Which being done I requested that the new letters of priuilege granted by his highnes vnto you might be forthwith dispatched to the intent I might carie the same with me Also I requested that such money due to you which it had pleased his maiesty to command to be payd might be deliuered to me in your behalfe Touching the letters of priuilege the Secretary answered me it is not possible you can haue them with you for they must be first written and shewed vnto the Emperor and then threâ— to be written of one tenour according to your request which cannot bee done with speede for that his maiesties pleasure is you shall depart this night before him who remooueth himselfe to morrow towards Nouogrod but without faile the sayd letters shall be dispatched vpon the way â—nd sent after you with speede to Colmogro And as touching the money which you require it cannot be paid here because we haue not the bookes of accounts for want whereof we know not what to paie wherfore the best is that you send one of the merchants after the Emperor to Nouogrod let him repaire vnto me there and without faile I will paie all such money as shall be appointed by his maiestie to be paied after the bookes seene But forasmuch as there was none of your seruants with me at thaâ— present although I had earnestly written vnto your Agent Nicholas Proctor by Richaâ—d Pingle one of your owne seruants one moneth before my comming to Starites where I had my dispatch that he should not faile to come himselfe or send one of your seruants to mee hither to follow all such sutes as I should commence in your behalfs which he neglected to doe to your great hinderance I requested the said Secretarie that I might leaue Daniel my interprâ—ter with hâ—m aswell for the receit of money as for the speedy dispatch of the letters of priuiledge but it would not be granted in any wise that I should leaue any of mine own companie behind me and thereupon I did take my leaue with full dispatch and departed to my lodging and foorthwith there came vnto me a gentleman who had charge as wel to conduct me and prouide boates men post horses and victuals for me all the way to thâ— sea side being a thousand and three hundred miles as also to doe iustice of the sayd Bessone as aforesaid And he said vnto me the Emperours pleasure is that you shall presently depart from hence and I am appointed to goe with you And that night I departed from the said Starites being the fourteenth of May aforesayd And passing a great part of my iourney I arriued at the citie of Vologda the last of the sayd May where I remained fiue daies as well expecting a messenger to bring vnto
captaine had much talke with M. Garrard of our countrey demanding where about it did lie what countreys were neare vnto it and with whom we had traffike for by the Russe name of our countrey he could not coniecture who we should be but when by the situation he perceiued we were Englishmen he demanded if our prince were a mayden Queene which when he was certified of then quoth he your land is called Enghilterra is it not answere was made it was so whereof he was very glad when he knew the certainety He made very much of them placing M. Garrard next to himselfe and Christopher Burrough with the Russie interpretour for the Turkie tongue hard by There was a Gillan merchant with him at that present of whom he seemed to make great account him he placed next to himselfe on the other side and his gentlemen sate round about him talking together Their sitting is vpon the heeles or crosse legged Supper being brought in he requested them to eate After their potage which was made of rice was done and likewise their boyled meat there came in platters of rice sodden thiâ—ke and hony mingled withall after all which came a sheepe rosted whole which was brought in a tray and seâ— before the captaine he called one of his seruitours who cut it in pieces and laying therof vpon diuers platters set the same before the captaine then the captaine gaue to M. Garrard and his company one platter and to his gentlemen another and to them which could not well reach he cast meat from the platters which were before him Diuers questions he had with M. Garrard and Christopher Burrough at supper time about their diet inquiring whether they eat fish or flesh voluntarily or by order Their drinke in those partes is nothing but water After supper walking in the garden the captaine demanded of M. Garrard whether the vse was in England to lie in the house or in the garden and which he had best liking of he answered where it pleased him but their vse was to lie in houses whereupon the captaine caused beds to be sent into the house for them and caused his kinsman to attend on them in the night if they chanced to want any thing he himselfe with his gentlemen and souldiers lying in the garden In the morning very early he sent horse for the rest of the company which should go to Derbent sending by them that went tenne sheepe for the shippe In that village there was a Stoue into which the captaine went in the morning requesting M. Garrard to go also to the same to wash himselfe which he did Shortly after their comming out of the Stoue whilest they were at breakfast M. Turnbull M. Tailboyes and Thomas Hudson the M. of the shippe came thither and when they had all broken their fasts they went to Bachu but Christopher Burrough returned to the ship for that he had hurt his leg and could not well endure that trauell And from Bachu they proceeded towards Derbent as it was by the captaine promised being accompanied on their way for their safe conduct with a gentleman and certaine souldiers which had the captaine of Bachu his letters to the Basha of Deâ—bent very friendly writâ—en in their behalfe In their iouâ—ney to Derbent they forsooke the ordinarie wayes being very dangerous and trauelled thorow woods till they came almost to the towne of Derbent and then the gentleman road before with the captaines letters to the Basha to certifie him of the English merchants comming who receiuing the letters and vnderstanding the matter was very glad of the newes and sent forth to receiue them certaine souldiers gunners who met them abouâ— two miles out of the towne saluting them with great reuerence and afterwardes road before them then againe met them other souldiours somewhat neerer the castle which likewise hauing done their salutations road before them and then came foorth noble men captaines and gentlemen to receiue them into the castle and towne As they entred the castle there was a shot oâ— twentie pieces of great ordinance the Basha sent M. Turnbull a very faire horse with furniture to mount on esteemed to be worth an hundred markes and so they were conueyed to his presence who after he had talked with them sent for a coate of cloth of golde and caused it to be put on M. Turnbulles backe and then willed them all to depart and take their ease for that they were wearie of their iourney and on the morrow he would talke further with them The next day when y e factors came againe to the presence of the Basha according to his appointment they requesteâ— him that he would grant them his priuilege whereby they might traffike safely in any part and place of his câ—untrey offering him that if it pleased his Maiestie to haue any of the commodities that they had brought and to write his mind thereof to the captaine of Bachu it should be deliuâ—red him accorâ—ingly The Bashaes answere was that he would willingly giue them his priuilege yet for that he regarded their safetie hauing come so farre knowing â—he state of his countrey to be troublesome he would haue them to bring their commodity thither there to make sale of it promising he would prouide such commodities as they needed and that he would be a defence vnto them so that they should not be iniured by any whereupon the factors sent Thomas Hudâ—on backe for y e ship to bring her to Derbent and the Basha sent a gentleman with him to the captaine of Bachu to certifie hâ—m what was determined which message being done the captaine of Bachu and the Bashaes messenger accompanied with a doozen souldiours went from Bachu with Thomas Hudson came to the ship at Bildih the 11. day of Iune After the captaine and his men had beene aboord and seene the ship they all departed presently but the gentleman messenger from y e Basha with three other Turks remained aboord and continued in the ship till she came to Derbent the latitude of Bildih by diuers obseruations is 40. degrees 25. minuts the variation of the compasse 10. degrees 40. minuts from North to West After the returne of Thomas Hudson backe to Bildih they were constrayned to remaine there with the shippe through contrary windes vntill the 16. day of Iune foure of the clocke in the morning at which time they weyed anker set saile and departed thence towards Derbent and arriued at anker against Derbent East and by South from the sayd castle in foure fathome and a halfe water the 22. day of Iune at ten of the clocke in the morning then they tooke vp their ordinance which before they had stowed in hold for easing the shippe in her rowling In the afternoone the Basha came downe to the waterside against the shippe and hauing the said ordinance placed and charged it was all shotte off to gratifie him and presently after his departure backe he permitted the
