which by report haue lien there since Noes flood And thus proceeding forward the nineteenth day in the morning I came into a town called Yemps an hundred verstes from Colmogro All this way along they make much tarre pitch and ashes of Aspen trees From thence I came to a place called Vstiug an ancient citie the last day of August At this citie meete two riuers the one called Iug and the other Sucana both which fall into the aforesaid riuer of Dwina The riuer Iug hath his spring in the land of the Tartars called Cheremizzi ioining to the countrey of Permia and Succana hath his head from a lake not farre from the citie of Vologda Thus departing from Vstiug and passing by the riuer Succana we came to a towne called Totma About this place the water is verie shallow and stonie and troublesome for Barkes and boats of that countrey which they call Nassades and Dosneckes to passe that way wherein marchandise are transported from the aforesayd Colmogro to the citie of Vologhda These vessels called Nassades are very long builded broade made and close aboue flatte bottomed and draw not aboue foure foote water and will carrie two hundred tunnes they haue none iron appertaining to them but all of timber and when the winde serueth they are made to sayle Otherwise they haue many men some to hale and drawe by the neckes with long small ropes made fast to the sayd boats and some set with long poles There are many of thâ—se barks vpon the riuer of Dwina And the most part of them belongeth vnto the citie of Vologhda for there dwell many marchants and they occupie the said boates with carying of salte from the sea side vnto the sayd Vologhda The twentieth of September I came vnto Vologhda which is a great citie and the riuer passeth through the midst of the same The houses are builded with wood of Firretrees ioyned one with another and round without the houses are foure square without any iron or stone worke couered with birch barkes and wood ouer the same Their Churches are all of wood two for euery parish one to be heated for Winter and the other for Summer On the toppes of their houses they laye much earth for feare of burning for they are sore plagued with fire This Vologhda is in 59 degrees eleuen minutes and is from Colmogro 1000 verstes All the way I neuer came in house but lodged in the wildernesse by the riuers side and caried prouision for the way And he that will trauell those wayes must carie with him an hatchet a tinder bore and a kettle to make fire and seethe meate when he hath it for there is small succour in those parts vnlesse it be in townes The first day of December I departed from Vologhda in posse in a sled as the maner is in Winter And the way to Moscua is as followeth From Vologhda to Commelski 27 verstes so to Olmor 25 verstes so to Teloytske 20 verstes so to Vre 30 verstes so to Voshansko 30 verstes then to Yeraslaue 30 verstes which standeth vpon the great riuer Volga so to Rostoue 50 verstes then to Rogarin 30 verstes so to Peraslaue 10 verstes which is a great towne standing hard by a faire lake From thence to Dowbnay 30 versâ—es so to Godoroke 30 verstes so to Owchay 30 verstes and last to the Mosco 25 verstes where I arriued the sixt day of December There are 14 postes called Yannes betweene Vologhda and Mosco which are accompted 500 verstes asunder The 10 day of December I was sent for to the Emperors Castle by the sayd Emperour and deliuered my letters vnto the Secretary who talked with me of diuers matters by the commandement of the Emperour And after that my letters were translated I was answered that I was welcome and that the Emperour would giue me that I desired The 25 day being the day of the natiuitie I came into the Emperors presence and kissed his hand who sate aloft in a goodly chaire of estate hauing on his heade a crowne most richly decked and a staffe of gold in his hand all apparelled with golde and garnished with precious stones There sate distant from him about two yardes his brother and next vnto him a boy of twelue yeares of age who was inheritor to y e Emperor of Casan conquered by this Emperor 8 yeares past Then sate his nobilitie round about him richly apparelled with gold and stone And after I had done obeisance to the Emperour he with his own mouth calling me by my name bade me to dinner and so I departed to my lodging till dinner time which was at sixe of the clocke by candle light The Emperour dined in a fayre great hall in the midst whereof was a pillar foure square very artificially made about which were diuers tables set and at the vppermost part of the hall sate the Emperour himselfe at his table sate his brother his Uncles sonne the Metropolitane the young Emperour of Casan and diuers of his noble men all of one side There were diuers Ambassadors other strangers as well Christians as heathens diuersly apparelled to the number of 600 men which dined in the sayd hall besides 2000 Tartars men of warre which were newly come to render themselues to the Emperour were appointed to serue him in his wars against the Lieflanders but they dined in other hals I was set at a litle table hauing no stranger with me directly before the Emperors face Being thus set and placed the Emperour sent me diuers bowles of wine and meade many dishes of meat from his own hand which were brought me by a Duke and my table serued all in gold and siluer and so likewise on other tables there were set bowles of gold set with stone worth by estimation 400 pounds sterling one cup besides the plate which serued the tables There was also a Cupbord of plate most sumptuous and rich which was not vsed among the which was a piece of golde of two yardes long wrought in the toppe with towers and dragons heads also diuers barrels of gold and siluer with Castles on the bungs richly and artificially made The Emperour and all the hall throughout was serued with Dukes and when dinner was ended the Emperour called me by name gaue me drinke with his own hand so I departed to my lodging Note that when the Emperour drinketh all the company stand vp and at euery time he drinketh or tasteth of a dish of meate he blesseth himselfe Many other things I sawe that day not here noted The 4 of Ianuary which was Twelftide with them the Emperour with his brother and all his nobles all most richly apparelled with gold pearles precious stones and costly furres with a crowne vpon his head of the Tartarian fashion went to the Church in procession with the Metropolitan and diuers bishops and priests That day I was before the Emperour again
who conquered them not many yeâ—res passed for their diuersity in religion and caused not onely all the nobility gentlemen of that countrey to be put to death but also ouer and besides rased the walles of the cities townes and castles of the said realme to the intent that there should be no rebellion and for their great terror caused a turret of free stone and flints to be erected in the sayd city called Shamaki and in a ranke of flints of the sayd turret did set the heads of the sayd nobility and gentlemen then executed This city is distant from the sea side with camels seuen dayes iourney but now the same being much decayed chiefly inhabited with Armenians another city called Arrash bordering vpon the Georgians is the chiefest and most opulent in the trade of merchandise thereabouts is nourished the most abundant growth of raw silke and thither the Turks Syrians and other strangers do resort and trafficke There be also diuers good and necessary commodities to be prouided had in this sayd realme viz. galles rough and smooth cotton wooll allome and raw silke of the naturall growth of that countrey besides nere all kinde of spices and drugges and some other commodities which are brought thither from out of East India but in the lesse quantity for that they be not assured to haue vent or vtterance of the same but the chiefest commodities be there raw silks of all sorts whereof there is great plenty Not farre from the sayd city of Shamaki there was an olde castle called Gullistone now beaten downe by this Sophy which was esteemed to be one of the strongest castles in the world and was besieged by Alexander the great long time before he could win it And not farre from the sayd castle was a Nunry of sumptuous building wherein was buried a kings daughter named Ameleck Channa who slew herselfe with a knife for that her father would haue forced her she professing chastity to haue married with a king of Tartarie vpon which occasion the maidens of that countrey do resort thither once euery yere to lament her death Also in the sayd countrey there is an high hill called Quiquifs vpon the toppe whereof as it is commonly reported did dwell a great Giant named Arneoste hauing vpon his head two great hornes and eares and eyes like a Horse and a taile like a Cow It is further sayd that this monster kept a passage thereby vntill there came an holy man termed Haucoir Hamshe a kinseman to one of the Sophies who mounted the sayd hill and combating with the sayd Giant did binde not onely him in chaines but also his woman called Lamisache with his sonne named After for which victory they of that countrey haue this holy man in great reputation and the hill at this day as it is bruited sauoureth so ill that no person may come nigh vnto it but whether it be true or not I referre it to further knowledge Now to returne to the discourse of the proceeding in my voyage towards the great Sophie The 6 of October in the yeere aforesayd I with my company departed from Shamachi aforesaid and hauing iourneyed threescore miles came to a towne called Yauate wherein the king hath a faire house with orchards and gardens well replenished with fruits of all sorts By this towne passeth a great riuer called Cor which springeth in the mountaines of the Georgians passing thorow the countrey of Hircania aforesayd falleth into the Caspian or Hircan sea at a place betweene two ancient townes called Shabran and Bachu situate within the realme of Hircane and from thence issueth further passing thorow a fruitfull countrey inhabited with pasturing people which dwâ—ll in the Summer season vpon mountaines and in Winter they remooue into the valleyes without resorting to townes or any other habitation and when they remooue they doe iourney in carrauans or troops of people and cattell carrying all their wiues children and baggage vpon bullocks Now passing this wilde people ten dayes iourney comming into no towne or house the sixteenth day of October we arriued at a citie called Ardouill where we were lodged in an hospitall builded with faire stone and erected by this Sophies father named Ismael onely for the succour and lodging of strangers and other trauellers wherein all men haue victuals and feeding for man and horse for three dayes and no longer This foresayd late prince Ismael lieth buried in a faire Meskit with a sumptuous sepulchre in the same which he caused to be made in his life time This towne Ardouill is in the latitude of eight and thirtie degrees an ancient citie in the prouince of Aderraugan wherein the Princes of Persia are commonly buried and there Alexander the great did keepe his Court when he inuaded the Persians Foure dayes iourney to the Westward is the citie Tebris in olde time called Tauris the greatest citie in Persia but not of such trade of merchandise as it hath bene or as others be at this time by meane of the great inuasion of the Turke who hath conquered from the Sophie almost to the sayd citie of Tauris which the sayd Turke once sacked and thereby caused the Sophie to forsake the same and to keepe his court ten dayes iourney from thence at the sayd citie of Casbin The 21 day we departed from Ordowil aforesayd trauelling for the most part ouer mountaines all in the night season and resting in the day being destitute of wood and therefore were forced to vse for fewell the dung of horses camels which we bought deare of the pasturing people Thus passing ten dayes iourney the yere aforesayd the second day of Nouember we arriued at the foresayd citie of Casbin where the sayd Sophie keepeth his court and were appointed to a lodging not farre from the kings pallace and within two dayes after the Sophie commanded a prince called Shalli Murzey sonne to Obdolowcan king of Shiruan aforesayd to send for me to his house who asked me in the name of the said Sophy how I did and whether I were in health and after did welcome me and inuited me to dinner whereat I had great enterteinment and so from thence I returned to my lodging The next day after I sent my interpreter vnto the Sophies Secretarie declaring that I had letters directed from our most gracious Souereigne ladie the Queenes most excellent Maiestie of the Realme of England vnto the sayd Sophy and that the cause of my comming was expressed in the same letters desiring that at conuenient time I might come into his Maiesties presence who aduertising the Sophy thereof shortly after answered me that there were great affaires in hand which being finished I should come before his presence willing me in the meane time to make ready my present if I had any to deliuer At this time the great Turkes Ambassadour arriued foure dayes before my comming who was sent thither to conclude a
captaine had much talke with M. Garrard of our countrey demanding where about it did lie what countreys were neare vnto it and with whom we had traffike for by the Russe name of our countrey he could not coniecture who we should be but when by the situation he perceiued we were Englishmen he demanded if our prince were a mayden Queene which when he was certified of then quoth he your land is called Enghilterra is it not answere was made it was so whereof he was very glad when he knew the certainety He made very much of them placing M. Garrard next to himselfe and Christopher Burrough with the Russie interpretour for the Turkie tongue hard by There was a Gillan merchant with him at that present of whom he seemed to make great account him he placed next to himselfe on the other side and his gentlemen sate round about him talking together Their sitting is vpon the heeles or crosse legged Supper being brought in he requested them to eate After their potage which was made of rice was done and likewise their boyled meat there came in platters of rice sodden thiâ—ke and hony mingled withall after all which came a sheepe rosted whole which was brought in a tray and seâ— before the captaine he called one of his seruitours who cut it in pieces and laying therof vpon diuers platters set the same before the captaine then the captaine gaue to M. Garrard and his company one platter and to his gentlemen another and to them which could not well reach he cast meat from the platters which were before him Diuers questions he had with M. Garrard and Christopher Burrough at supper time about their diet inquiring whether they eat fish or flesh voluntarily or by order Their drinke in those partes is nothing but water After supper walking in the garden the captaine demanded of M. Garrard whether the vse was in England to lie in the house or in the garden and which he had best liking of he answered where it pleased him but their vse was to lie in houses whereupon the captaine caused beds to be sent into the house for them and caused his kinsman to attend on them in the night if they chanced to want any thing he himselfe with his gentlemen and souldiers lying in the garden In the morning very early he sent horse for the rest of the company which should go to Derbent sending by them that went tenne sheepe for the shippe In that village there was a Stoue into which the captaine went in the morning requesting M. Garrard to go also to the same to wash himselfe which he did Shortly after their comming out of the Stoue whilest they were at breakfast M. Turnbull M. Tailboyes and Thomas Hudson the M. of the shippe came thither and when they had all broken their fasts they went to Bachu but Christopher Burrough returned to the ship for that he had hurt his leg and could not well endure that trauell And from Bachu they proceeded towards Derbent as it was by the captaine promised being accompanied on their way for their safe conduct with a gentleman and certaine souldiers which had the captaine of Bachu his letters to the Basha of Deâ—bent very friendly writâ—en in their behalfe In their iouâ—ney to Derbent they forsooke the ordinarie wayes being very dangerous and trauelled thorow woods till they came almost to the towne of Derbent and then the gentleman road before with the captaines letters to the Basha to certifie him of the English merchants comming who receiuing the letters and vnderstanding the matter was very glad of the newes and sent forth to receiue them certaine souldiers gunners who met them abouâ— two miles out of the towne saluting them with great reuerence and afterwardes road before them then againe met them other souldiours somewhat neerer the castle which likewise hauing done their salutations road before them and then came foorth noble men captaines and gentlemen to receiue them into the castle and towne As they entred the castle there was a shot oâ— twentie pieces of great ordinance the Basha sent M. Turnbull a very faire horse with furniture to mount on esteemed to be worth an hundred markes and so they were conueyed to his presence who after he had talked with them sent for a coate of cloth of golde and caused it to be put on M. Turnbulles backe and then willed them all to depart and take their ease for that they were wearie of their iourney and on the morrow he would talke further with them The next day when y e factors came againe to the presence of the Basha according to his appointment they requesteâ— him that he would grant them his priuilege whereby they might traffike safely in any part and place of his câ—untrey offering him that if it pleased his Maiestie to haue any of the commodities that they had brought and to write his mind thereof to the captaine of Bachu it should be deliuâ—red him accorâ—ingly The Bashaes answere was that he would willingly giue them his priuilege yet for that he regarded their safetie hauing come so farre knowing â—he state of his countrey to be troublesome he would haue them to bring their commodity thither there to make sale of it promising he would prouide such commodities as they needed and that he would be a defence vnto them so that they should not be iniured by any whereupon the factors sent Thomas Hudâ—on backe for y e ship to bring her to Derbent and the Basha sent a gentleman with him to the captaine of Bachu to certifie hâ—m what was determined which message being done the captaine of Bachu and the Bashaes messenger accompanied with a doozen souldiours went from Bachu with Thomas Hudson came to the ship at Bildih the 11. day of Iune After the captaine and his men had beene aboord and seene the ship they all departed presently but the gentleman messenger from y e Basha with three other Turks remained aboord and continued in the ship till she came to Derbent the latitude of Bildih by diuers obseruations is 40. degrees 25. minuts the variation of the compasse 10. degrees 40. minuts from North to West After the returne of Thomas Hudson backe to Bildih they were constrayned to remaine there with the shippe through contrary windes vntill the 16. day of Iune foure of the clocke in the morning at which time they weyed anker set saile and departed thence towards Derbent and arriued at anker against Derbent East and by South from the sayd castle in foure fathome and a halfe water the 22. day of Iune at ten of the clocke in the morning then they tooke vp their ordinance which before they had stowed in hold for easing the shippe in her rowling In the afternoone the Basha came downe to the waterside against the shippe and hauing the said ordinance placed and charged it was all shotte off to gratifie him and presently after his departure backe he permitted the
pases yet lesse by one quarter then an English mile If the whole dominion of the Russe Emperour were all habitable and peopled in all places as it is in some he would either hardly holde it all within one regiment or be ouer mightie for all his neighbour Princes Of the Soile and Climate THe soyle of the Countrey for the most part is of a sleight sandie moulde yet very much different one place from another for the yeeld of such things as grow out of the earth The Countrey Northwards towards the parts of S. Nicholas and Cola and Northeast towards Siberia is all very barren and full of desert woods by reason of the Climate and extremitie of the colde in Winter time So likewise along the Riuer Volgha betwixt the Countreys of Cazan and Astracan where notwithstanding the soyle is very fruitfull it is all vnhabited sauing that vpon the riuer Volgha on the Westside the Emperour hath some fewe Castels with garisons in them This happeneth by meanes of the Crimme Tartar that will neither himselfe plant Townes to dwel there liuing a wild and vagrant life nor suffer the Russe that is farre off with the strength of his Countrey to people those parts From Vologda which lyeth almost 1700. verst from the port of S. Nicholas downe towards Mosco and so towards the South part that bordereth vpon the Crimme which conteineth the like space of 1700. verst or there abouts is a very fruitfull and pleasant Countrey yeelding pasture and corne with woods and waters in very great plentie The like is betwixt Rezan that lyeth Southeast from Mosco to Nouogrod and Vobsko that reach farthest towards the Northwest So betwixt Mosco and Smolensko that lyeth Southwest towards Lituania is a very fruitfull and pleasant soile The whole Countrey differeth very much from it selfe by reason of the yeere so that a man would marueile to see the great alteration and difference betwixt the Winter and the Summer Russia The whole Countrey in the Winter lieth vnder snow which falleth continually and is sometime of a yard or two thicke but greater towards the North. The Riuers and other waters are all frosen vp a yard or more thicke how swift or broade so euer they bee And this continueth commonly fiue moneths viz. from the beginning of Nouember till towardes the ende of March what time the snow beginneth to melâ—â— So that it would breede a frost in a man to looke abroad at that time and see the Winter face of that Countrey The sharpenesse of the aire you may iudge of by this for that water dropped downe or cast vp into the aire congealeth into yce before it come to the ground In the extremitie of Winter if you holde a pewter dish or pot in your hand or any other mettall except in some chamber where their warme stoaues bee your fingers will friese fast vnto it and drawe off the skinne at the pâ—rting When you passe out of a warme roome into a colde you shall sensibly feele your breath to waxe starke and euen sâ—ifeling with the colde as you drawe it in and out Diuers not onely that trauell abroad but in the very markets and streetes of their Townes are mortally pinched and killed withall so that you shall see many drop downe in the streetes many trauellers brought into the Townes sitting dead and stiffe in their Sleds Diuers lose their noses the tips of their eares and the bals of their cheekes their toes feâ—te c. Many times when the Winter is very hard and extreeme the beares and woolfes issue by troupes out of the woods driuen by hunger and enter the villages tearing and rauening all they can finde so that the inhabitants are faine to flie for safegard of their liuesâ— And yet in the Sommer time you shal see such a new hiew and face of a Countrey the woods for the most part wâ—ich are all of firre and birch so fresh and so sweete the pastures and medowes so greene and well growen and that vpon the sudden such varietie of flowers such noyse of birâ—es specially of Nightingales that seeme to be more lowde and of a more variable noâ—e then in other Couâ—treys that a man shall not lightly trauell in a more pleasant Countrey And this fresh and speedy growth of the Spring there seemeth to proceede from the benefite of the snow which all the Winter time being spread ouer the whole Countrey as a white robe and keeping it warme from the rigour of the froft in the Spring time when the Sunne waxeth warme and dissolueth it into water doeth so throughly drench and soake the ground that is somewhat of a sleight and sandie mould and then shineth so hâ—tely vpon it againe that it draweth the hearbes and plants foorth in great plentie and varietie in a very short time As the Winter exceedeth in colde so the Sommer inclineth to ouer much heat specially in the moneths of Iune Iuly and August being much warmer then the Sommer aire in England The Countrey throughout is very well watred with springs riuers and Ozeraes or lakes Wherein the prouidence of God is to be noted for that much of the Countrey being so farre inland as that some part lieth a thousand miles and more euery way from any Sea yet it is serued with faire Riuâ—rs and that in very great number that emptying themselues one into another runne all into the Sea Their lakes are many and large some of 60. 80. 100. and 200 miles long with breadth proportionate The chiefe Riuers are these First Volgha that hath his head or spring at the roote of an Aldeâ—tree about 200. verst aboue Yaruslaue and groweth so bigge by the encrease of other Riuers by that time it commeth thither that it is broad an English nule and more and so runnesh into the Caspian sea about 2800. verst or miles of length The next is Boristhenes now called Neper that diuideth the Countrey from Lituania and falleth into the Euxin sea The third Tanais or Don the ancient bounder betwixt Europe and Asia that taketh his head out of Rezan Ozera and so running through the Countrey of the Chrim Tartar falleth into the great Sea lake or meare called Maeotis by the Citie of Azou By this Riuer as the Russe reporteth you may passe from their Citie Mosco to Constantinople and so into all those parts of the world by water drawing your boate as their maner is ouer a little Isthmus or narrowe slip of land a few versts ouerthwart Which was proued not long since by an Ambassadour sent to Constantinople who passed the Riuer of Moscua and so into another called Ocka whence hee drew his boat ouer into Tanais and thence passed the whole way by water The fourth is called Duyâ—a many hundred miles long that falleth Northward into the bay of S. Nicholas and hath great Alabaster rockes on the bankes towards the sea side The fifth Duna that emptieth into the Baltick sea by the towne Riga The sixt Onega that
