ROMVLVS REX NVMA REX L. IVNIVS BRVTVS FAB MAXIMVS P. C. SCIPIO AFR HANNIBAL C. MARIVS L. C. SVLLA M. T. CICERO CN POMPEIVS MAGNVS C. IVLIVS CAESAR M.I. BRVTVS AVGVSTVS CAESAR M. ANTONIVS MARCELLVS AVG N. ex Imaginibus Fulvij Vrsini THE ROMAN HISTORY Written in LATINE BY TITUS LIVIUS WITH THE SUPPLEMENTS Of the LEARNED John Freinshemius and John Dujatius From the Foundation of Rome to the middle of the Reign of Augustus Faithfully done into English T. LIVIVS PATAVINVS LONDON Printed for Awnsham Churchill at the Black Swan in Ave-Mary-Lane near Paternoster-Row MDCLXXXVI THE Translators Preface I Intend not to enter into a large Discourse of the Excellency and Usefulness of History That Province has been undertaken by a thousand abler hands Tully's short Character is just and very significant when he calls it Times Witness Truths Light The Life of Memory The Herald of Antiquity and the Mistress of Life But as amongst all prophane Histories none can for Greatness of Action prudence of Counsels and Heroick Examples of all sorts of Vertue compare with That of the Commonwealth of Rome so of all Roman Historians Titus Livius both for Copiousness and Elegance for Accuracy and unblemish'd Fidelity is justly preferr'd Whose Excellent Works as far as Extant with Supplements for all that is wanting we undertake to present you with in English and the business of this Preface is to give 1. Some Memoirs of the Authors Life and Writings 2. An Account of this present Translation Titus Livius was born at Padua whence his common Addition is Patavinus a City of Italy renowned for its Antiquity said to be built by Antenor four hundred Years before Rome as well as for its strength having been able to bring into the Field one hundred thousand Combatants and from which as Venice was but a Colony so it still belongs to that Illustrious Republick such being the fate of Towns as well as Persons that sometimes the Mother is forc'd to depend on the Daughter and remains to this day a place famous for Learned Men being honour'd with an University renowned especially for the study of the Noble Art of Medicine He was born about the Year 694. after the building of Rome that is according to the best Chronologers in the Year of the World 3906. and fifty six years before the Incarnation of our Blessed Saviour How he spent his younger years though no Authors particularly mention yet we may easily guess at the Tillage by the Crop and conclude him then laboriously and no less successfully employ'd in the Studies of Literature and Eloquence whereof he gave an early Specimen in certain Philosophical Dialogues mention'd by Seneca Epist 100. which 't is likely he might present to Augustus and thereby first attract the Esteem of that most Illustrious Prince and grand Patron of Learned men For 't is certain our Author was not only well known to him but so much in his Favour that though afterwards he gave him a very free Account of the Civil Wars and spoke so honourably of the Republican Party that the Emperour Caesar jocularly called him Pompeianus one of Pompey's Faction yet that Generous Prince did not for all that refuse him his Friendship as is attested by Tacitus in the fourth Book of his Annals but made choice of him of all the Famous men then at Rome to be Tutor to his Grand-Son Claudius afterwards Emperour Thus he flourisht under the Reign of Augustus and began to write this History after the thirteenth and before the eighteenth year of that Emperour as we may gather from those words in his first Book Since Numa 's time Janus 's Temple has twice been shut once when T. Manlius was Consul after the first Punick War ended and again the Gods vouchsafed the same favour to our Times when after the Actian War the Emperour Augustus Caesar had obtain'd Peace both by Land and Sea Now 't is well known that Janus's Temple was thrice shut up by Augustus First after his Victory over Mark Anthony and Cleopatra at Actium here mentioned which was in his fifth Consulship And again when he had subdued the Calabrians in his tenth Consulship and the third time in the Year of the City 748. within two years after which our Blessed Lord was born of the Virgin Since therefore Livy mentions it to have been then only twice shut 't is plain that he wrote at least that first Part of his History before Augustus's second Closure thereof 'T is likely that he repaired very young to Rome and spent there most of his time For as in that Imperial City he had the best Advantages of Books and all the Records of Antiquity to furnish him with Matter so he had also the best Company both to inform his Judgment and improve his Stile And in this respect never was Author more happy as living in an Age when Letters were at the highest pitch both of Perfection in themselves and Estimation from others For 't is not improbable but he might have seen heard and been acquainted with Cicero that great Master of the Latine Eloquence for he was twenty years old at his death with the most Learned and in Roman Antiquities incomparably skilful Varro with that ingenious Parent of Lyrick Elegance Catullus with Virgil the Prince of Poets and Salust the most excellent at least till this our Livy out-vy'd him of Historians with Cornelius Nepos and Diodorus Siculus both no contemptible Authors in History Certain it is that he was Contemporary not only with those most famous Poets Ovid Horace Propertius and Tibullus but also with Seneca the Declaimer and Vitruvius the Architect and Dionysius Halicarnasseus who wrote the Roman Story most exactly in Greek Nor was he much elder than Strabo the Grecian Geographer than Valerius Maximus and Velleius Paterculus none of the least considerable Roman Historians In a dark Night Glow-worms may shine and Sporad's in the Suns absence cast a glimmering lustre but for a Star to appear in open Day-light is almost miraculous Amongst such a Crowd of Excellent men in the most polite Age that the World can boast of for Wit Learning and Eloquence that our Author should come behind none of them and in his Historical Province outstrip all as in the Judgment of the literate World he has done is certainly an Argument of a most happy Genius and Accomplishments altogether extraordinary Nor is it easie to determine whether his Industry or his Sufficiency were the greater for he wrote the whole History as well Civil as Military of the People of Rome for the space of seven hundred forty five years viz. from the Foundation of that City till the Death of Drusus that is until within eight years of our Saviour's Incarnation This mighty Undertaking which by what hath been said appears to have taken him up at least above twenty years time he performed in one hundred and forty Books or as Petrarch and others think one hundred and forty two which were
Aegeria he converts the vehement Spirits of the people to holy Duties 22. c. Tullus Hostillus makes War upon the Albans 25. After that the Combat of the Three to Three 26. Horatius absolved 28. The Punishment of Metius Suffetius 29. Alba demolished 30. The Albans received into the City and a War proclaimed against the Sabines 31. At last Tullus was consumed by a Thunderbolt 32. Ancus Martius renewed the Ceremonies instituted by Numa 33. He assigned the Aventine Mount to the Latines being now overcome and taken into the City he demolished Politorium a City of the Latines which the ancient Latines inhabited he made a wooden Bridg over the Tiber added the Hill Janiculum to the City enlarged the bounds of the Kingdom built Ostia and reigned 33 years 34 In his Reign Lucumo the Son of Damaratus a Corinthian came from Tarquinil a City of Etruria to Rome where being received into Ancus's friendship he began to bear the Name of Tarquinius and after the death of Ancus succeeded in the Kingdom 35. He augmented the number of the Senators by making an hundred more subdued the Latines appointed a particular place called the Circus for Games and gave the People an entertainment in it with such sports being attack'd with a War from the Sabines he augmented the Centuries of Horsemen 36. He likewise to try the skill of Attius Naevius the Augur is said to have asked him whether that which he thought of could be done or no to which he answering yes he commanded him to cut a Razor with a Whetstone which Attius immediately did 37. He also conquered the Sabines in a pitch'd Battel 38. He enclosed the City with a Wall and made common Sewers 40. He was killed by Ancus's Sons when he had reigned 38 years 41. Servius Tullius succeeded him who was the Son of a noble Lady taken in War at Corniculum and they say when he lay in his Cradle his head was all on a flame He defeated the Veians and Etrurians 42 43. He was the first that made a Poll. He set up a Lustrum a survey and purgation of thâ— people at which the people were rated in 8000 Sesterces He determined and set in order the Classes and Centuries â—4 He enlarged the bounds of the City He added to the City the Viminal Quirinal and Esquiline Hills 45. He built a Temple to â—iana in the Aventine among the Latines 47 48. He was killed by L. Tarquinius the Son of Priscus by the contrivance of his Daughter Tullia when he had reigned 34 years 49. After him Tarquinius Superbus usurpt the Kingdom without the consent either of the Senate or the People on which day impious Tullia drove her Chariot over the dead body of her Father that lay in her way he had a Lifeguard 50 51. He killed Turnus Herdonius by a Stratagem 53. He waged War with the Volsci and out of their spoils built a Temple to Jupiter in the Capitol 54. Terminus did not consent to it whose Altars could not be removed 55. He reduced Gabli into his own power by the treachery of his Son Sext. Tarquinius 56. His Sons going to Delphi and asking of the Oracles which of them should reign at Rome they were told he should be Sovereign there who first kiss'd his Mother which answer they interpreting the wrong way Junius Brutus who went along with them pretended to fall down and kiss'd the Earth which action of his had the foretold event for when Tarquinius Superbus by his Tyranny had made himself odious to all men at last for a Rape committed in the night by his Son Sextus upon Lucretia who calling her Father Tricipitinus and her Husband Collatinus to her whoâ— she engaged to revenge her Death with a knife stab'd herself 59. Was expelled by Brutus's means more than any body else after he had reigned 25 years 60. Then Consuls were first created whose names were L. Junius Brutus and L. Tarquinius Collatinus PREFACE WHether I shall make it worth my while to write the History of the Romans from the time their City was first founded I neither well know nor if I do dare be so bold to declare Because I observe it is the old and usual way for new succeeding Writers to pretend that they out do mistaken antiquity either in the certainty of their account or their stile and method of writing However this will be my satisfaction that I among others as much as in me lay have preserved the â— nory of those great Actions which have been performed by the most glorious People in the whole world And if amidst so great a throng of Writers my fame be eclipsed yet I shall please my self in the renown and grandieur of those whose very lustre obscures my Name Besides it seems a vast laborious enterprize to collect all the records of things done above seven hundred years ago and of a Nation that from so small an Original grew to such an height that it now tires under its own bulk Nor do I doubt but the account of its first rise and that which thereupon immediately fell out will be too tedious for most Readers who will therefore hasten to take a view of those more modern Exploits which long ago have ruined a powerful People even by their own strength I on the contrary will desire this one other reward for my pains that I may not be in sight of those Ills which our Age for so many years has suffered at least so long as I am studiously bent to relate those former Events but that I may be free from all care which though it do not carry a Writers mind away from what is truth may discompose it Those things which before the City was built or design'd to be built may seem more fit to employ a Poets pen than one who delivers down the uncorrupted memories of real Actions I shall neither confirm nor confute 'T is a liberty always granted to Antiquity that by mingling divine and humane things together it might make the rise of Cities more August and Venerable Now therefore if any People ought to have that freedom to consecrate their Original and make Gods the Authors of it The Roman People have gained such Glory in War that having Mars above all the Gods for yours and their Founders Father and Protector mankind may as easily allow them this Liberty as submit to their Dominion But these things and all such others as shall occur however they may be censur'd or esteem'd of I shall not make any great account of I only desire every Reader for his own sake carefully to mind the Lives and Manners that I describe by what Men and Arts both at home and abroad that Empire was both gained and augmented And then when their Discipline fell by degrees to decay let him observe how their manners first declined as also how they afterwards slid down still farther and farther till at last they tumbled headlong down the Precipice and rowled into these times wherein
Ordinance of the People he added That he also would have moved the same to the People but that he knew there were some of their Tribunes such Slaves to the Nobility as they would have obstructed the Bill As for himself he did and ever would account the will and favor of the People agreeing together to be as good as any formal Commands And the next day by the interest of three Tribunes against the opposition of seven and against the general Resolution of the Senate he did celebrate a Triumph and the People joyfully solemnized the honor of the day But it must be noted That the actions of this Year are very uncertainly and variously related for Claudius writes That Posthumius after the taking of a few Cities in Samnium was routed and put to flight in Apulia and himself wounded and glad to take shelter with a few others that escaped in Luceria And that the prosperous Actions in Tuscany were atchiev'd by Attilius and that he was the Man that Triumph'd Fabius on the contrary sets down That both the Consuls managed the War in Samnium and at Luceria and that one of the Armies was thence drawn into Tuscany but mentions not which Consul it was that Commanded it He also tells us That before Luceria there was great slaughter on both sides and that in that Battel it was that a Temple was vowed to Jupiter Stator as Romulus did of old but all this while there had been no Temple actually erected but only a Fanum that is a place set out and consecrated whereon to build a Temple But now this Year the Commonwealth becoming a second time obliged to perform the same Vow Religious Reverence moved the Senate to Decree and Order that a Temple should there be built accordingly The next Year succeeded both a most excellent Consul L. Papirius Cursor a person Illustrious as well for his Fathers Glory as his own and also a mighty great War and such a signal Victory as never any to that day had obtain'd the like over the Samnites except it were L. Papirius his Father and as it fell out they had made just the like pompous preparations and gaudy Armor now as then But at this time they moreover sought to conciliate the favor of the Gods to their party by initiating their Soldiers in a strange kind of Oath administred with certain antient but dreadful Rites and Ceremonies For having made a general levy throughout all Samnium with a new Law That whosoever of Age fit to bear Arms should not appear at the Rendezvous according to the Generals Edict or afterwards should depart without License should forfeit his Head to Jupiter as accursed The place of Rendezvous was appointed at Aquilonia where the whole strength of Samnium met together to the number of Forty thousand fighting Men. In the midst of the Camp there was a plat of Ground fenc'd in with Hurdles and Boards and covered over with Linnen Cloth about Two hundred foot square There a solemn Sacrifice was celebrated and Service said out of an old Book with a Linnen cover by one Ovius Paccius the Priest a very old Fellow who avow'd that he deriv'd that Sacred Form from the antient Religion of the Samnites which their Ancestors had made use of at such time as they secretly contrived to seize upon Capua and take it from the Etrurians The Sacrifice being dispatch'd the General caused the Marshal to call in such as were most noble and renowned for their Quality and Valour who were brought in one by one There was besides other sacred Furniture which might strike Mens minds with a Religious awe in the middle of this place so covered on all parts an Altar and certain Sacrifices lying slain and divers Captains standing round with their drawn Swords The Soldier was brought up to the Altar rather as a Sacrifice himself than a partaker of the Oblations and was first sworn to keep secret all that he should there see or hear and then was forc'd also to take an Oath composed after the manner of a Charm with most bitter Imprecations and Curses against his own Life his Family and all his Race unless he should go into the Battel wherever his Commanders should lead him or if either he himself should at any time fly out of the Battel or not presently kill any other whom he should see give ground or like to run away Some at first refusing to take this Curse were Beheaded upon the Altars and their Bodies lying amongst the slaughtered Carcasses were a warning to the rest to conform All the principal Persons having bound themselves with this Detestation ten of them were particularly nominated by the Commander in chief who every one were charged to chuse himself a Comrade and they likewise to take others to them man by man until they compleated the number of sixteen thousand which were called the Linnen Legion taking that name from the covering of that place where the Samnite Nobles were first sworn these had brave Arms bestowed upon them and crested Helmets that they might seem taller than the rest There was another Army consisting of Twenty thousand Men and upwards who neither for able Bodies nor past Services in the Wars nor useful Armor came short of the Linnen Brigade in any respect This great multitude and so strong Encamped themselves not far from Aquilonia The Consuls setting forth from the City first Sp. Carvilius who had the Command of the old Legions which the former Consul M. Attilius left at Interamna advances with them into Samnium and whil'st the Enemy was thus busie in their Superstitions and secret Consultations took the City Amiternum where were slain almost Two thousand eight hundred People and Four thousand two hundred and seventy taken Papirius having levyed a new Army for so the Senate had ordered storm'd Duronia where though he took not so many Prisoners as his Colleague yet he kill'd more in the Conflict At both places there was very rich Booty Thence the Consuls proceeded to over-run the Country especially about Atinium Carvilius march'd to Cominium and Papirius to Aquilonia where the whole Power of the Samnites was Posted There for a while they were neither altogether idle nor very smartly engaged but spent their time in beating up of Quarters Picqueering and Skirmishes provoking one another rather than coming to a close Fight for whil'st ever and anon they began and as quickly gave over the event even of those petty Rencounters was put off from day to day The other Roman Army lay twenty miles off yet though the other Consul was absent he was frequently consulted with Carvilius being more intent upon the Affairs at Aquilonia whereon the main Chance of the War depended than about the Town of Cominium which he then besieged L. Papirius having by this time got all things ready for a Battel sent a Currier to his Partner That he resolved if the Auspices prov'd favorable to engage the Enemy next Morning and therefore 't was fit
of six months between Nabis the Romans King Eumenes and the Rhodians That T. Quintius and Nabis should presently send Embassadors to Rome to get the Peace confirm'd by authority of the Senate That the day on which the terms of Peace were given out to Nabis should be the beginning of the Truce and that between that day and the tenth day following all his Guards should be drawn out of Argus and the other Towns that were in the Argive Dominions so as that they should be deliver'd up quite empty and free to the Romans as likewise that no slave of the * That is Nabis's Kings either publick or private should be taken thence or if any had been before that time so taken away they should be faithfully restored to their Masters That he should send back the Ships which he had taken from the Maritime Cities nor should himself have any Ship excepting two Pinnaces that should not be rowed with above sixteen Oars That he should re-deliver their Captives and Fugitives to all the Allies of the Roman People and to the Messenians all things that appear'd or the Masters of such goods knew to be theirs That he should also restore to the Banish'd Lacedemonians their Children and Wives that had a mind to go along with their Husbands but that no man should be forced to go with any banish'd person against her will That all the goods belonging to Nabis's mercenary Souldiers who were gone away either to their own Cities or over to the Romans should be carefully restored unto them That he should not have any City in the Island of Creet and that those which he had he should surrender to the Romans That he should make no Alliance with any Cretan City or any body else nor wage War with them That he should draw his Guards out of all those Cities that either he himself had restored or had surrender'd themselves and all they had up to the protection and government of the Roman People keeping himself and all that belong'd to him from ever medling with any of them That he build no Town or Castle either in his own or any Foreign Dominions That he should give five Hostages for the performance of all this such as the Roman General should approve of and among the rest his own Son for one with a hundred Talents of silver at present and fifty every year for eight years together These terms being written his Camp was removed more near to the City and they sent to Lacedemon though none of them to say truth pleas'd the Tyrant save that beyond expectation there was no mention made of bringing back the banish'd persons But that which most offended him was that the Ships and Maritime Cities were taken from him For the Sea brought him in great profit being that he infested all the Coast from Malea with Piratical Ships Besides that he had all the youth of those Cities to supply him with the far best sort of Souldiers These conditions though he consider'd of them in private with his Friends were notwithstanding the publick Discourse his Guards being very apt as in other matters of trust so to betray his Secrets Yet they did not all in general find fault with the whole but each man with those particulars which more immediately concern'd him Those that had married banish'd mens Wives or had any of their goods were very angry as if they had been to lose and not to restore them The Slaves that were freed from the Tyrant did not only think their freedom would be of no consequence to them but their thraldom much worse than before now they were to return into the hands of their incensed Masters The mercenary Souldiers also were not only troubled that their stipend would come to nothing in time of Peace but likewise saw that there was no returning for them into their own Cities which hated the Guards belonging to Tyrants as much as the Tyrants themselves When they had first talk'd thus in Crowds among themselves they straightway ran and took up their Arms. By which tumult when the Tyrant saw the Mobile were of themselves sufficiently provoked he order'd an Assembly to be forthwith summon'd Where when he had declar'd what the Roman General had imposed upon him to which he had added some things more grievous and more unworthy of his own head at each of which sometimes all of them and sometimes a part of the Assembly shouted he ask'd them What they would have him answer to those Proposals or what he should do to which they almost unanimously reply'd That he should make no answer at all but prepare for the War bidding him each man for himself as the Mobile use to do be of good Courage and hope the best for fortune always favour'd the Valiant With which words the Tyrant was so animated that he cry'd out Antiochus and the Aetolians would assist him and that he had Forces enough to hold out the Siege By which means they had also forgot that there had been any mention made of Peace and ran to their several Posts resolving no longer to be quiet Whereupon the excursions of some few that came out to provoke the Romans with the Darts that they threw put the Romans soon past all doubt but they must necessarily sight and from that time for the space of four dayes they had light Skirmishes at first without being able certainly to know what would be the issue of it But the fifth day the Lacedemonians were forced into the Town in such a consternation that some of the Roman Souldiers falling upon the Reer of them that fled got into the City through the gaps as things then stood that were in the Wall Then Quintius having sufficiently restrain'd the Enemies Excursions by the fright he then put them into and supposing that nothing now remained for him to do but to attack the City it self sent certain persons to fetch all the Naval Forces from Gythium whilst he himself in the mean time with the Tribunes of the Souldiers rode round the Walls to view the situation of the Town Now Sparta you must know was formerly unwalled but the Tyrants of late dayes had built a Wall in the open and plain parts thereof defending the higher places that were less accessible with guards of armed men instead of Fortifications When he had taken a satisfactory prospect of every thing supposing that the best way to take it was to invest it he posted all his men quite round the City whose number was of Romans Allies Horse and Foot with Land and Sea Forces all together full fifty thousand fighting men Some of which brought Ladders others Fire and others other things wherewithal not only to attack the City but to affright the Besieged Then he commanded to set up an Huzza and all begin the Assault at the same time to the end that the terrified Lacedemonians might not know where first to make resistance and which part to assist being in a