the Emperor in which passage the chancellor came to meet him and would haue taken his letters to whom the ambassador sayd that her Maiesty had directed no letters to him and so went on and deliuered them himselfe to the Emperors owne hands And after hauing thus deliuered her Maiesties letters and what he had els to say at that time he was conducted to the Councell chamber where hauing had conference with the councell of matters of his ambassage he was soone after sent for againe to the Emperour where he dined in his presence at a side table nere vnto him and all his company at another boord by where also dined at other tables in the same place all the chiefe noble men that were about the Court to the number of an hundred And in the time of this dinner the Emperor vsed many fauors to the ambassadour and about the midst of dinner standing vp dranke a great carouse to the health of the Queene his good sister and sent him a great bowle full of Rhenish wine and sugar to pledge him The ambassadour after this was often called to Court where he had confâ—rence both with the Emperour and his councell of the matters in question touching both ambassages which diuers times raised many iarres and in the end after sundry meetings the Emperour finding himselfe not satisfied to his liking for that the ambassadour had not power by his commission to yeeld to euery thing that he thought â—it as a man whose will was seldome wonted to be gainsayd let loose his passion and with a sterne and angry countenance tolde him that he did not reckon the Queene of England to be his fellow for there are quoth he that are her betters The ambassadour greatly misliking these speeches being very vnwilling how dangerous soeuer it might prooue to his owne person to giue way to the Emperor to derogate ought from the honour and greatnesse of her Maiesâ—y and finding also that to subiect himselfe to the angrie humour and disposition of the Emperour was not the meanes to winne ought at his hands with like courage and countenance to answere his tolde him that the Queene his Mistresse was as great a prince as any was in Christendome equall to him that thought himselfe the greatest well able to defend herselfe against his malice whosoeuer and wanted no meanes to offend any that either shee had or should haue cause to be enemy vnto Yea quoth he How sayest thou to the French king and the king of Spaine Mary quoth the ambassadour I holde the Queene my Mistresse as great as any of them both Then what sayest thou quoth hee to the Emperour of Germany Such is the greatnesse of the Queene my Mistresse quoth the ambassadour as the King her father had not long since the Emperor in his pay in his warres against France This answere misliked the Emperor yet so much more as that he tolde the ambassadour that were he not an ambassador he would throw him out of the doores Whereunto he answered that he might doe his will for he was now fast within his countrey but he had a Mistresse who he doubted not would be reuenged of any iniury that should be done vnto him Whereupon the Emperour in great sudden bade him get him home And he with no more reuerence then such vsage required saluted the Emperor and went his way All this notwithstanding the ambassadour was not much sooner out of the chamber and the Emperours cholar somewhat setled but he deliuered to his councell that stood about him many commendations in the fauor of the ambassador for that he would not indure one ill word to be spoken against his Mistresse and there withall wished himselfe to haue such a seruant The ambassadour had not beene much more then one houre in his lodging but the Emperour imagining as it seemed by the extraordinary behauior of the ambassador for he wanted not wit to iudge that he had found what was the Emperors case sent his principall secretary vnto him to tell him that notwithstanding what had past yet for the great loue that he bare to the Queene his sister he should very shortly be called againe to Court and haue a resolution of all the matters in questiâ—n and this Secretary was now further content to impart and sayd to the ambassadour that the Emperour was fully resolued to send a greater noble man home with him in ambassage to the Queene his sister then euer he yet at any time sent â—ut of his countrey and that he determined also to send to the Queene a present woorth three thousand pounds and to gratifie himselfe at his departure with a gift that should be woorth a thousand pounds and tolde him also that the next day the Emperour would send a great noble man vnto him to conferre with him of certaine abuses done him by Shalkan the chancellor and his ministers And so the day following he sent Bodan Belskoy the chiefest counseller that he had a man most in credit with him this man examined all matters wherewith the ambassador had found himselfe grieued and supplied him with what hee wanted and righted him in all things wherein hee had beene wronged Not long after the returne of this noble man the Emperor caused to be set downe in his owne presence a nâ—w and much larger allowance of diet for the ambassador then he had had before and shortly after sent the same to the ambassadour by his principall Secretarie Sauio Frollo This diet was so great as the ambassadour often times sought to haue it lessened but the Emperour would not by any meanes The scroule of the new diet was this One bushell of fine meale for three dayes One bushell of wheate meale for a day and a halfe Two liue geese for one day Twenty hennes for the day Seuen sheepe for a day One oxe for three dayes One side of porke for a day Seuentie egges for a day Ten pound of butter Seuenty peny white loaues of bread Twelue peny loaues of bread One veather or gallon of vineger Two veathers of salt cabiges One peâ—ke of onions Ten pound of salt On altine or sixe peny woorth of waxe candles Two altines of tallow candles One fourth part of a veather of cherrie mead As much of Mallynouomead Halfe a veather of burnt wine One veather of sodden mead called Obarni Three veathers of sweet mead Ten veathers of white mead Fifteene veathers of ordinary mead Foure veathers of sweet beere Fifteene veathers of beere Halfe a pound of pepper Three sollitincks or ounces of saffron One sollitincke of mase One sollitincke of nutmegs Two sollitincke of cloues Three sollitincks of sinamâ—n Prouender One bushell of oats One load of hay One load of straw Now he began so much to discouer his purpose and affections towards her Maiesty her countrey as he sent to the ambassador intreating him that his preacher and doctor Iacob his English physician might set downe the points of the religion
or giue order whereby they be not deceiued by them So likewise I haue gratified them with their house at the sea hauen at the mouth of Podezemsky we haue commanded that they shal not cary their goods from thence to the new caâ—tle S. Michael the archangel but shall ariue and doe as they haue done heretofore with their wares at that their house and shall vnlade their commodities out of their ships and shal lade them againe with Russe commodities euen there at that their house without interruption onely they shal permit our officers of Colmogro sworn men to write vp those commodities both the commodities of England and those of Russeland what the merchants shal declare themselues no otherwise but they shal not ouerlooke their commodities neither shal they vnbind any of their packs And when the English merchants are disposed to send into their owne countrey to wit any of their owne people on land through any other kingdom whatsoeuer they shall not send their people without our kingly knowledge and commandement and which of their people so euer they do meane to send out of our kingdom into their owne countrey then they shal send those their people not without our kingly maiesties knowledge to wit those that go of pleasure without carying any commodities with them and they shall haue a letter of passe giuen vnto them out of the office where the Ambassadors haue alwayes their dispatch And whosoeuer hath any thing to doe with them in matters of controuersie either concerning merchandize or iniuries then they are to be iudged by our treasurers and Secretarie of the Ambassadors office to do iustice between both parties to seek out the trueth of matters in al things and whatsoeuer cannot be found out by the Law shal be tried by othe and lots whose lot soeuer is taken foorth him to haue right And in what place of all our kingdom in what citie soeuer they or their people shall bee and that there happen any matter of controuersie either concerning merchandise iniuries or otherwise that they haue occasion of set vpon any man by lawe or that any seeke vpon them concerning what matter soeuer in all our kingdom and cities then our lieutenants captains and our officers shall giue them Iustice and shall minister all true iustice betweene them seeking out the trueth and what cannot be truly sought by law shal be sought out by othe and lot whose lot soeuer is taken out him to haue right accordingly as before and the Iudges or Iuâ—tices shall take of them no kind of dutie for matters of law no where throughout all our realmes This letter is giuen in our princely palace within the citie of Mosco in the yeere from the foundation of the world seuen thousand fourescore and fifteene in the moneth of February The Ambassage of M. Giles Fletcher Doctor of the Ciuil Law sent from her Maiestie to Theodor the Emperor of Russia Anno 1588. IN the yeere 1588. was sent Ambassador from her highnesse into the countrey of Russia Giles Fletcher Doctor of the Ciuil Lawe as well to treat with the new Emperor Pheodor Iuanowich about league and amitie in like maner as was before with his father Iuan Vasilowich as also for the reestablishing and reducing into order the decaied trade of our Englishmen there Who notwithstanding at his first arriuall at the Mosco found some parts of hard entertainment by meanes of certaine rumors concerning the late nauall victory which was there reported to haue fallen on the Spanish side as also for some dislike conceiued against the priuileged trade of our English merchaÌ„ts Yet in the end he obtained of the Emperour many good equall conditions and was curteously and honourably dismissed by him The principall points which he entreated of and were granted vnto him by the said Emperor were these 1 A continuation of league and amitie betweene her Highnesse and the sayd Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich in like maner as was before with his father Iuan Vasilowich 2 A confirmation and reestablishment of the former priuileges of the Companie of our English merchants which were infringed and annulled in the principal points with diuers necessary additions to the same for the better ordering of their trade in those countreys hereafter viz. That the state of the priuilege granted before in the names of some priuate and particular men be altered in that point and the same granted by the name and stile of their incorporation viz. To the felowship of English merchants for the discouerie of new trades 3 That vpon euery surmise and light quarel the said priuilege be not reuoked and annulled as before time it hath bene 4 That iustice shall be administred to the said Companie and their Agent without delay vpon such as shal offer them any despite or iniurie or shal exact or impose vpon them any paiment taxation or imposition whatsoeuer contrary to the freedome of the said grant 5 That the goods commodities of the said Companie be not forcibly taken as before time they had bene by the Emperors officers or people of authoritie either for the vse of the said Emperor or of his officers But in case they haue need of the said commodities the same to be taken at reasonable prices and for ready money 6 That the said Companie be not charged hereafter with the answering of such debts as are made by any Englishman not being of the societie 7 That the Emperors authorized people shall not hereafter repute any Englishman resiant in that countrey to be any factor seruant or dealer in the said Companies affaires but such as the Agent shall inregister by name within the offices where custome is entered in all such places of the land where the sayd Companie haue residencies to traffike 8 That the names of such as shall so be inregistred be no longer continued in record nor themselues reputed as factors or dealers for the said Companie then the Agent shall thinke good But in case the said Agent in his discretion shall thinke meet to strike out of the Register any name of such as haue bene imploied in the Companies seruice the said person to be held as priuate whose acte in bargaining or otherwise shall not charge the said Companie 9 That if any English man within the countrey of Russia be suspected for any notorious crime as felony treason c. the same be not straightwaies set vpoÌ„ the Pudkey nor otherwise tormented till such time as he shall be conuicted by plaine and euident proofes which being done the whole proceeding to be sent ouer to the Queene of England 10 That the said priuilege with the additions shall be published in all townes and partes of the Emperors dominions where the said Companie haue traffike 11 That the said Companie shall be permitted to vse a sole trade through the Emperours countries by the riuer Volga into Media Persia Bogharia and the other the East countries 12 Whereas there was claimed
signet of armes to the letters which we send to so great a Prince as your Maiesty is in any of which points we would haue bene very loth willingly to haue giuen iust cause of offence thereby to our most deare and louing brother And as touching the sayd messenger Ierome Horsey we are sory that contrary to our expectation he is fallen into your Maiesties displeasure whom we minde not to mainteine in any his actions by which he hath so incurred your Maiesties mislike yet that we had reason at such time as we sent him to your Maiesty to vse his seruice as our messenger we referre our selues to your princely iudgement praying your Maiesty to reduce into your minde the especiall commendation which in your letters written vnto vs in the yeere 1585 you made of the sayd Ierome Horsey his behauiour in your dominions at which time your Maiesty was pleased to vse his seruice as your messenger to vs requiring our answere of your letters to be returned by him and by none other That imployment with other occasions taken by your Maiesty to vse the seruice of the sayd Ierome Horsey as namely in the yeere 1587 when your Maiesty sent him to vs againe with your letters and your liberall and princely priuiledge at our request granted to our merchants for which we haue heeretofore giuen thanks to your Maiesty so doe we hereby reiterate our thankefulnesse for the same mooued vs to be of minde that we could not make choise of any of our subiects so fit a messenger to your Maiesty as he whom your Maiesty had at seuerall times vsed vpon your owne occasions into this our Realme But least your highnesse should continue of the minde that the letters which you sent by our ambassador Giles Fletcher wherein some mention was made of your conceiued displeasure against the sayd Horsey came not to our hands and that wee were kept ignorant of the complaint which your Maiesty made therein against the sayd Horsey we do not deny but that we were acquainted aswell by our ambassadour as by those letters of some displeasure conceiued against him by your Maiesty but your sayd letters giuing onely a short generall mention of some misdemeanour committed by him expressing no particulars we were of opinion that this offence was not so hainous as that it might vtterly extinguish all your former princely fauour towards him but that vpon his humble submission to your Maiesty or vpon better examination of the matter of the displeasure conceiued against him the offence might haue beene either remitted or he thereof might haue cleared himselfe And to that end we were not onely by his great importunity long sollicited but by the intercession of some of our Nobility giuing credit to his owne defence we were intreated on his behalfe to vse his seruice once againe into Russia as our messenger to your Maiesty whereby he might haue opportunity to cleare himselfe and either by his answere or by his submission recouer your Maiesties former fauour whereunto our princely nature was mooued to yeeld wishing the good of our subiect so farre foorth as his desert might carry him or his innocencie cleare him Thus noble Prince our most louing and dearest brother it may appeare vnto your Maiesty how we were induced to vse the seruice of the sayd messenger aswell for the recouery of your Maiesties fauor towards him if he had bene found woorthy of it as for experience of the maners and fashions of your countrey where he hath bene much conuersant But sith by your Maiesties letters it appeareth that he hath not cleared himselfe in your Maiesties sight we meane not to vse him in any such price hereafter And as touching your Maiesties conceit of the breuitie which we vsed in the setting downe of your Maiesties stile and titles of honour as nothing is further from vs then to abridge so great and mighty a Prince of the honour due vnto him whom we holde for his greatnesse to deserue more honour then we are able to giue him so shall we need no further nor surer argument to cleare vs of the suspition of the detracting from your Maiesty any part of your iust and princely honor and greatnesse then the consideration of our owne stile which is thus contracted videlicet Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. which kingdomes and dominions of ours are expressed by these generall words videlicet England France and Ireland in euery of which there are seuerall principalities dukedomes earledomes prouinces and countreys which being seuerally expressed would enlarge much our stile and make it of great length which by our progenitours hath not bene vsed notwithstanding we thinke it no dishonour to vs compendiously to abridge the same in all our writings and letters written to what Prince King or Potentate soeuer Whereupon we inferre that holding your Maiesties generall stile we offer your Highnesse no dishonour in not expressing all the particular prouinces albeit we can willingly content our selfe vpon the knowledge of your vsages and customes to obserue that course which your selfe shall thinke most honourable And for the sealing vp of our letters which we write to all our allies kinsemen and friends Kings and Princes we haue in vse two seuerall seales both which we esteeme alike honourable bring our princely seales And as the volume of our letters falleth out to be great or small so accordingly is our greater or lesser seale annexed to the sayd letters without esteeming either of them more or lesse honourable then the other So as our most louing and dearest brother in the said letters there was nothing done of purpose to detract from your Maiesty any thing of the vsuall regard which our Highnesse was woont to yeeld vnto your most noble father of famous memory Iuan Basiliuich Emperor of al Russia or to your selfe our dearest brother For the residue of the points of your Maiesties letters concerning the entertainement of our ambassadour and proceeding in the cause of Anthonie Marsh we holde our selfe satisfied with your princely answere and doe therein note an honourable and princely care in your Maiestie to preuent the like troubles controuersies and sutes that Marshes cause stirred vp betweene our merchants and your subiects which is that your Maiestie doeth purpose from time to time to purge your Countrey of such straglers of our subiects as doe or shall hereafter abide there and are not of the Company of our merchants but contemptuously depart out of our land without our Highnesse licence of which sort there are presented vnto vs from our merchants the names of these seuerall persons videlicet Richard Cocks Bennet Iackman Rainold Kitchin Simon Rogers Michael Lane Thomas Worsenham whom it may please your Maiesty by your princely order to dismisse out of your land that they may be sent home in the next shippes to auoid the mislike which their residence in those parts might breed to the