Towne called Taslizea The 20. we came to Nouibazar The 21. we parted froÌ„ thence trauailing stil in a countrey very ill inhabited lying in y e fields The 22. we passed within sight of Nicea The 23. we passed in sight of another towne called Circui and about those places wee began to leaue the mountaines and to enter into a very faire and fertile countrey but as euill inhabited as the other or worse The 27. we came to Sophia where wee stayed three daâ—es being our Ianizaries home and by good chance we lay in a Marchants house of Ragusa that came in company with vs from Nouibazar and also wee had in company euer since wee came from Focea a Turke which was a very good fellow and he kept company with vs till we came very neere Constantinople The first of September we came to Philippopoli which seemeth to be an ancient towne and standeth vpon the riuer of Stanuch The 4. we came to Andrinopoli a very great and ancient towne which standeth in a very large and champion countrey and there the great Turks mother doth lye being a place where the Emperous of the Turkes were wont to lye very much The 5. we lay in one of the great Cauarzaras that were built by Mahomet Bassha with so many goodly commodities The 6. we lay in another of them The 8. we came to Siliueri which by report was the last towne that remained Christian. The 9. of September wee arriued at the great and most stately Citie of Constantinople which for the situation and proude â—eate thereof for the beautifull and commodious hauen and for the great and sumptuous buildings of their Temples which they call Moschea is to be preferred before all the Cities of Europe And there the Emperour of the Turkes then liuing whose name was Amurat kept his Court and residence in a marueilous goodly place with diuers gardens and houses of pleasure which is at the least two English miles in compasse and the three parts thereof ioyne vpon the sea and on the Northeast part of the Citie on the other side of the water ouer against the Citie is the Towne of Pera where the most part of the Christians dolye And there also wee did lye And on the North part of the â—aide Towne is the Arsenal where the Galies are built and doe râ—maine And on the Southside is all the Ordinance artilerie and houses of munition Note that by the way as wee came from Ragusa to Constantinople wee left on our right hand the Countreys of Albania and Macedonia and on the left hande the countreys of Bosnia Bulgaria and the riuer of Danubius The 14. of September was the Turkes Beyram that is one of their chiefest feastes The 15. we went to the blacke Sea called Pontus Euxinus and there vpon a rocke we sawe a piller of white Marble that was set vp by Pompeius and from thence wee passed to the other side of the water vpon the shore of Asia and there we dined The 25. we departed from Constantinople The 29. we came to an ancient Towne called Cherchisea that is to say fourtie Churches which in the olde time was a very great City now full of scattered buildings The 4. of October wee came to Prouaz one dayes iourney distant from Varna vpon the Blacke Sea The 9. we came to Saxi vpon the riuer of Danubius The 10. we passed the said riuer which in that place is about a mile ouer and then we entred into the countrey of Bogdania they are Christians but subiects to the Turke The 12. we came to Palsin vpon the riuer Prut The 14. wee came to Yas the principall Towne of Bogdania where Peter the Vayuoda prince of that Countrey keepeth his residence of whom wee receiued great courtesie and of the gentlemen of his Court And he caused vs to be safe conducted through his said Countrey and conueyed without coste The 17. we came to Stepanitze The 19. we came to Zotschen which is the last towne of Bogdania vpon the riuer of Niester that parteth the said countrey from Podolia The 20. we passed the riuer of Nyester and came to Camyenetz in the countrey of Podoliâ— subiect to the king of Poland this is one of the strongest Townes by nature and situation that can be seene The 21. we came to Skala The 22. to Slothone or Sloczow The 24. to Leopolis which is in Russia alba and so is the most part of the countrey betwixt Camyenetz and it And it is a towne very well built well gouerned full of trafique and plentifull and there we stayed fiue dayes The 30. we baited at Grodecz and that night at Vilna The 31. we dined at Mostiska and that night at Rodmena The first of Nouember in the morning before day wee passed without the Towne of Iaroslaw where they say is one of the greatest faires in all Poland and chiefly of horses and that night to Rosdnoska The second to dinner at Lanczut at night to Retsboâ— The thirde to Sendxizow at night to sarnow and that night wee mette with the Palatine Laski The fourth to Vonuez and that night to Brytska The fifth to Kuhena The 6. to Cracouia the principall Citie of all Poland at which time the King was gone to Lituania for he doeth make his residence one yeere in Poland and the other in Lituania Cracouia standeth on the riuer of Vistula The 9. wee departed from Cracouia and that night wee came to a village hard by a Towne called Ilkusch where the leade Mines are The 10. wee passed by a Towne called Slawkow where there are also leade Mines and baited that day at Bendzin which is the last towne of Poland towards Silesia and there is a toll Note that all the Countreys of Poland Russia alba Podolia Bogdania and diuers other Countreys adioyning vnto them doe consume no other salt but such as is digged in Sorstyn mountaine neere to Cracouia which is as hard as any stone it is very good and goeth further then any other salt That night we lay at Bitom which is the first Towne of Silesia The 12. we passed by a great towne called Strelitz and that night we lay at Oppelen vpon the riuer of Odera The 13. we passed by Schurgasse and that night wee lay without the towne of Brigk for wee coulde not bee suffered to come in by reason of the plague which was in those partes in diuers Townes The 14. wee passed by Olaw and that night wee came to the Citie of Breslaw which is a faire towne great well built and well seated vpon the riuer of Odera The 16. we baited at Neumargâ— The 17. wee passed by Lignizt and by Hayn and that night to Buntzel The 18. wee passed by Naumburg through Gorlitz vpon the riuer of Neiss and that night lay without
were brought abroad into the City somewhat wil I say of such things as I did see therein being a gallant City and chiefe in one of the 13. shires aforesaid The City Fuquieo is very great mightily walled with square stone both within and without and as it may seeme by the breadth therof filled vp in the middle with earth layd ouer with brick couered with tyle after the maner of porches or galleries that one might dwel therein The staires they vse are so easily made that one may go them vp and downe a hors-backe as eftsoones they do the streets are paued as already it hath bin said there be a great number of Marchants euery one hath written in a great table at his doore such things as he hath to sel. In like maner euery artisane painteth out his craft the market places be large great abundance of al things there be to be sold. The city standeth vpoÌ„ water many streames run through it the banks pitched so broad that they serue for streets to the cities vse Ouer the streams are sundry bridges both of timber stone which being made leuel with the streets hinder not the passage of the barges too and fro the chanels are so deepe Where the streames come in and go out of the city be certaine arches in the wal there go in and out their Parai that is a kind of barges they haue that in the day time only at night these arches are closed vp with gates so do they shut vp al the gates of the City These streames and barges do ennoblish very much the City and make it as it were to seeme another Venice The buildings are euen wel made high not lofted except it be some wherein marchandize is laid It is a world to see how great these cities are and the cause is for that the houses are built euen as I haue said do take a great deale of roome One thing we saw in this city that made vs al to wonder and is worthy to be noted namely ouer a porch at the comming in to one of the aforesaid 4. houses which the king hath in euery shire for his gouernors as I haue erst saidâ— standeth a tower built vpon 40. pillers ech one whereof is but one stone ech one 40. handfuls or spans long in bredth or compasse 12 as many of vs did measure them Besides thisâ— their greatnesse is such in one piece that it might seeme impossible to worke them they be moreouer cornered and in colour length and breadth so like that the one nothing differeth from the other This thing made vs all to wonder very much We are wont to cal this country China and the people Chineans but as long as we were prisoners not hearing amongst them at any time that name I determined to learne how they were called and asked sometimes by them thereof for that they vnderstood vs not when we called them Chineans I answered them that al the inhabitants of India named them Chineans wherefore I praied them that they would tel me for what occasioÌ„ they are so called whether peraduenture any city of theirs bare that name Hereunto they alwayes answered me y t they haue no such name nor euer had Then did I aske them what name the whole Country beareth what they would answere being asked of other nations what countrymen they were It was told me that of ancient time in this country had bin many kings though presently it were al vnder one ech kingdom neuertheles enioyed that name it first had these kingdomes are the prouinces I spake of before In conclusion they said that the whole country is called Tamen the inhabitants Tamegines so that this name China or Chineans is not heard of in y t country I thinke that the neernesse of another prouince therabout called Cochinchina the inhabitants therof Cochinesses first discouered before China was lying not far from Malacca did giue occasion to ech of the nations of that name Chineans as also the whole country to be named China But their proper name is that aforesaid I haue heard moreouer that in the City of Nanquim reâ—aineth a table of gold and in it written a kings name as a memory of that residence the kings were wont to keepe there This table standeth in a great pallace couered alwayes except it be on some of their festiuall dayes at what time they are wont to let it be seene couered neuerthelesse as it is all the nobilitie of the City going of duetie to doe it euery day reuerence The like is done in the head Cities of all the other shires in the pallaces of the Ponchiassini wherein these aforesaid tables doe stand with the kings name written in them although no reuerence be done thereunto but in solemne feastes I haue likewise vnderstood that the City Pachin where the king maketh his abode is so great that to go from one side to the other besides the Suburbs the which are greater then the City it selfe it requireth one whole day a horseback going hackney pase In the suburbs be many wealthy marchants of all sorts They told me furthermore that it was moted about and in the motes great store of fish whereof the king maketh great gaines It was also told me that the king of China had no king to wage battel withall besides the Tartars with whom he had concluded a peace more then 80. yeres ago Neuerthelesse their friendship was not so great that the one nation might marry with the other And demanding with whom they married they said that in olde time the Chinish kings when they would marry their daughters accustomed to make a solemne feast whereunto came all sorts of men The daughter that was to be married stood in a place where she might see them all and looke whom she liked best him did she chuse to husband and if happely he were of a base condition hee became by and by a gentleman but this custome hath bene left long since Now a dayes the king marrieth his daughters at his owne pleasure with great men of the kingdome the like order he obserueth in the marriage of his sonnes They haue moreouer one thing very good and that which made vs all to marueile at them being Gentiles namely that there be hospitals in all their Cities alwayes full of people we neuer saw any poore body begge We therefore asked the cause of this answered it was that in euery City there is a great circuit wherein be many houses for poore people for blinde lame old folke not able to trauaile for age nor hauing any other meanes to liue These folke haue in the aforesaid houses euer plentie of rice during their liues but nothing else Such as be receiued into these houses come in after this maner When one is sicke blinde or lame he maketh a supplication to the Ponchiassi and prouing that to be true he writeth he remaineth in the
Lord God 1170. arriued and there planted himselfe and his Colonies and afterward returned himselfe into England leauing certaine of his people there as appeareth in an ancient Welsh Chronicle where he then gaue to certaine Ilands beastes and foules sundry Welsh names as the Iland of Pengwin which yet to this day beareth the same There is likewise a foule in the saide countreys called by the same name at this day and is as much to say in English as Whitehead and in trueth the said foules haue white heads There is also in those countreis a fruit called Gwynethes which is likewise a Welsh word Moreouer there are diuers other Welsh wordes at this day in vse as Dauid Ingram aforesaid reporteth in his relations All which most strongly argueth the sayd prince with his people to haue inhabiteâ— there And the same in effect is confirmed by Mutezuma that mightie Emperour of Mexico who in an Oration vnto his subiects the better pacifying of them made in the presence of Hernando Cortes vsed these speeches following MY kinsmen friends and seruants you doe well know that eighteene yeres I haue bene your King as my fathers and grandfathers were and alwayes I haue bene vnto you a louing Prince and you vnto me good and obedient subiects and so I hope you will remaine vnto mee all the dayes of my life You ought to haue in remembrance that either you haue heard of your fathers or else our diuines haue instructed you that wee are not naturally of this countrey nor yet our kingdome is durable because our sorefathers came from a farre countrey and their King and Captaine who brought them hither returned againe to his naturall Countrey saying that he would send such as should rule and gouerne vs if by chance he himselfe returned not câ— These be the very wordes of Mutezuma set downe in the Spanish Chronicles the which being throughly considered because they haue relation to some strange noble person who long before had possessed those countreys doe all sufficiently argue the vndoubted title of her Maiestie forasmuch as no other Nation can truely by any Chronicles they can finde make prescription of time for themselues before the time of this Prince Madoc Besides all this for further proofe of her highnesse title sithence the arriuall of this noble Briton into those parts that is to say in the time of the Queenes grandfather of worthy memory King Henry the seuenth Letters patents were by his Maiestie granted to Ioha Cabota an Italiau to Lewis Sebastian and Sancius his three sonnes to discouer remote barbarous and heathen Countreys which discouery was afterwardes executed to the vse of the Crowne of England in the sayde Kings time by Sebastian and Sancius his sonnes who were borne here in England in true testimony whereof there is a faire hauen in Newfoundland knowen and called vntill this day by the name of Sancius hauen which proueth that they first discouered vpon that coast from the height of 63 vnto the cape of Florida as appeareth in the Decades And this may stand for another title to her Maiesty but any of the foresayd titles is as much or more then any other Christian Prince can pretend to the Indies before such time as they had actuall possession thereof obtained by the discouery of Christopher Columbus and the conquest of Vasques Nunnes de Balboa Hernando Cortes Francisco Pizarro and others And therefore I thinke it needlesse to write any more touching the lawfulnesse of her Maiesties title The fourth chapter sheweth how that the trade traffike and planting in those countreys is likely to proue very profitable to the whole realme in generall NOw to shew how the same is likely to prooue very profitable and beneficiall generally to the whole realme it is very certaine that the greatest iewell of this realme and the chiefest strength and force of the same for defence or offence in marshall matter and maner is the multitude of ships masters and mariners ready to assist the most stately and royall nauy of her Maiesty which by reason of this voyage shall haue both increase and maintenance And it is well knowen that in sundry places of this realme ships haue beene built and set forth of late dayes for the trade of fishing onely yet notwâ—thstanding the fish which is taken and brought into England by the English nauy of fishermen will not suffice for the expense of this realme foure moneths if there were none els brought of strangers And the chiefest cause why our English men doe not goe so farre Westerly as the especiall fishing places doe lie both for plenty and greatnesse of fish is for that they haue no succour and knowen safe harbour in those parts But if our nation were once planted there or neere there abouts whereas they now fish but for two moneths in the yeere they might then fish so long as pleased themselues or rather at their comming finde such plenty of fish ready taken salted and dried as might be sufficient to fraught them home without long delay God granting that salt may be found there whereof Dauid Ingram who trauelled in those countreys as aforesayd sayth that there is great plenty and withall the climate doth giue great hope that though there were none naturally growing yet it might as well be made there by art as it is both at Rochel and Bayon or elsewhere Which being brought to passe shall increase the number of our shippes and mariners were it but in respect of fishing onely but much more in regard of the sundry merchandizes and commodities which are there found and had in great abundance Moreouer it is well knowen that all Sauages as well chose that dwell in the South as those that dwell in the North so soone as they shall begin but a little to taste of ciuility will take maruelous delight in any garment be it neuer so simple as a shirt a blew yellow red or greene cotten cassocke a cap or such like and will take incredible paines for such a trifle For I my selfe haue heard this report made sundry times by diuers of our countreymen who haue dwelt in the Southerly parts of the West Indies some twelue yeeres together and some of lesse time that the people in those parts are easily reduced to ciuility both in maners and garments Which being so what vent for our English clothes will thereby ensue and how great benefit to all such persons and artificers whose names are quoted in the margent I do leaue to the iudgement of such as are discreet And questionlesse heereby it will also come to passe that all such townes and villages as both haue beene and now are vtterly decayed and ruinated the poore people there of being not set on worke by reason of the transportation of raw wooll of late dayes more excessiuely then in times past shal by this meanes be restored to their pristinate wealth and estate all which doe likewise tend to the inlargement
haue pearced euen vnto the vttermost regions After this sort the North climate a fruitfull father of so many nations hath oftentimes sent foorth this way and that way his valiant people and by this meane hath peopled infinite Countreys so that most of the nations of Europe drawe their originall from these parts Contrariwise the more Southerne regions because they bee too barren by reason of their insupportable heate which raigneth in them neede not any such sending forth of their inhabitants and haue bene oftentimes constrained to receiue other people more often by force of armes then willingly All Africke Spaine and Italie can also testifie the same which neuer so abounded with people that they had neede to send them abroad to inhabite elsewhere as on the contrary Scythia Norway Gotland and France haue done The posterity of which nations remaineth yet not only in Italy Spaine Africke but also in fruitful and faire Asia Neuerthelesse I find that the Romans proceeding further or rather adding vnto these two chiefe causes aforesaid as being most curious to plant not onely their ensignes and victories but also their lawes customes religion in those prouinces which they had conquered by force of armes haue oftentimes by the decree of their soueraigne Senate sent forth inhabitants which they called Colonies thinking by this way to make their name immortall euen to the vnfurnishing of their own Countrey of the forces which should haue preserued the same in her perfection a thing which hindred them much more then aduanced them to the possession of the vniuersal monarchy whereunto their intention did a spire For it came to passe that their Colonies here and there being miserably sacked by strange people did vtterly ruine and ouerthrow their Empire The brinks of the riuer of Rhene are yet red those of Danubius are no lesse bloody and our France became fat with their blood which they lost These are the effects and rewards of al such as being pricked forward with this Romane and tyrannical ambition will goe about thus to subdue strange people effects I say contrary to the profit which those shall receiue which onely are affectioned to the common benefite that is to say to the generall policie of all men and endeuour to vnite them one with another aswell by trafficke and ciuill conuersations as also by military vertues and force of armes when as the Sauages will not yeeld vnto their endeuours so much tending vnto their profit For this cause princes haue sent forth out of their Dominions certaine men of good actiuity to plant themselues in strange Countreys there to make their profite to bring the Countrey to ciuilitie and if it might be to reduce the inhabitants to the true knowledge of our God an end so much more commendable as it is farre from all tyrannicall and cruell gouernement and so they haue alwayes thriued in their enterprises and by little and little gained the heartes of them which they haue conquered or wonne vnto them by any meanes Hereof wee may gather that sometimes it is good yea very expedient to send forth men to discouer the pleasure and commoditie of strange Countreys But so that the Countrey out of which these companies are to passe remaine not weakned nor depriued of her forces And againe in such sort that the company sent forth be of so iust sufficient number that it may not be defeited by strangers which euery foote endeuour nothing else but to surprise the same vpon the sudden As within these few daies past the French haue proued to my great griefe being able by no means possible to withstand the same considering that the elements men and all the fauours which might be hoped for of a faithfull and Christian alliance fought against vs which thing I purpose to discouer in this present historie with so euideut trueth that the kings Maiesty my soueraigne prince shall in part be satisfied of the diligence which I haue vsed in his seruice and mine aduersaries shall find themselues so discouered in their false reports that they shall haue no place of refuge But before I begin I will briefely set downe the situation and description of the land whereunto we haue sailed and where we haue inhabited from the yeere 1561. vnto sixty fiue to the ende that those things may the more easily be borne away which I meane to describe in this discourse The description of the VVest Indies in generall but chiefly and particularly of Florida THat part of the earth which at this day we call the fourth part of the world or America or rather the West India was vnknowen vnto our ancestours by reason of the great distance thereof In like maner all the Westerne Islands and fortunate Isles were not discouered but by those of our age Howbeit there haue bin some which haue said that they were discouerd in the time of Augustus Caesar and that Virgil hath made mention thereof in the sixt booke of his AEneidos when he saith There is a land beyond the starres and the course of the yeere and of the Sunne where Atlas the Porter of heauen sustaineth the pole vpon his shoulders neuerthelesse it is easie to iudge that hee meaneth not to speake of this land whereof no man is found to haue written before his time neither yet aboue a thousand yeeres after Christopher Colon did first light vpon this land in the yeere 1592. And fiue yeeres after Americus went thither by the commandement of the king of Castile and gaue vnto it his owne name whereupon afterward it was called America This man was very well seene in the Arte of Nauigation and in Astronomie whereby hee discouered in his time many lands vnknowen vnto the ancient Geographers This Countrey is named by some the land of Bresill and the lande of Parots It stretcheth it selfe according vnto Postell from the one Pole to the other sauing at the streight of Magelan whereunto it reacheth 53. degrees beyond the Equator I will diuide it for the better vnderstanding into three principall parts That which is toward the Pole Arcticke or the North is called new France because that in the yeere 1524. Iohn Verrazzano a Florentine was sent by King Francis the first and by Madam the Regent his mother vnto these newe Regions where he went on land and discouered all the coast which is from the Tropicke of Cancer to wit from the eight and twentieth vnto the fiftieth degree and farther vnto the North. Hee planted in this Countrey the Ensignes and Armes of the king of France so that the Spaniardes themselues which were there afterwarde haue named this Countrey Terra Francesca The same then extendeth it selfe in Latitude from the 25. degree vnto the 54. toward the North and in Longitude from 210. vnto 330. The Easterne part thereof is called by the late writers The land of Norumbega which beginneth at the Bay of Gama which separateth it from the Isle