Twin Brothers by comparing their Age and considering that their Genius shewed them to be of no servile extract had some recollecting thoughts of his Grandsons and by enquiring proceeded so far that he almost owned Remus to be one of them Thus was the King beset with Plots on every side for Romulus attack'd him not with a multitude of young Fellows as not being able to cope with him fairly had to hand but ordered the Shepherds to go several ways and meet at the Palace at such a time and Remus too got a company from Numitors house to assist in the Affair by which means they slew the King Numitor as soon as the Tumult began crying out That an Enemy had invaded the City and attack'd the Kings Palace when he had called together the youth of Alba into the Castle which he design'd to make himself Master of by force of Arms and when he say the young Men after the Murther was committed draw up towards him with gratulations in their mouths immediately called a Council and declared the injuries that his Brother had done him the extract of his Grandsons how they were born and bred and how they were discovered together with the death of the Tyrant and that he himself was the Author of it The young men marching through the midst of the Assembly with a great number attending on them when they had saluted their Grandfather by the name of King an unanimous consent of all the Company confirmed that name and established him in the Empire Thus the Government of Alba being setled upon Numitor Romulus and Remus had a mind to build a City in that place where they were exposed and educated for there were a great many Albans and Latines alive besides Shepherds who all gave them great hopes that Alba and Lavinium would be but inconsiderable places to that City which should be there built But whilst they were deliberating of this matter the old misfortune intervened that is an immoderate desire of Dominion and thence arose a fatal difference between them though from a small cause For they being Twins and so not distinguished in point of Age or precedence would needs have the Gods under whose protection those places were declare who should give the name to their new City and when it was built who should Reign over it Romulus chose the Mount Palatine and Remus the Aventine for their several quarters to view the Augury The Augury they say came first to Remus and that was six Vultures which when it was interpreted and after that a double number had shewn themselves to Romulus their parties and followers saluted both of them as King at the same time the former pretending to the Kingdom as precedent in time and the latter upon the account of the double number of Birds Thereupon at first they wrangled but fell at last from words to blows and in the Crowd Remus was slain The more vulgar report is that Remus in derision of his Brother leapt over his new Walls and for that was kill'd by Romulus who was vex'd at it and said in his fury so shall every one be served that leaps over my Walls Thus Romulus made himself sole Governour buit the City and call'd it by a name derived from his own He first of all fortified the Palatine where he was bred and offered Sacrifice to other Gods after the Albane manner bult to Hercules the Greek Heroe he did it as Evander had formerly ordered They tell you that Hercules when he had kill'd Geryon brought thither an Herd of very beautiful Oxen and Cowes and that near the River Tiber over which he swam and drove the Cattel before him he being tired with his journey lay down upon the grass to refresh himself and them with rest and convenient Food But having eaten and drank so much Wine as that he fell asleep a certain Shepherd that lived there hard by called Cacus a very strong fellow being taken with the beauty of the Beasts and having a great desire to rob him of them because he knew that if he drove them into his Cave their very foot-tracts would lead their Owner that way to seek for them he took the lovely brutes each one by the tail and drew them backwards into his Den. Hercules awaking early in the Morning servey'd his Herd and finding part of them missing went to the next Cave to see if perchance the tracts of them went that way where when he saw they were all turn'd as if they came out from thence and did not go any other way he was amazed and did not know what to do but began to drive his Cattel forward out of that unlucky place But afterward when some of the Cows that he was driving along low'd as they use to do for lack of their fellows which were left behind the lowing of thsoe that were shut up in the Cave by way of answer brought Hercules back again Whom when Cacus endeavoured to hinder from going to the Cave he received a blow with his Club of which though he call'd upon the Shepherds to assist him he immediately Died. Evander at that time who was banished Peloponnesus govern'd those parts more by his Authority than any regal Power for he was a Man that deserved a great deal of reverence upon the score of his wonderful Learning which was a thing wholly new to those People who understood not the Arts but much more venerable for the supposed divinity of his Mother Carmenta whom those Nations admir'd as a Prophetess before the coming of Sibylla into Italy And this same Evander being at that time startled at the concourse of the Shepherds who trembled to tell of a strangers being guilty of a palpable Murther when he heard the relation of the Fact and the reason of it and saw the habit and shape of the Man which was somewhat larger and more august than that of ordinary mankind he demanded of him Who he was And when he new his name who was his Father and what his Country accosted him saying Hail Hercules Son of Jupiter my Mother who was a true Prophetess told me that thou shouldest augment the number of those that dwell in Heaven and that an Altar should here be erected to thee which the most wealthy Nation in the World in time to come should call Maxima the Greatest and Sacrifice upon it according to thy command Hercules gave him his right hand and told him he received the Omen and would fulfil the Prophesie by building and dedicating an Altar And that was the first time that Sacrifice was made there when he taking a choice Heifer out of his Herd slew it calling the Potitij and the Pinarij Priests of Hercules who then were a very noble Family in those parts to assist him in performing of the ceremonies and to partake of the feast It so fell out that the Potitij were then present and that the Entrals were set before them but the Pinarij came to the
Valley At which the Stranger being awed for he desired to do every thing according to order that the event might answer the Prodigy went down immediately to the Tiber and in the mean while the Roman Priest Sacrificed the Heifer to Diana which Action of his was exceeding grateful both to the King and the City Servius although by tract of time he was now put into undoubted possession of the Kingdom yet because he heard that young Tarquinius should sometimes say He Reigned without the Peoples consent having first reconciled the minds of the Multitude by dividing certain Lands that he had taken from the Enemy among them he ventured to refer it to the People Whether it were their will and pleasure that he should Reign Whereupon he was Declared King by a consent more Universal than any man had hardly been before him But that did not diminish Tarquinius's hopes of gaining the Kingdom no he therefore conceiv'd a greater Animosity because he perceived that the Peoples Property was Invaded against the will of the Senate and thought he had a good opportunity to accuse Servius before the Fathers and to grow great himself in that Court being himself a young man of an hot Spirit nor only so but having at home a Wife called Tullia who instigated his restless mind for even the Roman Palace produced an example of Tragick wickedness that out of hatred to the Tyranny of Kings their Liberty might be the sooner accomplished and that might be the last Kings Reign that was gain'd by injustice It is not very well known whether this Lucius Tarquinius was the Son or Grand-son of Tarquinius Priscus but most Authors say he was his Son He had a Brother called Aruns Tarquinius a young man of a mild disposition and these two as aforesaid had Married the two Tullias Daughters to the King who were likewise very different in their inclinations It so fell out lest two violent natures should be coupled in Marriage through the good fortune I suppose of the Roman People that the Reign of Servius might be the longer and the Constitutions of the City in his time be made The fiercer Tullia was mightily vexed that she found nothing in her Husband that looked like Ambition or Audacity wherefore she was wholly inclin'd to the other Tarquinius admired him said he was a Man and came of Royal Blood but despised the Sister in that she by being Married had lost the true Courage of a Woman In a little time the likeness of their manners engaged them two as it commonly happens and their mischievous Designs were very suitable to each other but the beginning of all confusion sprang from the Woman For she being accustomed to the secret conversation of another man spared no disgraceful Words either of her Husband to his Brother or of her Sister to her Husband but said It had been better for her to be a Widow and for him to have been still a Batchellor than to be so unequally yoaked that she her self must languish under anothers sloth that if the gods had given her the man whom she deserved she should quickly have seen that Dominion in her own House which now her Father enjoyed With these rash words she soon fired the young man Aruns Tarquinius and Tullia the younger when they by almost continual Funerals had made the Houses empty upon their new Marriage were joyned in Matrimony not only with Servius's allowance but approbation too But then Tullius's Age began every day to be more tedious to him and his Reign more uneasie for that Woman daily contrived some new Villany nor did she suffer her Husband to rest either night or day lest her former Parricides should seem too little to deserve thanks telling him She did not lack a man who bore the Name of an Husband nor one to whom she was a silent Slave but she wanted one who could think himself worthy of a Crown who could remember that he was the Son of Tarquinius Priscus who could be desirous rather to have than hope for a Kingdom If thou said she art that man to whom I think I am married I may make bold to call thee not only Husband but King if not the case is now much altered for the worse since Villany here is joyned with slothfulness Rouze up thy self Thou hast no need to seek for Foreign Kingdoms from Corinth or from Tarquinii as thy Father had thy Houshold-gods and those of thy Country thy Fathers Image the Kings Palace the Regal Throne in that Palace and the Name of Tarquin creates and calls thee King But if this be not enough to raise thy Soul why doest thou frustrate the expectations of the City Why doest thou go under the Name of a young Prince Get thee hence to Tarquinii or Corinth run Retrograde into thy Family and prove more like thy Brother than thy Father With these and other taunting words she teazed the young man nor could she rest her self to think that Tanaquil who was a Foreigner could carry on such great Designs as to confer two Regal Successions upon her Husband first and then upon her Son-in-law and yet she though come of Royal Blood could be no instrument at all either in the giving or taking away a Crown Tarquinius being possess'd with this Female Fury went about to get the Votes of the inferior Senators especially whom he put in mind of his Fathers kindness to them and upon that Account desired their favour He made the young men his friends by Mony and then promising great things of himself and laying great crimes to the Kings charge advanc'd his Credit among all People At last when he thought he had a fair opportunity to effect his Design he came on a sudden guarded with a Company of Soldiers into the Forum at which all People were affrighted and there sitting down in the Kings Seat he commanded the Senators to be summoned into Court by the common Cryer and to appear before their King Tarquinius whereupon they immediately came some being prepared for it before-hand and others for fear lest their not coming might turn to their Damage but were astonished at the Novelty and Strangeness of the sight and thought also that Servius was taken off Then Tarquinius began with all the reviling Language that he could think on and told them That a Slave and the Son of a Slave after the death of his Father who was basely murthered without any Interregnum or space between the Reign of two Kings which had been formerly used without any publick Assembly without the Votes of the People or the approbation of the Senate but by the gift of a Woman had been possessed of that Kingdom and that he so Born and so made King being a great Patron of the basest sort of men among which himself is one had out of envy to other Peoples prosperity taken their Lands from all the best in the City and divided it among a pack of sordid fellows that he had laid
by any means but by Fraud and Stratagem Attacked since he was beaten from the Walls thereof so far as that he had no hopes even to lay Siege to it wherefore whilst he pretended to set aside all thoughts of a War that he might lay the Foundations of that Temple and other Edifices in the City his Son Sextus who was the youngest of three fled away by compact to Gabii complaining of his Fathers intolerable cruelty to him telling them that Now he had turned all his pride from Strangers upon his own Family that he was now grown weary even of his own Children and resolved to cause the same solitude in his own House as he had made in the Court lest he should leave any off-spring behind him or any one to Inherit his Kingdom that he indeed had escaped his Fathers Darts and Swords but thought himself safe in no place unless it were among the Enemies of Lucius Tarquinius Lest they should mistake in their measures that War still continued which he pretended to have given over and that he upon occasion would surprize them And that if among them poor men that Petitioned could find no admittance he would wander over all Latium whence if he were expelled he would go to the Volsci the Equi and the Hernici 'till he came to those who know how to protect Children from the Cruel and Impious Punishments of their Fathers and besides that too he hoped he might find some inclination to War and Arms against that proud King and his Savage People When he if they regarded not what he said seemed angry at them and resolved to go forward from thence to some other place he was kindly entertained by the Gabines who told him it was no wonder if he at last proved to his own Children what he had always been to his Countrymen and Allies that he would in time offer violence to himself if he wanted another subject but that his coming was very grateful to them and they believed that in a short time the War might be transferred from the Gates of Gabii to the Walls of Rome After that he was admitted into their publick Councils where though he said that he in other things assented to the ancient Gabines to whom such things were better known yet he approved of continuing the War and said The greatest thing he pretended to was that he knew the strength of both People and that the Kings pride was really hated by all his Subjects seeing his very Children were not able to endure it Thus by degrees inciting the Gabine Nobility once more to renew the War he went with the most active of their Youth to Forage the Country and upon other Expeditions gaining Credit by all that he said or did so well was his Cheat contrived 'till at last he was chosen General of the War in which the Multitude being ignorant what his Design was when some small Skirmishes had passed between Rome and Gabii in which the Gabines for the most part had the better on it the Gabines all from the highest to the lowest thought Sextus Tarquinius was sent to them as a Blessing from the gods And among the Soldiers by running upon danger and difficulties as well as munificently distributing the Booty he was so much beloved that his Father Tarquinius was not more powerful at Rome than he at Gabii Wherefore when he saw that he had gathered strength enough for all his Designs he sent a Messenger to his Father at Rome to know What he would have him do For at Gabii the Gods had so ordered it that he alone could do what he pleased This Messenger because I suppose he was suspected had no express Answer but the King as if he were going to deliberate upon the matter walked into his Garden and his Sons Messenger followed him where walking without silently along they say he with his Staff cut off the heads of the Poppies The Messenger being wearied with asking for and expecting his Answer despaired of having what he came for and therefore returning to Gabii told all that he himself said and what he saw saying that whether out of anger or hatred or natural pride the King said never a Word Sextus discovering what his Father meant and what his Commands were even by those dumb signs he caused the chief men of the City to be put to Death by Accusing some of them to the People and instigating others by their own mutual Envy Many of them were slain publickly though some against whom his Accusation was not like to be so specious and plausible were Murthered privately Some that were willing fled their Country and others were Banished and the Goods of those that were absent as well as of those that were put to Death were divided Whereupon by the sweetness of that distribution the share which each one received of the Booty and upon the score of their private advantage they lost the sense of publick misfortunes 'till at last the Gabine State deprived both of Council and Power 't is said was surrendred to the King of Rome without any Bloodshed Having gotten Gabii Tarquinius made Peace with the Aequi and renewed his League with the Tusci After which he applied his mind to the Affairs of the City whereof the first was a design that he had to leave the Temple of Jupiter upon the Tarpeian Mount as a Monument of his Reign and Name for two Kings of the Tarquinian Race were engaged in that business the Father who vowed to build it and the Son who made an end of it And that the whole Body of that Temple might be free from all other Religions he resolved to unhallow those Temples and Chappels which in the War against Romulus were designed Consecrated and afterwards with Auguries set apart by King Tatius When he first began this Structure 't is said that the gods were concerned at it and gave some indications of the future growth of that Empire for though the Birds permitted the unhallowing of all other Temples yet in the Temple of the god Terminus they did not allow it which Omen and Augury was so interpreted as if the god Terminus by not removing out of his Place nor leaving his holy Bounds portended that all things should continue firm and stable When they had received this Prediction of the perpetuity of their Empire there was another Prodigy after that which signified the greatness of it and it was this they say that as they opened the Foundations of the Temple there appeared a mans Head with an intire Face which sight did plainly and directly portend that that Castle should be the Head of all the World and so likewise said the Diviners not only such as lived in the City but those also whom they had sent for to that purpose out of Etruria The Kings Design encreased according to his expences and therefore the Plunder taken at Pometia which was designed for the perfecting of that Work would scarce serve to lay the
of Wives and Children and the love of that soil to which by Tract of time Men grow accustomed had united their affections For the State of things which was but in its infancy would have been ruined by Discord which yet the calm moderation of Government cherished and by due nursing of it brought to that pass that they now come to their full strength could well bear the stronger nutriment of Liberty But you may reckon the original of that Liberty more from the Consulships being made and Annual Government than that any thing was diminished from Kingly Power For the first Consuls reteined all the Prerogatives and all the Badges of Royal State only this one thing they were cautious of not to have both of them Fasces or bundles of Rods carried before them lest the terror of the People might be doubled Brutus by the consent of his Colleague had first the Fasces and did not with more earnestness regain than he afterwards preserved their Liberty In the first place he made the People more covetous of their new Liberty lest they should afterwards be persuaded by the entreaties or corrupted by the gifts of the late King to swear that they would never suffer any one to Reign as King of Rome Whereupon that he might make the Senate stronger by making their order more numerous which had been lessened by those many slaughters which the King had made amongst them he chose all the chief of the Gradus Equestris or Knightly Order into them which made their number up three hundred and thence they say came the custom and form of calling them into the Senate by distinct appellations of Patres and Conscripti i. e. such as had been Senators before as that were newly chosen in for such as were then Elected into the Senate were called Conscripti i. e. whose Names were written in the same Catalogue with the former 'T is very strange to tell how that conduced to the Concord of the City and to unite the Peoples affections to the Senate After that they regulated things Divine and because some publick Holy Rites were used to be performed by the Kings themselves lest the People should desire a King again to satisfie them in the Name they made a Religious Minister called Rex Sacrificulus or the Petit King of the Sacrifices but made him subject to the Pontifex lest his having Honour proportionable to his Name might detract something from the publick Liberty to which they at that time had the greatest regard And indeed I cannot tell whether by their extraordinary care to confirm it even in the most inconsiderable respects they did not exceed the bounds of prudence for when nothing else offended them the very Name of one of the Consuls was hateful to the whole City For they said That the Tarquins had been too long possessed of that Kingdom of whom Priscus was the first and that though after him Servius Tullius was King yet Tarquinius Superbus did not forget himself in the mean time or lay down his pretensions to the Crown as if it were the right of another but by force and ill means sought to regain it as being the inheritance of his Family That now since they had expelled Superbus the Sovereign Power remained in Collatinus who was also a Tarquin That the Tarquins could not endure to live a private life That they hated the very name inasmuch as it was dangerous to their Liberty This kind of Discourse was spred by degrees all over the City to try how People stood affected and Brutus seeing the People so full of suspicion summoned them to an Assembly In which he first of all recited the Oath which the People had taken that they would suffer no man to Reign or be at Rome who should endanger their Liberty For that was to be their chiefest care nor could any thing be contemptible that conduced thereunto That he was unwilling to speak in the mans behalf nor would he have spoken unless his love to the Commonwealth had strongly induced him That the Roman People did not believe they had intirely recovered their Liberty because there was some of the Kings Family and of the Kings name not only in the City but likewise in supreme Authority which they thought was a diminution and an obstacle to their Liberty L. Tarquinius said he do you voluntarily remove this fear from them We remember we must confess you expelled the Kings Now therefore to perfect your kindness to the City take hence the very name of the King your fellow Citizens will not only deliver you what is your own and that by my persuasion but if you lack any thing will very munificâ—ntly augment your Estate Depart then as a friend and ease the City of their jealousie though perchance it be groundless for they are verily persuaded that with the Family of the Tarquins the Government of Kings will leave this City The Consul was at first so much surprised at that new and sudden Proposal that he had no power to speak But soon after when he began to utter himself the Nobility of the City stood about him and earnestly desired of him the same thing But indeed all others did not much move him till Sp. Lucretius to whose Age and Authority he owed a deference and who besides that was his Father-in-law began to treat with him after a different manner sometimes desiring and sometimes persuading him that he would suffer himself to be overcome by the consent of the whole City the Consul fearing lest afterwards when he was a private Man the same things might happen to him with loss of Goods and other Ignominy to boot he withdrew himself from the Consulship and having removed all his Goods to Lavinium left the City Brutus by Order of the Senate prescribed a Law to the People that all of the Tarquinian Family should be banished and made P. Valerius Colleague in the Comitia Centuriata by whose assistance he had expelled the Kings When every body believed that the Tarquinii were going to Levy War it happened indeed somewhat later than any body expected but what they did not fear their Liberty was almost lost through fraud and treachery There were among the Roman Youth some young Men of good Families whose manners had been more dissolute and debauched than ordinary in the time of the King they being of the same Age and Companions with the young Tarquins and used to live like Princes they therefore at that time when all People had the same priviledges expecting the same freedom complained among themselves that the Liberty of others became their Slavery and said That the King was a Man of whom you might seek for redress in a dispute concerning right and wrong that in him there was room for favour and kindness that he could be angry or pleased to pardon as knowing the difference between a friend and an Enemy But that the Laws were deaf inexorable and more for the advantage of a