all other will receiue no colour notwithstanding there is some such thing reported by Theophrastus namely that there is a riuer in Macedonia which maketh blacke sheepe white Also that Norway pamphlet called the Roiall looking-glasse which I mentioned before doth attribute these fountains to Ireland which is also called Hybernia and not to Island Which peraduenture deceiued the Reader reading in a strange language S in stead of R. That likewise deserueth no better credite which another Author writeth That there is a certaine great stone in Island which runneth vp and downe the crags and clifs of mountaines by no outward force but by the owne proper and naturall motion Hee that will beleeue this what will he not beleeue For it is such a rare deuise that the Epicures themselues who yet seemed to Lucian to haue fained many incredible things I am sure neuer inuented the like vnlesse perhaps the sayd Author doeth imagine that a man who is called of the Islanders by the proper name of Stein should compasse about and clime vp certaine rockes which although it be ridiculous to put into a story of wonders namely that a man should mooue or walke yet is it so to bee supposed to saue the credite of the Author that we may not more seuerely condemne that fable which is so sencelesse of it selfe and not woorthy to be read They are guiltie of the same crime also who haue found out rauens pies hares and vultures all white in Island for it is wel knowen that vultures come very seldome together with the Ise of the sea vnto vs as heares also but they seldomer then vultures and a certaine kind of crowes called by the Islanders Isakrakur But as for white pies hares and rauens Island neuer had any And these in a maner be the things which in regard of our daily busines we were able at this present to affoord as touching the former part of our treatise which were penned by me for this purpose as in the beginning I did protest that the errors of Authors concerning an vnknowen land and the affected vanitie also of some men might be disclosed for I am not desirous to diminish any mans good name but because I consecrated these my labours to trueth and to my countrey I could not chuse but shew that those things which hitherto haue bene reported by many concerning our Iland deserue very litle credite and so to addresse my selfe vnto the matters folowing concerning the Inhabitants Here endeth the first part of the Commentarie Of Island the second part concerning the Inhabitants HAuing hitherto finished the miracles of Island with certaine other particulars belonging to the first part the which while writers doe wonder at and diuersly extoll as it were the fountains of Agamemnon yea as things besides and against all nature they haue bene very carelesse both of trueth it selfe of their owne credite Now the course of the present speach doeth admonish mee to make haste vnto the other part of the treatise concerning the Inhabitants wherein what I should first say or where I should begin I am altogether ignorant For there be such monstrous and so many mocks reproches skoffes and taunts of certaine men against vs poore Islanders dwelling in the vtmost parts of the world and amongst these also some things of theirs who take vpon them to professe most simple trueth namely Historiographers insomuch that to reckon vp the particulars were nothing els but to tell the drops of the Icarian sea But as I said in the beginning we will not deale alike seuerely with all For although Krantius Munsterus Frisius others haue written many things too boldly of our nation yet hauing otherwise deserued wel of learning by their monuments they shal be still in y e same reputation w t vs that they are worthy of Howbeit in the meane time although a man would free theÌ„ from the marke of slanderers yet is it no small matter that they should broch certaine sencelesse impossible ridiculous things such as those are which we haue hitherto laid downe as also that they should record in histories prophane and horrible vntrueths some of which kind shal now immediately be discussed As for others whatsoeuer they be who vpbraid the nation of Islanders with daily reproches they are to haue that answere in a readinesse which such men deserue In the number of whom that scoffer is to be accounted who by a company of rimes publisheâ— in the Germane tongue to the disgrace of our countrey hath brought his name into â—uerlasting ignominiâ— Wherefore as our present businesse requireth while we are in hand with the writings of Authors concerning this matter although we meet with some things containing litle reproch notwithstanding we will examine most of them noting the errors as hitherto wee haue done In the meane time also when they shall alleage any trueth we will in no case dissemble it And after this maner first we will heare Munster Krantzius and Frisius and others also if there be any more what they haue to say reiecting that Parot and his Dutch rimes infected with fell slander â—â—â—e is woorthy vnto the last place First therefore the sayd Authors write concerning the faith or religion of the Islanders and secondly of their Maners Customes and course of life in maner folowing The first Section Adalbert Metropolitane of Hamburg in the yeere of Christ 1070. saw the Islanders conuerted vnto Christianitie albeit before the receiuing of Christian faith they liued according to the lawe of nature and did not much differ from our lawe therefore at their humble request he appointed a certaine holy man named Islief to be their first Bishop KRantzius in these words and Munster other where doe seeme to attribute vnto the Islanders the prerogatiue of Christian faith and they should deale both beseeming themselues and the trueth if they did not in other places depriue vs of the same For to speake of Krantzius anone that which Munster before reported concerning our faith or opinion about the place and situation of hell is very farre from Christian pietie namely to be desirous to prie into those secrets which God hath kept close vnto himselfe alone and which his pleasure is should exceed our capacitie for there is not any thing found in the holy Scriptures of this matter where the place and situation of hell or of eternall fire prepared for the deuill and his angels and so for all damned soules is bounded or compassed about The holy Bible I say assigneth no locall or badily situation beneath the earth or vpon the earth or in any other place of this world to that prison of the damned but it affirmeth that this earth shall perish and that a new earth and new heauens shall be created for the habitation of iust and holy men Reuel 2.2 Pet. 3. and Esay 65. wherefore a Christian man willingly giueth ouer to search into such hidden secrets and he accounteth it vnlawful to
the streits of Mecca for Ormus and other places and these be shippes of the Moores and of Christians But the Moores cannot passe except they haue a passeport from the Portugales Cambaietta is the chiefe citie of that prouince which is great and very populous and fairely builded for a towne of the Gentiles but if there happen any famine the people will sell their children for very little The last king of Cambaia was Sultan Badu which was killed at the siege of Diu and shortly after his citie was taken by the great Mogor which is the king of Agra and of Delli which are fortie dayes iourney from the country of Cambaia Here the women weare vpon their armes infinite numbers of rings made of Elepsants teeth wherein they take so much delight that they had rather be without their meate then without their bracelets Going from Diu we come to Daman the second towne of the Portugales in the countrey of Cambaia which is distant from Diu fortie leagues Here is no â—rade but of corne and rice They haue many villages vnder them which they quietly possesse in time of peace but in time of warre the enemie is maister of them From thence we passed by Basaim and from Basaim to Tana at both which places is small trade but only of corne and rice The tenth of Nouember we arriued at Chaul which standeth in the firme land There be two townes the one belonging to the Portugales and the other to the Moores That of the Portugales is neerest to the sea and commaundeth the bay and is walled round about A little aboue that is the towne of the Moores which is gouerned by a Moore king called Xa-Maluco Here is great traffike for all sortes of spices and drugges silke and cloth of silke sandales Elephants teeth and much China worke and much sugar which is made of the nutte called Gagara the tree is called the palmer which is the profitablest tree in the worlde it doth alwayes beare fruit and doth yeeld wine oyle sugar vineger cordes coles of the leaues are made thatch for the houses sayles for shippes mats to sit or lie on of the branches they make their houses and broomes to sweepe of the tree wood for shippes The wine doeth issue out of the toppe of the tree They cut a branch of a bowe and binde it hard and hange an earthen pot vpon it which they emptie euery morning and euery euening and still it and put in certaine dried raysins and it becommeth very strong wine in short time Hither many shippes come from all partes of India Ormus and many from Mecca heere be manie Moores and Gentiles They haue a very strange order among them they worshippe a cowe and esteeme much of the cowes doung to paint the walles of their houses They will kill nothing not so much as a louse for they holde it a sinne to kill any thing They eate no flesh but liue by rootes and ryce and milke And when the husbande dieth his wife is burned with him if shee be aliue if shee will not her head is shauen and then is neuer any account made of her after They say if they should be buried it were a great sinne for oâ— their bodies there would come many wormes and other vermine and when their bodies were consumed those wormes would lacke sustenance which were a sinne therefore they will be burned In Cambaia they will kill nothing nor haue any thing killed in the towne