to the Ambassages Letters Traffiques and prohibition of Traffiques concluding and repealing of leagues damages reprisals arrests complaints supplications compositions and restitutions which happened in the time oâ— king Richard the 2. and king Henry the 4. between the said kings and their subiects on the one partie and Conradus de Zolner Conradus de Iungingen and Vlricus de Iungingen three of the great masters of Prussia and their subiects with the common societie of the Hans-townes on the other partie In all which discourse you may note very many memorable things as namely first the wise discreet and caâ—telous dealing of the Ambassadors and Commissioners of both parts then the wealth of the foresaid nations and their manifold and most vsuall kinds of wares vttered in those dayes as likewise the qualitie burthen and strength of their shipping the number of their Mariners the maner of their combates at sea the number and names of the English townes which traded that way with the particular places as well vpon the coast of Norway as euery where within the sound of Denmark which they frequented together with the inâ—eterate malice and craftie crueltie of the Hanse And because the name office and dignitie of the masters generall or great Masters of Prussia would otherwise haue bene vtterly darke and vnknowen to the greater part of Readers I haue set downe immediatly before the first Prussian ambassage pagina 144 a briefe and orderly Catalogue of them all contayning the first originall and institution of themselues and of their whole knightly order and brotherhood with the increase of reuenues and wealth which befell them afterward in Italy and Germany and the great conquests which they atchieued vpon the infidels of Prussia Samogitia Curland Liefland Lituania c. also their decay and finall ouerthrow partly by the reuolt of diâ—ers Townes and Castles vnder their iurisdiction and partly by the meanes of their next mightie neighbour the King of Poland After all these out of 2. branches of 2. ancient statutes is partly shewed our trade and the successe thereof with diuers forren Nations in the time of K. Henry the sixt Then followeth the true processe of English policie I meane that excellent and pithy treatise de politia conseruatiua maris which I cannot to any thing more fitly compare then to the Emperour of Russia his palace called the golden Castle and described by Richard Chanceller pag. 238. of this volume whereof albeit the outward apparance was but homely and no whit correspondent to the name yet was it within so beautified and adorned with the Emperour his maiesticall presence with the honourable and great assembly of his rich-attired Peers and Senatours with an inualuable and huge masse of gold and siluer plate with other princely magnificence that well might the eyes of the beholders be dazeled and their cogitations astonished thereat For indeed the exteriour habit of this our English politician to wit the harsh and vnaffected stile of his substantiall verses and the olde dialect of his wordeâ— is such as the first may seeme to haue bene whistled of Pans oaten pipe and the second to haue proceeded from the mother of Euander but take you off his vtmost weed and beholde the comelinesse beautie and riches which lie hid within his inward sense and sentence and you shall finde I wisse so much true and sound policy so much delightfull and pertinent history so many liuely descriptions of the shipping and wares in his time of all the nations almost in Christendome and such a subtile discouery of outlandish merchants fraud and of the sophistication of their wares that needes you must acknowledge that more matter and substance could in no wise be comprised in so little a roome And notwithstanding as I said his stile be vnpolished and his phrases somewhat out of vse yet so neere as the written copies would giue me leaue I haue most religiously without alteration obserued the same thinking it farre more conuenient that himselfe should speake then that I should bee his spokesman and that the Readers should enioy his true verses then mine or any other mans fained prose Next after the conclusion of the last mentioned discourse the Reader may in some sort take a vieu of our state of merchandise vnder K. Edward the fourth as likewise of the establishing of an English company in the Netherlands and of all the discreet prouisoes iust ordinations gratious priuileges conteined in the large Charter which was granted for the same purpose Now besides our voyages and trades of late yeeres to the North and Northeast regions of the world and our ancient traffique also to those parts I haue not bene vnmindefull so farre as the histories of England and of other Countreys would giue me direction to place in the fore-front of this booke those forren conquests exploits and trauels of our English nation which haue bene atchieued of old Where in the first place as I am credibly informed out of Galfridus Monumetensis and out of M. Lambert his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I haue published vnto the world the noble actes of Arthur and Malgo two British Kings Then followeth in the Saxons time K. Edwin his conquest of Man and Anglesey and the expedition of Bertus into Ireland Next succeedeth Octher making relation of his doings and describing the North Countreys vnto his soueraigne Lord K. Ecfrid After whom Wolstans Nauigation within the Sound of Denmark is mentioned the voyage of the yong Princes Edmund and Edward into Sweden and Hungarie is recorded as likewise the mariage of Harald his daughter vnto the Russian duke Ieruslaus Neither is that Englishman forgotten who was forced to traueile with the cruel Tartars into their Countrey and from thence to beare them company into Hungary and Poland And because those Northeasterne Regions beyond Volga by reason of the huge deserts the colde climate and the barbarous inciuilitie of the people there inhabiting were neuer yet throughly traueiled by any of our Nation nor sufficiently knowen vnto vs I haue here annexed vnto the said Englishmans traueile the rare memorable iournals of 2. Friers who were some of the first Christians that trauailed farthest that way and brought home most particular intelligence knowledge of all things which they had seene These Friers were sent as Ambassadours vnto the sâ—uage Tartars who had as then wasted and ouerrunne a great part of Asia and had pierced farre into Europe with fire and sword to mitigate their fury and to offer the glad tidings of the Gospel vnto them The former namely Iohannes de Plano â—arpini whose iourney because he road sixe moneths poste directly beyond Boristhenes did I thinke both for length and difficultie farre surpasse that of Alexander the great vnto the riuer of Indus was in the yeere 1246. sent with the authoritie and commission of a Legate from Pope Innocentius the fourth who passed through more garisons of the Tartars and wandered ouer more vast barren and cold deserts
like againe But hauing left the natiues all within their owne countrey without abating their number or strength the towne and castle not long after was betraied and surrendred againe to the king of Sweden On the Southeast side they haue got the kingdomes of Cazan and Astracan These were wonne from the Tartar by the late Emperour Iuan Vasiliwich the one about thirtie fiue the other about thirtie and three yeares agoe Northward out of the countrey of Siberia he hath layed vnto his realme a great breadth and length of ground from Wichida to the riuer of Obba about a 1000 miles space so that he is bolde to write himselfe now The great Commander of Siberia The countries likewise of Permia and Pechora are a diuers people and language from the Russe ouercome not long since and that rather by threatning and shaking of the sword then by any actuall force as being a weake and naked people without meanes to resist That which the Russe hath in his present possession he keepeth on this sort In his foure chief border townes of Vobsko Smolensko Astracan and Cazan he hath certaine of his counsel not of greatest nobility but of greatest trust which haue more authoritie within their precincts for the countenancing and strengthening of their gouernment there then the other Dukes that are set to gouerne in other places as was noted before in the maner of ordering their prouinces These he changeth sometime euery yere sometime euery second or third yere but exceedeth not that time except vpon very speciall trust and good liking of the party and his seruice least by enlarging of their time they might grow into some femiliaritie with the enemie as some haue done being so farre out of sight The townes besides are very strongly fenced with trenches castles store of munition and haue garisons within them to the number of two or three thousand a piece They are stored with victual if any siege should come vpon them for the space of two or three yeres before hand The foure castles of Smolensko Vobsko Cazan and Astracan he hath made very strong to beare out any siege so that it is thought that those townes are impregnable As for the countries of Pechora and Permia and that part of Siberia which he hath now vnder him they are kept by as easie meanes as they were first got vz. rather by shewing then by vsing of armes First he hath stored the countrie with as many Russes as there are natiues hath there some few souldiers in garison inough to keepe them vnder SecoÌ„dly his officers Magistrates there are of his own Russe people and he changeth them very often vz. euery yere twise or thrise notwithstanding there be no great feare of any innouation Thirdly he deuideth their into many smal gouernments like a staffe broke in many small pieces so y t they haue no strength being seuered which was but litle neither when they were al in one Fourthly he prouideth that the people of the countrie haue neither armor nor money being taxed pilled so often as he thinketh good without any meanes to shake off that yoke or to relieue themselues In Siberia where he goeth on in pursuing his conquest he hath diuers castles garisons to the number of 6000 souldiers of Russes Polonians sendeth many new supplies thither to plant and to inhabite as he winneth ground At this time besides he hath gotten the kings brother of Siberia allured by certaine of his captaines to leaue his own country by offers of great entertainment and plesanter life with the Russe Emperor then he had in Siberia He was brought in this last yere and is now with the Emperor at Mosco well entertained Of the Tartars and other borderers to the country of Russia with whom they haue most to doe in warre and peace THeir neighbors with whom they haue greatest dealings intercourse both in peace war are first the Tartar Secondly the Polonian whom the Russe calâ—eth Laches noting the first author or founder of the nation who was called Laches or Leches wherunto is added Po which signifieth People and so is made Polaches that is the People or posterity of Laches which the Latins after their maner of writing cal Polonos The third are the Swedens The Polonians Swedâ—ns are better knowen to these parts of Europe then are the Tartars that are farther off from vs as being of Asia and diuided into many tribes different in name and gouernment one from another The greatest and mightiest of them is the Chrim Tartar whom some call the Great Can that lieth South Southeastward from Russia and doth most annoy the country by often inuasions commonly once euery yere sometimes entring very farre within the inland parts In the yere 1571 he came as farre as the citie of Mosco with an armie of 200000 men without any battel or resistance at al for that the Russe Emperor then Iuan Vasiliwich leading forth his armie to encounter with him marched a wrong way The citie he tooke not but fired the suburbs which by reason of the buildings which are all of wood without any stone brick or lime saue certeine out roomes kindled so quickly and went on with such rage as that it consumed the greatest part of the citie almost within the space of foure houres being of 30 miles or more of compasse Then might you haue seene a lamentable spectacle besides the huge mighty flame of the citie all on light fire the people burning in their houses and streetes but most of all of such as laboured to passe out of the gates farthest from the enemie where meeting together in a mighty throng so pressing euery man to preuent another wedged themselues so fast within the gate and streetes neere vnto it as that three rankes walked one vpon the others head the vppermost treading downe those that were lower so that there perished at that time as was said by the fire the presse the number of 800000 people or more The principall cause of this continual quarell betwixt the Russe the Chrim is for the right of certaine border partes claimed by the Tartar but possessed by the Russe The Tartar alleageth that besides Astracan and Cazan that are the ancient possession of the East Tartar the whole countrey from his bounds North and Westward so farre as the citie of Mosko and Mosko it selfe perteineth to his right Which seemeth to haue bene true by the report of the Russes them selues that tell of a certaine homage that was done by the Russe Emperour euery yeere to the great Chrim or Can the Russe Emperour standing on foot and feeding the Chrims horse himselfe sitting on his backe with oates out of his owne cappe in stead of a bowle or manger and that within the castle of Mosko And this homage they say was done till the time of Basileus grandfather to this man Who
in either of the Bishops seats there is a free schoole founded by the liberality and pietie of that most renoumed King of Denmarke Christian the third and afterward the sonne following the godly steppes of his most Christian father the said Free schooles by Lord Friderick the second our most religious King being called vp to his heauenly countrey in the yeare 1588 haue beene encreased and furthered which at this day also doe prosper and flourish by the fauour and authoritie of the most gracious King and our Prince Christian the fourth wherein the youth of our Islande being instructed in the rudiments of liberall artes and sacred diuinitie are trained vp to knowledge and true godlinesse that from hence ministers of Churches may proceede We are come at length in the register of the Bishops of Island downe to this present day wherein the forenamed excellent men Gudbrandus Thorlacius and Otto Enerus the one at Holen and the other at Schalholt are Bishops of our Cathedrall Churches both of which men that it would please God long to preserue vnto his Church in health and life for the glorie of his most holy name we all doe earnestly and with feruent prayers beseech him The second section They inhabite for the most part in caues or hollowe places within the sides of mountaines And againe They haue many houses and Churches built with the bones of fishes and Whales Againe Many of them also to auoide the extremitie of colde doe keepe themselues close in their caues euen as the people of Africa doe to auoyde the heate of the sunne Also Munster sayth Many in Island at this day build their houses with the ribbes and bones of Whales HEre the second member taketh his beginning concerning the course of life and the manners of the inhabitants And first of all what buildings or houses they doe vse namely according to Munster Krantzius Frisius c. Holes and caues of mountaines But although in gorgeous buildings and such other worldly braueries there is very litle helpe to the attayning of a life truely happie notwithstanding wee can not in this place conceale the truth and we plainely affirme that Cosmographers and Historiographers also doe erre in this point For such habitations as they write to be common vnto the whole nation are but in verie fewe places and are either sheepe-cots for shepheards or cottages and receptacles for fishermen at that time of the yeere onely when they goe a fishing and the others stande in neede to watch their flocke But for their houses themselues and the very dwelling places of men the Islanders haue had them built from auncient time stately and sumptuously enough according to the condition of the Countrey with timber stones and turfes vntill such time as traffike and exchange of wares beganne to cease betweene them and the Noruagians who were wont to supply them with timber and for that cause nowe our houses beginne to decay whenas neither we haue woods conuenient for building nor yet there are nowe a dayes as there were in olde time trees cast vpon our shores by the benefite of the sea which may in any sort relieue vs neither doe outlandish Merchants succour our necessities whereupon many of our meanest countrey villages are much decayed from their auncient integritie some whereof be fallen to the ground and others bee very ruinous Notwithstanding there be many farmes and villages which I cannot easily reckon vp the buildings whereof doe resemble that auncient excellencie the houses being very large both in breadth and length and for the most part in height also As for example farmes or granges which conteine chambers in them more then fiftie cubites in length tenne in breadth and twentie in height And so other roomes as a parler a stoue a butterie c. answering in proportion vnto the former I could here name mâ—ny of our countrie buildings both large and wide neither ilfauoured in shewe nor base in regarde of their workemanship and costly firmenesse or strength with certaine Churches also or religious houses built of timber onely aâ—cording to auncient and artificiall seemelinesse and beautie as the Cathedrall Church of Holen hauing a bodie the fiue pillars whereof on both sides be foure elnes high and about fiue elnes thicke as also beames and weather-bourdes and the rest of the roofe proportionally answering to this lower building Our most gracious King Lord Frederick whose memory is most sacred vnto vs in the yere 1588. did most liberally bestow timber for the reedifying of this body being cast downe in the yere 1584. by an horrible tempest But the Church it selfe doth manifestly exceed the body thereof in all quantity also the inner part of the Church which is commonly called the quier is somwhat lesse both then the middle part of the Church and also then the bodie The Church of Schalholt was farre greater as I haue heard in olde time then this our Cathedrall which hauing now beene twise burnt is brought to a lesser scantling Likewise there be some other Churches of our Iland although not matching yet resembling the auncient magnificence of these But here the matter seemeth not to require that I should runne into a long description of these things For as wee doe not greatly extoll our houses and buildings so are we nothing ashamed of them because being content with our pouertie we render vnto Christ immortall prayse who despiseth not to be receiued of vs vnder a base roofe and contemneth not our temples and houses which Munster Krantzius and Frisius doe not truely affirme to be built of fishes and Whales bones more then the marble vaults the painted walles the square pauementes and such like ornamentes of Churches and houses in other countries The third section They and their cattell vse all one house all one foode or victuals all one state here Krantzius hath it lodging Also They liue onely by feeding of cattell and sometimes by taking of fishes THese be the things together with those that followe which Krantzius hath champed and put into Munsters mouth so that Munster shall not neede so much as once to chewe them which may appeare by comparing them both together For Munster as hee swallowed these reproches taking them out of Krantzius his preface vpon Norway so he casteth vp the verie same morsels vndigested and rawe against our nation in his fourth booke of Cosmographie cap. 8. Those things which haue beene hitherto although they haue sufficiently grieued vs yet will we let them seeme more tollerable but this most malitious deuise and those which follow we cannot easily brooke It is our part therefore in this place also to auouch the trueth and to turne the leasing vpon the authors owne head House c. First that which they say concerning the same common house as also liuing and state with our cattell we plainely affirme to be false and erronious not onely the truth it selfe being our witnesse if any man would make triall but
it be some fewe relations Moreouer as touching Gronland we holde this from the opinion of our auncestours that from the extreeme part of Norway which is called Biarmlandia and from whence the saide Gronland is not farre distant it fetcheth about the Northren coast of Island with an huge circuit in maner of an halfe Moone Our Chronicles likewise doe testifie that our owne countreymen in times past resorted thither for traffique and also that the very same countrey of Gronland had certaine Bishops in the dayes of Poperie More then this we cannot auouch But now it is reported that your Englishmen whom I may almost call the lordes of the Ocean sea make yeerely voyages vnto Gronland concerning which matter if you please to giue me further aduertisement you shall doe me an especial fauour Moreouer whatsoeuer newes you heare concerning the affaires of England or of other Countreys thereabout I pray you make vs acquainted therewith Thus reuerend six wishing you long life for the seruice of God for the increase of learning and the benefit of the people committed to your charge I bid you farewel From Island vpon the feast of the visitation of the blessed Uirgine Mary Anno Dom. 1595. Yours Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Hola in Island The miraculous victory atchieued by the English Fleete vnder the discreet and happy conduct of the right honourable right prudent and valiant lord the L. Charles Howard L. high Admirall of England c. Vpon the Spanish huge Armada sent in the yeere 1588. for the inuasion of England together with the wofull and miserable successe of the said Armada afterward vpon the coasts of Norway of the Scottish Westerne Isles of Ireland of Spaine of France and of England c. Recorded in Latine by Emanuel van Meteran in the 15. booke of his history of the low Countreys HAuing in part declared the strange and wonderfull euents of the yeere eightie eight which hath bene so long time foretold by ancient prophesies we will now make relation of the most notable and great enterprise of all others which were in the foresaid yeere atchieued in order as it was done Which exploit although in very deed it was not performed in any part of the low Countreys was intended for their ruine and destruction And it was the expedition which the Spanish king hauing a long time determined the same in his minde and hauing consulted thereabout with the Pope set foorth and vndertooke against England and the low Countreys To the end that he might subdue the Realme of England and reduce it vnto his catholique Religion and by that meanes might be sufficiently reuenged for the disgrace contempt and dishonour which hee hauing 34. yeeres before enforced them to the Popes obedience had endured of the English nation and for diuers other iniuries which had taken deepe impression in his thoughts And also for that hee deemed this to bee the most readie and direct course whereby hee might recouer his heredetarie possession of the lowe Countreys hauing restrained the inhabitants from sayling vpon the coast of England Which verily vpon most weighty arguments and euident reasons was thought would vndoubtly haue come to passe considering the great aboundance and store of all things necessary wherewith those men were furnished which had the managing of that action committed vnto them But now let vs describe the matter more particularly The Spanish King hauing with small fruite and commoditie for aboue twentie yeeres together waged warre against the Netherlanders after deliberation with his counsellers thereabout thought it most conuenient to assault them once againe by Sea which had bene attempted sundry times heretofore but not with forces sufficient Unto the which expedition it stoode him nowe in hand to ioyne great puissance as hauing the English people his professed enemies whose Island is so situate that it may either greatly helpe or hinder all such as saile into those parts For which cause hee thought good first of all to inuade England being perswaded by his Secretary Escouedo and by diuers other well experienced Spaniards and Dutchmen and by many English fugitiues that the conquest of that Iland was lesse difficult then the conquest of Holland and Zeland Moreouer the Spaniards were of opinion that it would bee farre more behoueful for their King to conquere England and the lowe Countreys all at once then to be constrained continually to maintaine a warlike Nauie to defend his East and West Indie Fleetes from the English Drake and from such like valiant enemies And for the same purpose the king Catholique had giuen commandement long before in Italy and Spaine that a great quantitie of timber should be felled for the building of shippes and had besides made great preparation of things and furniture requisite for such an expedition as namely in founding of brasen Ordinance in storing vp of corne and victuals in trayning of men to vse warlike weapons in leauying and mustering of souldiers insomuch that about the beginning of the yeere 1588. he had finished such a mightie Nauie and brought it into Lisbon hauen as neuer the like had before that time sailed vpon the Ocean sea A very large and particular description of this Nauie was put in print and published by the Spaniards wherein were set downe the number names and burthens of the shippes the number of Mariners and souldiers throughout the whole Fleete likewise the quantitie of their Ordinance of their armour of bullets of match of gun-poulder of victuals and of all their Nauall furniture was in the saide description particularized Unto all these were added the names of the Gouernours Captaines Noblemen and gentlemen voluntaries of whom there was so great a multitude that searce was there any family of accompt or any one principall man throughout all Spaine that had not a brother sonne or kinseman in that Fleete who all of them were in good hope to purchase vnto themselues in that Nauie as they termed it inuincible endlesse glory and renowne and to possesse themselues of great Seigniories and riches in England and in the lowe Countreys But because the said description was translated and published out of Spanish into diuers other languages we will here onely make an abridgemeut or briefe rehearsall thereof Portugal furnished and set foorth vnder the conduct of the duke of Medina Sidonia generall of the Fleete ten Galeons two Zabraes 1300. Mariners 3300. souldiers 300. great pieces with all requisite furniture Biscay vnder the conduct of Iohn Martines de Ricalde Admiral of the whole Fleete set forth tenne Galeons 4. Pataches 700. mariners 2000. souldiers 250. great pieces c. Guipusco vnder the conduct of Michael de Oquendo tenne Galeons 4. Pataches 700. mariners 2000. souldiers 310. great pieces Italy with the Leuant Islands vnder Martine de Vertendona 10. Galeons 800. mariners 2000. souldiers 310. great pieces c. Castile vnder Diego Flores de Valdez 14. Galeons two Pataches 1700. mariners 2400. souldiers and 380. great pieces