and pains to provide all necessaries for the Belly whilest that lay idle in the middle of the Body and did nothing but enjoy its pleasure Wherefore they conspired that the hands should not lift the meat to the mouth nor the mouth receive it when offered nor the teeth chew it By which envious method whilest they endeavoured to famish the Belly the members themselves at the same time and the whole Body were starved Whence it appeared that the Belly was instrumental in the service of the whole nor did it receive more nourishment than it supplied in that it distributed and equally divided into the Veins that Blood made out of well digested food whereby wâ— live and enjoy our health Then comparing the Intestine Sedition of the Body to the Animosity of the People against the Senate he thereby reconciled them Thereupon they began to Treat of Peace and agreed upon Terms That the People should have certain peculiar and inviolable Magistrates to assist them against the Consuls and that no Senator should be capable of that Office So there were two Officers Created by the Title of Tribuni Plebis or the Tribunes of the People whose Names were Cains Licinius and L. Albinus and they chose themselves three Collegues of which Sicinius the Author of the Sedition was one but who the other two were is uncertain Some Authors say that there were only two Tribunes Created in the Mons Sacer i. e. the Holy Mount and that there also those Laws were made called Leges Sacratae i. e. Sacred Laws During this Sucession of the People Sp. Cassius and Postumus Cominius began their Consulship in whose time there was a League made with the Latins for the Ratifying whereof one Consul stayed at Rome and the other was sent to the War against the Volsci in which he Defeated and Routed those of Antium a City of the Volsci and driving them into a Town called Longula he made himself Master of it Then he took Polusca another Town of the Volsci from whence he marched and Stormed Corioli There was at that time in the Camp among the rest of the young Nobility one Caius Marcius a young man very witty and active who was afterwards Surnamed Coriolanus When therefore the Volscian Legions coming from Antium had set upon the Roman Army which then sate down before Carioli being intent upon the Townsmen which they had blocked up and free from any fear of a War without and at the same time the Enemies had made a Sally out of the Town this Marcius was by chance upon the Guard and he with a choice Party of men did not only repel the violence of those that Sallied forth but bravely forced his way through the open Gate and having killed all he met in the adjacent parts of the City he took the next Fore that came to his hands and threw it into the Houses next the Wall Thereupon the noise of the Townsmen mixed with the cries of Women and Children which was at first designed as it usually is for terror encouraged the Romans and disheartened the Volsci to hear that their City was taken which they came to Relieve Thus the Volsci of Antium were Routed and the Town of Corioli taken in which Actions Marcius so much obscured the Consuls Fame by his Honourable Atchievements that unless the League made with the Latins by Sp. Cassius alone in the absence of his Collegue and graven upon a Pillar of Brass had been a Monument of it Posterity would never have known that Postumus Cominius ever waged War with the Volsci The same Year Agrippa Menenius died a man all his life-time beloved both by the Senate and the People but after his death became more dear to the People yet he who was the Mediator and the Umpire for Concord between his fellow Citizens as being Embassador from the Senate to the People and the man who brought back the Roman Commonalty into the City wanted Mony to defray his Funeral Charges wherefore the People buried him at their expence Contributing every one three Farthings Then T. Geganius and P. Minucius were made Consuls in whose time though all things were quiet abroad and the Discord composed at home another misfortune much worse than all the rest befell the City and that was first a Dearth of Provisions for want of having had their Land Manured at the time of the Peoples Secession after which succeeded a Famin like that which Towns besieged are wont to suffer In which Calamity the Slaves especially and the meaner sort of People had all died if the Consuls had not taken care to send into all parts to buy Corn not only into Etruria all along the Coasts on the right hand of Ostia but on the left hand too through the Country of the Volsci and down by Sea as far as Cumae yea they went even into Sicily also so far did the hatred which their Neighbours bore to them compel them to go for supplies When they had bought Corn at Cumae their Ships had an Embargo laid upon them by Aristodemus the King of that place to make amends for the Goods of the Tarquins to whom he was Heir In the Country of the Volsci and about Pometia there was none to be bought nor only so but the Merchants themselves were also in danger of their lives they had Corn out of Etruria by way of the Tiber wherewith the People were susteined Amidst this scarcity they had been harrassed with very unseasonable War had it not been for a raging Pestilence which seized upon the Volsci whilest they were now taking up Arms. At that destructive calamity the minds of their Enemies were so dismayed that even when that was abated they were possessed with some terror while the Romans augmented their Colony at Viletrae and sent a new one into the Mountains to Norba which is a Castle near Pometia After that when M. Minucius and A. Sempronius were Consuls there was a great quantity of Corn brought out of Sicily and 't was Debated in the Senate at what rate the People should have it Amongst whom many were of Opinion that then the time was come to make the People submit and to recover those Priviledges which by their Secession and Violence had been extorted from the Senate but M. Coriolanus more than any other being an Enemy to the Tribunes Power If they said he will have their old allowance and at the same rate that they had it before the Sedition let them give back to the Senate their ancient Priviledges Why should I see Magistrates made out of the People or Sicinius so great and powerful whilest I my self am a Slave and redeemed as it were out of the hands of Robbers Shall I endure these indignities any longer than I am forced to it Shall we endure Sicinius that could not brook King Tarquin Let him withdraw now and call the People after him the way is open to the Sacred Mount as well as the other Hills Let them steal
routed and defeated the Enemy in the very first Battel but the Army of Pillagers got away and escaped Lucretius whilst he continued in the Country of the Hernici being led over the Prenestine Mountains whence being sent down into the Plains they wasted the Fields of Preneste and Gabii From Gabii they turned their course toward the Tusculan Hills putting the City of Rome also into a great fright more for the surprise than that they were not strong enough to make their defence Q. Fabius was then Governour of the City who arming the young men and setting Guards at all convenient Passes made all secure and quiet Wherefore the Enemy though they Plundered all places durst not approach the City but wheeling about in order to their return homeward as they got farther from the City were more negligent of themselves and by that means fell into the hands of Lucretius who having sent out Scouts before to secure his Marches was ready and very desirous to have a brush with him The Romans therefore coming upon them with minds prepared which put them into a sudden fright though they were somewhat fewer defeated and put to flight a vast Multitude whom they encompassed in hollow Valleys whereinto they had driven them and out of which there was no easie passage There the name of the Volsci was almost extinguished for I find in some Annals that there were slain in the Battel and the Pursuit thirteen thousand four hundred and seventy Men a thousand two and fifty taken Prisoners and twenty seven Ensigns of War brought away in which though there be some addition made to the number yet 't is certain the slaughter was very great The Consul having got the Victory returned to his Camp with great spoils whereupon the two Consuls united their Camps whilst the Volsci and the Aequi also joyned their forces into one Army That was the third fight in that Year in which the same fortune gave the Romans the Victory who having routed the Enemy took their Camp too Thus the Roman Commonwealth was restored to its former state and the success of the War strait caused new commotions in the City C. Terentillus Arsa was that Year Tribune of the People who supposing he had a good opportunity now that the Consuls were absent to promote the Interest of the Tribunes made it his business for some days to rail before the People at the pride of the Senate but most especially at the Power of the Consuls as excessive and intolerable in a free City For it was only a less odious name the thing it self being if it were possible more Tyrannical than that of Kings in that they now had two Sovereigns instead of one with immoderate and boundless Authority who being themselves free and unconfined turned all fear of Laws and all sorts of Punishment upon the People Which Power of theirs lest it should be eternal he would put forth a Law that five Men should be chosen to make Laws concerning the Power of the Consuls that the Consul should use no more Authority over the People than they allowed him nor should they esteem their own will and pleasure as a Law Which Law being promulgated the Senate feared that in the absence of the Consuls they might be forced to submit and therefore Q. Fabius the Prefect of the City called an Assembly of them in which he inveighed so bitterly against the design and the preferrer of that Law that if both the Consuls had stood by the Tribune they could not have expressed more menaces or terror than he did for he told him He had laid an Ambuscade and taking his opportunity attacked the Commonwealth if the angry gods had sent them such an one as he was the last Year amidst the Plague and the War they never should have seen an end of their Calamities When both the Consuls were dead and the City lay languishing in a confusion he would make Laws to abrogate the Power of the Consuls and for the same reason would be General of the Aequi and the Volsci when they should come to attack the City For Heavens sake what might not he already do He might call the Consuls to account if they had behaved themselves Arbitrarily or cruelly to any Citizen and accuse them even before those who had been injured But indeed he did not make the Power of the Consuls so odious and intolerable as he did that of the Tribunes which after it had been reconciled to the Senate was by him again reduced into its old mischievous circumstances nor die he for his part desire him not to persist as he had begun But as for you said Fabius the rest of the Tribunes we entreat you that you would first of all consider that your Power was designed for the aid of each single Man not for the ruin of all in general that you were created Tribunes of the People not Enemies to the Senate to us 't is a sad thing and it will prove invidious to you that the Commonwealth which is now deserted should be invaded You will not diminish your own priviledges but the odium that will otherwise attend you Persuade your Collegue to defer the whole matter 'till the Consuls come home The very Aequi and the Volsci themselves when the two Consuls died last Year of the Plague did not oppress or attack us with a Cruel and a Tyrannical War Then the Tribunes treated with Terentillus and thereupon the matter being only deferred to all appearance but really quite stifled he sent immediately for the Consuls Lucretius therefore returned home with vast spoils but greater Glory yet augmented that too at his arrival by laying down all his Booty in the Campus Martius that for three days together every one might come and take what he knew to be his own and the remaining part which had no owners was sold For which the Consul deserved a Triumph by general consent though that was deferred because the Tribune at that time was stickling to pass the Law which the Consul thought a matter of greater moment That therefore was banded for some days both in the Senate and before the People 'till at the last the Tribune gave way to the Authority of the Consul and desisted Then all due honour was paid to the General and the Army for he Triumphed upon the score of the Volsci and the Aequi being attended by the Legions The other Consul was allowed a less honourable sort of Triumph called Ovation in which he was to come into the City without the Soldiers The Year following the Lex Terentilla or Terentillus's Law being again preferred by the whole Collegue of Tribunes gave some disturbance to the new Consuls who were P. Volumnius and Ser. Sulpitius U. C. 291 In whose time the Heavens seemed to be on fire and there was a great Earthquake besides that it was now believed an Heiser spoke to which there was no credit given the Year before Among other Prodigies also it rained flesh which
been Consul the Year before shining with fresh glory was pleased to let Caeso partake in his praises by remembring the Eights recounting the noble exploits which they had done sometimes in Skirmishes and other-whiles in pitched Battels persuading and telling them He was a brave Youth full fraught with all the gifts both of nature and fortune and would be the greatest support of any City where-ever he came though he wished to be a Citizen of Rome rather than of any other place As to what was offensive in him his heat and audacity age daily took off that and what was lacking in him prudence was every day increasing his vices growing old and his virtues coming to maturity wherefore they ought to let such a great Man live in their City 'till he was an old Man Among the rest his Father L. Quintius Surnamed Cincinnatus though he did not think fit to repeat his Commendations lest that might heap more envy upon him begging Pardon for his error and youthful carriage desired them that they would pardon his Son for his sake who had never offended any Man living either by word or action But some of them would not hear his intreaties either out of modesty or fear whilst others complaining that they and theirs were mulcted and abused by him gave him a cross answer and resolved to go on with the Tryal But there was one crime besides the common envy of the People that lay very hard upon him and that was that M. Volscius Fictor who some years before had been Tribune of the People came in as a Witness against him That he not long after the Plague was in the City came and caught the young Men playing their mad pranks in the street called Subura where the Whores dwelt that there a Quarrel arose and his elder Brother who was not yet very well recovered of his Distemper was knocked down by Caeso who hit him such a blow with his fist that he lay for dead whereupon they carried him home and thought he thereby got his bane But he could not prosecute Caeso for the Fact because of the Consuls that had been for some years last past When Volscius declared this the People were so netled that they had like to have murthered Caeso upon the place but Virginius ordered him to be laid hold on and put in Prison whilst in the mean time the Patricians opposed force with force T. Quintius cryed out Whereas they had given warning of a Capital Tryal the Man they designed so soon to pass Sentence upon ought not to be so roughly used before he was Convicted or had spoken for himself The Tribune on the other hand said He would not punish a Person uncondemned but yet he would keep him in Bonds 'till the day of Tryal that the Roman People might fairly revenge themselves of him for killing one of their Fellow Citizens Nevertheless the Tribunes being appealed to all together thought fit to mitigate the rigour of their Authority by a moderate Decree between the two extremes so they ordered him not to be put in Prison yet that he should appear at the day appointed and if he did not should engage to pay so much mony to the People though they had some dispute what the sum should be and therefore referred it to the Senate he remaining in Custody whilst they were consulted They therefore ordered him to give Bail one of whom they bound in a Recognizance of 3000 l. but how many should be bound for him was left to the Tribunes who pitching upon ten the Accuser let him go upon their security He was the first that ever gave publick Bail When by this means he was dismissed out of the Forum the next night without the knowledg of the Consuls he banished himself into Tuscany Wherefore upon the day of Tryal when they excused or essoigned him by saying he had fled his Country and was gone into Banishment the rest of the Tribunes being Appealed to though Virginius called it dismissed the Council But the Mony was cruelly exacted from his Father insomuch that when all he had was sold to raise it he was fain to live beyond the Tiber for some time like one Exiled in a pitiful little Cottage This Tryal and the Law being promulged found the City something to do for they were not engaged in any Foreign War When therefore the Tribunes like Conquerors now that the Senate was so terrified by the Banishment of Caeso supposed the Law was as good as passed and that all the Seniors of the Senate had withdrawn themselves from publick business the Juniors especially all that were Caeso's friends were more incensed against the People so far they were from abating in their animosities but that which proved their greatest advantage was that they kept their passion within bounds For when after Caeso's Banishment the Law was first proposed though they were ready prepared with an Army of Clients yet they attacked the Tribunes assoon as by offering any violence to them they gave them cause in such a manner that never an one of them gained more credit or envy by it but the People complained They had got a thousand Caesoes instead of one Though upon other days when the Tribunes did not stickle for their Law there were no Men more civil and quiet than those Juniors were for they would speak kindly and familiarly to the Commonalty invite them to their Houses be in the Forum and permit the Tribunes to hold other Assemblies without any disturbance nor ever look stern or be rough with any Man either in publick or private save when they talked of that Law for in other cases those young Men were popular enough Nor did the Tribunes manage other matters only without any disturbance but being also continued for the Year following had not so much as an ill word given them so far were the young Senators from offering any violence to them For their main design was to sooth and win upon the People so much as to reconcile them and by those Arts the Law was eluded for a whole Year Then C. Claudius the Son Appius and P. Valerius Poplicola being made Consuls found the City much quiter than it had been nor had the new Year brought forth any new accident U. C. 292 for the City was wholly taken up with the thoughts of preferring and the fear of passing that Law But the more the Junior Senators insinuated themselves into the People so much the more industrious the Tribunes were to make the People suspect them saving There was a Conspiracy among them for Caeso was at Rome and that they designed to kill the Tribunes and murther the People that the Senior Senators employed the Juniors to extirpate the Power of the Tribunes out of the Commonwealth and to reduce the City into the same fâ—â—m as it was of before they possessed themselves of the Holy Mount Besides this they were afraid of that constant and almost annual War from the
mixing with their Assemblies talked to them in such language as was at that time most seasonable admonishing them To take care what danger they brought the Commonwealth into and telling them the Controversie was not between the Senate and the People but that the Senate the People the Castle the Temples of their gods with all religious things both publick and private were betrayed and given up at once into the hands of the Enemy Whilst these things passed in the Forum in order to appease the Sedition the Câ—â—suls in the mean time lest the Sabine or the Veian Army should stir went and Posted themselves about the Gates and the Walls of the City The same night also there was news brought to Tusculum that the Castle was taken the Capitol seized and the City in a tumult L. Mamilius being then Dictator of that place He therefore calling a Senate and bringing in the Messengers was strongly of opinion That they ought not to stay 'till Embassadors came from Rome to desire assistance for that the danger it self the jeopardy that they were in who worshiped the same gods and the Religious Obligation of their Leagues required that from them nor would the gods ever give them the like opportunity of obliging so Puissant and so near and dear a City Whereupon they agreed to send Auxiliaries and forthwith put all their young Men in Arms who coming to Rome at break of day appeared a far off like Enemies as if the Aequi and the Volsci had been coming But when the vain fright was over they were received into the City in a full Body and marched down into the Forum where P. Valerius having left his Collegue to Guard the Gates was now a Marshalling his Army For the Authority of that Man had won the Commonalty forasmuch as he assured them When he had recovered the Capitol and quieted the City if they would let him learn what treachery the Tribunes palliated under the pretence of passing their Law that he should remember his forefathers his Surname whereby it appeared that he had the care of serving the People committed and derived down to him from his Ancestors and would not obstruct the Peoples designs Wheâ—efore they following him as their Captain though the Tribunes were much against it but all in vain drew up upon the side of the Capitol Hill To them also was added the Tusculan Legion and there between the Allies and the Citizens was a contest who should have the honour of regaining the Castle both Generals encouraging their Men as much as they could Then the Enemy began to tremble nor could they trust in any thing besides the strength of the place amidst whose fears the Romans fell upon them as the Allies also did And they had forced their way into the Porch of the Temple when P. Valerius standing in the Van and animating his Men to the Battel was slain P. Volumnius a Consuls fellow saw him fall and therefore commanding some of his Soldiers to cover the Body ran up to supply the Consuls place But the Army did not know so hot and intent they were upon the fight what great misfortune had befallen them yea they got the Victory before they were sensible that they fought without their General Many of the Banished Persons defiled the Temple with their Blood and many were taken alive but Herdonius was killed and so the Capitol was recovered The Captives were punished according to their quality as every one was either a Freeman or a Slave the Tusculans had thanks for their pains the Capitol was purged and lustrated or Consecrated by Sacrifices and the People 't is said threw Mony into the Consuls House in order to bury him with the greater Pomp and Solemnity They having by this means appeased the City the Tribunes being very urgent with the Senate to perform what P. Valerius had promised importuned Claudius to discharge the Ghost of his Collegue of all imputations of fraud and to suffer them to treat about their Law To which the Consul replyed He would not permit them to debate concerning the Law before he had chosen himself a new Câ—llegue Wherefore these contentions continued 'till the very time of that Assembly in which the new Consul was to be elected So in the Month December by the great endeavours of the Senate L. Quintius Cincinnatus the Father of Caeso was created Consul and to begin his Office immediately from that time At which the People were much disheartened being to have a Consul who was an angry Man very powerful in the favour of the Senate in his own Courage and three Sons that he had who were each one of them as stout as Caeso but far beyond him in Prudence and Conduct whenever the case required it He therefore when he entered upon the Office was as vehement in his reproofs the Senate as in his Invectives against the People saying That their sloth was the occasion why the Tribunes reigned so perpetually in their calumnies and other crimes not as in a Commonwealth of the Romans but as it sometimes happens in a dissolute Family That with his Son Caeso all virtue constancy and other glories that usually adorn young Men either in Peace or War were Banished and Expelled out of Rome whilst the Tribunes those prating seditious fellows who were the Seminaries of all Discord being twice or thrice together put into the same Office through their ill Acts lived with all the licentiousness of Kings Aulus Virginius said he for not being in the Capitol deserved as much punishment as Ap. Herdonius nay more indeed if we consider the thing aright For Herdonius if he did nothing else by confessing himself an Enemy did as good as give you notice and advice to Arm your selves but this Man by denying that there was any Enemy to fight withall deprived you of those Arms exposed you naked to your Slaves and Banished Persons and could you draw your Men up the Capitol Hill which deference I speak to C. Claudius and the memory of P. Valerius who is dead before you had removed that Enemy out of the Forum I am ashamed to appear before either gods or men when I consider that at the same time that the Foe was in the Castle and the Capitol so that the Leader of Slaves and Banditti having prophaned all things and places took up his Quarters in great Joves Temples the People of Tusculum should be Armed before those of Rome it being a question whether L. Mamilius the Tusculan General or P. Valerius and C. Claudius the Consuls delivered this City For we who heretofore would not suffer the Latins so much as to touch any Arms even in their own cause and when the Enemy was in your Country had now our selves if the Latins had not prevented it been taken and utterly destroyed Is this ye Tribunes to aid the People To expose them naked to the Enemies cruelty I 'll warrant you if any Man though the meanest of the People whom