they haue hospitals to keepe lame dogs and cats and for birds They will giue meat to the Ants. Goa is the most principal citie which the Portugals haue in India wherin the Uiceroy remaineth with his court It standeth in an Iland which may be 25. or 30. miles about It is a fâ—â—e citie and for an Indian towne very faire The Iland is very faire full of orchards and gardens and many palmer trees and hath some villages Here bee many marchants of all nations And the Fleete which commeth euery yeere from Portugal which be foure fiue or sixe great shippes commeth first hither And they come for the most part in September and remaine there fortie or fiftie dayes and then goe to Cochin where they lade their Pepper for Portugall Oftentimes they lade one in Goa the rest goe to Cochin which is from Goa an hundred leagues southward Goa standeth in the countrey of Hidalcan who lieth in the countrey sixe or seuen dayes iourney His chiefe citie is called Bisapor At our comming we were cast into the prison and examined before the Iustice and demanded for letters and were charged to be spies but they could prooue nothing by vs. We continued in prison vntill the two and twentie of December and then we were set at libertie putting in sureties for two thousand duckats not to depart the towne which sureties father Steuens an English Iesuite which we found there another religious maÌ„ a friend of his procured for vs. Our sureties name was Andreas Taborer to whom we paid 2150. duckats and still he demaunded more whereupon we made sute to the Uiceroy and Iustice to haue our money againe considering that they had had it in their hands neere fiue moneths and could prooue nothing against vs. The Uiceroy made vs a very sharpe answere and sayd wee should be better sifted before it were long and that they had further matter against vs. Whereupon we presently determined rather to seeke our liberties then to bee in danger for euer to be slaues in the country for it was told vs we should haue y e strapado Wherupon presently the fift day of April 1585. in the morning we ranne from thence And being set ouer the riuer we went two dayes on foote not without feare not knowing the way nor hauing any guide for we durst trust none Oue of the first townes which we came vnto is called Bellergan where there is a great market kept of Diamants Rubies Saphires and many other soft stones From Bellergan we went to Bisapor which is a very great towne where the king doeth keepe his court Hee hath many Gentiles in his court and they bee great idolaters And they haue their idols standing in the Woods which they call Pagodes Some bee like a Cowe some like a Monkie some like Buffles some like peacockes and some like the deuill Here be very many elephants which they goe to warre withall Here they haue good store of gold and siluer their houses are of stone very faire and high From hence wee went for Gulconda the king whereof is called Cuâ—up de lashach Here and in the kingdome of Hidalcan and in the countrey of the king of Decan bee the Diamants found of the olde water It is a very faire towne pleasant with faire houses of bricke and timber it aboundeth with great store of fruites and fresh water Here the men and the women do go with a cloth bound about their middles without any more apparell
voyages The one was when I was master in the great Barke Aucher for the Leuant in which voyage I went not but the causes they did not know of my let from the same nor of the other But first the very trueth is that I was from the same voyage letted by the Princes letters which my Master Sebastian Gabota had obtained for that purpose to my great griefe And as touching the second voyage which I inuented for the trade of Barbarie the liuing God knoweth that I say most true that when the great sweate was whereon the chiefe of those with whom I ioyned in that voyage died that is to say Sir Iohn Lutterell Iohn Fletcher Henry Ostrich and others I my selfe was also taken with the same sweate in London and after it whether with euill diet in keeping or how I know not I was cast into such an extreame feuer as I was neither able to ride nor goe and the shippe being at Portesmouth Thomas Windam had her away from thence before I was able to stand vpon my legges by whom I lost at that instant fourescore pound Besides I was appointed by them that died if they had liued to haue had the whole gouernment both of shippe and goods because I was to them the sole inuenter of that trade In the first voyage to Barbary there were two Moores being noble men whereof one was of the Kings blood conuayed by the said Master Thomas Windham into their Countrey out of England Yours humble at your commandement Iames Alday The second voyage to Barbary in the yeere 1552. Set foorth by the right worshipfull Sir Iohn Yorke Sir William Gerard Sir Thomas Wroth Master Frances Lambert Master Cole and others Written by the relation of Master Iames Thomas then Page to Master Thomas Windham chiefe Captaine of this voyage THe shippes that went on this voyage were three whereof two were of the Riuer of Thames That is to say the Lyon of London whereof Master Thomas Windham was Captaine and part owner of about an hundred fiftie tunnes The other was the Buttolfe about fourescore tunnes and a Portugall Carauel bought of certaine Portugals in Newport in Wales and fraighted for this voyage of summe sixtie tunnes The number of men in the Fleete were an hundred and twentie The Master of the Lyon was one Iohn Kerry of Mynhed in Somersetshire his Mate was Dauâ—i Landman The chiefe Captaine of this small Fleete was Master Thomas Windham a Norffolke gentleman borne but dwelling at Marshfield-parke in Somerset shire This Fleete departed out of King-rode neere Bristoll about the beginning of May 1552. being on a Munday in the morning and the Munday fortnight next ensuing in the euening came to an ancker at their first port in the roade of Zafia or Asafion the coast of Barbarie standing in 32. degrees of latitude and there put on land part of our marchandise to be conueicd by land to the citie of Marocco which being done and hauing refreshed our selues with victuals and water we went to the second port called Santa Cruz where we discharged the rest of our goods being good quantitie of linnen and woosten cloth corall amber Iet and diuers other things well accepted of the Moores In which road we found a French ship which not knowing whether it were warre or peace betweene England and France drewe her selfe as neere vnder the towne wals as she could possible crauing aide of the towne for her defence if need were which in deed seeing vs draw neere shot at vs a piece from the wals which came ouer the Lion our Admirall between the maine maste her foremast Whereupon we comming to an anker presently came a pinnes aboord vs to know what we were who vnderstanding that we had bene there the yere before came with the good leaue of their king in marchant wise were fully satisfied and gaue vs good leaue to bring our goods peaceably on shore where the Uiceroy whose name was Sibill Manache within short time after came to visite vs and vsed vs with all curtesie But by diuers occasions we spent here very neere three moneths before we could get in our lading which was Sugar Dates Almonds and Malassos or sugar Syrrope And for all our being here in the heate of the Sommer yet none of our company perished by sicknesse Our ships being laden wee drew into the Sea for a Westerne wind for England But being at sea a great leake fell vpon the Lion so that we were driuen to Lancerota and Forteuentura where betweene the two Ilands we came to a road whence wee put on land out of our sayd ship 70. chestes of Sugar vpon Lancerota with some dozen or sixteene of our company where the inhabitants supposing we had made a wrongfull prize of our carauell suddenly came with force vpon our people among whom I my selfe was one tooke vs prisoners and spoiled the sugars which thing being perceiued from our ships they manned out three boates thinking to rescue vs and draue the Spaniards to flight whereof they slew eighteene and tooke their gouernour of the Iland prisoner who was a very aged gentleman about 70. yeeres of age But chasing the enemie so farre for our recouerie as pouder and arrowes wanted the Spaniardes perceiuing this returned and in our mens retire they flew sixe of them Then a Parle grew in the which it was agreed that we the prisoners should be by them restored and they receiue their olde gouernour giuing vs a testimonie vnder his and their hands what damages wee had there receiued the which damages were here restored and made good by the king of Spaine his marchants vpon our returne into England After wee had searched and mended our leake being returned aboord we came vnder saile and as wee were going to the sea on the one side of the Iland the Cacafuego and other ships of the king of Portugals Armada entered at the other and came to anker in the road from whence we were but newly departed and shot off their great ordinance in our hearing And here by the way it is to bee vnderstood that the Portugals were much offended with this our new trade into Barbarie and both in our voiage the yeere before as also in this they gaue out in England by their marchants that if they tooke vs in those partes they would vse vs as their mortall enemies with great threates and menaces But by God and good prouidence wee escaped their handes From this Iland shaping our course for England we were seuen or eight weekes before we could reach the coast of England The first port wee entered into was the hauen of Plimmouth from whence within short time wee came into the Thames and landed our marchandise at London about the ende of the moneth of October 1552. A voiage made out of England vnto Guinea and Benin in Affrike at the charges of certaine marchants Aduenturers of of the Citie of London in the yeere of our Lord 1553.