was buried by his brother after Christian maner Chap. 6. AFter the lamentable burials of these so famous Princes the King taking occasion of the death of these principall men of his armic agreed making none priuie thereto to receiue the money which was offered him for his differring off the siege of the citie of Sagiâ—ta yet dissembling to make peace with the Saracens but that he ment to go through with the worke that he had begunne Whereupon sending a message vnto Iaphet hee aduised the English souldiers to come downe to Acres with their fleete and to conferre and consult with him touching the besieging and assaulting of the citie of Sagitta which rising immediatly vpon the kings commaundement and foorthwith hoysing vp the sayles of their shippes aloft with pendants and stremers of purple and diuerse other glorious colours with their flagges of scarlet colour and silke came thither and casting their ancres rode hard by the citie The king the next day calling vnto him such as were priuie acquainted with his dealings opened his griefe vnto the chiefe Captaines of the English men and Danes touching the slaughter of Hugh and the death of his brother and what great confidence he reposed in them concerning these warres and that nowe therefore they being departed and dead he must of necessity differre the besieging of Sagitta for this time dismisse the armie assembled This resolution of the king being spred among the people the armie was dissolued and the Englishmen Danes and Flemings with sailes and oares going aboard their fleete saluted the king and returned home vnto their natiue countries The trauailes of one Athelard an Englishman recorded by master Bale Centur. 2. AThelardus Bathoniensis Coenobij monachus naturalium rerum mysteria causas omnes diligentâ—â—â tam vndecun que exquisitá perserutatus est vt cum aliquibus veteris seculi philoâ—ophis non indignè conferâ—i possit Hic olim spectatae indolis Adolescens vt virente adhuc aetate iuuenile ingenium foecundaret atque adres magnas pararet relicta dulci patria longin quas petijt regiones Cum verò AEgyptum Arabiam peragrans plura inuenisset quae eius desiderabat animus cum magno laborum ac literarum lucro in Angliam tum demùm reuertebatur Claruit anno virginei partus 1130. Henrico primo regnante The same in English AThelard a Monke of the Abbie of Bathe was so diligent a searcher of the secrets and causes of naturall things that he deserueth worthely to be compared with some of the auncient Philosophers This man although young yet being of a good wit and being desirous to increase and enrich the same with the best things and to prepare himselfe as it were for greater matters left his Countrey for a time and trauailed into forreine Regions He went through Egypt and Arabia and found out many things which he desired to his owne priuate contentment and the profite of good letters generally and so being satisfied returned againe into his Countrey he flourished in the yeere 1130. Henry the first being then king of England ¶ The life and trauailes of one VVilliam of Tyre an Englishman Centur. 13. GVlielmus Ecclesiae Dominici sepulchri Hierosolymae Regularium Canonicorum prior natione Anglicus vir vita moribus coÌ„mendabilis Anno Dom. 1128. postquam Tyrorum Ciuitas fidei Christianae restituta est a Guimundo Hierosolymorum patriarcha eidem vrbi primus Archiepiscopus praeficiebatur Est autem Tyrus ciuitas antiquissima Phoeniciae vniuersae Metropolis quae inter Syriae prouincias bonorum omnium penè commoditate incolarum frequentia primum semper obtinuit locum post conscripta quaedam opuscula Epistolas ad Domâ—num migrauit Anâ— Christi 1130. quum duobus tantum sedisset annis in Tyrensi Ecclesia sepelitur The same in English VVIlliam the Prior of the Canons Regular in the Church of Ierusalem called the Lords Sepulchre was an Englishman borne and of a vertuous and good behauiour After that the Citie of Tyre was restored againe to the Christian faith Guimunde the Patriarke of Ierusalem made him the first Archbishop of Tyre in the yeere 1128. Which Tyre is a very ancient Citie the Metropolis of all Phoenicia and hath bene accompted the chiefest Prouince of Syria both for fruitful commodities and multitude of inhabitants This William hauing in his life written many Bookes and Epistles died at last in the yeere 1130. hauing bene Archbishop the space of two yeeres and was buried in the Church of Tyre The trauailes of Robertus Ketenensis RObertus Ketenensis natione cognomine Anglus degusâ—atis primum per Anglorum gymnasia humanarum artium elementis literarijs vltramarinas statim visitare prouincias in animo constituit Peragratis ergò Gallijs Italia Dalmatia Graecia tum demum peruenit in Asiam vbi non paruo labore ac vitae suae periculo inter Saracenos truculentissimum hominum genus Arabicam linguam ad amussim didicit In Hispaniam postea nauigio traductus circa fluuium Hibetum Astrologicae artis studio cum Hermanno quodam Dalmata magni sui itineris comite se totum dedit Claruit anno seruatoris nostri 1143 Stephano regnante Pampilonaâ— sepelitur The same in English THis Robert Ketenensis was called an Englishman by surname as he was by birth who after some time spent in the foundations of humanitie and in the elements of good Artes in the Uniuersities of England determined to trauaile to the partes beyond sea and so trauailed through France Italie Dalmatia and Greece and came at last into Asia where he liued in great danger of his life among the cruell Saracens but yet learned perfectly the Arabian tongue Afterwardes he returned by sea into Spaine and there about the riuer Iberus gaue him selfe wholy to the studie of Astrologie with one Hermannus a Dalmatian who had accompanied him in his long voyage He flourished in the yeere 1143. Steuen being then King of England and was buried at Pampilona A voyage of certaine English men vnder the conduct of Lewes king of France vnto the Holy land TAntae expeditionis explicito apparatu vterque princeps iter arripuit exercitu separtito Imperator enim Conradus praecedebat itinere aliquot dierum cum Italorum Germanorum aliarúmque gentium amplissimis copijs Rex vero Lodouicus sequebatur Francorum Flandrensium Normannorum Britonum Anglorum Burgundionum Prouincialium Aquitanorum equestri simul pedestri agmine comitatus Gulielmus Neobrigensis fol. 371. The same in English BOth the princes prouision being made for so great an expedition they seuering their armies entered on their iourney For the Emperour Conradus went before certaine dayes iourney with very great power of Italians Germans and other countreys And king Lewes followed after accompanied with a band of horsemen and footmen of French men Flemmings Normans Britons English men Burgundions men of Prouence and Gascoins The voyage of Iohn Lacy to Ierusalem ANno
coppy of your will and Testament which you must alwayes cary about you and chiefly when you go into the Indies In the countrey of the Moores and Gentiles in those voyages alwayes there goeth a Captaine to administer Iustice to all Christians of the Portugales Also this captaine hath authoritie to recouer the goods of those Marchants that by chance die in those voyages and they that haue not made their Wills and registred them in the aforesaide schooles the Captaines wil consume their goods in such wise that litle or nothing will be left for their heires and friends Also there goeth in these same voyages some marchants that are commissaries of the schoole of Sancta misericordia that if any Marchant die and haue his Wil made and hath giuen order that the schoole of Misericordia shall haue his goods and sell them then they sende the money by exchange to the schoole of Misericordia in Lisbone with that copie of his Testament then from Lisbon they giue intelligence thereof into what part of Christendome soeuer it be and the heires of such a one comming thither with testimoniall that they be heires they shall receiue there the value of his goods in such wise that they shall not loose any thing But they that die in the kingdome of Pegu loose the thirde part of their goods by ancient custome of the Countrey that if any Christian dieth in the kingdome of Pegu the king and his officers rest heires of a thirde of his goods and there hath neuer bene any deceit or fraude vsed in this matter I haue knowen many rich men that haue dwelled in Pegu and in their age they haue desired to go into their owne Countrey to die there and haue departed with al their goods and substance without let or trouble In Pegu the fashion of their apparel is all one as well the Noble man as the simple the onely difference is in the finenes of the cloth which is cloth of Bombast one finer then another and they weare their apparell in this wise First a white Bombast cloth which serueth for a shirt then they gird another painted bombast cloth of foureteene brases which they binde vp betwixt their legges and on their heads they weare a small tock of three braces made in guize of a myter and some goe without tocks and cary as it were a hiue on their heades which doeth not passe the lower part of his eare when it is lifted vp they goe all bare footed but the Noble men neuer goe on foote but are caried by men in a seate with great reputation with a hat made of the leaues of a tree to keepe him from the raine and Sunne or otherwise they ride on horsebacke with their feete bare in the stirops All sorts of women whatsoeuer they be weare a smocke downe to the girdle and from the girdle downewards to the foote they weare a cloth of three brases open before so straite that they cannot goe but they must shewe their secret as it were aloft and in their going they faine to hide it with their hand but they caÌ„not by reason of the straitnes of their cloth They say that this vse was inuented by a Queene to be an occasion that the sight thereof might remoue from men the vices against nature which they are greatly giuen vnto which sight should cause them to regard women the more Also the women goe bare footed their armes laden with hoopes of golde and Iewels And their fingers full of precious rings with their haire rolled vp about their heads Many of them weare a cloth about their shoulders in stead of a cloacke Now to finish that which I haue begunne to write I say that those parts of the Indies are very good because that a man that hath litle shall make a great deale thereof alwayes they must gouerne themselues that they be taken for honest men For why to such there shal neuer want helpe to doe wel but he that is vicious let him tary at home and not go thither because he shall alwayes be a begger and die a poore man Letters concerning the voyage of M. Iohn Newbery and M. Ralph Fitch made by the way of the Leuant Sea to Syria and ouerland to Balsara and thenâ—e into the East Indies and beyond In the yeere 1583. ¶ A letter written from the Queenes Maiestie to Zelabdim Echebar King of Cambaia and sent by Iohn Newbery In February Anno 1583. ELizabeth by the grace of God c. To the most inuincible and most mightie prince lord Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaya Inuincible Emperor c. The great affection which our Subiects haue to visit the most distant places of the world not without good will and intention to introduce the trade of marchandize of al nations whatsoeuer they can by which meanes the mutual and friendly trafique of marchandize on both sides may come is the cause that the bearer of this letter Iohn Newbery ioyntly with those that be in his company with a curteous and honest boldnesse doe repaire to the borders and countreys of your Empire we doubt not but that your imperial Maiestie through your royal grace will fauourably and friendly accept him And that you would doe it the rather for our sake to make vs greatly beholding to your Maiestie wee should more earnestly and with more wordes require it if wee did think it needful But by the singular report that is of your imperial Maiesties humanitie in these vttermost parts of the world we are greatly eased of that burden and therefore we vse the fewer and lesse words onely we request that because they are our subiects they may be honestly intreated and receiued And that in respect of the hard iourney which they haue vndertaken to places so far distant it would please your Maiestie with some libertie and securitie of voiage to gratifie it with such priuileges as to you shall seeme good which curtesie if your Imperiall maiestie shaâ— to our subiects at our requests performe wee according to our royall honour wil recompence the same with as many deserts as we can And herewith we bid your Imperial Maiestie to farewel A letter written by her Maiestie to the King of China In Februarie 1583. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England c. Most Imperial and inuincible prince our honest subiect Iohn Newbery the bringer hereof who with our fauour hath taken in hand the voyage which nowe hee pursueth to the parts and countreys of your Empire not trusting vpon any other ground then vpon the fauour of your Imperiall clemencie and humanitie is mooued to vndertake a thing of so much difficultie being perswaded that hee hauing entred into so many perils your Maiestie will not dislike the same especially if it may appeare that it be not damageable vnto your royall Maiestie and that to your people it will bring some profite of both which things he not doubting with more willing minde hath prepared himselfe
and onely libertie vse and priuiledge of trading and traffiking and vsing feate of marchandise by and through the Leuant seas otherwise called the Mediterran seas into and from the sayd dominions of the Grand Signor and dominions of the state of Venice and by and through the sayd Grand Signiors dominions to and from such other places in the East Indies discouered as aforesayd And that they the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant and euery particular and seuerall person of that companie their and euery one of their seruants factors and deputies shall haue full and free authoritie libertie facultie licence and power to trade and trafficke by and through the sayd Leuant seas into and from all and euery the sayd dominions of the sayde Grand Signor and the dominions of the state of Venice and the sayde Indies and into and from all places where by occasion of the sayd trade they shall happen to arriue or come whither they be Christians Turkes Gentiles or others And by and through the sayd Leuant seas into and from all other seas riuers portes regions territories dominions coastes and places with their ships barkes pinases and other vessels and with such mariners and men as they will leade or haue with them or sende for the sayde trade as they shall thinke good at their owne proper costes and expenses And for that the shippes sayling into the sayde Countreyes must take their due and proper times to proceede in these voyages which otherwise as wee well perceiue can not be performed in the rest of the yeere following Therefore we of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion for vs our heyres and successors doe graunt to and with the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant that foure good shippes well furnished with ordinance and other munition for their defence and two hundred marriners English men to guide and sayle in the same foure shippes at all times during the sayde twelue yeeres shall quietly bee permitted and suffered to depart and goe in the sayde voyages according to the purport of these presents without any stay or contradiction by vs our heyres and successors or by the Lorde high Admirall or any other officer or subiect of vs our heires or successours in any wise Any restraint lawe statuâ—e vsage or matter whatsoeuer to the contrarie notwithstanding Prouided neuerthelesse that if wee shall at any time within the sayde twelue yeeres haue iust cause to arme our Nauie in warrelike manner in defence of our Realme or for offence of our enemies and that it shall be founde needefull and conuenient for vs to ioyne to our Nauie the shippes of our subiects to be also armed for warres to such number as cannot bee supplied if the sayd foure shippes should be permitted to depart as aboue is mentioned then vpon knowledge giuen by vs or our Admirall to the sayde Gouernour or companie about the fifteenth day of the moneth of March or three monethes before the saide companie shall beginne to make readie the same foure shippes that we may not spare the sayd foure ships and the marriners requisite for them to be out of our Realme during the time that our Nauie shall be vpon the seas that then the sayde compâ—nie shall forbeare to send such foure shippes for their trade of marchandise vntill that we shall retake our sayd Nauie from the sayd seruice And further our will and pleasure is and wee doe by these presentes graunt that it shall be lawfull to and for the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant to haue and vse in and about the affaires of the sayde companie a common seale for matters concerning the sayde companie and trade And that also it shall be lawfull for the Marchants Mariners and Sea-men which shall be vsed and imployed in the sayde trade and voyage to set and place in the toppes of their ships or other vessels the Armes of England with the redde-crosse in white ouer the same as heretofore they haue vsed And we of our further Royall fauour and of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents for vs our heyres and successors doe graunt to the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchants of the Leuant that the sayde landes territories and dominions of the sayde Grand Signor or the dominions of the Signiorie of Venice or any of them within the sayde Leuant or Mediterran seas shall not be visited frequented or haunted by the sayde Leuant sea by way of marchandize by any other our subiects during the saide terme of twelue yeeres contrarie to the true meaning of these presentes And by vertue of our prerogatiue Royall which wee will not in that behalfe haue argued or brought in question wee straightly charge commaunde and prohibite for vs our heyres and successours all our subiects of what degree or qualitie soeuer they bee that none of them directly or indirectly doe visite haunt frequent trade trafike or aduenture by way of marchandise into or from any of the sayd dominions of the sayd Grand Signor or the dominions of the saide Segniorie of Venice by or through the sayde Leuant sea other then the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant and such particular persons as be or shall be of that companie their factors agents seruants and assignes And further for that wee plainely vnderstande that the States and Gouernours of the citie and Segniorie of Venice haue of late time set and raysed a newe impost and charge ouer and besides their auncient impost custome and charge of and vpou all manner of marchandize of our Realme brought into their dominions and also of and vpon all marchandise caried or laden from their sayd Countrey or dominions by our subiects or in the ships or bottoms of any of our subiectes to the great and intollerable charge and hinderance of our sayd subiects trading thither wee therefore minding the redresse thereof doe also by these presents for vs our heires and successors further straightly prohibite and forbid not onely the subiects of the sayde State and Segniorie of Venice but also of all other Nations or Countries whatsoeuer other then the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant and such onely as be or shall be of that companie their factors agents seruantes and assignes That they or any of them during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres shall bring or cause to be brought into this our Realme of Englande or any part thereof anie manner of small fruites called corrants being the raysins of Corinth or wine of Candie vnlesse it be by and with the licence consent and agreement of the sayde Gouernour and companie in writing vnder their sayd common seale first had and obteyned vpon paine vnto euery such person and persons that shall trade and traffike into any the sayde dominions of the State and Segniorie of Venice by sea or that shall bring or cause to be brought into our saide
the North side the sea that seuereth it from Groneland thorow which Northren Seas the Passage lyeth which I take now in hand to discouer Plato in Timaeo and in the Dialogue called Critias discourseth of an incomparable great Iland then called Atlantis being greater then all Affrike and Asia which lay Westward from the Straights of Gibraltar nauigable round about affirming also that the Princes of Atlantis did aswell enioy the gouernance of all Affrike and the most part of Europe as of Atlantis it selfe Also to proue Platos opinion of this Iland and the inhabiting of it in ancient time by them of Europe to be of the more credite Marinaeus Siculus in his Chronicle of Spaine reporteth that there haue bene found by the Spaniards in the gold Mines of America certaine pieces of Money ingraued with the Image of Augustus Caesar which pieces were sent to the Pope for a testimonie of the matter by Iohn Rufus Archbishop of Consentinum Moreouer this was not only thought of Plato but by Marsilius Ficinus an excellent Florentine Philosopher Crantor the Graecian and Proclus and Philo the famous Iew as appeareth in his â—ooke De Mundo and in the Commentaries vpon Plato to be ouerflowen and swallowed vp with water by reason of a mightie earthquake and streaming downe of the heauenly Fludgates The like whereof happened vnto some part of Italy when by the forciblenes of the Sea called Superum it cut off Sicilia from the Continent of Calabria as appeareth in Iustine in the beginning of his fourth booke Also there chanced the like in Zeland a part of Flanders And also the Cities of Pyâ—rha and Antissa about Meotis palus and also the Citie Burys in the Corynthian bosome commonly called Sinus Corinthiacus haue bene swallowed vp with the Sea and are not at this day to be discerned By which accident America grew to be vnknowen of long time vnto vs of the later ages and was lately discouered againe by Americus Vespucius in the yeere of our Lord 1497. which some say to haue bene first discouered by Christophorus Columbus a Genuois Anno 1492. The same calamitie happened vnto this Isle of Atlantis 600. and odde yeres before Plato his time which some of the people of the Southeast parts of the world accompted as 9000. yeeresâ— for the maner then was to reckon the Moone her Period of the Zodiak for a yeere which is our vsuall moneth depending à Luminari minoâ—i So that in these our dayes there can no other mayne or Islande be found or iudged to bee parcell of this Atlantis then those Westerne Islands which beare now the name of America counteruailing thereby the name of Atlantis in the knowledge of our age Then if when no part of the sayd Atlantis was oppressed by water and earthquake the coasts round about the same were nauigable a farre greater hope now remaineth of the same by the Northwest seeing the most part of it was since that time swallowed vp with water which could not vtterly take away the olde deeps and chanels but rather be an occasion of the inlarging of the olde and also an inforcing of a great many new why then should we now doubt of our Northwest passage and nauigation from England to India c. seeing that Atlantis now called America was euer knowen to be an Island and in those dayes nauigable round about which by accesse of more water could not be diminished Also Aristotle in his booke De mundo and the learned Germaine Simon Gryneus in his annotations vpon the same saith that the whole earth meaning thereby as manifestly both appeare Asia Africk and Europe being all the countreys then knowen is but one Island compassed about with the reach of the sea Atlantine which likewise prooueth America to be an Island and in no part adioyning to Asia or the rest Also many ancient writers as Strabo and others called both the Ocean sea which lieth East of India Atlanticum pelagus and that sea also on the West coasts of Spaine and Africk Mare Atlanticum the distance betweene the two coasts is almost halfe the compasse of the earth So that it is incredible as by Plato appeareth manifestly that the East Indian Sea had the name Atlanticum pelagus of the mountaine Atlas in Africk or yet the sea adioyning to Africk had the name Oceanus Atlanticus of the same mountaine but that those seas and the mountaine Atlas were so called of this great Island Atlantis and that the one and the other had their names for a memorial of the mighty prince Atlas sometime king thereof who was Iaphet yongest sonne to Noah in whose time the whole earth was diuided betweene the three brethren Sem Cam and Iaphet Wherefore I am of opinion that America by the Northwest will be found fauourable to this our enterprise and am the rather imboldened to beleeue the same for that I finde it not onely confirmed by Plato Aristotle and other ancient Phylosophers but also by all the best moderne Geographers as Gemma Frisius Munsterus Appianus Hunterus Gastaldus Guyccardinus Michael Tramasinus Franciscus Demongenitus Bernardus Pureanus Andreas Vauasor Tramontanus Petrus Martyr and also Ortelius who doth coast out in his generall Mappe set out Anno 1569 all the countreys and Capes on the Northwest side of America from Hoâ—helaga to Cape de Paramanâ—ia describing likewise the sea coastes of Cataia and Gronland towards any part of America making both Gronland and America Islands disioyned by a great sea from any part of Asia All which learned men and painefull trauellers haue affirmed with one consent and voice that America was an Island and that there lyeth a great Sea betweene it Cataia and Grondland by the which any man of our countrey that will giue the attempt may with small danger passe to Cataia the Moluccae India and all other places in the East in much shorter time then either the Spaniard or Portugal doeth or may doe from the neerest parte of any of â—heir countreys within Europe What moued these learned men to affirme thus much I know not or to what ende so many and sundry trauellers of both ages haue allowed the same But I coniecture that they would neuer haue so constantly affirmed or notified their opinions therein to the world if they had not had great good cause and many probable reasons to haue lead them thereunto Now least you should make small accompt of ancient writers or of their experiences which trauelled long before our times reckoning their authority amongst fables of no importance I haue for the better assurance of those proofes set downe some part of a discourse written in the Saxon tongue and translated into English by M. Nowel seruant to Sir William Cecil lord Burleigh and lord high treasurer of England wherein there is described a Nauigation which one Ochther made in the time of king Alfred King of Westsaxe Anno 871. the words of which discourse were these Hee sailed right