inclinations of the Senate we saw the Patrician Magistracy made an offering and a Sacrifice to the People You had the assistance of the Tribunes the Appeal to the People and the Determinations of the Commons imposed as Laws upon the Senate under the pretence of making the Laws just and equal we then did and still do suffer all our rights to be invaded What will be the end of these Discords When shall we have the City at Unity When will this be our common Country Are we more content to be Conquered than Conquerors Is it enough that you are dreadful to us You took the Aventine Hill against us as you did the sacred Mount in like manner But none of you removed the Volscian Enemy when they were like to take the Esquiliae and climbing up the Rampire it is against us that you are Men and take up Arms. But let me persuade you all who have besieged the Senate here made the Forum a dangerous place and filled the Prison with Noblemen to march forth beyond the Esquiline Gate with the same resolutions or if you dare not do this look from your Walls into the Fields how they are laid waste by Fire and Sword the Cattel driven away and the burnt Houses smoaking For the Government in general is now in a sad condition the Country is burnt the City besieged and the Glory of War is with the Enemies What matter is it in what state your private affairs are You 'l every one shortly hear of your losses in the Fields What have you at home to make them up again Will the Tribunes restore and give you back what you have lost They 'l give you as much talk and words as you can desire with crimes laid to the charge of the Nobility and Laws one after another made in a great many Assemblies but none of you ever returned home from those Assemblies a penny the richer Did any Man carry any thing back to his Wife and Children except hatred feuds and quarrels both publick and private from which you have always been defended not by your own virtue and innocence but by the assistance of others But oh Hercules when you were Soldiers under me not under the Tribunes and in the Camp not in the Forum when in the Field the Enemy not the Roman Senators in an Assembly heard and were afraid of your shouts when you took your Country from the Enemy and returned home in Triumph to your houshold gods loaded with riches and crowned with Glory both publick and private can you now suffer the Foe to go away laden with your Fortunes Stay here if you please fixt to your Assemblies and live in the Forum but the necessity of a War which you so industriously avoid will still pursue you Was it hard for you to go against the Aequi and the Volsci The War is even at your Gates if it be not driven thence it will be shortly within your Walls it will scale the Castle and the Capitol and persecute you into your very Houses 'T is two years ago since the Senate ordered a Levy to be made and an Army to march into Algidum yet we sit lazily at home like Women scolding at one another content with our present Peace and not foreseeing that from our ease there will shortly arise a manifold War I know I might say many other things that would please you better than this but necessity compells me to tell you truth instead of what may be grateful though my own genious did not prompt me to it I must confess I should be glad to please you Romans but I desire much more to preserve you whatever you may hereafter think of me Is it natural for him who speaks before the Multitude in his own behalf to be more accepted than a Person whose mind aims at nothing but publick good unless perchance you think those publick Flatterers those Courters of the People who will not let you be either in Arms or at rest incite and spur you on for your own sakes No when they have raised you to an animosity be sure they gain either honour or riches by it and since they see they are never like to thrive if the several Orders of Romans are at unity they chuse to be the ring-leaders of an ill thing rather than nothing at all that is of troubles and seditions Of which if you can at last be aweary and will assume the antient manners of your fore-fathers and your selves instead of these new ones I will submit to any punishment if I do not force these Ravagers of our Country in a few days out of their Camp and transfer the terror of this War with which you are now so astonished from our Walls and Gates to their Cities There hardly ever was any popular Speech of a Tribune more welcome to the People than this of that grave Consul at that time The young Men also who amidst such fears used to make the refusal of a War the sharpest Weapon against the Senators were inclined to take up Arms for the Country People running into Town out of the Fields where they were spoiled and wounded and relating things more barbarous than what appeared to the Citizens eyes put all the City in a rage When he came into the Senate all Peoples eyes were turned upon Quintius whom they look'd upon as the only preserver of the Roman Honour the Senior Senators saying That his Oration became the dignity of a Consul and was worthy of his so many former Consulates as of all his whole life that had been full of Honours often received but oftner deserved That other Consuls either betrayed the Dignity of the Senate to please the Commons or by being too rough in the defence of their rights provoked the People to be more obstinate by endeavouring to subdue at that rate That T. Quintius 's Oration had a special regard not only to the Majesty of the Senate but to the concord of the several ranks and the present juncture of affairs Wherefore they desired him and his Collegue to undertake the management of the Commonwealth and that the Tribunes would joyn unanimously with the Consuls to remove the War from their City Walls and make the People in those doubtful circumstances obedient to the Senate yea they said their common Country called on the Tribunes and implored their aid now that the Fields were all laid waste and the City almost besieged Whereupon by general consent they ordered and made a Levy and the Consuls having declared in the Assembly That that was not a time to try Causes but that all the younger sort of Men must be the next day assoon as 't was light in the Campus Martius that they would find a time when the War was over to hear their excuses who did not give in their names and that he should be punished as a Deserter of the publick Interest whose reason they did not approve of all the Youth came thither next day the
likewise the beginning of the Censorship a thing which though it sprang from a small original yet afterward increased to such a degree that the regulation of Manners and Discipline among the Romans was subject to it the Senate and the Centuries of Knights the Power distinguishing between decency and undecency was within the jurisdiction of that Magistrate yea the ordering of all places both publick and private and the Customs or Tribute of the Roman People were at the disposal and in the hands of that Officer Now the first reason why Censors were made was because the People having been Unpolled or Rated for so many Years that business could neither be deferred nor had the Consuls leisure to mind it they had so many Wars to provide against Thereupon the Senate said It being a troublesome business and unbefitting the Dignity of a Consul it ought to have a Magistrate peculiar to it who should have Clerks under him together with the keeping and making the Tables of Rates as well as power to prescribe the form of every particular Mans Pole The Senators gladly received the proposal though it was a small matter because it increased the number of Patrician Magistrates in the Commonwealth supposing also I suppose what afterward came to pass that in a short time the riches of those that should bear that Office would make an addition of State and Majesty to the honour it self The Tribunes also considering the present circumstances look'd upon it to be necessary rather than a specious piece of service and therefore lest they should seem to thwart the Senate in such small things were willing to comply Since therefore this dignity was slighted by the chief of the City the People Voted that Papirius and Sempronius whose Consulate occasioned some dispute should make up their Year in that Office of Censorship being called Censores à censendo i. e. from Taxing the People c. Whilst these things were transacted at Rome Embassadors came from Ardea desiring the Romans for old Alliance-sake and the late League renewed between them to send aid to their City which was almost ruined for they could not enjoy that Peace which they had wisely preserved with the Roman People for their intestine broils the original of which is said to be the difference between several Factions which always have been and still will prove more fatal to many People than Foreign Wars than Famin or Diseases or any other thing that men ascribe to the wrath of Heaven as the most deplorable of all publick calamities Two young Men made love to a Damsel of the Plebeian rank who was very beautiful the one of them being of the same quality with her and relying upon his Guardians who themselves also were of the same condition the other being a Nobleman was taken with nothing but her beauty only Him therefore the Nobility assisted so far that both the Rivals came a Wooing to her at the same time But the Noble Youth prevailed upon the judgment of her Mother who had a mind to have her Daughter married into a great Family whilst the Guardians stickled all they could for their Pupil being in that also mindful of their priviledges as Plebeians At length seeing the matter could not be determined within those Walls they went to Law about it where when the Mother and the Guardians had been heard the Magistrates gave it as their opinions that the Mother might dispose of her Daughter in Marriage as she pleased But force was above Law for the Guardians complaining openly in the Market-place among People of their own Quality and Party of the injustice of the Decree got a Band together and forced the Maid out of her Mothers House against whom a stronger company of Noble Youths rising up in Arms followed the young Man who was much concerned at the indignity and occasioned a fierce encounter In which the populace having the worst on it went nothing like the Roman Commonalty out of the City Armed and having possessed themselves of a certain Hill made excursions into the Lands belonging to the Nobility with Fire and Sword yea they prepared to Besiege the City also and the rich Citizens that had been concerned on neither side calling out all the Mechanicks in hopes of Plunder to assist them And now the face of War and Slaughter appeared in all its shapes the City being as it were infected with the madness of two young fellows that contended for a fatal Marriage through the ruin of their Country Each Party had but a small force either at home or abroad wherefore the Noble Men sent to the Romans to come and relieve their Besieged City whilst the Commonalty instigated the Volsci to help them in the taking of Ardea The Volsci came first under the Conduct of Cluilius and made a Rampire against the Enemies Walls Which being told at Rome immediately M. Geganius the Consul marching forth with an Army pitched his Camp three thousand paces from the Enemy and being it was late in the day bid his Soldiers refresh themselves After which about the fourth Watch he marched forth and the Work which he began was carried on with such speed that at Sun-rising the Volsci saw themselves enclosed by the Romans with a stronger Bulwark than that which they had made against the City the Consul having also made a Line of Communication up to the Wall of Ardea whereby his friends might come to him out of the Town The Volscian General who had to that day maintained his Men not with Provisions prepared before-hand but with Forage and Plunder that he took out of the Country for his present occasion seeing himself encompassed on a sudden with such a Mound and being unprovided of all necessaries desired the Consul to let him speak with him and told him That if the Romans came to raise that Siege he would draw the Volscians off from thence to which the Consul answered That those who were Conquered ought to take not to make Conditions of Peace nor should the Volscians go away as they came to oppose the Allies of Rome at their own pleasure but he commanded them to surrender their General lay down their Arms confess themselves Conquered and obey his Commands otherwise both those that went away and those that stayed there too should find him such an Enemy as would rather carry back to Rome a Victory over the Volsci than an unfaithful Peace The Volscians therefore put little trust in their Arms and having found that all other means were quite cut off engaged besides other inconveniencies in a place which was very incommodious to fight in and worse to run away from by which means being killed on every side they turned from fighting to praying and having delivered up their General together with their Arms underwent the disgraceful ceremony of being made Captives of War by going under a Gallows made of three Javelins and then with one Garment on their backs were dismissed after they had suffered so
brought to Rome they say Q. Servilius a Person of years and experience in the World beseeched the Gods That the Discord of those Tribunes might not prove more fatal to the Commonwealth than that at Veii and as if he foresaw that ill fortune should certainly attend them was urgent with his Son to raise more Men and provide more Arms. Nor was he a false Prophet for under the Conduct of L. Sergius when it was his day to govern having got into inconvenient place near the Enemies Camp for the Enemy pretending fear was retired into their Trenches by which means they were drawn thither in vain hopes of taking the Camp they were driven by a sudden effort of the Aequi upon them down a declining Valley many of them being destroyed and slain as they tumbled headlong one over another their defeat looking more like a ruin than a flight Whereupon the next day their Camp which even that day they were hardly able to maintain being great part of it surrounded by the Enemy they basely forsook and ran away from it out at the back Gate the Generals and the Lieutenants with all the Forces that were about the Ensigns going to Tusculum The rest stragling about the Country several ways went to Rome and carried news of a greater misfortune than they had really suffered At which the City was the less concerned because the event was answerable to all Peoples apprehensions and because there were supplies provided by the Tribune of the Soldiery to assist them in such dangerous circumstances And by his Order also when the inferior Magistrates had quieted the City tumults there were Scouts sent with all speed who brought word that the Generals and the Army were at Tusculum but that the Enemy had not â—â—moved their Camp out of the place But that which gave them most encouragement was that Q. Servilius Priscus being declared Dictator by an Order of Senate being a Person whose providence and foresight in things belonging to the publick as the City had many times before had experience of so especially in the event of that War he being the only Man who had an ill opinion of the contention between the Tribunes before their overthrow and having made his own Son that Tribune of the Soldiery by whom himself was declared Dictator Master of the Horse as some say though others write that Ahala Servilius was Master of the Horse that Year went to the War with a new Army and sending for them who were at Tusculuns pitched his Camp two thousand paces from the Enemy And now the pride and negligence which had been in the Roman Generals was upon the score of their success got into the Aequi. Wherefore the Dictator having at the very beginning of the fight by sending his Horse in upon them put the Enemies Van into disorder he ordered the Legions immediately to advance killing one of his Ensign-bearers for not making haste And so eager they were to fight that the Aequi could not sustein the shock but being defeated in the Field and making as fast as they could toward their Camp the Romans took that in less time and with more ease than they had fought the Battel Their Camp therefore being taken and rifled when the Dictator had given the Soldiers the Plunder and the Horse who pursued the Enemy flying from their Camp brought word back that all the Lavicans were vanquished and a great part of the Aequi fled to Lavici the next day the Army was led to Lavici and the Town being begirt was taken with Ladders and Pillaged Then the Dictator marched with his victorious Army back to Rome laid down his Office the eighth day after he was created Thereupon the Senate very opportunely before the Tribunes of the People could make any Agrarian tumults about dividing the Lands belonging to the Lavicans thought fit in a full House To send a Colony to Lavici and accordingly a thousand five hundred Planters who were sent from the City had U. C. 338 each of them two Acres apiece When Lavici was now taken and after that Tribunes of the Soldiery created with Consular Authority whose names this Year were Agrippa Menenius U. C. 339 Lanatus L. Servilius Structus P. Lucretius Tricipitinus who had all of them born that Office once before and Sp. Rutilius Crassus and the next Year A. Sempronius Atratinus a third time and M. Papirius Mugillanus with Sp. Nautius Rutilus a second time there was Peace abroad for those two Years together though Discord at home by means of the Agrarian Laws The disturbers of the Commons were Sp. Maecilius a fourth time and Metilius a third time Tribunes of the People who were both created in their absence These two having promulgated a Law That the Lands taken from the Enemy should be divided among the People to each man his share and the Estates of a great many Noblemen like to be by that popular Decree taken from them for there was hardly any spot of ground as belonging to a City Founded in anothers Dominions but what was got by force of Arms nor any ever assigned or sold but what the People had the proposed dispute seemed very severe both to the People and the Senate Nor could the Tribunes of the Soldiery though they sometimes spoke of it in the Senate and sometimes at private Consults among the chief of the City find out any expedient 'till Appius Claudius the Grandson of him who was Decemvir for making of Laws though the youngest Man at that time in the Senate-house as 't is reported said He had an old and a familiar remedy to tell them and that was that his Great Grandfather Appius Claudius shewed the Senate the only way to dissolve the Tribunes Power to wit by the interposition of their Collegues For new Men would easily be brought from their opinions by the authority of their Chiefs especially if a Man sometimes have more regard in what he says to time than authority their minds being always like their fortunes Now therefore since they saw the principal Collegues had got so far before the rest into the Peoples favour by their cunning management so that there was no room now left for them they would not stick to comply with the Senate in any thing whereby to oblige that whole Order and the chief of the Senators in particular This all approved of and especially Q. Servilius Priscus who commended the young Man for that he did not degenerate from the Claudian Race and in pursuance of it agreed that every one should tempt as many of the College of Tribunes as he could to an Interposition The Senate therefore being dismissed the Tribunes were courted by the Nobility with persuasions advice and promises That it would not only be an acceptable thing to every single Person but to the Senate in general they brought over six to make an Interposition And the next day when there was a reference made by compact to the Senate touching the Sedition