3. ships and a Pinnesse to the Isles of Dominica Saint Iuan de puerto rico Hispaniola and to the Bay of the Honduras begun in Ianuary 1591. pag. 567 The voyage of M. William king Captaine M. Moore M. How M. Boreman being owners in the Salomon of 200. tunnes and the Iane Bonauenture of 40. tunnes set foorth from Ratcliffe 1592. pag. 570 The voyage of Henry May one of M. Iames Lancaster his company in his nauigation to the East Indies 1591 1592 who in his returne with M. Lancaster by the yles of Trinidad Mona Hispaniola was about Cape Tiburon taken into a French ship vnder the conduct of Capitan de la barbotiero which ship was cast away vpoÌ„ the yles of Bermuda where all the company that escaped drowning remained for certain moneths built themselues a barke sailed to Newfoundland and so home 1593. pag. 573. 574 The voyage of sir Robert Duddeloâ— to the yle of Trinidad and the coast of Paria with his returne homeward by the yles of Granata Santa Cruzâ— Sant Iuan de puerto rico Mona Zacheo the sholdes called Abre ojos and the yle of Bermuda Anno 1594. 1595. pag. 574 The voyage of sir Amias Preston and Captaine George Sommers to the West Indies begun in March 1595 wherein diuers ylands cities townes and forts were part taken and ransomed and part burned pag. 578 The last voyage of sir Francis Drake sir Iohn Hawkins intended for some special seruices on the ylands and maine of the West Indies Anno 1595. In which voyage both the foresaide knights died by sicknes pag. 583 The voyage of siâ— Antony Sherley to S. Iago Dominica Margarita along the coast of Tierra firma to the yle of Iamaica the bay of the Honduras 30. leagues vp Rio dolce and homeward by Newfoundland 1596. pag. 598 The voyage of M. William Parker of Plimmouth to Margarita Iamaica Truxillo Puerto de cauallos c. with his surprize of Campeche the chiefe towne of Iucatan An. 1596 1597. p. 602 The discourses letters intelligences obseruations and principall rutâ—iers belonging to the voyages next before mentioned THe opinion of Don Aluaro Baçan marques of Santa Cruz and high admirall of Spaine touching the flâ—et of sir Francis Drake lying at the isles of Bayona on the coast of Galicia written in Liâ—bon the â—6 of October 1585 after the account of Spaine pag. 532 A resolution of the principall land-captaines which accompanied sir Francis Drake in his memorable voyage to the West Indies 1585 what course they thought most expedient to be taken Giuen at Cartagena the 17 of February 1585. pag. 543 A relation of the surueying new buildingâ— finishing making and mending of certeine ports harboursâ— forts and cities in the West Indies written by Baptista Antonio the king of Spaines surueyour in those parts 1587. pag. 548 Twelue Spanisâ— letters written from diuers places of the islands and of the maine land aswell of Nueua Espanna as of Tierra firma and Perú intercepted by the ships of the worshipfull M. Iohn Wats disclosing many secrets toâ—ching the aforesayd countreys and the state of the South sea and the trade to the Philippinas pag. 557. and the pages following The interpretation of certeine words of the language of Trinidad annexed to the voyage of sir Robert Duddeley pag. 577 A libell of Spanish lies written by Don Bernaldino delgadillo de Auellaneda generall of the king of Spaines armada concerning some part of the last voyage of sir Francis Drake together with a confutation thereof by M. Henry Sauile c. pag. 591 593. An excellent ruttier for the islands of â—he West Indies and for Tierra firma and Nueua Espanna pag. 603 A principall ruttier conteining most particular directions to saile from Saint Lucar in Andaluzia by the Canaries the Antillas and the other greater Isles Westward of them to Saint Iuan de Vllua in Nueua Espanna pag. 613 A declaration of the Capes and Islands aswell of Madera the Canaries and The west Indies as of the Açores and the Isles of Cabo Verde pag. 624. A declaration of the longitudes or Westerne and Easterne distances from Spaine to New Spaine in America and from thence backe againe to Spaine pag. 626 A catalogue of certaine voyages made for the discouery of the large rich and beautifull empire of Guiana by sir Walter Ralegh and others at his charges and appointment THe voyage of sir Walter Ralegh himselfe to the Isle of Trinidad where he tooke the citie of Saint Iosepho and Don Antonio de Berreo the captaine thereof from whence with a barge and certaine boates he passed vp the bay of Guanipa the riuer of Amana one of the mouths of the great Orenoque the maine riuer of Orenoque it selfe and other riuers for the space of 400. miles and in his returne homeward sacked burnt the town of Cumaná 1595. pag. 631 The second voyage to Guiana performed and written in the yeere 1596. by Laurence Kâ—ymis gentleman pag. 672 The 3. voyage set forth by sir Waltâ—r Ralegh to Guiana with a pinnesse called The Wat begun in the yere 1596. written by M. Thomas Masham a gentleman of the company pag. 692 The Epistles Discourses Intercepted letters Obseruations and Intelligences preceding and depending vpon the voyages to Guiana THe Epistle Dedicatorie of sir Walter Ralegh to the right honourable the L. Charles Howard knight of the Garter c. and sir Robert Cecil Councellour c. pag. 627 The Epistle of sir Walter Ralegh to the reader pag. 629 An aduertisement to the Reader concerning certaine letters of the Spaniards intercepted at Sea pag. 662 Foure seuerall testimonies concerning the rich Empire of Guiana called by the Spaniards El Nueuo Dorado collected out of certaine Spanish letters taken at sea by captaine George Popham anno 1594. pag. 663 Foure personall reports of certaine Spaniards and of a Frenchman concerning El Nueuo Dorado 665. and 666 The Epistle of master Laurence Keymis to the reader pag. 667 De Guiana carmen Epicum pag. 668 A table of the names of the riuers nations townes and Caciques or captaines which were discouered in the voyage of M. Laurence Keymis before mentioned pag. 687 A catalogue of the names of those worthy Spaniards that haue sought to discouer and conquer Guiana pag. 690 An aduertisement of M. Laurence Keymis to the reader pag. 691 Three testimonies of Iosepho de Acosta concerning the mightie riuer of Amazones or Orellana and of the downefall of waters at the head thereof called El Pongo and likewise of the Empire of Dorado or Guiana and of the golden countrey of Paytiti pag. 698 A briefe description of the foresayd riuer of Amazones or Orellana and of the countries thereabout as also of the sea of fresh water taken out of an ancient discourse written by Martin Fernandez de Ençiça pag. 699 Certaine voyages nauigations and traffiques both ancient and of late to diuers places vpon the coast of Brasill THe first voyage of M.