another that hath the like propertie called a Squid these be the fishes which when â—â— please to beemeâ— iâ— with my old companions I say doe come on shore when I commaund them in the name of the 5. ports and coniure them by such like words These also bee the fishes which I may sweepe with broomes on a heape and neuer wet my foote onely pronouncing two or three wordes whatsoeuer they be appoynted by any man so they heare my voyce the vertue of the wordes be small but the nature of the fish great and strange For the Squid whose nature is to come by night as well as by day I tell them I set him a candle to see his way with which he is much delighted or els commeth to wonder at it as doe our fresh water fish the other commeth also in the night but chiefly in the day being forced by the Cod that would deuoure him and therefore for feare comming so neere the shore is driuen drie by the surge of the Sea on the pibble and sands Of these being as good as a Smelt you may take vp with a shoue-net as plentifully as you do Wheate in a shouell sufficient in three or foure houres for a whole Citie There be also other fishes which I tell â—hose that are desirours of strange newes that I take as fast as one would gather vp stones and them I take with a long pole and hooke Yea marrie say they wee beleeue so and that you catch all the rest you bring home in that sort from Portugals and Frenchmen No surely but thus I doe with three hookes stretched foorth in the ende of a pole I make as it were an Eele speare with which I pricke those Flounders as fast as you would take vp fritters with a sharpe pointed sticke and with that toole I may take vp in lesse then halfe a day Lobsters sufficient to finde three hundred men for a dayes meate This pastime ended I shewe them that for my pleasure I take a great Mastiue I haue and say no more then thus Goe fetch me this rebellious fish that obeyeth not this Gentleman that commeth from Kent and Christendome bringing them to the high water marke and when hee doubteth that any of those great Cods by reason of sheluing ground bee like to tumble into the Sea againe hee will warily take heede and carrie him vp backe to the heape of his fellowes This doeth cause my friendes to wonder and at the first hearing to iudge them notorious lies but they laugh and are merrie when they heare the meanes howe each tale is true I tolde you once I doe remember how in my trauaile into Africa and America I found trees that bare Oisters which was strange to you till I tolde you that their boughes hung in the water on which both Oisters and Muskles did sticke fast as their propertie is to stakes and timber Nowe to let these merrie tales passe and to come to earnest matters againe you shall vnderstand that Newfoundland is in a temperate Climate and not so colde as foolish Mariners doe say who finde it colde sometimes when plentie of Isles of yce lie neere the shore but vp in the land they shall finde it hotter then in England in many parts of the countrey toward the South This colde commeth by an accidentall meanes as by the yce that commeth fleeting from the North partes of the worlde and not by the situation of the countrey or nature of the Climate The countrey is full of little small riuers all the yeere long proceeding from the mountaines ingendred both of snow and raine few springs that euer I could finde or heare of except it bee towards the South in some places or rather in most places great lakes with plentie of fish the countrey most couered with woods of firre yet in many places indifferent good grasse and plentie of Beares euery where so that you may kill of them as oft as you list their flesh is as good as yong beefe and hardly you may know the one from the other if it be poudred but two dayes Of Otters we may take like store There are Sea Guls Murres Duckes wild Geele and many other kind of birdes store too long to write especially at one Island named Penguin where wee may driue them on a planke into our ship as many as shall lade her These birdes are also called Penguins and cannot flie there is more meate in one of these then in a goose the Frenchmen that fish neere the grand baie doe bring small store of flesh with them but victuall themselues alwayes with these birdes Nowe againe for Uenison plentie especially to the North about the grand baie and in the South neere Cape Race and Plesance there are many other kinds of beasts as Luzarnes and other mighty beastes like to Camels in greatnesse and thei feete clouen I did see them farre off not able to discerne them perfectly but their steps shewed that thâ—ir feete were clouen and bigger then the feete of Camels I suppose them to bee a kind of Buffes which I read to bee in the countreyes adiacent and very many in the firme land There bee also to the Northwards Hares and Foxes in all parts so plentifully thâ—â— at noone dayes they take away our flesh before our faces within lesse then halfe a paire of buts length where foure and twentie persons were turning of drie fish and two dogs in sight yet stoode they not in feare till wee gaue shot and set the dogs vpon them the Beares also be as bold which will not spare at midday to to take your fish before your face and I beleeue assuredly would not hurt any bodie vnlesse they be forced Nowe to shew you my fancie what places I suppose meetest to inhabite in those parts discouered of late by our â—â—tion There is neere about the mouth of the grand Bay an excellent harbour called of the Frenchmen Chasteaux and one Island in the very entrie of the streight called Bell Isle which places if they be peopled and well fortified as there are stones and things meete for it throughout all Newfound land wee shall bee lordes of the whole fishing in small time if it doe so please the Queenes Maiestie and from thence send wood and cole with all necessaries to Labrador lately discouered but I am of opinion and doe most stedfastly beleeue that we shall finde as rich Mines in more temperate places and Climates and more profitable for fishing then any yet we haue vsed where wee shall haue not farte from thence plentie of salt made by fire vndoubtedly and very likely by the heate of the Sunne by reason I finde salt kerned on the rockes in nine and fortie and better these places may bee found for salte in three and fortie I know more touching these two commodities last remembred then any man of our nation doeth sor that I haue some knowledge in such matters and haue most desired the finding of them by
on the Sea homeward a sore tempest arose and perforce droue him backe againe to an vnknowen Port of the sayd land where he by the most cruell barbarous Indians on the sudden was slaine with all his company except the two young schollers aforesayde whom the barbarous Indians by reason they were of comely stature and beautifull personages tooke and forthwith presented them to their King and Queene which both being very well liked of the King courteously entreated and ordeined Edesius to be his Butler and Frumentius his Secretarie and in few yeeres by reason of their learning and ciuill gouernment they were had in great fauour honour and estimation with the Princes But the King departing this life left the Queene his wife with her yong sonne to gouerne and gaue free scope and libertie to the two Christians at their best pleasure to passe to their natiue soyles allowing them all necessaries for the same Yet the Queene who highly fauoured them was very sorowfull they should depart and therefore most earnestly intreated them to tarie and assist her in the gouernment of her people till such time as her young sonne grewe to ripe yeeres which request they fulfilled And Frumentius excelling Edesius farre in all wisedome ruled both the Queene and her subiects at his discretion whereby he tooke occasion to put in practice priuily that the foundation of Christian religion might be planted in the hearts of such as with whom he thought his perswasion might best preuaile and that soonest would giue eare vnto him which being brought to passe accordingly hee then with his fellow Edesius tooke leaue of the Queene to returne to his natiue countrey And so soone as he was arriued there he reuealed to the Emperour Constantine the effect of all those euents who both commending his deedes and wholy allowing thereof by the aduise and good liking of Athanasius then Bishop of Alexandria did arme and set forth a conuenient power for the ayde of Frumentius in this his so godly a purpose And by this meanes came the Emperour afterwards by faire promises and by force of armes together vnto the possession of all the Indians countrey The author of this storie Ruffinus receiued the trueth hereof from the very mouth of Edesius companion to Frumentius Moreouer Eusebius in his Historie Ecclesiasticall in precise termes and in diuers places maketh mention how Constantine the great not onely enlarged his Empire by the subduing of his next neighbours but also endeuoured by all meanes to subiect all such remote Barbarous and Heathen nations as then inhabited the foure quaters of the worlde For as it is written the Emperour throughly ayded with a puissant armie of valiant souldiers whom he had before perswaded to Christian religion in proper person himselfe came euen vnto this our country of England then called the Island of Britaines bending from him full West which he wholy conquered made tributarie and setled therein Christian faith and left behinde him such Rulers thereof as to his wisedome seemed best From thence hee turned his force towardes the North coast of the world and there vtterly subdued the rude and cruell Nation of the Scythians whereof part by friendly perswasions part by maine strength hee reduced the whole to Christian faith Afterwards he determined with himselfe to search out what strange people inhabited in the vttermost parts of the South And with great hazard and labour making his iourney thither at last became victour ouer them all euen to the countrey of the Blemmyans and the remote AEthiopians that now are the people of Presbyter Iohn who yet till this day continue and beare the name of Christians In the East likewise what Nation soeuer at that time he could haue notice of he easily wonne and brought in subiection to the Empire So that to conclude there was no region in any part of the world the inhabitants whereof being Gentiles though vnknowen vnto him but in time he ouercame and vanquished This worthy beginning of Constantine doth his sonnes succeeding his â—oâ—me and also diuers other Emperours afterward to their vttermost endeuour followed and continued which all the bookes of Eusebius more at large set foorth Theodoretus likewise in his Ecclesiasticall historie maketh mention how Theodosius the vertuous Emperour imployed earnestly all his time as well in conquering the Gentiles to the knowledge of the holy Gospel vtterly subuerting their prophane Temples and abominable Idolatry as also in extinguishing of such vsurping tyrants as with Paganisme withstood the planting of Christian religion After whose decease his sonnes Honorius and Arcadius were created Emperours the one of the East the other of the West who with all stout godlinesse most carefully imitated the fore steps of their Father eyther in enlarging their territories or increasing the christian flocke Moreouer it is reported by the sayd authors that Theodosius iunior the Emperour no whit inferiour in vertuous life to any of the aboue named Princes with great studie and zeale pursued and proÌ„secuted the Gentiles subdued their tyrants and countries and vtterly destroyed all their idolatry conuerting their soules to acknowledge their onely Messias and Creator and their Countries to the enlargement of the Empire To be briefe who so listeth to read Eusebius Pamphilus Socrates Scholasticus Theodoritus Hermia Sozomen and Euagrius Scholasticus which all were most sage Ecclesiasticall writers shall finde great store of examples of the worthy liues of sundry Emperours tending all to the confirmation of my former speeches And for like examples of later time yea euen in the memorie of man I shall not neede to recite any other then the conquest made of the West and East Indies by the Kings of Spaine and Portugall whereof there is particular mention made in the last Chapter of this booke Herein haue I vsed more copy of examples then otherwise I would haue done sauing that I haue bene in place where this maner of planting the Christian faith hath bene thought of some to be scarce lawfull yea such as doe take vpon them to be more then meanely learned To these examples could I ioyne many moe but whosoeuer is not satisfied with these fewe may satisfie himselfe in reading at large the Authors last aboue recited Thus haue I as I trust prooued that we may iustly trade and traffique with the Sauages and lawfully plant and inhabite their Countries The third Chapter doeth shew the lawfull title which the Queenes most excellent Maiestie hath vnto those Countries which through the ayde of Almighty God are meant to be inhabited ANd it is very euident that the planting there shal in time right amply enlarge her Maiesties Territories and Dominions or I might rather say restore her to her Highnesse ancient right and interest in those Countries into the which a noble and worthy personage lineally descended from the blood royall borne in Wales named Madockap Owen Gwyneth departing from the coast of England about the yeere of our
lesse to the glorie of God then that action of the Spanyardes For as you may read in the very last wordes of the relation of Newe Mezico extant nowe in English the maine land where your last Colonie meane to seate themselues is replenished with many thousands of Indians Which are of better wittes then those of Mexico and Peru as hath bene found by those that haue had some triall of them whereby it may bee gathered that they will easily embrace the Gospell forsaking their idolatrie wherein as this present for the most part they are wrapped and intangled A wise Philosopher noting the sundry desires of diuers men writeth that if an oxe bee put into a medowe hee will seeke to fill his bellie with grasse if a Storke bee cast in shee will seeke for Snakes if you turne in a Hound he will seeke to start an Hare So sundry men entring into these discoueries propose vnto themselues seuerall endes Some seeke authoritie and places of commandement others experience by seeing of the worlde the most part worldly and transitorie gaine and that often times by dishonest and vnlawfull meanes the fewest number the glorie of God and the sauing of the soules of the poore and blinded infidels Yet because diuers honest and well disposed persons are entred already into this your businesse and that I know you meane hereafter to sende some such good Churchmen thither as may truely say with the Apostle to the Sauages Wee seeke not yours but you I conceiue great comfort of the successe of this your action hoping that the Lorde whose power is wont to bee perfected in weakenesse will blesse the feeble foundations of your building Onely bee you of a valiant courage and faint not as the Lorde sayd vnto Iosue exhorting him to proceede on forward in the conquest of the land of promise and remember that priuate men haue happily wielded and waded through as great enterprises as this with lesser meanes then those which God in his mercie hath bountifully bestowed vpon you to the singuler good as I assure my selfe of this our Common wealth wherein you liue Hereof we haue examples domesticall and forreine Remember I pray you what you find in the beginning of the Chronicle of the conquest of Ireland newly dedicated vnto your selfe Read you not that Richard Strangbow the decayed earle of Chepstow in Monmuthshire being in no great fauour of his soueraigne passed ouer into that Island in the yere 1171. and accompanied only with certain of his priuate friends had in short space such prosperous successe that he opened the way for king Henry the second to the speedy subiection of all that warlike nation to this crowne of England The like conquest of Brasilia and annexing the same to the kingdome of Portugall was first begun by meane and priuate men as Don Antonio de Castillio Ambassadour here for that realme and by office keeper of all the records and monuments of their discoueries assured me in this city in the yere 1581. Now if the greatnes of the maine of Virginia and the large extension therof especially to the West should make you thinke that the subduing of it were a matter of more difficulty then the conquest of Ireland first I answere that as the late experience of that skilfull pilote and Captaine M. Iohn Dauis to the Northwest toward which his discouery your selfe haue thrise contributed with the forwardest hath shewed a great part to be maine sea where before was thought to be maine land so for my part I am fully perswaded by Ortelius late reformation of Culuacan and the gulfe of California that the land on the backe part of Virginia extendeth nothing so far westward as is put downe in the Maps of those parts Moreouer it is not to be denied but that one hundred men will do more now among the naked and vnarmed people in Virginia then one thousand were able then to do in Ireland against that armed and warlike nation in those daies I say further that these two yeres last experience hath plainly shewed that we may spare 10000. able men without any misse And these are as many as the kingdome of Portugal had euer in all their garrisons of the Açores Madera Arguin Cape verde Guinea Brasill Mozambique Melinde Zocotora Ormus Diu Goa Malaca the Malucos and Macao vpon the coast of China Yea this I say by the cōfession of singuler expert men of their own nation whose names I suppresse for certain causes which haue bene personally in the East Indies haue assured me that their kings had neuer aboue ten thousand natural borne Portugals their slaues excepted out of their kingdome remaining in all the aforesaid territories Which also this present yeere I saw confirmed in a secrete extract of the particular estate of that kingdome and of euery gouernement and office subiect to the same with the seueral pensions thereunto belonging Seeing therefore we are so farre from want of people that retyring daily home out of the Lowe Countreys they go idle vp and down in swarms for lack of honest intertainment I see no fitter place to employ some part of the better sort of them trained vp thus long in seruice then in the inward partes of the firme of Virginia against such stubborne Sauages as shal refuse obedience to her Maiestie And doubtlesse many of our men will bee glad and faine to accept this condition when as by the reading of this present treatie they shal vnderstand the fertilitie and riches of the regions confining so neere vpon yours the great commodities and goodnesse wherof you haue bin contented to suffer to come to light In the meane season I humbly commend my selfe and this my translation vnto you and your selfe and all those which vnder you haue taken this enterprise in hand to the grace and good blessing of the Almighty which is able to build farther and to finish the good worke which in these our dayes he hath begun by your most Christian and charitable endeuour From London the 1. of May 1587. Your L. humble at commandement R. HAKLVYT The Preface of M. Rene Laudonniere THere are two things which according to mine opinion haue bene the principall causes in consideration whereof aswell they of ancient times as those of our age haue bene induced to trauell into farre and remote regions The first hath beene the naturall desire which wee haue to search out the commodities to liue happily plentifully and at ease be it whither one abandon his naturall Countrey altogether to dwell in a better or bee it that men make voyages thither there to search out and bring from thence such things as are there to be found and are in greatest estistimation and in most request in our Countreys The second cause hath bene the multitude of people too fruitefull in generation which being no longer able to dwell in their natiue soyles haue entred vpon their neighbours limites and oftentimes passing further
of Canada whither Iaques Carthier sayled the yeere 1535. About the which there are many Ilands among which is that which is named Terra de Labrador stretching towarde Groenland In the Westerne part there are many knowen Countreys as the Regions of Quiuira Ciuola Astatlan and Terlichichimici The Southerne part is called Florida because it was discouered on Palme-sunday which the Spaniardes call Pascha Florida The Northerne part is altogether vnknowen The second part of all America is called newe Spaine It extendeth from the Tropicke of Cancer in twentie three degrees and a halfe vnto the ninth degree In the same is situated the Citie of Themistican and it hath many Regions and many Ilandes adioyned vnto it which are called the Antilles whereof the most famous and renoumed are Hispaniola and Isabella with an infinite number of others All this land together with the Bay of Mexico and all the Ilands aforesayd haue not in Longitude past seuentie degrees to wit from the two hundreth and fortie vnto three hundreth and ten it is also long and narrowe as Italie The third part of America is called Peru it is very great and extendeth it selfe in Latitude from the tenth degree vnto the three and fiftieth beyond Equator to wit as I haue sayde before vnto the streight of Magelan It is made in fashion like to an egge and is very well knowen vpon all sides The part where it is largest hath threescore degrees and from thence it waxeth narrower and narrower toward both the endes In one part of this lande Villegagnon planted right vnder the Tropicke of Capricorne and he called it France Antarctick because it draweth toward the pole Antarctick as our France doeth toward the Arctick New France is almost as great as all our Europe Howbeit the most knowen and inhabited part thereof is Florida whither many Frenchmen haue made diuers voyages at sundry times insomuch that nowe it is the best knowen Countrey which is in all this part of newe France The Cape thereof is as it were a long head of lande stretching out into the Sea an hundred leagues and runneth directly towarde the South it hath right ouer against it fiue and twentie leagues distant the Isle of Cuba otherwise called Isabella toward the East the Isles of Bahama and Lucaya and toward the West the Bay of Mexico The Countrey is flat and diuided with diuers riuers and therefore moyst and is sandie towards the Sea shore There groweth in those partes great quantitie of Pinetrees which haue no kernels in the apples which they beare Their woods are full of Oakes Walnutrees blacke Cherrietrees Mulberry trees Lentiskes and Chestnut trees which are more wilde then those in France There is great shore of Cedars Cypresses Bayes Palme trees Hollies and wilde Uines which climbe vp along the trees and beare good Grapes There is there a kinde of Medlers the fruite whereof is better then that of France and bigger There are also Plumtrees which beare very faire fruite but such as is not very good There are Raspasses and a little berrie which we call among vs Blues which are very good to eate There growe in that Countrey a kinde of Rootes which they call in their language Hasez whereof in necessitie they make bread There is also there the tree called Esquine which is very good against the Pockes and other contagious diseases The Beastes best knowen in this Countrey are Stagges Hindes Goates Deere Leopards Ounces Luseâ—ns diuers sortes of Wolues wilde Dogs Hares Cunnies and a certaine kinde of beast that differeth little from the Lyon of Africa The foules are Turkey cocks Partridges Parrots Pigions Ringdoues Turtles Blackbirdes Crowes Tarcels Faulcons Laynerds Herons Cranes Storkes wilde Geese Malards Cormorauts Herushawes white red blacke and gray and an infinite sort of all wilde foule There is such abundance of Crocodiles that oftentimes in swimming men are assayled by them of Serpents there are many sorts There is found among the Sauages good quantitie of Gold and Siluer which is gotten out of the shippes that are lost vpon the coast as I haue vnderstood by the Sauages themselues They vse traffique thereof one with another And that which maketh me the rather beleeue it is that on the coast towarde the Cape where commonly the shippes are cast away there is more store of Siluer then toward the North. Neuerthelesse they say that in the Mountaines of Appalaâ—cy there are Mines of Copper which I thinke to be Golde There is also in this Countrey great store of graynes and herbes whereof might be made exellent good dyes and paintings of all kind of colours And in trueth the Indians which take pleasure in painting of their skins know very well how to vse the same The men are of an Oliue colour of great stature faire without any deformitie and well proportioned They couer their priuities with the skinne of a Stagge well dressed The most part of them haue their bodies armes and thighes painted with very faire deuises the painting whereof can neuer bee taken away because the same is pricked into their flesh Their haire is very blacke and reacheth euen downe to their hips howbeit they trusse it vp after a fashion that becommeth them very well They are great dissemblers and traitours valiant of their persons fight very well They haue none other weapons but their bowes and arrowes They make the string of their bow of a gut of a Stag or of a Stags skin which they know how to dresse as well as any man in France and with as different sorts of colours They head their arrowes with the teeth of fishes and stone which they worke very finely and handsomly They exercise their youg men to runne well and they make a game among themselues which he winneth that hath the longest breath They also exercise themselues much in shooting They play at the ball in this maner they set vp a tree in the middest of a place which is eight or nine fathom high in the top whereof there is set a square mat made of reedes or Bulrushes which whosoeuer hitteth in playing thereat winneth the game They take great pleasure in hunting and fishing The kings of the Countrey make great warre one against the other which is not executed but by surprise and they kill all the men they can take afterward they cut of their heads to haue their haire which returning home they carry away to make thereof their triumph when they come to their houses They saue the women and children and nourish them and keepe them alwayes with them Being returned home from the warre they assemble all their subiects and for ioy three dayes and three nights they make good cheare they daunce sing likewise they make the most ancient women of the Countrey to dance holding the haires of their enemies in their hands and in dauncing they sing praises