I 'll tell you though I am less pleased to remember your injustice then my own calamity when I was absent as often as I thought of my Country all these things came into my mind the Hills the Fields the Tiber the Country that I had been used to see and this Skie under which I was born and bred which I hope Romans may now rather make you so far in love with them as to continue in your native Country than torture you with desire hereafter when you have left them It was not without reason that the Gods and Men chose this place to build a City in very wholesom Hills a River as convenient for conveying of all sorts of Fruits out of the midland Countreys and receiving all Maritime Provisions the the Sea near to all useful purposes but the place not exposed by being too near to the dangers of Foreign Navies that lies in a place in the middle of Italy and the only one that cou'd have been found to augment the grandeur of a City You may know by the very bigness of so new a City For this Romans is now but the 365th Year since the City was built and you have waged Wars among so many ancient Nations so long though in the mean time not to speak of single Cities neither the Volsci and the Aequi together so many and those such strong Towns nor all Etruria which is so Potent both by Sea and Land and takes up the breadth of all Italy between the two Seas is able to cope with you in War Which being so what the Devil can be the reason why you shou'd be for new experiments when though your courage may be able to remove to another place yet the fortune of this place can never be transferred Here is the Capitol where in times past upon the finding of a Mans head it was foretold that in that place should be the chief Seat of Dominion Here when by direction of the Soothsayers the Capitol was freed Juventas and Terminus to the great joy of our Fore-Fathers suffered not themselves to be stir'd Here is Vesta's fire here are the sacred Shields that fell from Heaven and here are all the Gods who will be propitious whilst you continue here Now they say that Camillus moved them very much not only with his other Speeches but with that which concerned Religion especially But this doubtful matter was opportunely made an end of by a word that was accidentally spoken For when the Senate a while after were consulting about these things in the Court called Curia Hostilia and the Regiments returning from the Guards by chance came in a Body through the Forum a Centurion cry'd out in the Comitium or Assembly Court Ensign-bearer fix here your Ensign this is the best place for us to stay in which when they heard the Senate going out of the Court cry'd out all together that they receiv'd the Omen and the common people all about them approved of it Then having abrogated the Law they began promiscuously to build the City toward which there was Tile provided at the publick charge and leave given to every man to get Stone and cut down Timber where they wou'd having first given security that they wou'd finish their Houses that Year Their hast was the cause why they took no care to make the Streets strait whilst making no distinction between their own and others ground they built in any void space That 's the reason why the old Common-shoars which were at first carried along the Streets go now altogether under private Houses and that the form of the City is like a place taken up with building rather than divided DECADE I. BOOK VI. EPITOME 1. c. It shews the successful Actions performed against the Aequi the Volsci and the Prenestines 5. There were four Tribes added the Stellatine the Sabatine the Tormentine and the Arnian Tribe 20. M. Manlius who defended the Capitol from the Gauls though he set those that were in Debt at liberty and freed those that were bound to work out their Debts being condemned for attempting to make himself a King was thrown down from the Tarpeian Rock and for a mark upon him there was an order of Senate made that no one of the Manlian Family shou'd after that time be named Marcus 35. c. C. Licinius and L. Sestius Tribunes of the people promulgated a Law that Consuls shou'd be made out of the Commons too who were usually chosen out of the Senate and that Law though the Senate was very earnest in opposing of it those same Tribunes of the people who had been the sole Magistrates for 5. years together caused to pass so that L. Sestius was the first Consul that was chosen out of the Commens There was also another Law made that no one man shou'd have above 500. Acres of Land I Have already given you an account in 5. Books from the time that the City of Rome was built to the taking of it first under their Kings and then their Consuls Dictators Decemviri and Tribunes Consular what Wars they had abroad and what Seditions at home things which are obscure not only by reason of their great Antiquity and cannot through the vast distance as it were of place scarce be discerned but because writing in those days was not common which is the only faithful Record of actions and that even those things that were described in the Priests Books or other publick and private Monuments when the City was burnt were most of them lost But hereafter I shall give you a more clear and certain relation from the new born Cities second beginning as from a stock that 's more fertile of what exploits they did as well in Peace as War Now by the help of him who first set it upright which was M. Furius above any man else the City was at first supported for they wou'd not suffer him to lay down his Dictatorship till that year was out The Assembly for the next year thought not fit to have Tribunes in whose time the City had been taken and so the business came to an Interregnum or time of vacancy U. C. 366 when there was no chief Magistrate Now whilst the City was imploy'd in daily work and labour to repair their Buildings in the mean time Q. Fabius as soon as ever he went out of his Office was warn'd to his Tryal by C. Martius Tribune of the people For that he when a Lieutenant had fought the Gauls to whom he was sent as an Envoy against the Law of Nations from which Tryal Death which came so opportunely that a great many thought it voluntary snatch'd him away Then P. Cornelius Scipio enter'd upon the Interregnum and after him M. Furius Camillus a second time He created for Tribunes of the Soldiers with power Consular A. Valerius Publicola a second time L. Virginius P. Cornelius U. C. 367 A. Manlius and L. Posthumius Who from the Interregnum entering immediately upon
which were afterward thence called Exodia or Musical Entertainments at the end of the Play and consisted cheifly of Atellane Interludes so called from the City Atella which kind divertisements they had and retained from the Oscians nor suffer'd it to be vitiated by the Players And therefore the Law is that such Actors of Atellane Interludes shall not be disfranchis'd but shall serve in the Wars as though they did not Practise any such lulicrous Art Among the small beginnings of other things I thought fit to tell you the Rise of Plays too that it might appear from what a sober Original that matter grew up to the present Extravagancy and Madness which is hardly to be endured even in the most Opulent Kingdoms Yet this original of Plays which were instituted to appease the Gods did not ease either mens minds of the Superstitious fear they were in or their Bodies of their Distempers but on the contrary seeing the Tiber overflow'd the Circus in the midst of all their Sports it made the People believe the Gods were a verse to their endeavours and would not accept of U. C. 392 any atonements which put them into a mighty consternation Wherefore in the Year that Cn. Genucius and L. Aemilius Mamercus were the Second time Consuls when the difficulty of finding out atonements afflicted their minds more than the Disease their Bodies they say the Elder People called to mind and told the rest that there was a Pestilence formerly Cur'd by the Dictators driving of a Naile The Senate being induced by that Religious consideration order'd a Dictator to be Chosen to drive a Naile and accordingly L. Manlius Imperiosus was pitch'd upon who made L. Pinacius Master of the Horse There is an old Law written in old Characters and old Words that he who is Cheif Praetor shall drive a Naile on the Ides of September This Naile therefore was driven on the right-side of Jupiters Temple where Minervas is That Naile they say because writing was in those Days very rare was a mark for the Number of Years and that it was done in Minervas Temple because she was the Inventress of Number And Cincius who was a diligent searcher into such Monuments affirms that there were Nailes driven at Volsinii too in the Temple of Nortia an Etrurian Goddess to shew the Number of their Years M. Horatius when he was Consul drove the first Naile by that Law in the Temple of Jupiter the Year after the Kings were banish'd but this Solemnity of driving the Nail was afterward Transferr'd from the Consuls to the Dictators because theirs was the greater Dignity And in time after the Custom had been intermitted this business seemed to be of it self worth the making of a Dictator Upon which score L. Manlius was created who as if he had been created to do some great publick matter and not to appease the Gods affecting to have a War with the Hernicans plagued the young People with a severe Levy and at last seeing all the Tribunes of the People were against him he being overcome either by Force or Shame laid down his Dictatorship Yet for all that at the beginning of the next Year when Q. Servilius Ahala and U. C. 393 L. Genucius were the second time Consuls Manlius was Summon'd to a Tryal by M. Pomponius Tribune of the People For his severity at the Levy which he exercised not only to the damage of the Citizens Estates but the torturing of their Bodies too whipping some who had not answer d to their Names and Imprisoning others was very odious But above all his stern disposition was in it self hateful and his Surname of Imperiosus which he took upon him was ungrateful to that free City because it carryed Cruelty and Tyranny in its very sound which he indeed shew'd not only to Strangers but even to his own Relations and nearest Kindred And therefore the Tribune made this one part of his Accusation Thot he kept his own Son who was a Young Man though he were Convicted of no manner of Offence like one that 's banish'd out of the City from his House hoe Household-gods out of the Forum from seeing the Light and from the Conversation of his Equalls putting him to Slavish-work almost into a Prison and a Bridewel where the Noble Youth who was Son to the greatest man in Rome even the Dictator himself by daily hardship should learn that he was Born of a truly Imperious Father But for what reason pray why because forsooth he was not so Eloquent as he should have been and had an Impediment in his speech Which defect in Nature whether he as a Father ought not if he had any humanity in him to have been tender of but rather punished and by his Tyranny exposed was the Question That even dumb Beasts did not refuse to cherish and preserve any of their Offspring which were any way deficient But L. Manlius encreased one misfortune of his Sons with another imposing still more and more upon the dullness of his Witt and if there were any little natural vigour in it destroy'd what there was by a Country Life and rustick conversation among Brutes All People were more concern'd at these accusations than the young man himself who on the contrary taking it to Heart that he should be the cause of Envy and such Charges against his Father to the end that all the Gods and Men too might see that he had rather assist his Father than his Enemies he took a course which shewed indeed his rude and Country Breeding but though it were not like a Gentleman was yet commendable for the Piety of it He went unknown to any Body with a Knife about him in the Morning into the City and from the Gate directly home to M. Pomponius the Tribune's House When he came thither he told the Porter He must needs speak with his Master and bad him say he was T. Manlius the Son of Lucius Being immediately introduced for the Tribune hoped that being inflamed with Anger against his Father he had either some new Crime to Charge him with or had found out some new Method ro accomplish the business after they had mutually saluted each other he told him he had some private business with him which admitted of no Company to be by whilst they discourse it Whereupon all others being orderd to avoid the Room he puld out his Knife and standing upon the Bed with it ready in his Hand threaten'd that if he did not Swear as he should direct him viz. That he would never hold an Assembly of the Commons to accuse his Father he would presently Stab him The frighted Tribune seeing the Knife glitter before his Eyes himself alone unarmed and him a stout Young Man and which was more to be fear'd Fool-hardy upon the score of his strength Swore what he was forced to and afterward professed that he was by that means forced to desist from his Design Nor were the People so much concerned that the Son
since the Assembly of their Associates had deserted them they must now depend on an Army consisting wholly of their own Citizens Therefore every where not only in the City but in the Country and Villages Levies are vigorously made of young Men fit to bear Arms and in a little time Ten Legions entred in the Muster-Rolls each Legion consisting of Four thousand and two hundred Foot and Three hundred Horse Such a brave new Army as the mighty Power of the People of Rome which the whole Earth is hardly able to contain if it were contracted and united all together upon any sudden danger from abroad would scarce be able at this day so suddenly to raise the like so encreased we are only in Riches and Luxury which are the only things we labor after and apply our minds unto Amongst other sad Occurrents of this Year Ap. Claudius one of the Consuls dies in the height of these preparations for War so that the whole management of Affairs devolv'd upon Camillus To which sole Consul the Lords of the Senate either in respect to his quality and worth not fit to be subjected to the absolute command of a Dictator or else willing that he should have the Chief Command for the lucky Omen of his name always heretofore fortunate against the Gauls thought it not decent or honorable to adjoyn any Dictator The Consul leaving two Legions for the guard of the City and committing part of the other eight to the Command of L. Pinarius the Praetor mindful of his Fathers Gallantry undertakes the Gallick War in Person ordering the Praetor to secure the Sea-Coasts and chace the pilfering Graecians from the Shore Himself marching down into the Country of Pomptinum being not willing to hazard a Battel in those Champion parts unless he were forced thereunto and believing that he should sufficiently quell the Enemy if he could but keep them from Forraging since they had nothing to live on but what they got by Plunder he chose out a convenient Post for a standing Camp or Leaguer Where whil'st they pass'd their time quietly on the Guards there came a mighty Gaul eminent both for the bulk and stature of his Body and the richness of his Arms who by clattering his Spear upon his Shield having made silence Challenged by an Interpreter Any one of the Romans to a single Combat There was one M. Valerius a Colonel of Foot a brisk young Man who thinking himself no less worthy of such an Honor than T. Manlius before-mentioned after he had ask'd leave of the Consul advanc'd forth Arm'd at all Points to meet this daring Challenger Their Conflict as to humane Valour was rendred less Illustrious than that of Manlius by the Interposing of a Divine Assistance from the Immortal Gods For as the Roman was just ready to attack his Adversary a Raven suddenly setled on the Crest of his Helmet and turn'd full in the Face of the Enemy which at the very first the Colonel took joyfully as a good Omen sent from Heaven and afterwards devoutly prayed That the God or Goddess whoever it was that sent the lucky Bird would be propitious unto him The Fowl a wonder to be spoken not only kept the place where it first lighted but as often as the Champions grappled together in close Fight mounting it self upon its Wings made at the Mouth and Eyes of the Enemy with its Bill and Claws so long till the Gaul being terrified with the Prodigy and extreamly disordered both in his sight and mind had his Head cut off by Valerius and then immediatly the Raven flying away towards the East mounted out of sight Hitherto the Guards stood quiet on either side but as soon as the Colonel went to disarm and rifle the Body of the slain Enemy neither could the Gauls contain themselves in their Stations nor the Romans forbear running up to their Victorious Champion whereupon a Skirmish began near the Body of the Gaul that there lay kill'd presently increased into a fierce and terrible Battel For no longer was the Dispute between a few Bands of the Out-guards but whole Legions on either side were hotly engaged For Camillus commanded his Soldiers to fall on finding them already encouraged by the Colonels success and the favorable assistance of the gods and the more to enflame them pointing to the Colonel enrich'd with the spoil of his Enemy He bids them imitate that brave Gentleman and lay whole heaps of the Gauls breathless on the ground round about their vanquish'd Champion Neither the help of the Gods nor the valour of Men was wanting to the success of this Battel which was the less doubtful by reason of the different Impressions which the Event of the fore-going Duel had made on the Spirits of both Armies with those that first came on and began the Fray there was a pretty sharp Bout but the main Body of the Gauls took their heels before ever they receiv'd one Volley of Darts At first they were scattered along the Volscian and Falern Countries but afterwards they rallyed together and betook themselves to Apulia and the Borders of the Upper or Adriatick Sea The Consul in a Speech to his Army having extolled the Colonel with deserved praises for a further Reward bestowed upon him ten Oxen and a Coronet of Gold Himself being by Orders from the Senate to take charge of the War by Sea joyned his Forces with the Praetor where the War being like to be drill'd out to a tedious length by reason of the Cowardise of the Greeks who would not come into the Field or venture a Battel by the Authority of the Senate he appointed T. Manlius Torquatus to be Dictator to hold the Comitia or Consular Elections which having named A. Cornelius Cossus for General of the Horse he held accordingly and with the Applauses of all the People made choice of a young Man at that time absent and not above 23 years old but a Person every way like himself and tracing the steps of his own Virtue and Glory viz. the fore-mentioned Champion M. Valerius thence-forwards Surnamed Corvus because of the Raven that assisted him in the Combat with whom was joyned M. Popilius Laenas a Commoner who had thrice been Consul before No memorable Action pass'd between Camillus and the Greeks for neither were they good Soldiers at land nor the Romans at Sea At last being kept from Landing and in great want of Necessaries especially Fresh-water they left the Coast of Italy Of what particular People or Province in Greece this Navy was is altogether uncertain I am most apt to believe it set forth by the Tyrants of Sicily for the further Graecia was at that time wasted and wearied with intestine Wars and under jealous apprehensions of the growing greatness of the Macedonians The Armies being disbanded and both Peace abroad and Concord at home by the friendly Agreement of the States lest they should surfeit on too much happiness a Pestilence broke out in the City
all hopes of recovering it but every one shifts for himself the Gates by people scarce half Armed and not quite awake are broke open to make their escape at one of which the Roman Ambuscade rushes in with a mighty shout and kill all they meet with Thus was Sora taken and the Consuls arriving in the Morning those that were left alive yielded up themselves at discretion of whom 225 that were by general consent declared Guilty of Contriving and promoting both the Revolt of the Town and the murther of the Colony were carryed in Chains to Rome the rest of the Inhabitants were suffered to continue there under a Garison All those sent to Rome were first whip'd in the Market-place and then had their Heads cut off to the great joy of the People whose especial Interest it was to have those secured who were sent out into remote Colonies The Consuls removing from Sora carryed the War into the Territories of the Ausonians for upon the advance of the Samnites and the Battel at Lantulae Conspiracies were set on foot throughout all Campania nor was Capua guiltless nay in Rome it self ill Blood was breeding and a wary eye kept upon some persons of the first Quality but the whole Nation of the Ausonians were easily reduced their chief Towns being betrayed as Sora was by some of their own that is to say The Cities of Ausona Minturnae and Vescia from whence there came twelve young Noblemen to the Consuls acquainting them How those places had long wish'd for the Samnites coming and that as soon as they heard of the Battel at Lantulae they reckoned the Romans beaten and had assisted the Samnites both with Men and Arms but since the Samnites were routed they made shew of living in Peace which they would continue no longer than they had an opportunity to break it That indeed they had not shut their Gates upon the Romans for fear of bringing a War upon their own Heads but that they were resolved to shut them if any Army should approach towards them And that in this wavering posture they might easily be surprized Upon this Advice the Army marched nearer and at one and the same time particular parties were dispatch'd towards all the three Cities some in Armor to lye in Ambuscade near the Walls others with Swords hid under their Cloaths who at break of day as soon as the Gates were open went into the City and at once fell upon the Watch and gave the signal to the rest to come up and so seizing the Ports made themselves masters of all the three Towns at one and the same hour But by reason of the Consuls being absent there was no moderation observ'd in the Slaughter so that almost the whole Ausonian Nation upon but a bare suspicion of a design to Revolt was cut to pieces and destroyed as fiercely as if they had been in the most open and desperate Rebellion The same Year Luceria fell into the Samnites hands the Roman Garison being betray'd but the Traitors went not long without their reward for the Roman Army was near and the City lying in a Plain was recovered by them upon the very first assault The Lucerines and Samnites were every Mothers child slain and so enraged the Senate was that when they came to debate touching sending a new Colony thither many were for having the City utterly destroy'd and demolish'd For besides the hatred they had against a place that had twice Revolted they could not but abhor sending of Citizens so far off to live as in Banishment amongst those cruel and barbarous Nations However in the end it was concluded That a Colony should be sent and 2500 persons were dispatch'd accordingly That Year whil'st the Romans met with nothing but Treachery and Falshood on all sides discovery was made of a Conspiracy at Capua carried on by some of the chief of that City The Senate being consulted considered it as a thing by no means to be neglected and not only ordered That the persons suspected should be put to the Question or tortured to find out the truth but also that a Dictator should be created to take the Examinations C. Maenius was the Man pitch'd upon for that Office who appointed M. Foslius his General of the Horse Great was the terror of that Magistracy and therefore whether it were for dread thereof or out of consciousness of their own guilt the principal Conspirators viz. The Calavii and Ovius and Novius before they were cited to appear before the Dictator made away themselves and by their Death prevented his Judgment By which means all occasion for executing his Commission of Inquiry at Capua being removed the same was by Interpretation transferred to Rome saying That he had good warrant to proceed by way of Inquisition against all such as not only at Capua but any where else had held secret Meetings or plotted against the State and that all Conventicles and indirect Courses for obtaining of Honors and Offices were directly against the Commonwealth So that the Commission enlarged both in respect of Persons and Crimes the Dictator not refusing to take cognizance of any Offence whatsoever Divers of the Nobility being accused appealed to the Tribunes but they declined to interpose in their favor and so the Presentment was taken against them Whereupon the Nobles not only those that were particularly charged but all of them in general Declared That it was not the true ancient Nobility indeed that was concerned in these Crimes since if it were not for indirect courses they would have easie and open access unto Places of Dignity and Preferment but they were a company of Upstarts and Gentlemen of the first Head who used these sinister practices to get themselves into Offices wherein the Dictator and Master of the Horse were as guilty as any and so they should be made to know as soon as they were out of their Places This made Maenius bestir himself who regarding his Reputation more than his High Dignity went up into the common Assembly before all the People and spake as follows Although the knowledge which you all Worthy Citizens of Rome have had of the whole course of my Life past as well as the Honor now lately conferr'd upon me may be a sufficient evidence of my Innocence For 't was not here as often it has happened when the Affairs of the State so required That he that was the best Soldier or the greatest Captain but such an one as has ever been most free from ambitious Intrigues and unlawful Cabals was the man most fit to be chosen Dictator for managing these Inquisitions yet since some of the Nobility for what Reasons it will be more proper for you to guess than for me being a Magistrate to speak without certain proof have with all their might and main endeavored first to set aside the Inquisitions altogether and when they were not able to do that chose though they were Patricians to fly for shelter to their old