Caribes for such things as they had And afterward they of Aramatto came off with their canoas to vs and wee went on shoare to them and from thence our Captaine sent a canoa with seuen men which had euery one of them a knife to goe backe to the riuer of Cawo and to tell Ritimo captaine of that place that because wee coulde not come to him wee would stay at Chiana for him whither wee intreated him to come to vs. So vpon Thursday the 17 wee stoode in for Chiana and came to an anker without in the bay in 3 fathoms that night and had the Caribes comming continually to vs with their canoas which brought vs great store of victuals and some Tabacco shewing themselues very kinde and louing and came all from their townes and dwelt on shoare by vs vntill Ritimo came at whose comming they returned all vp to their townes againe which was vpon the Sunday following All this day we feasted him and his traine and the next day we traffiqued with them for such things as they brought which was principally tabacco After that they had made knowen their mindes of the desire that they had to haue the English come and kill the Spaniards and to dwell in Orenoque and in the countrey they departed with their 3 canoas the next day And wee with the helpe of the Caribes of Chiana hauing by their meanes from the shoare watered because the riuers mouth was salte departed out of the bay the Thursday following passing by Macerea Couroura and Manamanora by reason of shoalds rockes and great windes being a lee shoare and for want of a good shalope wee came to an anker the next day being good Friday in fiue fathoms neere The Triangle Islands called The Careres And vpon Saturday standing to the Westward wee stopped against the towne of Maware which is a little to the Westward of the towne Comanamo from whence and from the other townes in that bayâ— which are some 6 or 7 wee had canoas come off to vs as before with such things as they had themselues in vse with parrots monkeys and cotton-wooll and flaxe From whence wee departed vpon Munday following the 28 of March 1597. And passing by the riuers of Euracco and Amano which openeth but a small riuer and is shoald off wee came to Marawinne the next day And finding a chanell of three foure and fiue fathoms wee stood into the riuer and the same day came to an anker some 2 leagues in against the mouth of Cooshepwinne which riuer goeth into Amano Into which vnderstanding that there were Arwaccawes dwelling this night we sent our boat and came to a towne called Marrac one league in And finding the people something pleasant hauing drunke much that day being as it seemed a festiuall day with them yet were they very fearefull and ready to run away at the first sight of vs hauing seldome seene any Christian before But assoone as Henry our Indian interpreter had tolde them what wee were and our intent they came to vs and vsed vs kindely and brought vs victuals and other things And the next day their captaine Mawewiron came out into Marawinne with diuers canoas traded with vs and wee went in againe to them on shore who made very much of vs and carried vs from house to house and made vs eate and drinke in euery house which we came in And the next day following being the last of March hauing the captaine of Marrack with vs wee weyed and stoode into the riuer and about two of the clocke in the afternoone came to an anker some eight leagues within the riuer a little short of a towne called Quiparia the people whereof are Caribes who when they sawe vs come toward their towne with our boate began all to runne into the woods vntill the captaine of Marrac which was with vs in the boate leaped ouerboord and swamme on shoare vnto them and told them that wee were Englishmen and came in friendship to trade with them Upon whose report they came before night sixe or seuen canoas aboord vs yet very fearefull because there was neuer either shippe or Christian seene in that riuer before The first of Aprill wee weighed agaiâ—e and stood in to the next towne called Macirâ—ia where comming to anker there came a canoa from Amano to vs with great store of victuals which canoa wee bought and because wee mette with some sholds we were loath to goe any farther with our Pinnesse so there wee mored her and the next day at three of the clocke in the afternoone eleuen of vs Master Monax hauing the gouernment of the action by the Captaines appointment with Mawerirou Henry and William of Cawo in the canoa which we bought went into the riuer farther to search it so farre as wee could and that night gatte some fiue leagues from our shippe And betweene two villages Awodwaier and Mapeributto we tooke vp our lodging in the woods The third of Aprill betimes in the morning we tooke our course still vnto the riuer and in the afternoone came to one house where wee found many Indians where wee hired another canoa and foure Indians into the which I went and one more of our men and this night gat twelue leagues farther and as before lodged among the wilde beastes On Munday the fourth of Aprill wee came to the falles of this riuer about two in the afternoone and hauing shotte vp some of the rockes wee went on shore vpon an island and there conferred of our farther proceeding And inquiring of the Indians that wee hired for our Pilots of the last house whether the falles were passable or not their first answere was that they had nothing to eate but wee being loath to loose so much labour and the sight of that vpper rich countrey which wee desired told them that they should haue victuals of vs though God knoweth wee had none for our selues who seeing vs so importunate sayde farther that the rockes would kill the canaos which they sayde because indeed they had no victuals which by some was taken for sufficient to proceede no farther and so wee left off and onely stayed some two houres vpon the island and with the swiftnesse of the current fell that night downe 10 leagues againe Though I for mine owne part offered in that small canoa that I was in being so leake that my selfe did nothing but laue out the water to lead them the way and if they sawe any danger to mee they might chuse whether they would come into it or not themselues For seeing the countrey aboue was rich as wee were informed that their bowes were handled with golde being men of an extraordinarie stature for talues wee should haue taken the more paines and haue fared the harder vntill wee had gotten vp in the countrey which wee sawe with our eyes for though wee had not victuals in any sort to cary vs vp yet the woods
sayles for their ships and litle houses and many other necessaries From thence after many dayes trauell I arriued at another kingdome called Campa a most beautiful and rich countrey abounding with all kind of victuals the king wherof at my being there had so many wiues concubines that he had 300 sonnes daughters by theÌ„ This king hath 10004 tame Elephants which are kept euen as we keepe droues of oxâ—n or flocks of sheepe in pasture Of the abundance of fishes which cast theÌ„selues vpon the shore IN this countrey there is one strange thing to be obserued y t euery seueral kind of fishes in those seas come swimming towards the said countrey in such abundance that for a great distance into the sea nothing can be seene by y e backs of fishes which casting theÌ„selues vpon the shore when they come neere vnto it do suffer men for the space of 3. daies to come to take as many of theÌ„ as they please then they returne againe vnto the sea After that kind of fishes comes another kind offering it selfe after the same maner and so in like sort all other kinds whatsoeuer notwithstanding they do this but once in a yere And I demaunded of the inhabitants there how or by what meanes this strange accident could come to passe They answered that fishes were taught euen by nature to come to do homage vnto their Emperour There be Tortoises also as bigge as an ouen Many other things I saw which are incredible vnlesse a man should see them with his own eies In this country also dead men are burned their wiues are burned aliue with them as in the city of Polumbrum aboue mentioned for the men of that country say that she goeth to accompany him in another world that he should take none other wife in mariage Moreouer I traueled on further by the ocean-sea towards the south passed through many countries and islands wherof one is called Moumoran it coÌ„taineth in compasse ii M. miles wherin men women haue dogs faces and worship an oxe for their god and therefore euery one of them cary the image of an oxe of gold or siluer vpon their foreheads The men and the women of this country go all naked sauing that they hang a linen cloth before their priuities The men of the said country are very tall and mighty and by reason that they goe naked when they are to make battell they cary yron or steele-targets before them which do couer and defend their bodies from top to toe and whomsoeuer of their foes they take in battel not being able to ransom himselfe for money they presently deuoure him but if he be able to redeeme himselfe for money they let him go free Their king weareth about his necke 300. great and most beautifull vnions and saith euery day 300. prayers vnto his god He weareth vpon his finger also a stone of a span long which seemeth to be a flame of fire and therefore when he weareth it no man dare once approch vnto him and they say that there is not any stone in the whole world of more value then it Neither could at any time the great Tartarian Emperour of Katay either by force money or poliâ—ie obtaine it at his hands notwithstanding that he hath done the vemost of his indeuour for this purpose Of the island of Sylan and of the mountaine where Adam mourned for his sonne Abel I Passed