thing sauing a little of their victualles Whereupon our men being farre from all succours found themselues in such extremitie that without the ayd of Almighty God the onely searcher of the hearts and thoughts of men which neuer forsaketh those that seeke him in their afflictions they had bene quite and cleane out of all hope For the next day betimes in the morning the King Audusta and King Maccou came thither accompanied with a very good companie of Indians which knowing the misfortune were very sory for it And then they vttered vnto their subiects the speedy diligence which they were to vse in building another house shewing vnto them that the Frenchmen were their louing friends that they had made it euident vnto them by the gifts and presents which they had receiued protesting that whosoeuer put not his helping hand vnto the worke with all his might should be esteemed as vnprofitable and as one that had no good part in him which the Sauages feare aboue all things This was the occasion that euery man began to endeuour himselfe in such sort that in lesse then 12 houres they had begun and finished a house which was very neere as great as the former Which being ended they returned home fully contented with a few cutting hookes and hatchets which they receiued of our men Within a small while after this mischance their victuals began to waxe short and after our men had taken good deliberation thought and bethought themselues againe they found that there was no better way for them then to returne againe to the king Ouade and Couexis his brother Wherefore they resolued to send thither some of their company the next day following which with an Indian Canoa sayled vp into the countrey about 10 leagues afterward they found a very faire great riuer of fresh water which they failed not to search out they found therein a great number of Crocodils which in greames passe those of the riuer Nilus moreouer al along the bankes thereof there grow mighty high Cypresses After they had stayed a smal while in this place they purposed to follow their iourney helping thēselues so wel with the tydes that without putting themselues in danger of the continuall perill of the Sea they came into the countrey of Ouade of whom they were most courteously receiued They aduertised him of the occasion wherefore they came againe to visite him and told him of the mischance which happened vnto them since their last voyages how they had not onely lost their houshold stuffe by casualtie of fire but also their victuals which he had giuen them so bountifully that for this cause they were so bolde as to come once againe vnto him to beseech him to vouchsafe to succour them in such neede and necessitie After that the king had vnderstood their case he sent messengers vnto his brother Couexis to request him vpon his behalfe to send him some of his mill and beanes which thing he did and the next morning they were come againe with victuals which the king caused to be borne into their Canoa Our men would haue taken their leaue of him finding themselues more then satisfied with this liberalitie But for that day hee would not suffer them but retained them and sought to make them the best cheere hee could deuise The next day very carely in the morning he tooke them with him to shewe them the place where his corne grewe and saide vnto them that they should not want as long as all that mil did last Afterward he gaue them a certaine number of exceeding faire pearles two stones of fine Christal and certaine siluer oare Our men forgot not to giue him certaine trifles i◠recompence of these presentes and required of him the place whence the siluer oare and the Christall came He made them answere that it came ten dayes iourney from his habitation vp within the countrey and that the inhabitants of the countrey did dig the same at the foote of certaine high mountaines where they found of it in very good quantitie Being ioyfull to vnderstand so good newes and to haue come to the knowledge of that which they most desired they tooke their leaue of the king and returned by the same saw by which they came Behold therefore how our men behaued themselues very well hitherto although they had endured many great mishaps But misfortune or rather the iust iudgement of God would haue it that those which could not bee ouercome by fire nor water should be vndone by their owne selues This is the common fashio◠of men which cannot continue in one state and had rather to ouerthrow themselues then not to attempt some new thing dayly We haue infinite examples in the ancient histories especially of the Romanes vnto which number this litle handfull of men being farre from their countrey and absent from their countreymen haue also added this present example They entred therefore into partialities and dissentions which began about a souldier named Guernache which was a drummer of the French bands which as it was told me was very cruelly hanged by his owne captaine and for a smal fault which captaine also vsing to threathen the rest of his souldiers which staied behind vnder his obedience and peraduenture as it is to be presumed were not so obedient to him as they should haue bene was the cause that they fell into a mutinie because that many times he put his threatnings in execution whervpon they so chased him that at the last they put him to death And the principall occasion that moued them thereunto was because he degraded another souldier named La Chere which he had banished and because he had not performed his promise for hee had promised to send him victuals from 8 dayes to 8 dayes which thing he did not but said on the contrary that he would be glad to heare of his death He said moreouer that he would chastise others also vsed so euil sounding speeches that honestie forbiddeth me to repeat thē The souldiers seeing his madnes to increase from day to day and fearing to fall into the dangers of the other resolued to kil him Hauing executed their purpose they went to seeke the souldier that was banished which was in a small Island distant frō Charles-fort about 3 leagues where they found him almost half dead for hunger When they were come home againe they assembled themselues together to choose one to be gouernour ouer them whose name was Nicolas Barre a man worthy of commendation and one which knewe so well to quite himselfe of his charge that all rancour and dissention ceased among them and they liued peaceably one with another During this time they began to build a smal Pinnesse with hope to return into France if no succours came vnto them as they expected from day to day And though there were no man among them that had any skill notwithstanding necessitie
in those little Canoas of canes Neuerthelesse our men vsed such dissgrace that one of the Canoas was boorded taken but the Indian in the Canoa seeing himselfâ— now taken leapt into the water and our men followed with their boat to take him but seeing himselfe within their reach he ducked with his head vnder their boate and so deceiued them and then rose vp againe and with their oares and with staues they gaue him certaine blowes to amaze him but nothing would serue them for as they were about to lay handes vpon him hee still diued vnderwater and with his hands and feete got neere to the shore and as he rose vp aboue the water hee called to his felowes which stood on the shore to behold crying Belen with a loud voyce and so they pursued him and strooke him sometimes being very neere the shore and he alwayes went calling the rest of his fellowes to come and helpe him whereupon within a short while after three other Canoas came foorth to succour him being full of Indians with bowes and arrowes in their handes crying with a loude voyce that wee should come on shore these Indians were of great stature and saluage far also and well set and of a browne colour Our Captaine perceiuing this least they should wound any of our people with their arrowes returned backe and commanded vs immediately to set sayle and so foorthwith wee departed This day the wind skanâ—ed and we returned to anker in the foresayd place and our Admirall rode from the firme land toward the Island and wee which were in the ship called The Trinitie lay neerâ— vnto the maine and before breake of day wee departed with a fresh gale And before we diseâ—â—â—quod oâ—â—e of that chanell we saw certaine grasse very high and greene vpon the maine whereupon a mariner and the Pilot went vp into the top and saw the mouth of a riuer which ranne through that greene countrey into the sea But because our Admirall was vnder all her sayles farre from vs we could not tell them of this riuer where wee would haue taken water whereof we had some neede and because it was a very good hauen to goe on shore to take it and therefore without watering we followed our course On munday we departed from this hauen which is like vnto a lake for on all sides we were compassed with land hauing the continent before be hinde vs and on our right side and the Island on our left side and we passed foorth at those mouthes beforementioned which shewed an out-let into the open sea Thus wee sayled along still viewing the situation of the countrey reioycing all of vs at the sight thereof for it alwayes pleased vs more and more still appearing more greene and pleasant and the grasse which wee found neere vnto the shore was fresh and delectable but not very high being to all our iudgements not past a spanne long Likewise the hilles which wee saw which were many and many downes made a very pleasant prospect especially because we iudged that there were many valleys and dales betweene them Chap. 6. They discouer a very great bay with foure small Islands in it whereas they take possession As they sayle along and discouer diuers Islands they come at lenâ—th to the port of Santa Cruz where not being able to get any knowledge of those Indians although they lay in waite for them at a place called The well of Grâ—alua they departed thence They haue a perilous and long tempest which ceased after they had seene a light on their shrowdes AT the comming out of these openings we began to â—â—â—de a Bay 〈…〉 great hauen entituleâ— with diuers small hilles hauing vpon them 〈…〉 pleasant to 〈◊〉 In this bay and strand were two small Islands neere vnto the shore one of the which was like vnto a table about halfe a league in bignes and the other was a round hill almost as big as the former These Islands serued vs onely to coment our sight for we passed by them without staying hauing but a slacke wind on Munday morning all which day we followed our course with the foresayd slacke winde and within a while after it became flat contrary so that we were constrained to anker at the sayd point of the sayd hauen and on Tewesday at breake of day we set sayle but made but little away all the day because the winde continued contrary although but very weake The night following wee were becalmed a little beyond the point of this hauen but about midnight wee began to haue a fresh gale and on Wednesday in the morning wee were seuen leagues distant from that point This countrey shewed as it was indeede more plaine then the rest with certaine small woody hilles and within the other point which was before descried the situation seemed to be more pleasant and delightsome then the rest which we had passed And at the vttermost end of the point were two small Isâ—ets The sayd Wednesday about nine of the clocke the winde blew a good gale and we sayled by euening between seuen and eight leagues and came ouer against a land not very high where wee saw certaine creekes or breaches not very ragged into euery of which a riuer seemed to fall because the soyle was very greene and had certaine trees growing on it farre bigger then those which we had found before Here the Captaine with fiue or sixe men went on shore and taking possession passed vp one of those riuers and found the sooting of many Indians vpon the sand On the bankes of that riuer they saw many fruitful trees as cherry-trees and little apple-trees and other white trees they found also in the wood three or foure beasts called Adibes which are a kind of dogs The same night wee set sayle with the winde off the land which blew so freshly that it made vs to strike our fore-sayle and on the sixeteenth of October at nine of the clocke we came neere vnto a point of certaine high mountaines on which day being Thursday we made little way because the winde ceased but it rose againe in the night whereupon by the breake of day on Friday wee came before the sayd point being sixe or seuen leagues off The land seemed to bee very mountainous with certaine sharpe points not greatly clad with grasse but somewhat bare On our left hand wee saw two Islands the one of a league and a halfe the other not so much and it seemed that we drew neere to the port of Santa Cruz whereat we were sory because we were alwaies in good hope to and some out-let into the maine Ocean in some place of that land and that the same port was the same out-let and also that by the sayd coast we might returne to the foresayd hauen of Santa Cruz and that we had committed a great error because we had not certainely sought out the secret whether that were a Street or a riuer which wee had left
high mountaines with certaine woods which woods and mountaines ranne ouerthwart the countrey and continued along with certaine small hilles sharpe on the toppe and certaine little vallies are betweene those mountaines And in truth to me which with diligent eyes beheld the same both in length and in the breadth thereof it could not chuse but be a good counâ—rey and to haue great matters in it as well touching the inhabiting thereof by the Indians as in golde and siluer for there was great likelihood that there is store thereof This night we saw a fire farre within the lande towards those mountaines which made vs thinke that the countrey was throughly inhabited The next day being Sunday and Innocents day the 28 of the said moneth at breake of day we seâ— sayle and by nine or ten of the clocke had sayled three or foure leagues where we met with a point which stretched towarde the West the pleasant situation whereof delighted vs much From the eight and twentieth of December we ranne our course vntill Thursday being New-yeares day of the yeere 1540 and we ran some 40 leagues passing by certaine inlets and bayes and certaine high mountains couered with grasse in colour like rosemary but toward the sea-side very bare and burned and toward the top were certaine cragges somewhat of a red colour and beyond these appeared certaine white mountaines and so all the countrey shewed vnto a point which appeared beyond those burnt white and red mountâ—ines which haue neither any grasse nor tree vpon them whereat we maruelled not a little This Newyeares day we sawe neere the maine two small Ilands and reioyced greatly to see them for we stood in great feare that contrary windes would driue vs as farre backe in one day as we had sayled in tenne which if they had taken vs we could not haue withstood them Wee ranne from the first of Ianuary vntill Munday which were fiue dayes and the land alwayes stretched Northwest from the mountaines aforesaid And on the Sunday we saw a farre off a-heâ—d of vs a high land somewhat seuered from the maine shore aâ—d all of vs beganne to dispute whether it were the land which trâ—nded toward the Northwest for that way the Pilots hoped to discouer a better countrey and the said Munday the fift of Ianuarie we came to this high land beforesâ—â—d and it was two Ilands the one a small one and the other a great one we coasted these two Ilands some sixe leagues which were greene and had on the toppe of them many high slender trees and the great Iland was twentie leagues in compasse We coasted it 6 leagues in length without seeing or discouering any othâ—r things but we saw before vs high land which stretched eight or tenne leagues Northwaâ—d where we rode on Munday at night From Thursday being Newyeares day vntill the next Munday we sayled about 35 leagues And in this course we felt great cold which grieued vs much especially being assailed by two or three windie showers which pinched vs much with colde We rode ouer against this land two or three nights hauing it neere vnto vs alwayes keeping watch by equall houres one while marâ—â—ers and another souldiâ—rs all the night long with great vigilancie On Tuesday being Twelfe day we came within â—wo or three leagues of this land which we had descryed the day before seeming to vs very plâ—asant for it shewed grâ—ene with greene â—rees of an ordinary bignesse and we saw many vallies out of which certaine smâ—ll mists arose which continued in them for a long time whereupon we gathered that they rose out of certaine riuers The same morning to our great comfort we saw great smokes though we were aboue foure leagues distant from them and the Captaine made no great reckoning to approch neere vnto them nor to seeke nor serch what the matter was and perchance because he was not then in the Santa Agueda but was aboord the Trinitie as his maner was to come and stay there two or three dayes as well to passe the time as to giue order for things that were needefull In this countrey the winter and raine seemed to be like that of Castâ—le We rode al night two or threâ— leagues distance from shore and toward euening we saw fiue or sixe fires whereat we all reioyced but did not maruell thereat because the situation of that countrey shewed to be habitableâ— being â—aire pleasant and all greâ—ne and likewise because the Iland which we had left behind vs being as I haue said twenty leagues in circuit made shewe that it was well peopled On the Wednesday we were 3 or 4 leagues at sea from the land and began to see â—wo fires more therfore we assured our selues that the countrey was very well inhabited and the farther we sayled we alwayes found it more ciuill And for the space of fifty leagues before we came hither we alwayes found swimming on the sea certaine flotes of weedes of a ships length and of the bredth of two ships being round and full of gourds and vnder these weedes were many fishes and on some of them were store of fowles like vnto white sea-meawes We supposed that these floting weeds did grow vpon some rocke vnder the water We were now in 30 degrees of Northerly latitude We sailed from the 7 of Ianuary vntill the 9 still with contrary windes and on Fryday about noone there rose a North and Northeastern winde which forced vs to returne vnder the shelter of that Iland which we left behind vs from whence we had sayled aboue twentie leagues And that Friday at night somewhat late wee had sayled backe aboue twelue leagues of the same and because it was night wee stayed in the sea where we and our shippes were not a little troubled so that all that night none of vs slept a winke but watched euery one The next morning betimes being Saturday we proceeded on our voyage and gate vnder the shelter of the said Iland riding in thirtie fadome water and on that side where we ankored we found high and closed mountaines with heapes of a certaine earth which was all ashes and burnes and in other places skorched and as blacke as coales and like the rust of yron and in other places whitish and here and there small blacke hilles whereat we maruelled exceedingly considering that when we passed by it seemed vnto vs an habitable countrey full of trees and now we saw not a sticke growing on this side All of vs supposed that on the other side toward the firme lande the trees grâ—we which we sawe although as I haue sayde wee sayled foure or fiue leagues distant from the same We stayed here vnder the shelter of these mountaines Saturday Sunday and Munday alwayes hauing the Northren winde so strong that we thinke if it had caught vs in the sea wee should haue bene cast away Chap. 12. They enuiron and land vpon the Iland of
he tolde me that certaine companions of his had led him away I made him good countenance and better intertainment because he should beare me companie againe considering howe much it did importe me to haue him with me He excused himselfe because he stayed there to bring mee certaine feaâ—hers of Parrats which he gaue me I asked him what people these were and whether they had any Lord hee answered me yea and named three or foure vnto me of foure or 25 names of people which he knew and that they had houses painted within and that they had trafficke with those of Ceuola and that in two moones hee came into the countrey He told me moreouer many other names of Lords and other people which I haue written downe in a booke of mine which I will bring my selfe vnto your Lordship But I thought good to deliuer this briefe relation to Augustine Guerriero in this hauen of Colima that he might send it ouerland to your Lordshippe to whom I haue many other things to imparte But to returne to my iourney I arriued at Quicama where the Indians came forth with great ioy and gladnes to receiue me aduertizing me that their Lord waited for my comming to whom when I was come I found that he had with him fiue or sixe thousand men without weapons from whom he went aparte with some two hundred onely all which brought victuals with them and so he came towards me going before the rest with great authoritie and before him and on each side of him were certaine which made the people stande aside making him way to passe Hee ware a garment close before and behind and open on both sides fastened with buttons wrought with white and blacke checker worke it was very soft and well made being of the skinnes of certaine delicate fishes called Sea breams Assoone as he was come to the waters side his seruants tooke him vp in their armes and brought him into my boate where I embraced him and receiued him with great ioy shewing vnto him much kindnesse vpon which intertainment his people standing by and beholding the same seemed not a litle to reioyce This Lord turnning himselfe to his people wiâ—led them to consider my courtesie and that he being of his owne accord come vnto me with a strange people they might see how good a man I was and with how great loue I had entertained him and that therefore they should take me for their Lord and that all of them should become my seruants and doe whatsoeuer I would command them There I caused him to sit downe and to eat certaine conserues of sugar which I had brought with mee and willed the interpreter to thanke him in my name for the fauour which he had done me in vouchsafing to come to see mee recommending vnto him the worshipping of the crosse and all such other things as I had recommended to the rest of the Indians namely that they should liue in peace and should leaue off warres and should continue alwayes good friendes together he answered that of long time they had continued in warres with their neighbours but that from thence forward he would command his people that they should giue food to all strangers that passed through his kingdome and that they should doe them no kinde of wrong and that if any nation should come to inuade him he said he would tell them howe I had commanded that they should liue in peace and if they refused the â—ame he would defend himselfe and promised me that he would neuer goe to seeke warre if others came not to inuade him Then I gaue him certaine trifles as well of the seedes which I brought as of the hens of Castile wherâ—with he was not a litle pleased And at my departure I caâ—yed certaine of his people with me to make friendship betweene them and those other people which dwâ—lt aboue the Riuer and here the interpreter came vnto me to craue leaue to returne home and I gaue him certaine gifts wherewith he dâ—parted greatly satisfied The next day I came to Coama and many of them knew me not seeing me clad in other apartel but the old man which was there as soone as he knew me leapt into the water saying vnto me Sir lo here is the man which you left with me which came forth very ioyfull pleasant declaring vnto me the great courtesies which that people had shewed him saying that they had strouen together who should haue him to his house and that it was incredible to thinke what care they had at the rising of the Sunne to hold vp their hands and kneele before the Crosse. I gaue them of my seedes and thanked them hartily for the good entertainment which they had shewed my man and they besought me that I would leaue him with them which I granted them vntill my return and he stayed among them very willingly Thus I went forward vp the Riuer taking that olde man in my companie which told mee that two Indians came from Cumana to enquire for the Christians that he had answered them that he knew none such but that he knew one which was the sonne of the Sunne and that they had perswaded him to ioyne with thâ—m to kill mee and my companions I wished him to lend me two Indians and I would send word by them that I would come vnto them and was desirous of their friendship but if that they on the contrary would haue warre I would make such a warre with them that should displeaâ—e them And â—o I passed through all that people and some came and asked me why I had not giuen them Crosses as will as the rest and so I gaue them some Chap. 9. They goe on land and see the people woâ—ship the Crosse which they had giuen them The Captaine causeth an Indian to make a draught of the countrey hee sendeth a Crosse to the Lord of Cumana and going down the Riuer with the streame he arriueth at his ships Of the error of the Pilots of Cortez as touching the situation of this Coast. THe next day I went on land to see certaine cottages and I found many women and children holding vp their hands and kneeling before a Crosse which I had giuen them When I came thither I did the like my self and couferring with the old man he began to informe me of as many people and Prouinces as he knew And when euening was come I called the old man to come and lodge with mee in my boate hee answered that hee would not goe with mee because I would wearie him with asking him questions of so many matters I told him that I would request him nothing â—lse but that he would set me downe in a charte as much as he knew concerning that Riuer and what maner of people those were which dwelt vpon the banckes thereof on both sides which he did willingly And then he requested me that I would describe my