Consuls from the prosecution of the War a Viceroy was set up This Viceroy L. Posthumius Megellus is declar'd Consul in those Assemblies he call'd himself a thing without a former Precedent except that of Appius Claudius which no honest Men approv'd But Posthumius manag'd his Office with as great insolence as he took it upon him For being vainly arrogant A. U. 462 both for his birth and his now third Consulship he formerly contemn'd his Colleague C. Junius Brutus a Plebeian by birth as one much his inferiour But as soon as they began to consider about the Provinces he would neitheâ— divide nor cast Lots with Brutus for them demanding the manage of the Samnite War out of course as his due because he said he had done such great exploits against that Enemy in his two former Consulships The business being canvassed in the Senate with great debate when C. Junius saw that being an upstart he could not obtain his right against the Interest and Power of his Colleague lest the variance of the Consuls should incommode the Public he declar'd at last that he yielded of his own accord to his Colleague The Pestilence as yet rag'd terribly in the City and the Country which now after three years could not be abated by any divine or humane remedy whatsoever though Men had try'd all Therefore either by the command of the Books of the Sybils or the Counsel of the Delphic Oracle for this is likewise said ten Ambassadours were sent to fetch Aesculapius from Epidaurus which was esteem'd his native place to Rome For though the Oracle was dark enough and the Senate could not foresee the event yet they were resolv'd to obey the gods making account that they would themselves reveal their own destinies and the order they were to proceed in Hereupon a very strange thing insu'd and manifestly true both from many faithful Historians and also from the building of the Temple dedicated in the Isle of Tyber When the Roman Ambassadours had deliver'd their Commands to the Epidaurians they were civilly receiv'd but because they knew not what might be given 'em to carry away that might be most for their advantage they were brought into the Temple of Aesculapius In most parts of Greece the Temples of this Deity are built in high and open places The Epidaurians also had a Temple five miles distant from the Town which was then very famous and richly furnish'd with the Offerings of those who thought they had recover'd their health there Being got in hither whilst they admire a huge Shrine made by that famous Artist Thrasymedes the Parian a great Snake sliding of a sudden from the Adytum surpriz'd 'em all For the Priests in a devout posture said that the Deity shrowded it self in this form and that when he appear'd in this guise it was look'd on as a happy Omen The Snake was seen for two days in the Temple and afterwards disappear'd again But the third day he went straight through the midst of the croud which gaz'd on and worship'd to the Port where the Roman Galley stood entring into which he lay down in the Cabin of Q. Ogulnius the chief Ambassadour winding himself round in several solds There goes an old Story that the same Aesculapius appearing in the form of a Serpent was drawn by Mules from Sicyon to Epidaurus one Nicagoras the Wife of Echetimus attending him The Romans therefore rejoycing at this sight as much as if they carry'd with 'em the god himself set sail and in few days crossing the Sea arriv'd safely at Antium and afterwards to Rome but whilst they lay here by reason of a storm at Sea the Snake which had not stirr'd all the while creeping out of the Ship slides into the Porch of a Temple the most magnificent in the whole Town and there continuing three days the Ambassadours being sore afraid that he could not be got from thence because all that time he did not return to meals until at last coming aboard again they carry'd him very joyfully to Rome The whole City came out to see this wondrous thing and along the River side where it was brought up Altars were built Incense burnt and Sacrifices offer'd When they were come up as far as the Isle of Tyber the Snake swam over to that Island which was afterwards call'd Aesculapius's Isle and since was never seen The Senate concluding this to be the place chosen by the god decreed that a Temple should be built for Aesculapius there The Sickness whether by that means or because 't was otherwise like to do so ceased The Temple grew famous for rich Offerings and for several persons saying they had been cur'd by that Deity L. Posthumius treated his Colleague with the same insolence in the Province as he had done in the City For when Fabius Gurges who had been Consul the year before by order of the Senate manag'd the Affairs in Samnium instead of the Consul Posthumius wrote to him saucily commanding him to depart out of his Province for that he was able of himself to manage that War Fabius pleads to this the Commands of the Senate that he could not quit a charge the Senate had laid upon him When the news came to Rome they were afraid lest the Commonwealth should suffer by the difference of the Consuls Wherefore 't was determin'd that Ambassadours should be sent to the Consul to require him in the Senates name to let Fabius act as General in Samnium To this they say that as his answer was impudent and saucy so it had one expression that imply'd an extraordinary churlishness in the Man namely that as long as he was Consul he ought not to obey the Senate but the Senate him and that he might not seem more insolent in words than in fact he dismisses the Ambassadours presently and marches with his Army to Cominium which Fabius besieg'd then intending if he could not otherwise remove his Competitor to fight with him What a shameful sight would the Roman Army have afforded to the Enemy had Fabius resisted as senselesly as he was urg'd But Fabius being a more moderate Man both in his temper and by reason of his Fathers counsels declaring beforehand that he quitted his right not for fear of the Consul but for the Commonwealths-sake departed the Province Cominium in few days was taken by Posthumius who from thence march'd against Venusia and having taken it carry'd the War about to other Towns whereof he won very many partly by force and partly upon surrender Of the Enemies in that Expedition ten thousand were slain six thousand and two hundred delivering their Arms yielded upon discretion The Actions of the Consul in this War were indeed very considerable had not his haughty behaviour reflected a great blemish upon 'em insomuch that when he wrote to the Senate and advertis'd 'em that the City Venusia and the Country thereabout would be a most fit place for a Colony The thing it self was lik'd 't
the fortifications of a City In this Battel there fell of the Romans and their Confederates 14870 Foot 246 Horse Prisoners taken in all 1812. among these were 802 Horsemen beside 22 Ensigns Which makes me marvel the more why the Authors who have so diligently related these things should deny that the number of those the King lost was not taken notice of whereas Dionysius writes that Levinus lost near fifteen thousand and Pyrrhus thirteen but Hieronymus Cardianus a Writer of those times says that there were not above seven thousand of the Romans lost and of the King's side but four thousand but all agree that this Victory cost Pyrrhus the flower of his Army and he was heard to say that he lost as much as he gain'd by this Battel and even when he offer'd his spoils to Jupiter of Tarentum 't is said that he confess'd the same in an Inscription to that purpose and that when his Confederates made complaints to him he answered Truly if I get such another Victory I shall be forc'd to go home without a man left me I am inform'd also that the King himself receiv'd a great Wound in this Battel but because others report no such matters and seeing the actions of different Fights are sometimes jumbled together I dare not believe one man against so many and those exact Writers too who speak not a syllable of it That this was a very smart ingagement may be gathered hence because that when Pyrrhus the next day after the fight view'd the bodies of the slain which for the credit of being esteem'd merciful he order'd to be bury'd and saw the Romans with their Faces towards the Enemy having dy'd all in the bed of Honour he broke out into these expressions O how easie a thing would it be for me to conquer the World if I had Roman Soldiers Therefore by courteous address and great promises he solicited those that were taken to take pay of him and though they obstinately refused it yet he used them with the same civility as before never putting them in Chains or to any of those disgraces that usually attend the fate of Prisoners But the Romans after this their defeat were terrified with another Calamity which though as to the loss it was lighter than the former yet it was look'd upon as more dismal and astonishing For they reckon'd it a signal judgment from Heaven that a sudden storm had destroy'd their forage in the Fields so that four and thirty Men were kill'd by the Thunder and two and twenty left half dead their Horses being likewise either kill'd or hurt by the same storm In the mean while Pyrrhus took the Romans Camp which they had quitted and making the best use of his success he advanc'd with his Army and by wasting the grounds of all the bordering Nations alienated many from their friendship with Rome Afterwards arriv'd the Lucanians and Samnites his Confederates to whom after a light rebuke given them for not assisting him in the Battel he bestow'd part of the booty being exceedingly pleas'd for that he had routed such a numerous Army of the Romans having onely the Auxiliaries of the Tarentines besides his own Forces Whil'st Pyrrhus was thus intent upon making the best advantage of the Victory Levinus on the contrary by taking care of the maimed Soldiers and drawing those that were dispersed into a Body got a considerable Army together and the Senate notwithstanding this defeat was laid to the Consuls charge by many and that Fabricius said the Romans were not conquer'd by the Epirots but Levinus by Pyrrhus order'd supplies of Men to be sent him When the Cryer made Proclamation that whosoever was willing to serve his Country in the room of those that were kill'd he should list himself such numbers of men came into the service that two Legions were made up immediately With which the Consul being now recruited followed Pyrrhus at the heels annoying his Army as much as he could and having intelligence that Pyrrhus design'd to make himself Master of Capua he march'd speedily to prevent him and having prepar'd all things for its defence deterr'd Pyrrhus from attacking it Pyrrhus then turns his course towards Naples and being there likewise disappointed in his designs marches speedily by the Latine road towards Rome And now he was got from Anagnia and the Country of the Hernicans as far as Preneste within twenty miles of Rome having taken Fregellae in his way But the Magistrates of the City upon the first news of this defeat had put all the young men in Arms by an Order of the Senate and at this juncture the Romans were luckily furnished with another considerable help for the other Consul who had better success against the Hetrurians had ingaged that Nation by a new Treaty so that when the Senate call'd him away for the defence of his Country he hastned with his victorious Army to its relief being now hindred by no other Enemy Pyrrhus having in vain solicited the Hetrurians to take Arms again and considering withal that two Consular Armies one before and the other behind were ready to fall upon him returned into Campania Where finding Levinus marching against him with greater forces than he had before his defeat he said He was to deal with the Lernean Hydra whose heads grew more numerous by being cut off Yet relying on his former Victory he led his men forth and set them in Battel-array Moreover to try the hearts of his men and to strike a terrour into the Enemy he caus'd the Soldiers to shout and the Elephants to bray but the Romans answer'd them with a more terrible noise So that the King guessing of the Courage of both judged it more adviseable for the present to forbear Battel and pretending some ill Omens from the Sacrifices he led his Army back into the Camp from whence he return'd to Tarentum carrying with him a rich booty and a multitude of Prisoners The Romans who had not abated a jot of their former Courage in these hard times but had always hop'd the best and spoke confidently of the success of the War conceiving that the rewards of Valour were then especially to be bestow'd decreed a Triumph to L. Aemilius Barbula for his actions in his Confulship who accordingly triumph'd for the conquest of the Samnites and Tarentines and of the Salentines who had aided the Tarentines But Valerius the Consul was commanded that he should carry the rest of his defeated Army to Setinum there to encamp and that he should make them take their Winter-quarters in Tents At the same time it being debated in the Senate concerning ransoming the Captives it was order'd that they should be redeemed their minds being chiefly mov'd thereunto I suppose in compassion of the Horsemen who had play'd their parts very bravely until the Elephants came on but when their Horses were frightned by them the men without any fault of their own fell into the Enemies hands and were either killed
desired to the Praetor of the Saguntines where presently there flock'd together a multitude of People but the rabble being dismiss'd and the Senate assembled Alorcus made a Speech to them to this effect If Alcon your Fellow-Citizen as he came to Annibal to desire Peace would have brought you back those only Conditions on which you may have Peace from Annibal I needed not have given my self or you this trouble who am come neither as an Agent from Annibal nor yet as a Fugitive but seeing the said Alcon remains with the Enemy either through your fault or his own his own if he pretended causless fear but yours if indeed those go in danger of their Lives at your hands that tell you the truth I have though fit for that old kind Entertainment I had amongst you to come unto you That you might not be ignorant that there are still some Conditions both of Life and Peace to be had And that I have no design in this Address to advance any other Persons interest but do it purely for your Good this one consideration may I think sufficiently assure you viz. That all the while you were able to defend your selves or had any probable hopes of being relieved by the Romans I never mentioned a syllable to you about Peace But since you now justly despair of any timely aid from the Romans and that neither your Arms nor your Walls are longer able to defend you I bring you Overtures of a Peace more necessary I confess than equal and which there are good hopes to effect if what Annibal offers as a Conqueror you will be content to accept as persons Conquered and not so much regard what you part with as lost since all will be the Conquerors as to look upon what is left as freely given you Your City a great part of which he has ruin'd and in a manner taken it all he is resolv'd to dispossess you of but will allow you your Territories and assign you a place whereon you may build a new Town to dwell in He requires all your Gold and Silver publick and private but leaves your Persons your Wives and Children free and untouch'd if you please to march out with each a single suit of Apparel Remember 't is an Enemy and a Conqueror that Commands all this and though it may seem harsh and grievous yet your present deplorable Fortune perswades you to accept thereof nor do I despair but if you resign all to his good pleasure he may perhaps remit some part thereof However I think you were abundantly better yield to all these his Demands than to suffer your Bodies to be slaughtered or enslaved your Wives and Children to be ravish'd before your faces and carryed away Captive to undergo the barbarous Outrages of insolent Conquerors and other usual Extremities of War The People thronging round to hear what news this Alorcus brought had by degrees mix'd themselves with the Council and all of a sudden the chief of them before any answer was return'd withdrew themselves and brought out all the Gold and Silver they had as well publick as private into the Market-place and when they had cast it into a great Fire hastily made there for that purpose most of them threw themselves headlong after it into the midst of the Flames and so perished with their Treasure rather than they would part with it This set all the City in an uproar and consternation which was encreased by a lamentable shreik much about the same time heard from the Castle for a certain Tower that had been long batter'd fell down and at the breach a Regiment of Carthaginians rush'd in and gave their General notice That the Town was in disorder and abandoned of its ordinary Guards and Defence Annibal knowing there was no delay to be used when so favorable an opportunity presented it self instantly storm'd the City in every part with all his Forces and in a moment made himself Master of it giving out Orders That all persons above fourteen Years of age should be put to the Sword which Command though cruel was yet almost necessary as appeared in the event for who would spare or indeed could give Quarter to such as either shutting themselves up with their Wives and Children voluntarily burnt their Houses over their own Heads or else in their Armor would never give over fighting till they dyed Thus was the Town won with great store of Pillage in it though a great deal was destroyed on purpose by the Owners and that such was the rage of the Conquerors as scarce made any distinction of Age in the general Execution for all that the Soldiers were to have the benefit of the Prisoners yet 't is certain there was made a considerable sum of Mony of the Goods they sold and abundance of rich Houshold-Furniture and costly Apparel sent to Carthage Some write that this City Saguntum was taken the eighth month after the Siege began that thence Annibal retreated to take up his Winter Quarters at New Carthage and that in the fifth month after he set forth from Carthage he entred Italy which if true then it cannot be That P. Cornelius and T. Sempronius were the Consuls to whom the Saguntine Ambassadors address'd themselves when they were first in danger of a Siege and who also whil'st they were in their Office fought with Annibal one of them at the River Ticinus and a little afterwards both of them together at Trebia But either all these things must have been dispatch'd in less time or Saguntum was not first besieged at the beginning of the year wherein they two were Consuls but rather taken then for the Battel at Trebia could not be so long after as to fall in the year wherein Cn. Servilius and C. Flaminius were Consuls for Flaminius entred his Consulship at Ariminum being created by T. Sempronius the Consul who after the Fight at Trebia came to Rome on purpose to hold the Elections and then return'd to the Army at their Winter Quarters About one and the same time both the Ambassadors came back from Carthage to Rome bringing word there was nothing but War to be expected and tidings arriv'd of Saguntums being destroy'd whereby the Senators felt various Passions all at once strugling in their Breasts grief and pity for their Allies thus unworthily Massacred shame because they had not sent them aid in time rage and indignation against the Carthaginians and such an extream fear for their own State as if the Enemy had been at their very Gates so that in these agitations of their Souls they rather encreased each others trembling than setled themselves into any orderly Counsel They knew well both that they never had to deal with a fiercer and more Warlike Enemy and that the State of Rome was never more resty feeble and undisposed to War That the Sardinians and Corsicans the Istrians and Sclavonians had but challeng'd and made bravadoes rather than exercised in good earnest the Roman Arms
succeed prosperously And now dividing his Cares as well for a defensive as offensive War lest whil'st he with a tedious March by Land through Spain and France went to Invade Italy Africk should lie naked and exposed to the Romans who easily from Sicily might cross the Seas and make a descent upon the main Continent he thought fit therefore to secure home by sending thither a grand Detachment and in lieu thereof desired Recruits from Africk especially of Archers and Javelineers lightly Armed That as interchangable Pledges of Fidelity the Africans might serve in Spain and the Spaniards in Africk both like to prove the better Soldiers by being far from their own Countries He sent into Africk One thousand three hundred eighty five Foot armed with short Targets and Eight hundred and seventy Slingers of the Balearean Isles and of Horse mix'd of several Nations One thousand and two hundred All which he ordered partly for a Garison for Carthage and the rest to be distributed through Africk as occasion should require Likewise he deputed Commissioners into the several Cities to press Soldiers of whom Four thousand select Youths of the best Quality were carryed to Carthage both to strengthen the Garison and remain as Hostages Nor was Spain in the mean time to be neglected especially because he was not ignorant that the Roman Ambassadors had gone their Circuit amongst them to tamper with the Chief Persons and solicit them to a Revolt he therefore committed the charge of that Province to his Brother Asdrubal a Person diligent and stout and furnish'd him with considerable Forces for the most part transported out of Africk viz. Eleven thousand eight hundred and fifty African Foot Three hundred Ligurians Five hundred Balearians or Slingers from the Isles Majorca and Minorca To which Infantry was added the following Horse viz. Three hundred Lybiphoenicians a mungril People partly sprung from the Carthaginians who were of Phoenician Extract add partly from the old Inhabitants of Libia or Africk and of Numidians and Moors dwelling on the Sea-coast One thousand eight hundred with a few small Troops amounting to about Two hundred from the Illergetes in Spain and that nothing for Land-Service might be wanting he also accommodated him with Fourteen Elephants Furthermore considering that 't was probable the Romans would again chuse to make use of that sort of War viz. Marine whereby in the former Contest they chiefly got the Victory he ordered him a Fleet to guard the Coasts consisting of Fifty Gallies of five banks of Oars apiece two of four and five of three rows of Oars but only the five last and Thirty two of the first sort were Man'd and fitted out From Cadiz the Army returned to their old Winter-Quarters at New Carthage and from thence along by the City Etovissa to Iberus and the Sea-coast There 't is reported Annibal saw in a Dream a young Man for shape and beauty Divine rather than Humane who said he was sent by Jupiter to be his Guide into Italy and therefore bid him follow him without ever looking behind him or turning his eyes to one side or t'other Which accordingly he did for a while never looking either back or besides him but at last that Curiosity natural to Man wondering much and inquisitive to know what it might be behind him which he was so strictly forbidden to behold prevailed with him so far that he could not forbear turning his eyes that way where he saw a Serpent of a wonderful size all the way as it went bearing down vast Woods and Groves before it and immediatly followed a great storm with dreadful Thunder-claps and when he ask'd the meaning of this confusion and prodigious sight he was told 'T was the desolation of Italy That therefore he should go on in his Expedition and inquire no further but suffer the Destinies to remain unveloped in their Natural obscurity Overjoy'd with this Vision he Fords his Army over the River Iberus divided into three Bodies consisting in all of Ninety thousand Foot and Twelve thousand Horse sending some before who with Presents might conciliate the favor of the Gauls amongst whom he was to pass and also to discover the Passages of the Alps. Then he over-run the Illergetes Bargusians and Ausetanians and the Province of Lacetania now the Bishoprick of Barcellona which lies at the foot of the Pyrenaean Mountains Over all which Tract he made Hanno Governor that he might have at his Devotion those Passes and Streights which join France to Spain allowing him Ten thousand Foot and a thousand Horse to keep them in subjection Whil'st now the Army was begun to be drawn into the Pyrenaean Thickets and Hills and the report ran more certainly current amongst the Barbarous Auxiliaries that 't was the Romans they were designed to fight against Three thousand Foot of the Carpetanes deserted the Service not so much terrified with the War as at the tediousness of the Journy and the insuperable passage of the Alps Annibal being loth either to force them back or retain them against their Wills lest thereby he should provoke the rest that were as fierce and savage as they to a mutiny did of his own accord send home above Seven thousand more whom he perceived to be weary and have no stomach to the Service pretending that the said Carpetanes were also dismiss'd with his free consent But lest lingering and idleness should likewise debauch the Courage of the rest he presently passes the Pyrenaean Hills and Encamps before the Town Illiberis The French although they were told the War was designed only against Italy yet because there was a report that the Spaniards on the other side of the Pyrenaean Mountains were set upon and conquered by Force and great Garisons imposed upon them therefore the Heads of several Nations for fear of being Enslav'd betook themselves to Arms and Rendezvous'd at Rousillon Of which Annibal having advice apprehending more the stop and loss of time than their Arms sent Messengers to their several Princes and Chiefs That he in Person would have a Friendly Conference with them and that the Meeting might be the more easie They should either advance nearer to Illeberis or he go on further towards Rousillon For as he was ready with Joy to receive them into his Camp so he would make no difficulty to venture himself amongst them since he came a Guest not an Enemy into France and was resolv'd if they would but permit him not to draw a Sword until he was entred Italy This pass'd by Curriers between both Parties but presently after the French Chiefs remov'd towards Illeberis and came willingly enough to Annibal as being before brib'd by his large Presents and so gave him free leave to march his Army through their Territories under the Walls of Rousillon In Italy all this while they had no further News than only that Annibal was pass'd beyond Iberus which tidings was brought to Rome by the Envoys from Marseilles yet as if he had