also by another island called Sylan which contâ—ineth in coÌ„passe aboue ii M. miles wherin are an infinit number of sâ—rpents great store of lions beares al kinds of rauening wild beasts and especially of elephants In the said country there is an huge mountaine whereupon the inhabitants of that regioÌ„ do report that Adam mourned for his son Abel y e space of 500. yeres In the midst of this mouÌ„tain there is a most beautiful plain wherin is a litle lake coÌ„teining great pleÌ„ty of water which water y t inhabitants report to haue procâ—edâ—d froÌ„ the teares of Adam Eue howbeit I proued that to be false because I saw the water flow in the lake This water is ful of hors-leeches blood-suckers of precious stones also which precious stones the king taketh not vnto his owne vse buâ— once or twise euery yere he permitteth certaine poore people to diue vnder the water for y e said stones al that they can get he bestoweth vpon them to the end they may pray for his soule But y t they may with lesse danger diue vnder the water they take limons which they pil anointing themselues throughly with the iuice therof so they may diue naked vnder y e water the hors-leâ—ches not being able to hurt them From this lake the water runneth â—uâ—n vnto the sea and at a low ebbe the inhabitants dig rubies diamonds pearls other precious stones out of the shore wherupon it is thought that y e king of this island hath greater abuÌ„dance of pretious stones then any other monarch in the whole earth besids In the said country there be al kinds of beasts and foules the people told me that those beasts would not inuade nor hurt any stranger but only the natural inhabitants I saw in this island fouls as big as our country geese hauing two heads and other miraculous things which I will not here write off Traueling on further toward the south I arriued at a certain island called Bodin which signifieth in our language vnclean In this island there do inhabit most wicked persons who deuour eat raw flesh coÌ„mitting al kinds of vncleannes abominations in such sort as it is incredible For the father eateth his son the son his father the husband his owne wife the wife her husband and that after this maner If any mans father be sick the son straight goes vnto the sooth-saying or prognosticating priest râ—questing him to demand of his god whether his father shall recouer of that infirmity or no Then both of them go vnto an idol of gold or of siluer making their praiers vnto it in maner folowing Lord thou art our god thee we do adore beseeching thee to resolue vs whether such a man must die or recouer of such an infirmity or no Then the diuel answereth out of y e foresaid idol if he saith he shal liue then returneth his son and ministreth things necessary vnto him til he hath attained vnto his former health but if he saith he shal die then goes y e priest vnto him putting a cloth into his mouth doth strangle him therewith which being done he cuts his dead body into morsels al his friends and kinsfolks are inuited vnto the eating thereof with musique and all kinde of mirth howbeit his bones are solemnely buried And when I found fault with that custome demanding a reason thereof one of them gaue me this answere this we doe least the wormes should eat his flesh
for then his soule should suffer great torments neither could I by any meanes remooue them from that errour Many other nouelties and strange things there bee in this countrey which no man would credite vnles he saw them with his owne eyes Howbeit I before almighty God do here make relation of nothing but of that only whereof I am as sure as a man may be sure Concerning the foresaid islands I inquired of diuers wel-experienced persons who al of them as it were with one consent answered me saying That this India contained 4400. islands vnder it or within it in which islands there are sixtie and foure crowned kings and they say moreouer that the greater part of those islands are wel inhabited And here I conclude coÌ„cerning that part of India Of the vpper India and of the prouince of Mancy FIrst of al therefore hauing traueled many dayes iourney vpoÌ„ the Ocean-sea toward the East at length I arriued at a certaine great prouince called Mancy being in Latine named India Concerning this India I inquired of Christians of Saracens of Idolaters and of al such as bare any office vnder the great Can. Who all of them with one consent answered that this prouince of Mancy hath mo then 2000. great cities within the precincts thereof that if aboundeth with all plenty of victuals as namely with bread wine rise flesh and fish All the men of this prouince be artificers marchants who though they be in neuer so extreme penurie so long as they can helpe themselues by the labor of their hands wil neuer beg almes of any man The men of this prouince are of a faire and comely personage but somewhat pale hauing their heads shauen but a litle but the women are the most beautiful vnder the sunne The first city of y e said India which I came vnto is called Ceuskalon which being a daies iourney distant froÌ„ the sea stands vpon a riuer the water whereof nere vnto the mouth where it exonerateth it selfe into the sea doth ouâ—rflow the land for the space of 12. daies iourney All the inhabitants of this India are worshippers of idols The foresaid city of Ceuskalon hath such an huge nauy belonging thereunto that no man whould beleeue it vnlesse he should see it In this city I saw 300. li. of good new ginger sold for lesse then a groat There are the greatest and the fairest greese most plenty of them to be sold in al the whole world as I suppose they are as white as milke and haue a bone vpon the crowne of their heads as bigge as an egge being of the colour of blood vnder their throat they haue a skin or bag hanging downe halfe a foot They are exceeding fat wel sold. Also they haue ducks and hens in that country one as big as two of ours There be moÌ„strous great serpents likewise which are taken by the inhabitants eaten whereupon a solemne feast among them without serpents is nought set by and to be briefe in this city there are al kinds of victuals in great abundance From thence I passed by many cities at length I came vnto a city named Caitan wherin y e friers Minorites haue two places of aboad vnto the which I transported the bones of the dead friers which suffred martyrdom for the faith of Christ as it is aboue mentioned In this city there is abundance of al kind of victuals very cheap The said city is as big as two of Bononia in it are many monasteries of religious persons al which do worship idols I my selfe was in one of those Monasteries it was told me that there were in it iii. M. religious men hauing xi M. idols and one of y e said idols which seemed vnto me but litle in regard of the rest was as big as our Christopher These religious men euery day do feed their idol-gods wherupon at a certaine time I went to behold the banquet and indeed those things which they brought vnto them were good to eat fuming hote insomuch that the steame of the smoke thereof ascended vp vnto their idols they said that their gods were refreshed with the smoke howbeit all the meat they conueyed away eating it vp their owne selues and so they fed their dumb gods with the smoke onâ—ly Of the citie Fuco TRaueling more eastward I came vnto a city named Fuco which conteineth 30. miles in circuit wherin be exceeding great faire cocks and al their hens are as white as the very snow hauing wol in stead of feathers like vnto sheep It is a most stately beautiful city standeth vpon the sea Then I went 18. daies iourney on further passed by many prouinces cities and in the way I went ouer a certain great mountaine vpon y e one side whereof I beheld al liuing creatures to be as black as a cole the men and women on that side differed somwhat in maner of liuing froÌ„ others howbeit on the other side of the said hil euery liuing thing was snow-white the inhabitants in their maner of liuing were altogether vnlike vnto others There all maried women cary in token that they haue husbands a great trunke of horne vpon their heads From thence I traueiled 18. dayes iourney further and came vnto a certaine great riuer and entered also into a city whereunto belongeth a mighty bridge to passe the said riuer And mine hoste with whom I soiourned being desirous to shew me some sport said vnto me Sir if you will see any fish taken goe with me Then hee led me vnto the foresaid bridge carying in his armes with him certaine diue-doppers or water-foules bound vnto a company of poles and about euery one of their necks he tied a threed least they should eat the fish as fast as they tooke them and he caried 3. great baskets with him also then loosed he the diue-doppers from the poles which presently went into the water within lesse then the space of one houre caught as many fishes as filled the 3. baskets which being full mine hoste vntyed the threeds from about their neckes and entering the second time into the riuer they fed themselues with fish and being satisfied they returned and suffered themselues to be bound vnto the saide poles as they were before And when I did eate of those fishes me thought they were exceeding good Trauailing thence many dayes iourneys at length I arriued at another city called Canasia which signifieth in our language the city of heauen Neuer in all my life did I see so great a citie for it conteineth in circuit an hundreth miles nâ—ithâ—â— sawe I any plot thereof which was not throughly inhabited yea I sawe many houses of tenne or twelue stories high one aboue another It hath mightie large suburbs containing more people then the citie it selfe Also it hath twelue principall gates and about the distance of eight miles in the high