countrey vnto him as he had done his vnto me And for to content him I caused a draught of certaine thiâ—gs to be made for him The next day I entred betweene certaine very high mountaines through which this Riuer passeth with a strâ—ight chanel and the boaâ—s went vp against the streamâ— very hâ—â—dly for want of men to draw the same Here certaine Indians came and told me that in the â—ame place there were certaine pâ—ople of Cumana and among the rest an enchater who enquired which way we would passe they telling him that we meant to passe by the Riuer he set certaine canes on both sides thereof through which wee passed without receiuing any kinde of dâ—mage which they intended against vs. Thus going forward I came vnto the house of the olde man which was in my company and here I caused a very high Crosse to be set vp whereupon I engraued certaine letters to signifie that I was come thither and this I did that if by chance any of the people of the generall Vasquez de Coronado should come thither they might haue knowledge of my being there At length seeing I could not attaine to the knowledge of that which I sought for I determined to returne backe vnto my ships And being ready to depart there arriued two Indians which by meanes of the inteâ—preters of the old man told me that they were sent to me and that they were of Cumana and that their Lord could not come himselfe because he was farre from that place but desired me â—o signifie vnto him what my pleasure was I told them that I wished that he would alwayes imbrace peace and that I was comming to see that countrey but being inforced to returne backe downe the Riuer I could not now doe it but that hereafâ—er I would returne and that in the meane season they should giue that Crosse vnto their Lorde which they promised me to do and they went directly to cary him that Crosse with certaine feaâ—hers which were on the same Of these I sought to vnderstand what people dwelt vpward vpon the bankes of the Riuer which gaue me knowledge of many people and told me that the Riuer went farre more vp into the land then I had yet seene but that they knew not the head thereof because it was very far into the countrey and that many other Riuers fell into the same Hauing learned thus much the next day morning I returned downe the Riuer and the day following I came where I had left my Spaniard with whom I spake and told him that all things had gone well with me and that at this time and the former I had gone aboue 30 leagues into the countrey The Indians of thaâ— place inquired of me what the cause was of my departure and wheÌ„ I would returne to whom I answered that I would returne shortly Thus sayling downe the streame a woman leapt into the water crying vnto vs to stay for her and shee came into our boate and crept vnder a bench from whence we could not make her to come out I vnderstood that shee did this because her husband had taken vnto him another wife by whom hee had children saying that she ment not to dwell any longer with him seeing he had taken another wife Thus shee and another Indian came with me of their owne accord and so I came into my ships and making them ready we proceeded home on our voyage coasting and oftentimes going on land and entering a great way into the countrey to see if I could learne any newes of Captaine Francis Vasquez and his companie of whom I could haue no other knowledge but such as I learned in the aforesaide Riuer I bring with me many actes of taking possession of all that Coast. And by the situation of the Riuer and the height which I tooke I finde that that which the Masters and Pilots of the Marquesse tooke is false that they were deceiued by 2 degrees and I haue sayled beyond them aboue 4 degrees I sayled vp the Riuer 85 leagues where I saw and learnâ—d all the particulars before mentioned and many other things whereof when it shall please God to giue mee leaue to kisse your Lordships hands I will deliuer you the full and perfect relation I thinke my selfe to haue had very good fortune in that I found Don Luis de Castilia and Augustine Ghenero in the port of Colima for the Galiot of the Adelantado came vpon mee which was there with the rest of his fleet and commanded me to strike sayle which seeming a strange thing vnto me and not vndeâ—standing in what state things were in Nueua Espanna I went about to defend my selfe and not to doe it In the meane while came Don Luis de Castilia in a boate and conferred with mee and I lay at anchor on the other side of the hauen where the saide fleete road and I gaue vnto him this relation and to auoyd striffe I determined to sayle away by night which relation I caryed about me briefly written for I alwayes had a purpose to send the same as soone as I should touch vpon Nueua Espanna to aduertize your Lordship of my proceedings An extract of a Spanish letter written from Pueblo de los Angeles in Nueua Espanna in October 1597 touching the discouerie of the rich Isles of California being distant eight dayes sayling from the maine WE haue seene a letter written the right of October 1597 out of a towne called Pueblo de los Angeles situate eighteene leagues froÌ„ Mexico making mention of the Ilands of California situate two or three hundreth leagues froÌ„ the maine land of Nueua Espanna in Mar del Sur as that thither haue bene sent before that time some people to conquer them which with losse of some twentie men were forced backe Afâ—er that they had wel visited and found those Islands or countreys to be very rich of gold and siluer mynes and of very fayre Orientall pearles which were caught in good quantitie vpon one fathome and an halfe passing in beautie the pearles of the Island Margarita the report thereof caused the Uice-roy of Mexico to send a citizen of Mexico with two hundreth men to conquer the same Therein also was affirmed that within eight dayes they could sayle thither from the mayne The course which Sir Francis Drake held from the hauen of Guatulco in the South sea on the backe side of Nueua Espanna to the Northwest of California as far as fourtie three degrees and his returne back along the said Coast to thirtie eight degrees where finding a faire and goodly hauen he landed and staying there many weekes and discouering many excellent things in the countrey and great shewe of rich minerall matter and being offered the dominion of the countrey by the Lord of the same hee tooke possession thereof in the behalfe of her Maiestie and named it Noua Albion WEe kept our course from the Isle of Cano which lyeth in
eight degrees of Northerly latitude and within two leagues of the maine of Nicaragua where wee calked and trimmed our ship along the Coast of Nueua Espanna vntill we came to the Hauen and Towne of Guatulco which as we were informed had but seuenteene Spaniards dwelling in it and we found it to stand in fifteene degrees and fiftie minutes Assoone as we were entred this Hauen we landed and went presently to the towne and to the Towne house where we found a Iudge sitting in iudgement he being associate with three other officers vpon three Negroes that had conspired the burning of the Towne both which Iudges and prisoners we tooke and brought them a shippeboord and caused the chiefe Iudge to write his letter to the Towne to command all the Townesmen to auoid that we might safely water there Which being done and they departed wee ransaked the Towne and in one house we found a pot of the quantitie of a bushell full of royals of plate which we brought to our ship And here one Thomas Moone one of our companie took a Spanish gentleman as he was flying out of the Towne and searching him he found a chaine of Gold about him and other iewels which we tooke and so let him goe At this place our Generall among other Spaniards set a shore his Portugall Pilote which he tooke at the Island of Cape Verde out of a ship of Saint Marie port of Portugall and hauing set them a shoore we departed thence Our General at this place and time thinking himselfe both in respect of his priuate iniuries receiued from the Spaniards as also of their contempts and indignities offered to our Countrey and Prince in generall sufficiently satisfied and reuenged and supposing that her Maiestie at his returne would rest contented with this seruice purposed to continue no longer vpon the Spanish coastes but began to consider and to consult of the best way for his Countrey He thought it not good to returne by the Streights for two speciall causâ—s the one least the Spaniards should there waite and attend for him in great number and strength whoâ—e handes he being left but one ship could not possibly escape The other cause was the dangerous situation of the mouth of the Streights of the South side with continuall stormes raining and blusâ—ing as he found by experience besides the shoals and sands vpon the coast wherefore he thought it not a good course to aduenture that way he resolued therefore to auoide these hazards to goe â—orward to the Islands of the Malucos and therehence to saile the course of the Portugales by the Cape of Bona Sperança Upon this resolution he began to thinke of his best way for the Malucos and finding himselfe where hee now was becalmed hee sawe that of necessitie hee must bee enforced to take a Spanish course namely to saile somewhat Northerly to get a winde Wee therefore set saile and â—ayled 800 leagues at the least for a good winde and thus much we sayled from the 16 of Aprill after our olde stile till the third of Iune The fift day of Iune being in fortie three degrees towardes the pole Arcticke being speedily come out of the extreame heate wee found the ayre so colde that our men being pinched with the same complayned of the extremitie thereof and the further we went the more the colde increased vpon vs whereupon we thought it best for that time to seeke land and did so finding it not mountainous but low plaine land we drew backe againe without landing til we came within thirtie eight degrees towardes the liâ—e In which height it pleased God to send vs into a farre and good Bay with a good winde to enter the same In this Bay wee ankered the seuententh of Iune and the people of the Countery hauing their houses close by the waters side shewed themselues vnto vs and sent a present to our Generall When they came vnto vs they greatly wondred at the things which we brought but our Geâ—erall according â—o his naturall and accustomed humanitie curteously intreated them and liberally bestowed on them necessarie things to couer their nakednesse whereupon they supposed vs to be gods and would not be perswaded to the contrary the presentes which they sent vnto our Generâ—ll were feathers and cals of net worke Their houses are digged â—ound about with earth and haue from the vttermost brimmes of the circle clifts of wood set vpon them ioyning close together at the toppe like a spire steeple which by reason of that closenesse are very warme Their bed is the ground with rushes strawed on it and lying about the house they haue the fire in the middest The men goe naked the women take bulrushes and kembe them after the maner of hempe and thereof make their loose garments which being knit about their middles hang downe about their hippes hauing also about their shoulders a skinne of Deere with the haire vpoâ— it These women are very obedient and seruiceable to their husbands After they weâ—e departed from vs they came and visited vs the second time and brought with them feathers and bags of Tabacco for presents And when they came to the toppe of â—he hil at the bottome whereof wee had pitched our tents they stayed themselues where one appointed for speaker weaired himselfe with making a long oration which done they left their bowes vpon the hill and came downe with their presents In the meane time the women remaining on the hill tormented themselues lamentably tearing their flesh from their checkes whereby we perceiued that they were about a sacrifice In the meane time our Generallâ— with his companie went to prayer and to reading of the Scriptures at which exercise they were attentiue and seemed greatly to be affected with it but when they were come vnto vs they restored againe vnto vs those things which before we had bestowed vpon them The newes of our being there being spread through the countrey the people that inhabited round about came downe and amongst them the king himself a man of a goodly stature and comely personage with many other tall and waâ—like men before whose comming were sent two Ambassadours to our Generall to signifie that their king was comming in doing of which message their speech was continued about halfe an howre This ended they by signes requested our Generall to send something by their hand to their king as a token that his comming might bee in peace wherein our Generall hauing satisfied them they returned with glad tidings to their king who marched to vs with a princely Maiestie the people crying continually after their maner and as they drewe neere vnto vs so did they striue to behaue themselues in their actions with comelinesse In the fore front was a man of a goodly personage who bare the scepter or mace before the king whereupon hanged two crownes a lesse and a bigger with three chaines of a merueilous length the crownes were made of knit work
house as much as he will without the cost of any thing but of the letting in Also there is a great caue or ditch of water that commeth through the Citie euen vnto the high place where come euery morning at the break of the day twentie or thirtie Canoas or troughes of the Indians which bring in them all maner of prouision for the citie which is made and groweth in the Countrey which is a very good commoditie for the inhabitants of that place And as for victuals in the said Citie of beefe mutton and hennes capons quailes Guiny-cockes and such like all are very good cheape To say the whole quarter of an oxe as much as a slaue can carry away from the Butchers for fiue Tomynes that is fiue Royals of plate which is iust two shillings and sixe pence and a fat sheepe at the Butchers for three Royals which is 18. pence and no more Bread is as good cheape as in Spaine and all other kinde of fruites as apples peares pomegranats and quinces at a reasonable rate The Citie goeth wonderfully forwards in building of Frieries and Nunneries and Chappels and is like in time to come to be the most populous Citie in the world as it may be supposed The weather is there alwayes very temperate the day differeth but one houre of length all the yere long The fields and the woods are alwayes greene The woods full of popiniayes and many other kinde of birdes that make such an harmonie of singing and crying that any man will reioyce to heare it In the fields are such odoriferous smels of flowers and hearbs that it giueth great cement to the senses About the Citie of Mexico two three or foure leagues off are diuers townes of Indians some of 4000. or 6000. housholds which doe stand in such a goodly soyle that if Christians had the inhabitation thereof it would be put to a farther benefite In my time were dwelling and aliue in Mexico many ancient men that were of the conquerours at the first conquest with Hernando Cortes for then it was about 36. yeeres agoe that the said Countrey was conquered About Mexico there are diuers Mines of siluer and also in other places there about but the principall Mines that are in all New Spaine are in Sacatecas 80. leagues from Mexico and the Mines of S. Martin thirtie leagues both to the Northwestward of Mexico where is great store of gold and siluer Also there is a place called the Misteca fiftie leagues to the Northwest which doth yeeld great store of very good silke and Cochinilla Wine and oyle there is none growing in the Countrey but what commeth out of Spaine Also there are many goodly fruits in that Countrey whereof we haue none such as Plantanos Guyaues Sapotes Tunas and in the wildernes great store of blacke cheries and other wholsome fruites The Cochinilla is not a worme or a flye as some say it is but a berrie that groweth vpon certaine bushes in the wilde field which is gathered in time of the yeere when it is ripe Also the Indico that doeth come from thence to die blâ—w is a certaine heathe that groweth in the wilde fieldes and is gathered at one time of the yeere and burnt and of the ashes thereof with other confections put thereunto the saide Indico is made Balme Salsa perilla Cana fistula sugâ—r oxe hides and many other good and seruiceable things the Countrey doeth yeeld which are yeerely brought into Spaine and there solde and distributed to many nations ROBERT TOMSON A voyage made by M. Roger Bodenham to S. Iohn de Vllua in the bay of Mexico in the yeere 1564. I Roger Bodenham hauing a long time liued in the city of Siuil in Spaine being there married and by occasion thereof vsing trade and traffique to the parts of Barbary grew at length to great losse and hindrance by that new trade begun by me in the city of Fez whereupon being returned into Spaine I began to call my wits about mee and to consider with my selfe by what meanes I might recouer and renew my state and in conclusion by the ayde of my friends I procured a ship called The Barke Fox pertâ—ining to London of the burden of eight or nine score tunnes and with the same I made a voyage to the West India hauing obteined good fauour with the Spanish merchants by reason of my long abode and marriage in the countrey My voyage was in the company of the Generall Don Pedro Melendes for Noua Hispania who being himselfe appointed Generall for Terra Firma and Peru made his sonne Generall for New Spaine although Pedro Melendes himselfe was the principall man and directer in both fleets We all departed from Cadiz together the last day of May in the yere 1564 and I with my ship being vnder the conduct of the sonne of Don Pedro aforesayd arriued with him in Noua Hispania where immediatly I tooke order for the discharge of my merchandise at the port of Vera Cruz otherwise called Villa Rica to be transported theâ—ce to the city of Mexico which is sixty and odde leagues distant from the sayd port of Villa Rica In the way are many good townes as namely Pueblo de los Angeles and another called Tlaxcalan The city of Mexico hath three great causeyes to bring men to it compassed with a lake so that it needeth no walles being so defended by the water It is a city plentifull of all necessary things hauing many faire houses churches and monasteries I hauing continued in the countrey the space of nine moneths returned againe for Spaine with the Spanish fleet and deliuered the merchandise and siluer which I had in the ship into the Contractation house and there receiued my fraight which amounted outwards and homewards to the value of 13000 ducats and more I obserued many things in the time of my abode in Noua Hispania aswell touching the commodities of the countrey as the maners of the people both Spanâ—ards and Indians but because the Spanish histories are full of those obseruations I omit them and referre the readers to the same onely this I say that the commodity of Cochinilla groweth in greatest abundance about the towne of Pueblo de los Angeles and is not there woorth aboue forty pence the pound A notable discourse of M. Iohn Chilton touching the people maners mines cities riches forces and other memorable things of New Spaine and other prouinces in the West Indies seene and noted by himselfe in the time of his trauels continued in those parts the space of seuenteene or eighteene yeeres IN the yeere of our Lord 1561 in the moneth of Iuly I Iohn Chilton went out of this city of London into Spaine where I remained for the space of seuen yeres from thence I sailed into Noua Hispania and so trauelled there and by the South sea vnto Peru the space of seuenteene or eighteene yeeres and after that time expired I returned into Spaine and
men who doe admit litle conuersation with the Spanyards for as some of our people might vnderstand them they had a Spaniard or twaine prisoners with them neither doe I thinke that there is any safetie for any of our nation or any other to be within the limits of their commandement albeit they vsed vs very kindly for those few houres of time which wee spent with themâ— helping our folkes to fill and cary on their bare shoulders fresh water from the riuer to our ships boates and fetching from their houses great store of Tabacco as also a kind of bread which they fed on called Cassaui very white and sauourie made of the rootes of Cassaui In recompence whereof we bestowed liberall rewards of glasse coloured beades and other things which we had found at Saint Iago wherewith as it seemed they rested very greatly satisfied and shewed some sorowfull countenance when they perceiued that we would depart From hence wee went to another Island Westward of it called Saint Christophers Island wherein we spent some dayes of Christmas to refresh our sicke people and to cleanse and ayre our ships In which Island were not any people at all that we could heare of In which time by the General it was aduised and resolued with the consent of the Lieutenanâ— generall the Uice-admirall and all the rest of the Captaines to proceede to the great Islande oâ— Hispaniola aswell for that we knewe our selues then to bee in our best strength as also the ratheâ— allured thereunto by the glorious fame of the citie of S. Domingo being the ancientest and chiefâ— inhabited place in all the tract of Countrey thereabouts And so proceeding in this determination by the way we mette a small Frigat bound for the same place the which the Uice-admiralâ—u tooke and hauing duely examined the men that were in her there was one found by whom wee were aduertised the Hauen to be a barred Hauen and the shore or land thereof to bee well fortified hauing a Castle thereupon furnished with great store of Artillerie without the danger whereof was no conuenient landing place within ten English miles of the Citie to which the sayd Piâ—at tooke vpon him to conduct vs. All things being thus considered on the whole forces were commaunded in the Euening to embarke themselues in Pinnesses boats and other small barkes appoynted for this seruice Our souldiers being thus imbarked the Generall put himselfe into the barke Francis as Admirall and all this night we lay on the sea bearing small saile vntill our arriuall to the landing place which was about the breaking of the day and so we landed beeing Newyeeres day nine or ten miles to the Westwards of that braue Citie of S. Domingo for at that time nor yeâ— is knowen to vs any landing place where the sea-surge doth not threaten to ouerset a Pinnesse or boate Our Generall hauing seene vs all landed in safetie returned to his Fleete bequeathing vs to God and the good conduct of Master Carliell our Lieutenant Generall at which time being about eight of the clocke we began to march and about noone time or towards one of the clocke we approched the towne where the Gentlemen and those of the better sort being some hundred and fiftie braue horses or rather more began to present themselues but our small shot played vpon them which were so susteined with good proportion of pikes in all parts as they finding no part of our troope vnprepared to receiue them for you must vnderstand they viewed all round about they were thus driuen to giue vs leaue to proceed towards the two gates of the towne which were the next to the seaward They had manned them both and planted their ordinance for that present and sudden alarme without the gate and also some troopes of small shot in Ambuscado vpon the hie way side We diuided our whole force being some thousand or twelue hundred men into two partes â—o enterprise both the gates at one instant the Lieutenant Generall hauing openly vowed to Captaine Powel who led the troope that entred the other gate that with Gods good fauour he would not rest vntill our meeting in the market place Their ordinance had no sooner discharged vpon our neere approch and made some execution amongst vs though not much but the Lieutenant generall began forthwith to aduance both his voyce of encouragement and pace of marching the first man that was slaine with the ordinance being very neere vnto himselfe and thereupon hasted all that hee might to keepe them from the recharging of the ordinance And notwithstanding their Ambuscados we marched or rather ran so roundly in to them as pell mell wee entred the gates and gaue them more care euery man to saue himselfe by flight then reason to stand any longeâ— to their broken fight Wee forthwith repayred to the market place but to be more truely vnderstood a place of very faire spacious square ground whither also came as had bene agreed Captaine Powel with the other troope which place wâ—th some part next vnto it we strengthened with Barricados and there as the most conuenient place assured our selues the Citie being farre too spacious for so small and weary a troope to vndertake to guarde Somewhat after midnight they who had the guard of the Castle hearing vs busie about the gates of the said Castle abandoned the same some being taken prisoners and some fleeing away by the helpe of boates to the other side of the Hauen and so into the countrey The next day we quartered a litle more at large but not into the halfe part of the towne and so making substantiall trenches and planting all the ordinance that ech part was correspondent to other we held this towne the space of one moneth In the which time happened some accidents more then are well remembred for the present but amongst other things it chanced that the Generall sent on his message to the Spanyards a Negro boy with a flagge of white signifying truce as is the Spanyards ordinarie maner to doe there when they approch to speake to vs which boy vnhappily was first meete withall by some of those who had bene belonging as officers for the King in the Spanish Galley which with the Towne was lately fallen into our hands who without all order or reason contrary to that good vsage wherewith wee had intertained their messengers furiously strooke the poore boy thorow the body with one of their horsemens slaues with which wound the boy returned to the General and after hee had declared the maner of this wrongfull crueltie died foorthwith in his presence wherewith the Generall being greatly passioned commaunded the Proâ—ost Martiall to cause a couple of Friers then prisoners to be caried to the same place where the boy was stroken accompanied with sufficient guard of our souldiers and there presently to be hanged dispatching at the same instant another poore prisoner with this reason wherefore this execution was done with this