the Enemy What shall I say of that which happened many years after when at the Streights of Caudium we were put under the Yoke by the Samnites Tell me I pray did Lucius Papirius Cursor by scampering over the Samnian Hills or not rather by attacking and pressing hard upon Luceria and daring the Victorious Enemy take off the yoke from the Romans and impose it on the proud necks of the Enemy What was it but Expedition that gave the late Consul Lutatius a Victory For the very next day after he got fight of the Enemy setting upon their Fleet over-fraight with Provisions and encumbred with their own Munition he compleatly destroyed them 'T is mere folly to think that by sitting still or sluggish Prayers we shall vanquish our Foes Our Forces must buckle on their Armor descend into the Plain and charge them lustily man to man 'T was by daring and by doing by bold Action and hardy Execution that the Roman State hath arrived to this height of Empire and Glory and not by those faint dreaming Counsels which Cowards call the wary Policies of War Whil'st Minucius made these Harangues a multitude of the Roman Colonels and Gentlemen of the Cavalry flock about him nor were the common Foot Soldiers unacquainted with his Rodomontado-Discourses so that if it had been put to most voices amongst the Soldiers 't is not to be doubted but they would have preferred Minucius before Fabius their General Fabius having an Eye to his own Men as well as on the Enemy and resolving first to shew that his mind was not by either of them to be conquered though he well knew these his delays were not only condemned in his Camp but had rendred him censured and ill spoken of at Rome yet he spent the whole Summer persisting in the same method so that Annibal frustrated of his chiefest hopes of a desired Battel was now to look out for Winter-Quarters for that Country afforded present but not lasting Plenty as abounding in Fruits and Vineyards and such pleasant accommodations rather than in Corn and the staple Necessaries of Life Fabius by his Scouts was advertis'd of this and knowing that the Enemy must return by the same Streights as he came in to Falernum seizes on the Hill Callicula and the City Casilinum and Posts there sufficient Garisons that City divided by the River Vulturnus parting Falernum from Campania Himself brings back his Forces through the same Hills sending L. Hostilius Mancinus with Four hundred Horse of the Allies to discover the posture of the Enemy This Gentleman being one of the young Gallants that were wont to hear and admire the General of the Horse fiercely declaiming and spurring them on to Action after he had advanc'd a pretty way as only to gain Intelligence and view from some safe place the Enemy lighting upon some few Numidians stragling through the Villages at an advantage cut them off and therewith his mind was so set upon Fighting that he forgot the orders of the Dictator who expresly commanded him To march very warily and to be sure to retreat before the Enemy got sight of him The Numidians now one party and then another sometimes charging and sometimes retreating trail'd him on almost to their very Camp thereby wearying both his Horses and Men. And then Cartalo Commander in Chief of Annibals Cavalry coming out with a full Body against him upon the Spur before they came within Dart-shot put the Romans to flight and had the pursuit of them for almost five miles together At last Mancinus seeing that neither the Enemy would give over the Chase nor any hope was left to escape them prevailed with his party to face about and Charge them but being every way over-match'd he himself and the choicest of his Troops were hemm'd in and slain the rest in a scattered flight got first to Cales and thence through By-lanes and unknown ways to the Dictator Minucius as it happened the same day joyned Fabius having before been abroad to Garison a Pass that lay between Tarracina and the Sea lest Annibal if the Appian Way were left without defence should slip into the Roman Territories The Dictator and General of the Horse with united Forces pitch'd their Camp in the very road where Annibal was to march and not above two miles distance from the Enemy The next day the Carthaginians drawing out their Men took up all the space between the two Camps and though the Romans were Posted just under their own Rampire a place no doubt of great advantage yet the Punics with their Light-Horse to provoke them to a Battel came up and charg'd them sometimes near hand by and by retiring and then rallying afresh yet still the Romans kept their Ground the Encounter being slow and more to the liking of the Dictator than of Annibal of whose side Eight hundred were slain and but Two hundred of the Romans Thenceforwards Annibal seem'd shut up and as it were Besieged within Cassilinum whil'st the Romans had Capua and Samnium and other rich and powerful Nations their Allies at their backs ready to bring them in Provision On the contrary the Punics were like to take up their Winter-Quarters between the Rocks of Formii and the barren Sands of Linternum and certain Lakes that yielded nothing but a prospect of horror Nor was Annibal insensible that he was now out-done in his own Arts of Policy therefore seeing he could not get off through Cassilinum but must take the Mountains and march over the top of Callicula fearing lest the Romans should fall upon his Army enclosed in the Vallies between the Hills he contrived a Stratagem terrible to look at to beguil their Eyes and frustrate their Expectations and therewith resolv'd in the beginning of the Night to approach with all secresie the Mountains The parade of his device was thus He caused to be gathered out of the adjoining Villages abundance of Fire-brands then he took certain Bavins or small Faggots of Brush-wood and dry sticks all which he tyed fast to the Horns of Oxen whereof he had tame and wild a great number that he drove before him amongst other Booties gotten out of the Country making in all near Two thousand head of Cattel ordering Asdrubal That as soon as it grew duskish be should drive that Herd with their Horns set on fire towards the Mountains and as near as he could to those Passes where the Enemy kept Guard No sooner was it dark but he dislodg'd his Army with great silence the Oxen being driven a little before and when they came near to the foot of the Hills and narrow Streights upon a Signal given the Bavins are lighted and the Cattel violently forc'd up the Mountains who being frighted as well with the Flames on their Heads as especially by the heat and pain when they burnt down to the quick of their Horns run every way about as if they had been mad whereby as if all the Woods and Hills had been on a light Fire
these Fellows would have followed when he offered to be their Leader they had at this day been Soldiers in the Roman Camp not Captives at the devotion of their Enemies For whilst the Enemy was weary with fighting and making merry for their Victory and most of them retir'd into their Tents they had the night before them to save themselves at their pleasure or however being seven thousand strong they were able to have broke through the Enemy had they been never so thick But this they would neither attempt of themselves nor follow another when he urg'd them to it All night long almost P. Sempronius Tuditanus ceased not to exhort and importune them whilst yet there were but few of the Enemy about their Camp whilst all things were husht and quiet and night favour'd their retreat to lay hold of these opportunities and follow his conduct not doubting but before day-light they might reach unto places of security and arrive safely at some Cities of their Allies As in our Grandsires days Colonel Decius did in Samnium or as of late when I was a young Man in the former Punic War Calphurnius Flamma said to the three hundred Voluntiers whom he led to gain a little Hill situate in the very midst of the Enemies Let us dye bravely my fellow Soldiers and by our death set at liberty the Roman Legions who are now circumvented and besieged Had Sempronius said thus to you who could judg you to be either Men or Romans if none of you had accompanied him But the truth is he pointed you a way not only to Glory but to Safety too offered himself to lead you to your Parents to your Wives to your Children You that had not the Courage to save your selves what would you have done if it had been necessary you should have dyed for your Country Fifty thousand of your fellow-Citizens and Allies lay round about you slain that day if so many examples of gallantry could not raise you to a generous disdain of being Captives nothing in the World can ever move you If so great a slaughter could not make you despise your Lives no Arguments will ever prevail with you to hazard them Desire home o' th' Gods name and long after your Native Country whil'st you are free and safe nay desire if you please to be in your Country whil'st it is your Country but your desires now come too late having disfranchised your selves lost your former state and right of Citizens and are now become Carthaginian Bond-slaves Would you have us purchase you with mony to the same condition which you forfeited by your own default and cowardize You would not hearken to P. Sempronius your Fellow-Citizen when he bid you take Arms and follow him but you could listen to Annibal presently afterwards when he commanded you to betray your Camp and basely surrender up your Arms and your Persons But why blame I only their faint-heartedness and fears when I may justly charge them with wilful wickedness and actual Villany For they not only refused to follow Sempronius when he advised them to what was both their Interest and their Duty but endeavored all they could to stop and detain him and others amongst them had not the brave Men with their Swords in their hands set the Cowards further off Thus Sempronius was forc'd to make his way through a vile heap of his own Country-men before he broke through the Battalions of the Enemy And shall our Country desire such Citizens by whose means if the rest had been as base as they she would not this day have had one Citizen left of all that were in the Battel of Cannae But by good luck amongst 7000 Armed-men there happened to be 600 that had the Courage to break through and came safe with their Freedom and their Arms home to their Country notwithstanding there were 40000 of the Enemy to resist them judge you then how easie and safe the Passage might have been for a Body of almost two Legions and so should you Conscript Fathers have had now at Canusium an Army of stout and Faithful men Twenty thousand strong But now in what respect can these People be good and faithful Citizens for sure themselves have not the face to pretend to the Title of stout and valiant I cannot imagine unless we shall think them so who would have hindred the rest from forcing their way even when they were at the point to open a passage and since do both envy at their safety and honor obtain'd by Valor being conscious that their own fear and cowardize was the occasion of their present servitude Whil'st they had an opportunity to get away in the silent Night they chose rather lurking in their Tents to wait for the approach of Day and their Enemies But perhaps though they had not the Courage to break through the Enemy they had the hearts stoutly to maintain their Camp and being Beleaguer'd several days and nights defended their Works with their Arms and themselves with their Works and at last having ventured all hazards and suffered all extremities wanting the necessary supports of Life pin'd with hunger and so feeble that they could wield their Weapons no longer were overcome rather by Humane Necessities than the Arms of their Enemies No forsooth there was nothing of of all this in the case but the Enemy coming before their Rampire the very next Morning at Sun-rising within two after without making any defence or standing out one Brush they tamely yielded up both their Arms and their Persons This you see was their good Service for two days together when they should have maintain'd their ground in the Field they sneak'd into the Camp and when they should have made good their Camp they surrendred it good for nothing either abroad in the Battel or at home in their Entrenchments Shall we consent to ransom such fellows as when they ought to have sallyed out of their Camp delay'd and staid in it when they should have continued there and defended their Tents with their Arms parted both with the Camp and their Arms and themselves Nay verily 't is my opinion Worthy Senators that these no more deserve to be Ransomed than those do to be delivered up to Annibal who cut their way through the midst of the Enemy and most valiantly restor'd themselves to their Country After this Speech of Manlius though most of the Senators were related to some of the Prisoners yet besides the custom of the City from all Antiquity little indulgent to those that suffered themselves to be taken Prisoners the Ransom it self which amounted to a considerable sum had no small influence upon them as being loth to exhaust the Exchequer having lately disbursed a great deal in buying up Bond-slaves and arming them for the Wars and especially unwilling to furnish Annibal with so much mony the main thing which as the report went he stood in need of But when this their sad Resolve was made publick viz. That
went to Annibal and concluded a Peace with him on the Conditions following That no Carthaginian General or Magistrate should have jurisdiction over any Campanian Citizen nor should any Campanian be compell'd to take Arms or serve any Office without his consent That Capua should enjoy its old Laws and Magistrates that Annibal should bestow on them three hundred of the Roman Prisoners such as they should chuse to the end they might exchange them for the three hundred Campanian Horse that were in the Romans Service in Sicily These were the terms agreed on but the Campanians beyond their Agreement committed several Outrages particularly the rabble seiz'd upon the Captains of several associate Troops and other Roman Citizens residing there either in some military imployment or concern'd in other private affairs of their own and under pretence of securing them clapt them into the Hot-Houses where with the heat and noxious vapours they were stisted to death in an inhumane manner To prevent both this Cruelty and their making any Overtures at all to Annibal one Decius Magius used his utmost endeavours a man that well deserv'd the highest Authority and would have had it too if he had liv'd amongst people of judgment and discretion but when notwithstanding all his Remonstrances he heard a Garison was to be sent thither from Annibal he laid before them the insolent Tyranny of Pyrrhus and the wretched condition of the Tarentines as Precedents sufficient to give them warning He ceased not to cry out aloud in all places and Companies First That they should not admit any such Garison within their Walls and afterwards when they had received them was as urgent to have them turn'd out again or rather he told them if they would by a brave and memorable exploit at one for the baseness of revolting from their most ancient Allies and Kinsfolks they should fall upon these Carthaginian Troops and cut every man of them off and so restore themselves to the Romans protection These Discourses of his being related to Annibal for they were not spoken in hugger mugger he first summon'd Magius to appear before him in the Camp but when he stoutly denied to go alledging that even by their late Articles it was expresly capitulated That Annibal should have no jurisdiction over any Citizen of Capua the Punick was so enrag'd that he commanded him to be seiz'd and dragg'd unto him in Chains but upon cooler thoughts lest by offering such violence a tumult should arise and in heat of blood some mischief happen he resolv'd to be present in person and sending notice to Marius Blosius the Praetor of Capua that he would be there next day sets forwards from his Camp with a small guard Marius having assembled the people made Proclamation that they should be all ready with their Wives and Children in a full body and solemn Order to meet Annibal upon the way and welcome him to their City which was not only obediently but zealously perform'd by them all both for the fancy the common people always love to be busy and especially for the desire they had to see that famous Warriour of whom they had heard so much only Marius for his part would not stir a foot to meet him nor on the other side would he keep himself private lest he might seem to be afraid or conscious of guilt but with his Son and a few of his Friends and Dependents walkt up and down the Market place as unconcern'd whilst the whole Town was in an hurry to entertain and gaze at this strange Guest Annibal as soon as he came into the City desired the Senate might forthwith be Assembled but the principal Capuans beseeching his Excellency not to trouble himself that day with any serious affairs but that as by his presence he had made it an Holy Day so he would be pleased to celebrate it as such and partake with them in their universal Joys he was prevail'd with contrary to his natural hasty temper to defer it because he would not at his first coming seem to deny them any thing and accordingly spent most of that day in viewing the City He and his whole Train were entertain'd and lodged by the Manii Celeres and at the House of Stenius Pacuvius two of the most eminent Families both for Nobility and Riches in the City Pacuvius Calavius whom we mentioned of late being the chief of that Faction which brought over the people to the Carthaginian Interest going to the Generals Quarters carried with him his Son a young Gentleman whom he was forc'd almost by violence to pluck away from Decius's Company for he was always of his Party and most stifly opposed the League with Annibal nor could the inclinations of the whole City running the other way or the reverence he had for his Father alter his resolutions therein The Father by begging pardon for this youth rather than by excusing him endeavour'd to reconcile him to Annibal's favour and with his intreaties and tears prevail'd so far that he order'd him to be invited together with his Father to Supper at which he admitted none but they and his Landlord that gave the Entertainment and one Jubellius Jaurea a man renowned for his services in War They began their Banquet by Day-light and were treated not after the niggardly Punick mode or with the strict diet of a Camp but as magnificently regal'd as could be expected in a City and a Family long inur'd to the choicest varieties of dainty Dishes and abundance of voluptuous superfluity Only Perolla Pacuvius's Son alone was melancholly and could not be prevail'd with to be brisk and jocund though the Masters of the Feast and sometimes Annibal himself invited him to be merry and when his Father inquir'd the cause of these strange dumps and trouble of mind he excus'd it by alledging he was not well but about Sun-set Calavius going out of the room where they supp'd his Son followed him and when they were come to a place of privacy a Garden it was on the backside of the House I have says he a contrivance in my head whereby we may not only obtain the Romans Pardon for our offence in revolting to Annibal but the same will render us Campanians in greater honour and favour with them than ever we were The Father with Admiration demanding what this contrivance might be the young man slinging back his Gown shows him a Sword by his side This quoth he is it I will seal and ratify our League with the Romans with Annibals Blood But I was willing to let you know it first that if you had rather be absent whilst the brave act is doing you may take your opportunity The old man as if he had already been present at the Tragedy was almost out of his Wits For Heavens sake my Son and by all those sacred Tyes that oblige Children to their Parents I beg and conjure you That you will not before your Fathers Eyes do or suffer such an execrable piece of
whose Negotiation a League was clapt up between the Great Annibal and the Tyrant of Syracuse and for continuing a good correspondence between them Annibal was content his said Agents should continue at the Syracusian Court. Appius Claudius the Praetor who had then the Government of Sicily being advertiz'd of these Overtures immediately dispatcht Embassadours to Hieronymus who acquainting him That they came to renew that ancient Society and Friendship which they had with the King his Grandfather were not heard without making sport at them and askt in an upbraiding kind of Joque by Hieronymus What luck they had at the Battel of Cannae for Annibals Embassadours related incredible stories and he would fain know the truth that he might take his measures accordingly The Romans only answer'd That when he had learnt to give a serious Audience to Embassadours they would come to him again and so having rather admonisht than requested him not rashly to violate the League they departed Hieronymus sends Embassadours to Carthage to confirm the Treaty made with Annibal Wherein it was capitulated That as soon as he had driven the Romans out of Sicily which would presently be done if they would but send some Forces and a Fleet the River Himera which divides the Island very near into equal parts should limit both the Carthaginian and Syracusians Dominion But afterwards being pust up with some peoples flatteries who told him 't was fit he should remember that he was not only the Grandchild of King Hiero but of King Pyrrhus too by the Mothers side he sent another Embassy declaring That he thought it but reasonable That they should quit the whole Island of Sicily and leave it to him and that the Empire of Italy only belonged properly to the Carthaginians to acquire and conquer he having already a right to all Sicily Which Levity and vain-glorious humour they did neither wonder at in an unbridled young man nor would they at present stand to dispute it with him so long as they could on any terms alienate him utterly from the Romans But all these Courses were but Precipices hastning his destruction for having sent before Hippocrates and Epicides with two thousand men to sollicite those Cities to a Revolt wherein the Romans had Garrisons he himself in person entred the Country of the Leontines with all the rest of his Army consisting of about fifteen thousand Foot and Horse the before-mentioned Conspirators who chanc'd to be all then in Arms under him possess'd themselves of an empty House adjoining to a narrow Lane through which the King used to go down to the Market place and publick Hall of the City Where whilst the rest stood ready arm'd waiting his coming one of them whose name was Dinomeni because he waited immediately on the Kings Person had his Cue given him that when his Master came near the Gate he should on some pretence stop the rest of his Attendants in that narrow passage which was done accordingly by holding up his Foot and fidling about his Shoe as if he would unty it being too strait whereby keeping back the Croud the King was stabb'd and receiv'd several wounds before any body could come to his Rescue but upon the Out-cry and Tumult they fell upon Dinomeni who then openly appear'd to stop them however with two slight wounds he escap'd their hands and the Guards seeing the King lie dead betook themselves to their heels the Assassinates went some of them into the Town-Hall gladly received by the Rabble as Authors of their Liberty and others hastned to Syracuse to prevent Andronodorus and others of the Kings Favourites from taking any measures to punish them But before this whilst Affairs there stood in a doubtful posture App. Claudius perceiving a War at hand had advertiz'd the Senate of Rome That Sicily was join'd with the Carthaginians and used all the diligence he could to bring his Forces to the Frontiers to obviate their designs Towards the end of the year Q. Fabius by Authority from the Senate fortified and placed a Garrison at Puteoli a Mart-Town that began much to be frequented since these Wars From whence being to come for Rome to chuse Consuls he Ordered the Elections to be held the very next day after his Arrival and was so intent thereupon that he came from his Journey directly into Mars's Field before he went into the City Where the youngest Century of the Anien Tribe happening by Lot to have the Prerogative of giving their Suffrages first they nominated T. Otacilius and M. Aemilius Regillus for Consuls Then Q. Fabius commanding silence made the following Oration If we had either Peace in Italy or War with such an Enemy as failures of negligence or errour might be of no great importance or easily retriev'd I should think that whoever offer'd to delay or oppose the favours and free affections of this solemn Assembly in conferring Offices and Honours upon whom you please were justly to be blam'd as intrenching upon your Liberties and Freedom of Choice But since in this War and with this Enemy never any General of ours took one false step in his Conduct but it cost us some vast overthrow and prov'd almost fatal to our Common-wealth It is absolutely necessary that you should come hither to Elect Consuls with no less care and caution than you would use if you were now just marching into the Field to Engage the Enemy and every one lay his hand upon his heart and say to himself I am this day to nominate a Consul that may be a match for General Annibal This year before Capua when Jubellius Taurea the bravest Cavalier of that City defied the Romans and Challeng'd to fight Man to Man Asellus Claudius the stoutest Horseman amongst the Romans was chosen to Encounter him Heretofore against a Gaul that offer'd Combat upon the Bridge over Anio our Ancestors sent out Manlius a resolute Champion of equal Courage and strength For the same reason many years after upon such another occasion the like trust was reposed in M. Valerius and he had leave to fight with another braving Gaul Therefore since we desire to have Footmen and Horsemen superiour or at least equal to any the Enemy can boast of and are so wary to match them even in single Rancounters much more ought we to seek out a Commander in Chief no way inferiour to the Enemies General since thereon the safety of the whole Army nay of the whole Commonwealth depends And even when we have chosen the ablest Leader we can he will still be under great disadvantages for as soon as he is Elected and that too but for one years space he must deal with an old and perpetual General bound up by no limits of time or formalities of Laws and superiour Orders but free to manage all things to the utmost advantage as opportunities shall occur Whereas whilst we are preparing and disposing of things and have scarce begun to put our well laid designs in Execution the year is wheel'd