piece with souldiers and mariners And hauing good ordinance there are fewe or none of our enemies that can offend vs. For wee shall both leaue and take at all times when we list But it behooueth your maiestie to send both souldiers and mariners to man the Frigats For we haue great want of souldiers and mariners with tackling ankers powder shot caliuers and all kinde of furniture for them For these things are not here to bee had for money and likewise to send some great ordinance for the Zabras For the merchants ships are so weake and so vnprouided that they haue almost none to defend themselues Also we shall be constrained to giue the carena againe vnto al the ships for they are very weake by reason of the long voyage and the mariners and souldiers are wearie with their long trauelling and keeping of them here Thus if it would please your maiestie to command with all expedition that these souldiers and mariners with al kinde of other furniture might be sent vs then the fleete may set forward and so proceede on their voyage God preserue your Catholike royal maiestie FroÌ„ Hauana the of 20 October 1590. Your maiesties seruant whose royall feet I kisse IOHN DE ORIMO General of your Fleete A Letter sent from the Gouernour of Hauana Iohn de Trexeda to the King of Spaine the twentieth of October 1590 touching the wants of that place BY three shippes which departed from this Harbour since the Fleetes arriuall here I haue giuen your maiestie at large to vnderstand what hath happened as much as I can and what thing is here to be done in this citie and what your maiestie must prouide And now once againe I will returne to put your maiestie in minde thereof I beseech your maiestie to command to be prouided and to be sent hither two hundred Negros if you will haue this fortification to goe forwardes because your maiestie is here at great charges with the master workeman and the Officers And for want of Pioners the worke goeth not forwardes For as the worke goeth dayly forward and increaseth farther and farther so we want men to worke and to garde it and likewise to keep it We dare not meddle with those of the Galies And likewise it may please your maiestie to send new working tooles of yron according to a remembrance which I haue sent to your maiestie of late which doeth signifie our wants more at large Likewise it is needefull that your maiestie should send powder and match to furnish these forts And likewise to send money to pay those souldiers which are newly come hither for that companie of souldiers which were sent from Mexico to this place For it behooueth your maiestie not to haue them as yet left till such time as the defences about the forts bee finished and that which is in building vpon the hill which will be ended very shortly if you send the Negros and yron tooles Likewise I haue certified your maiestie that with all speed I am making ready of the fiue Frigates that they may cary all the treasure Also Iohn de Orimo seeing that it is of so great importance to haue them dispatched doeth furnish mee with some money although somewhat scantly vntill such time as your maiestie doth send him some order therefore I beseech you to command it to bee done considering the great charges and expences that we are at here as by the accounts your Maiestie shall more at large perceiue what hath bene spent These Frigats will be made an end of without all doubt by the moneth of Februarie but as yet their tackling and sayles are not here arriued but I doe stay the comming thereof euery day according as the Duke of Medina and Iohn de Ibarra haue written vnto me that those ships which should bring the same were readie to depart from thence All these things it behooueth your Maiestie to send in time for I can assure your Maiestie that you shall not haue vpon the sea such good sâ—ippes as these are For as touching the othee ships of the fleete which are in this harbour it is not conuenient to venture the siluer in them This counsell your Maiestie shall not take of mee for I am a souldier and haue but small skill in nauigation But euery day it is tolde me openly and in secret by many of the pilots captaines masters and mariners As touching the copper I haue put it in practise twise more and haue made proofe thereof wherein there hath bene more spent then I was willing there should haue bene because I haue gotten no fruit thereof I know not the cause but that it is not done effectually by those that haue the working thereof Therefore I beseech your Maiestie to send me that same sounder which I wrote to your Maiestie heretofore of Our Lord keepe your Maiestie many yeeres From Hauana the 20 of October 1590. Your Maiesties seruant whose royall feete I kisse IOHN DE TREXEDA gouernour of Hauana A letter sent to Don Petro de Xibar one of his Maiesties priuie Counsel of the West Indies from Don Diego Mendez de Valdes Gouernour of S. Iuan de Puerto Rico the 20 of Nouember 1590 touching the state of that Citie and Island I Recieued your honours letter the 20 of Februarie whereby I receiued great content to heare that your honour is in good health As touching the imprisonment of our cousin Don Pedro de Valdes it doeth grieue me to the very soule I beseech God to send him his libertie and likewise the imprisonment of Diego Flores de Valdes grieueth me very much I pray God to send good iustice The M. of the fielde Iuan de Texela and the M. workeman Iuan Baptista Antonio arriued here in safetie and haue veiwed this Citie with all the circuite round about and the situation as I haue informed his maiestie thereof They haue marked a place to build a strong Fort whereat the countrey remaineth very well contente And it standeth in a good situation and in a conuâ—nient place on a high mount which doeth lye vpon the entering in of the Harbour so cutteth ouer to a point of land leauing in the Fort as much space as wil containe 3000 persons without ioyning thereunto any part of the coast So the M. del campo hath named the fort Citadella He left me great store of yron worke tooles eight workemen and 200 Negros which are the kings And the Island doth finde 400 pioners which are continually at worke His maiestie hath sent me a warrant to spend the prouision of the Island to take those rents which his maiesty hath here to certifie his maiestie what there is wanting for the maintaining of the workmen that they may haue all things necessary So I haue sent to Nueua Espanna for such things as are here wanting I haue writteÌ„ to the M. of the field which is gone to Hauana informing
departed from them to seeke the Edward Bonauenture which arriued at Trinidad the day before from the East Indies in whose absence Berreo sent a Canoa abord the pinnesse onely with Indians and dogs inuiting the company to goe with them into the woods to kill a deare who like wise men in the absence of their Captaine followed the Indians but were no sooner one harquebuze shot from the shore but Berreos souldiers lying in ambush had them al notwithstanding that he had giuen his word to Captaine Whiddon that they should take water and wood safely the other cause of my stay was for that by discourse with the Spaniards I dayly learned more and more of Guiana of the riuers and passages and of the enterprise of Berreo by what meanes or fault he failed and how he meant to prosecute the same While wee thus spent the time I was assured by another Casique of the North side of the yland that Berreo had sent to Margarita and Cumana for souldiers meaning to haue giuen mee a cassado at parting if it had bene possible For although he had giuen order through all the yland that no Indian should come abord to trade with me vpon paine of hanging quartering hauing executed two of them for the same which I afterwards founde yet euery night there came some with most lamentable complaints of his crueltie how he had deuided the yland and giuen to euery souldier a part that hee made the ancient Casiques which were Lords of the countrey to be their slaues that he kept them in chaines and dropped their naked bodies with burning bacon and such other torments which I found afterwards to be true for in the city after I entred the same there were 5. of y e lords or litle kings which they cal Casiques in the West Indies in one chaine almost dead of famine and wasted with torments these are called in their owne language Acarewana and now of late since English French and Spanish are come among them they call themselues Capitaines because they perceiue that the chiefest of euery ship is called by that name Those fiue Capitaines in the châ—ine were called Wannawanare Carroaori Maquarima Tarroopanama and Aterima So as both to be reuenged of the former wrong as also considering that to enter Guiana by small boats to depart 400. or 500. miles from my ships and to leaue a garison in my backe interrested in the same enterprize who also dayly expected supplies out of Spaine I should haue sauoured very much of the asse and therefore taking a time of most aduantage I set vpon the Corps du guard in the euening and hauing put them to the sword sent Captaine Calfield onwards with 60. souldiers and my selfe followed with 40. more and so tooke their new City which they called S. Ioseph by breake of day they abode not any fight after a fewe shot and all being dismissed but onely Berreo and his companion I brought them with me abord and at the instance of the Indians I set their new citie of S. Ioseph on fire The same day arriued captaine George Gifford with your Lordships ship and captaine Keymis whom I lost on the coast of Spaine with the Galego and in them diuers gentlemen and others which to our little armie was a great comfort and supply We then hasted away towards our purposed discouery and first I called all the Captaines of the yland together that were enemies to the Spaniards for there were some which Berreo had brought out of other countreys and planted there to eate out and wast those that were naturall of the place and by my Indian interpreter which I caried out of England I made them vnderstand that I was the seruant of a Queene who was the great Casique of the North and a virgine and had more Casiqui vnder her then there were trees in that yland that shee was an enemie to the Castellani in respect of their tyrannie and oppression and that the deliuered all such nations about her as were by them oppressed and hauing freed all the coast of the Northren world from their seruitude had sent mee to free them also and withall to defend the countrey of Guiana from their inuasion aâ—d conquest I shewed them her Maiesties picture which they so admired and honoured as it had bene easie to haue brought them idolatrous thereof The like and a more large discourse I made to the rest of the nations boâ—h in my passing to Guiana and to those of the borders so as in that part of the world her Maiestie is very famous and admirable whom they now call Ezrabeta Cassipuna Aquerewana which is as much as Elizabeth the great princesse or greatest commander This done we left Puerto de los Espannoles and returned to Curiapan and hauing Berreo my prisoner I gathered from him as much of Guiana as hee knew This Berreo is a gentleman wel descended and had long serued the Spanish king in Millain Naples the Low countreis and elsewhere very valiant and liberall and a gentleman of great assurednes and of a great heart I vsed him according to his estate and worth in all things I could according to the small meanes I had I sent Captaine Whiddon the yeere before to get what knowledge he could of Guiana and the end of my iourney at this time was to discouer and enter the same but my intelligence was farre from trueth for the countrey is situate aboue 600. English miles further from the Sea then I was made beleeue it had bin which afterward vnderstanding to be true by Berreo I kept it from the knowledge of my company who â—lse would neuer haue bene brought to attempt the same of which 600. miles I passed 400. leauing my ships so farre from mee at ancker in the Sea which was more of desire to performe that discouery then of reason especially hauing such poore and weake vessels to transport our selues in for in the bottom of an old Galego which I caused to be fashioned like a galley and in one barge two whirries and a shipboat of the Lions whelpe we caried 100. persons and their victuals for a moneth in the same being al driuen to lie in the raine and weather in the open aire in the burning Sunne and vpon the hard bords and to dresse our meat and to cary all maner of furniture in them wherewith they were so pestered and vnsauory that what with victuals being most fish with the wette clothes of so many men thrust together and the heat of the Sunne I wâ—ll vndertake there was neuer any prison in England that could bee found more vnsauorie and lothsome especially to my selfe who had for many yeeres before bene dicted and cared for in a sort farre more differing If Captaine Preston had not bene perswaded that he should haue come too late to Trinidad to haue â—ound vs there for the moneth was â—xpired which I promised to tary for him there ere hee coulde recouer the
next day following before noone hee came to vs on foote from his house which was foureteene English miles himselfe being a hundreth and tenne yeeres olde and returned on foote the same day and with him many of the borderers with many women and children that came to wonder at our nation and to bring vs downe victuall which they did in great plentie as venison porke hennes chickens foule fish with diuers sorts of excellent fruites and rootes and great abundance of Pinas the princes of fruites that grow vnder the Sunne especially those of Guiana They brought vs also store of bread and of their wine and a sort of Paraquitos no bigger then wrennes and of all other sorts both small and great one of them gaue mee a beast called by the Spaniards Armadilla which they call Cassicam which seemeâ—h to be all barred ouer with smal plates somewhat like to a Rinoceros with a white horne growing in his hinder parts as bigge a great hunting horne which they vse to winde in stead of a trumpet Monardus writeth that a little of the powder of that horne put into the eare cureth deafenesse After this olde King had rested a while in a little tent that I caused to bee set vp I beganne by my interpreter â—o discourse with him of the death of Morequito his predecessour and afterward of the Spaniards and ere I went any farther I made him knowe the cause of my comming thither whose seruant I was and that the Queenes pleasure was I should vndertake the voyage for their defence and to deliuer them from the tyrannie of the Spaniards dilating at large as I had done before to those of Trinidad her Maiesties greatnesse her iustice her chaâ—â—teâ— to all oppressed nations with as many of the rest of her beauties and vertues as either I could expresse or they conceiue all which being with great admiration attentiuely heard and marueilously admired I beganne to sound the olde man as touching Guiana and the state thereof what sort of common wealth it was who gouerned of what strength and policie howe farre it extended and what nations were friendes or enemies adioyning and finally of the distance and way to enter the same hee tolde mee that himselfe and his people with all those downe the Riuer towards the Sea as farre as Emeria the prouince of Carapana were of Guiana but that they called themselues Orenoqueponi and that all the nations betweene the riuer and those mountaines in sight called Wacaâ—iâ—a were of the same cast and appellation and that on the other side of those mountaines of Wacatima there was a large plaine which after I discouered in my returne called the valley of Amariocapana in all that valley the people were also of the ancient Guianians I asked what nations those were which inhabited on the farther side of those mountaines beyond the valley of Amariocapana hee answered with a great sign as a man which had inward feeling of the losse of his Countrey and libertie especially for that his eldest sonne was sleine in a battell on that side of the mountaines whom hee most entirely loued that hee remembred in his fathers lifetime when hee was very olde and himselfe a yong man that there came downe into that large valley of Guiana a nation from so farre off as the Sunne slept for such were his owne wordes with so great a multitude as they coulde not bee numbred nor resisted and that they were large coates and hattes of crimson colour which colour hee expressed by shewing a piece of red wood wherewith my tent was supported and that they were called Orejones and Epuremei those that had slaine and rooted out so many of the ancient people as there were leaues in the wood vpon all the trees and had nowe made themselues Lords of all euen to that mountaine foote called Curaaâ— sauing onely of two nations the one called Awarawaqueri and the other Cassipagotos and that in the last battell fought betweene the Epuremei and the Iwarawaqueri his eldest sonne was chosen to carry to the aide of the Iwarawaqueri a great troupe of the Orenoqueponi and was there slaine with all his people and friendes and that hee had now remayning but one sonne and farther tolde mee that those Epuremei had built a great Towne called Macureguarai at the said mountaine foote at the beginning of the great plaines of Guiana which haue no ende and that their houses haue many roomes one ouer the other and that therein the great King of the Orejones and Epuremei kept three thousande men to defend the borders against them and withall dayly to inuade and slay them but that of late yeeres since the Christians offered to inuade his territories and those frontiers they were all at peace and traded one with another sauing onely the Iwarawaqueri and those other nations vpon the head of the riuer of Caroli called Cassipagotos which we afterwards discouered each one holding the Spaniard for a common enemie After hee had answered thus farre he desired leaue to depart saying that hee had farre to goe that hee was olde and weake and was euery day called for by death which was also his owne phrase I desired him to rest with vs that night but I could not intreate him but hee tolde mee that at my returne from the countrey aboue hee would againe come to vs and in the meane time prouide for vs the best he could of all that his countrey yeelded the same night hee returned to Orocotona his owne towne so as hee went that day eight and twentie miles the weather being very hot the countrey being situate betweene foure and fiue degrees of the Equinoctial This Topiawari is helde for the prowdest and wisest of all the Orenoqueponi and so hee behaued himselfe towardes mee in all his answeres at my returne as I marueiled to finde a man of that grauitie and iudgement and of so good discourse that had no helpe of learning nor breede The next morning we also left the port and sailed Westward vp to the Riuer to view the famous Riuer called Caroli as well because it was marueilous of it selfe as also for that I vnderstoode it ledde to the strongest nations of all the frontiers that were enemies to the Epuremei which are subiects to Inga Emperour of Guiana and Manoa and that night we anckered at another yland called Caiama of some fiue or sixe miles in length and the next day arriued at the mouth of Caroli When we were short of it as lowe or further downe as the port of Morequito wee heard the great rore and fall of the Riuer but when wee came to enter with our barge and whirries thinking to haue gone vp some fourtie miles to the nations of the Cassipagotos wee were not able with a barge of eight oares to row one stones cast in an houre and yet the Riuer is as broad as the Thames at Wolwich and wee tried both sides and the middle and
brought them a shipboord and caused the chiefe Iudge to write his letter to the Towne to command all the Townesmen to auoid that we might safely water there Which being done and they departed we ransaked the Towne and in one house we found a pot of the quantitie of a bushell full of reals of plate which we brought to our ship And here one Thomas Moone one of our company tooke a Spanish Gentleman as hee was flying out of the towne and searching him he found a chaine of golde about him and other iewels which he tooke and so let him goe At this place our General among other Spaniards set ashore his Portugall Pilote which hee tooke at the Islands of Cape Verde out of a ship of S. Mary port of Portugall and hauing set them ashore we departed hence and sailed to the Island of Canno where our Generall landed and brought to shore his owne ship and discharged her mended and graued her and furnished our ship with water and wood sufficiently And while wee were here we espied a shippe and set saile after her and tooke her and found in her two Pilots and Spanish Gouernour going for the Islands of the Philippinas wee searched the shippe and tooke some of her marchandizes and so let her goe Our Generall at this place and time thinking himselfe both in respect of his priuate iniuries receiued from the Spaniards as also of their contempts and indignities offered to our countrey and Prince in generall sufficiently satisfied and reuenged and supposing that her Maiestie at his returne would rest contented with this seruice purposed to continue no longer vpon the Spanish coats but began to consider and to consult of the best way for his Countrey He thought it not good to returne by the Streights for two speciall causes the one lest the Spaniards shoulâ— there waite and attend for him in great number and strength whose hands hee being left but one ship could not possibly escape The other cause was the dangerous situation of the mouth of the streights in the South sea where continuall stormes reigning and blustering as he found by experience besides the shoalds and sands vpon the coast he thought it not a good course to aduenture that way he resolued therefore to auoyde these hazards to goe forward to the Islandes of the Malucos and therehence to saile the course of the Portugals by the Cape of Buena Esperança Upon this resolution hee beganne to thinke of his best way to the Malucos and finding himselfe where he now was becalmed he saw that of necessitie hee must be forced to take a Spanish course namely to sayle some what Northerly to get a winde Wee therefore set saile and sayled 600. leagues at the least for a good winde and thus much we sailed from the 16â— of April till the 3. of Iune The 5. day of Iune being in 43. degrees towards the pole Arctike we found the ayre so colde that our men being grieuously pinched with the same complained of the extremitie thereof and the further we went the more the colde increased vpon vs. Whereupon we thought it best for that time to seeke the land and did so finding it not mountainous but low plaine land till wee came within 38. degrees towards the line In which height it pleased God to send vs into a faire and good Baye with a good winde to enter the same In this Baye wee anchored and the people of the Countrey hauing their houses close by the waters side shewed themselues vnto vs and sent a present to our Generall When they came vnto vs they greatly wondred at the things that wee brought but our Generall according to his naturall and accustomed humanitie courteously intreated them and liberally bestowed on them necessary things to couer their nakednesse whereupon they supposed vs to be gods and would not be perswaded to the contrary the presents which they sent to our Generall were feathers and calles of net-worke Their houses are digged round about with earth and haue from the vttermost brimmes of the circle clifts of wood set vpon them ioyning close together at the toppe like a spire steeple which by reason of that closenâ—sse are very warme Their beds is the ground with rushes strowed on it and lying about the house haue the fire in the midst The men go naked the women take bulrushes and kembe them after the manner of hempe and thereof make their loose garments which being knit about their middles hang down about their hâ—ppes hauing also about their shoulders a skinne of Deere with the haire vpon it These women are very obedient and seruiceable to their husbands After they were departâ—d from vs they came and visited vs the second time and brought with them feathers and bags of Tabacco for presents And when they came to the top of the hill at the bottome whereof we had pitched our tents they staied themselues where one appointed for speaker wearied himselfe with making a long oration which done they left their bowes vpon the hill and came downe with their presents In the meanetime the women remaining on the hill tormented themselues lamentably tearing their flesh from their cheekes whereby we perceiued that they were about a sacrifice In the meane time our Generall with his company went to prayer and to reading of the Scriptures at which exercise they were attentiue seemed greatly to be affected with it but when they were come vnto vs they restored againe vnto vs those things which before we bestowed vpon them The newes of our being there being spread through the Countrey the people that inhabited round about came downe and amongst them the King himselfe a man of a goodly stature comely personage with many other tall and warlike men before whose comming were sent two Ambassadors to our Generall to signifie that their King was comming in doing of which message their speach was continued about halfe an houre This ended they by signes requested our Generall to send some thing by their hand to their king as a token that his comming might be in peace wherein our Generall hauing satisfied them they returned with glad tidings to their King who marched to vs with a princely maiestie the people crying continually after their manner and as they drew neere vnto vs so did they striue to behaue themselues in their actions with comelinesse In the fore-front was a man of a goodly personage who bare the scepter or mace before the King whereupon hanged two crownes a lesse and a bigger with three chaines of a marueilous length the crownes were made of knit worke wrought artificially with fethers of diuers colours the chaines were made of a bonie substance and few be the persons among them that are admitted to weare them and of that number also the persons are stinted as some ten some 12. c. Next vnto him which bare the scepter was the King himselfe with his Guard about his