by the overflowing of the River Mincius appear'd all Blood That at Cales it rain'd Chalk and Blood at Rome in the Beast-market That in the street call'd Istricus a Spring under ground broke forth with so much violence that as if it had been the Torrent of a great River it carried away several Pipes and Hogsheads that were in the place That the roof of the Capitol the Temple of Vulcan in Mars 's Field a Nut-Tree in the Sabines Country the high street the Wall and a Gate at Gabii were all blasted with Lightning and Fire from Heaven And by and by other strange wonders were buzz'd abroad as that the spear of Mars at Preneste moved it self of its own accord That a Bullock spoke in Sicily and a Child in its Mother Belly in the Marrucines Country was heard to Cry Io Triumphe That at Spoleto a Woman was turn'd into a Man At Hadria there appear'd an Altar in the Sky and the shapes of men in white Garments round about it And at Rome it self there was a swarm of Bees seen the second time in the Market-place some people affirming that they discovered armed Legions on the Hill Janiculum put all the City into an Alarm but when they came thither there was no body to be seen but the usual Inhabitants These Prodigies by directions from the Soothsayers were expiated with the greater Sacrifices and solemn supplications were enjoin'd to be made to all the Gods that had Shrines at Rome After all Complements perform'd that were requisite to appease and pacify the anger of the Gods the Consuls consulted the Senate touching affairs of State and the management of the War and with what Forces and where to be employed The result was That there should be in all eighteen Legions whereof each Consul was to have two the Provinces of Gaul Sicily and Sardinia were to be guarded with two more apiece Q. Fabius the Praetor Lord Deputy of Apulia was to have two for the security of that Province and T. Gracchus to command two more at Luceria That C. Terentius the Proconsul should have one Legion in the Picene Country and M Valerius another for the Navy about Brundusium and the other two to remain at Rome for the Guard of the City To compleat this number six intire Legions were to be new raised and the Consuls were order'd to muster them with all Expedition and to get ready the Fleet that with those Ships that lay on the Coasts of Calabria there might this year be set forth in all a hundred and fifty Sail. The Levies being compleated and the Navy Equip'd Q. Fabius held the Election of Censors and those Created were M. Atilius Regulus and P. Furius Philus The rumour still encreasing that Sicily was in Rebellion T. Otacilius was Order'd thither with the Fleet and Seamen being wanting the Consuls by a Decree of the Senate publisht an Edict That all such as in the time of the Censorship of L. Aemilius and C. Flaminius were themselves or their Fathers rated to be worth fifty thousand Asses or upwards to an hundred thousand or who afterwards was grown to that Estate should find one Mariner and six months pay Those that were worth above a hundred thousand Asses unto three hundred thousand three Mariners and a years pay Whoever were valued in the Censors Book between three hundred thousand and a Million five Mariners those above a Million seven and every Senator eight Seamen and a years wages By this Proclamation Seamen were supplied arm'd and every way provided for by their Masters and so were put on Board having thirty days Victuals prepared before hand This was the first time the Roman Navy was man'd at the charge of particular persons These preparations greater than usual startled the Neighbour Nations especially the people of Capua lest the Romans should begin that years Campagn with the Siege of that City Therefore they sent Agents to Annibal requesting That he would advance nearer to Capua for new Forces were rais'd at Rome to attacque that place the Romans being much more enrag'd at their Revolt than at the defection of any other people And forasmuch as this Message was delivered in such fear Annibal thought it necessary to use all Expedition lest the Romans should get thither before him therefore dislodg'd from Arpi and Encamp'd at his old Quarters at Tifata above Capua where leaving the Numidians and Spaniards both to Guard their own Camp and that City he went down with the rest of his Army to the Lake Avernus on pretence of a solemn Sacrifice he had vowed to celebrate there but in truth to tamper with and sollicite the Town of Puteoli and the Garrison there to Revolt to him Maximus upon advice that Annibal was gone from Arpi back into Campania rode day and night till he came to his Army and order'd Ti. Gracchus to advance with the Forces under his Command from Luceria to Beneventum and that Q Fabius the Praetor who was the Consuls Son should succeed him at Luceria Two Praetors were at once dispatcht into Sicily P. Cornelius to Command the Army and Otacilius as Admiral at Sea All others hastned to their several Charges and those that were continued in Commands kept the same Provinces as last year Whilst Annibal was at the Avern Lake five young Noblemen came to him from Tarentum who had been formerly his Prisoners some taken at Thrasymenus others at Cannae and being releas'd with that usual Clemency wherewith he treated all the Romans Allies they to requite his Civilities bring him word That they had so influenc'd most of the youth of Tarentum that they were much more for joining with him than with the Romans and that they were sent on purpose to desire him to draw his Forces that way That as soon as his Standards should appear as soon as his Camp should be seen from the Walls of Tarentum that City would immediately be surrendred into his hands For the young Fry could do what they list with the Commons and the Commons rul'd all at Tarentum Annibal return'd them thanks and abundance of large Promises and wisht them to go home and promote and prepare this design for in convenient time he would be with them and so they were dismiss'd He was mighty desirous to make himself Master of Tarentum for he saw that it was not only a noble and rich City but also situate on the Seaside and a most convenient Port over against Macedonia for his Confederate King Philip to land at if he came over into Italy since the Romans were in possession of Brundusium As soon as he had perform'd his Sacrifice and during his stay there forrag'd all the Cumane Territories as far as Cape Misenum on a sudden he turn'd his Army upon Puteoli to surprize that Garrison which consisting of six thousand men and the place strong by Nature and much improv'd by Art after three days assault on all sides in vain he quitted the same and set his Army to plunder
the Enemies Camp for fear of being punisht withdrew themselves to a little Hill hard by but next day being sent for by the Colonels repaired to the Camp where Gracchus at the Head of the whole Army made a Speech And after he had rewarded such of the old Souldiers as had signalized themselves with particular marks of Military Honour As to the Bondmen he told them That he had rather commend them altogether in general both worthy and unworthy than to sully the Glory of that day with punishing of any and therefore wishing it might be for the good and prosperity of the Common-wealth and themselves he did pronounce them all Free-men At which word they shouted with mighty alacrity and embraced and congratulated each other and with hands lifted up to Heaven begg'd for a thousand Blessings on the People of Rome and especially to their Noble General Gracchus who then continued his Speech thus Till I had made you all equal in the Priviledge of Freedom I was unwilling to make any difference between you for any mans stoutness or misbehaviour but now having discharg'd the Trust committed to me by the Commonwealth that Valour and Cowardise may not seem to be altogether equalized I will command a Catalogue of their Names to be brought in who conscious of their own failure did lately withdraw themselves and calling them over one by one will oblige them to take a Corporal Oath That unless in case of sickness as long as they continue Souldiers they shall not sit down as others do to eat or drink but take their refection standing on their feet which punishment I am sure you will be content to undergo when you consider what you have deserv'd and that it was not possible I should more gently chastise your offence Then he gave Order to truss up their Baggage and mâ—rch and the Souldiers carrying or driving before them their Booties return'd to Beneventum joquing and frollicking all the way as if they had come from a Banquet or some great Festival rather than from sighting a sharp and bloody Battel The Inhabitants of Beneventum ran out in multitudes to meet and welcome them and invited them to their Houses to give them Entertainment and Lodging They had provided Collations for them in their Couâ—t-yards and askt leave of Gracchus to treat his Souldiers who granted it on condition that they should all dine in the open street which was done accordingly the Volunteers having got Caps on or Fillets of Wool about their heads in token of Liberty and whilst those that had behaved themselves couragiously sat at their Victuals the others according to their Oaths waited on them and eat their meat standing So pleasant a sight that Gracchus after he came to Rome caused the Representation thereof to be curiously drawn and the Picture put up in the Temple of the Goddess Liberty which his Father had built and dedicated in Mount Aventine with the Monies levied for certain Fines whilst he was in Office Whilst these Actions passed at Beneventum Annibal having harassed all the Territories of Naples came before Nola. On advice of whose Advance the Consul having sent for Pomponius the Propraetor with the Army that lay at Suessula prepares to meet and fight him without delay In the dead of the night he sent out Claudius Nero with the strength of his Cavalry at a back Port with Orders to fetch a compass and get behind the Enemy and when he perceived them engaged to fall upon their Rear but whether by mistaking the way or for want of time I know not he failed therein And during his absence the two Armies encountred wherein though the Romans had apparently the better yet they missed of their main end because the Horse came not up in time nor durst Marcellus pursue the Enemy when they gave ground but sounded a Retreat to his men in the midst of their Victory two thousand of the Enemy and upwards are reckon'd to have been slain that day and of the Romans not four hundred About Sun-set Nero came back having wearied out his Horses and Men with marching all night and day and not so much as seen the Enemy to whom the Consul gave a sharp Reprimand saying 'T was long of him and no body else that they had not that day been fully revenged on the Enemy for the loss at Cannae The next morning the Romans drew out again into the Field but the Punicks tacitely yielding themselves beaten kept within their Works and the third day in the dead of the night quitting all hopes of gaining Nola an Enterprize that never had succeeded marched away for Tarentum on better assurance of being let in there by Treachery At home at Rome the Civil Affairs were managed with no less Courage than the Wars abroad in the Field The Censors by reason the Exchequer was empty being at leisure from letting out and looking after publick Buildings employed themselves to reform mens manners and chastise those vices which in this time of War were grown up as bodies languishing under Chronick distempers are apt daily to breed new diseases First they cited those that after the Battel at Cannae would have abandoned the Commonwealth and consulted to go out of Italy the chief of whom L. Caecilius Metellus happened now to be Questor who with the rest being commanded to plead what they could for themselves and able to alledge nothing material they were Convicted of having used words and discourses tending to sedition and the destruction of the Commonwealth In the next place those two subtle Expounders of discharging a solemn Oath were summon'd who when some of the Prisoners that had sworn to return to Annibal went privately on a feigned Errand back to his Camp had Voted them thereby to be released from the obligation of their Oath both these and the others before-mention'd as many as serv'd on the City Horses had their Horses taken from them were degraded and condemn'd to forfeit their Votes and serve without pay Nor did the Censors Care extend only to reform and punish the Crimes of Senators and those of the Equestrian Order but caused a Roll to be brought in of all those young men who without being sick or other lawful Plea had not for four years last past serv'd in the Army of whom above two thousand were found guilty removed out of their Tribe and numbred amongst the Aerarii to which was added a severe Decree of the Senate That all those whom the Censors had so branded should serve on Foot and be sent into Sicily to the reliques of the Army defeated at Cannae who were not to be discharg'd from service until the Enemy was beaten out of Italy The Censors for want of Treasure forbearing to let out the repairs of the Temples and providing Chariot Horses for the State and other publick works many persons that were wont to undertake the same by the great made Addresses to them desiring That they would proceed therein as formerly when
an Alliance with him assuring him That if he would persist in the War against them he would do a very acceptable kindness to the Romans who would in due time amply requite him for the same The Barbarian was very glad of this Overture and having talk'd with the Embassadours touching the Art of War understood from the Discourses of those old Souldiers how ignorant he was of many things in comparison of that more regular Discipline which they described Therefore the first thing he requested was That as they were good and faithful Friends two of them would go back to their Generals and the other remain with him to instruct his people in the Art Military For the Numidians were hitherto altogether unacquainted with Foot-service and useful only on Horse-back their Forefathers having ever since they were a Nation managed their Wars that way to which only they were accustomed from their youth but their present Enemy was strong in Infantry and he should never be able to match them unless he had store of Foot-Souldiers and though his Kingdom afforded men enow for that purpose yet they had not the Art to arm and train them but did all things rashly and in disorder as the multitude happen'd to come together The Embassadours consented upon Security given that their Companion should presently be sent after them if their Generals should not approve of his staying there His name that stay'd with the King was Q. Statorius and with the other two went back Numidian Embassadours to receive the Ratification of the League from the Roman Generals who had Instructions to wheadle away all the Numidians they could that were in Annibals Army or Garrisons Statorius out of the multitude of young men wherewith that Country abounded levied and muster'd Foot for the King and exercising them after the Roman mode cast them into Regiments and Bands taught them to follow their proper Colours and to keep in their Ranks and Files and all other kinds of Military Discipline so that in a little time the King confided as much in his Infantry as Cavalry and in a pitch'd Battel on even hand defeated the Carthaginians Nor were his Embassadours of small advantage to the Romans in Spain for upon the News of their Arrival abundance of the Numidians daily deserted the Enemy Thus a firm League of Friendship was setled between the Romans and Syphax which when the Carthaginians understood presently they dispatch'd away Envoys to Gala a Prince of the other part of Numidia over the people called Massilians This Gala had a Son named Masanissa but seventeen years of Age yet of such hopes as fairly promised that he would render his Kingdom much more large and powerful than he found it To him these Envoys remonstrated That since Syphax to render himself more powerful against the rest of the Kings of Africk had Confederated with the Romans it would be the interest of Gala to join as soon as he could with the Carthaginians before Syphax went over into Spain or the Romans invaded Africk and as for Syphax he might now easily be subdued whilst he had yet gain'd nothing by the Roman League but a bare name of having such remote Friends The Son being altogether for War Gala was easily persuaded to send forth an Army who with the Carthaginian Auxiliaries defeated Syphax in a mighty Battel wherein 't is said there were thirty thousand slain Syphax himself with a few Horse fled to the Maurusians a sort of Numidians that border'd upon the Ocean over against Cadiz and having by his great renown drawn many of the Barbarians to him arm'd in a little time vast Forces but before he could carry them over the streight into Spain Masanissa came into those parts with his Victorious Army and alone with his own Troops and no help of the Carthaginians gave Syphax Battel to his great Honour In Spain nothing memorable happen'd save that the Roman Generals drew all the Celtiberians that were fit to bear Arms into their service for the same stipend that they had bargain'd for with the Carthaginians and sent above three hundred Spanish Gentlemen into Italy to solicite their Countrymen that were under Annibal to desert him and serve the Romans This only touching the Affairs of Spain In this Year may be noted That the Romans had never any Mercenaries in their Army till now they hired the aforesaid Celtiberians DECADE III. BOOK V. The EPITOME 2. P. Cornelius Scipio afterwards sirnamed Africanus made Aedile though under Age. 8. Annibal takes the City Tarentum all but the Castle by the Treachery of some young men of that City who pretended to go out a Hunting 12. The solemn Games in Honour of Apollo were now first instituted upon occasion of certain Prophetical Verses of Martius wherein the Overthrow at Cannae had been foretold 13. Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius the Consuls fight Hanno the Carthaginian General with success 16. T. Sempronius Gracchus the Proconsul was by a Lucanian at whose House he Quarter'd train'd into an Ambuscade and slain by Mago 19. Centenius Penula who had served in the Wars but in quality of a Centurion importuning the Senate to have the Conduct of an Army assuring them that if they would grant him that Honour he would certainly beat Annibal out of Italy obtains the Command of eight thousand men and with them fights Annibal but both himself and his Army are cut to pieces 21. Cn. Fulvius the Praetor engaging with Annibal lost the Field and sixteen thousand men and himself escaped but with two hundred Horse 22. The two Consuls Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius besiege Capua 23 c. Claudius Marcellus in the third year of the Siege takes Syracuse having most gallantly and prudently behaved himself in all that Service In the Tumult at storming the City Archimedes busie about Geometrical Figures which he had drawn in the dust is by a common Souldier knockt o' th head 32 c. The two Scipio's Publius and Cornelius after so many brave Actions and great successes in Spain come to a disastrous end being kill'd with the loss of almost both their whole Armies in the eighth year after their going into Spain 37. That Province had utterly been lost had it not been for the Courage and Industry of L. Marcius a Roman Knight who rallied together the scatter'd Reliques of the said Armies and by his Conduct and Encouragement routed the Enemy drove them out of two several places where they were encamped slew seven and thirty thousand of them took eighteen hundred and thirty Prisoners and a mighty Booty whereupon he was called General Marcius WHilst these things were a doing in Africk and Spain Annibal had spent the Summer U. C. 540 in the Tarentine Territories in hopes of gaining that City by Treachery during which time several obscure Towns of the Salentines revolted to him but of the twelve Clans of the Bruttians two of them called the Consentines and the Thurines return'd to their old Alliance with the Romans
replied Since after my Country is over-run my Relations and Friends destroyed and that with my own hands I have dispatcht my Wife and Children because they should suffer no Villainous Indignities I my self cannot obtain so much as to die the same Death which my Country-men have here suffer'd before my face Let me by my own Courage revenge my self of this Life which is so odious to me At which words drawing forth a Sword which he had hid under his Vest he ran himself through the Breast and fell down gasping at the Generals Feet But forasmuch as the Capuans Execution and most other affairs there were transacted by Flaccus alone and without the consent of his Collegue some Authors write that App. Claudius died about the time of that Cities surrender as also that this Taurea neither came of his own accord to Cales nor fell by his own hand but that being with the rest bound to a Stake and the noise of the people hindring the hearing of what he said silence was commanded and that then he spake the before-mention'd words viz. That he was basely put to death by a fellow nothing comparable to himself for Courage and Vertue whereupon by the Pro-Consuls Order the Cryer said to the Executioner Go Lictor and see you let this valiant man have the preeminence begin with him first and let him have a greater share of your pains than his fellows Likewise there are some Authors that say the Senates Ordinance was read before they were Beheaded but because the same run That if he thought good he should refer the whole matter to the Senate he interpreted it That he was notwithstanding at liberty to act as he thought most for the Interest of the Commonwealth From Cales he return'd to Capua having by the way taken the Towns Atella and Calatia upon submission where the principal persons suffer'd the like punishment Thus there were about fourscore Senators of Capua put to death and near three hundred Noblemen of Campania shut up close Prisoners others committed to the Custody of several associate Cities of the Latines came to sundry unhappy ends and as for the main multitude of the vulgar Inhabitants they were sold for Slaves Touching the City it self and Territories there was great Debate some were for having a City so strong so near so dangerous and mortal an Enemy to Rome to be utterly rased and destroyed but the consideration of present advantage prevailed For in regard of the Country lying round it which is well known to be the most fertile in all Italy the City was preserv'd to furnish the Husbandmen both with convenient Dwellings and a Market Therefore to inhabit it a multitude of the meaner Inhabitants as enfranchiz'd Bondmen ordinary Shop Keepers and Mechanicks were suffer'd to continue there but all the Land belonging to the City and the publick Buildings the Romans reserv'd in their own hands as forfeited Besides though Capua was inhabited like a City yet it was Ordered That there should be no Corporation no Senate no Common-Hall nor Magistrates without which the Rabble could never be able to combine together to recover their Liberties and for giving them Laws and administring Justice amongst them a Provost was every year to be sent from Rome Thus were the affairs of Capua setled by a course every way commendable for as the guilty were severely and speedily punisht and the vast number of Citizens dispers'd several ways without any hopes of return so the City it self was spared the innocent Houses not destroy'd with fire nor pull'd down with violence whereby the Romans besides their own profit gain'd the reputation of Clemency amongst their Allies in preserving such a most rich and antient City whose ruins not only all Campania but the neighbouring Nations round about would very sensibly have bemoan'd and lamented In the mean time the same was a sufficient Monument to all the World both how able the Romans were to chastize their faithless Allies and how vain Annibal's Protection was like to prove to any that he should undertake to secure The Senate of Rome having dispatcht what was necessary touching Capua assign'd unto Claudius Nero six thousand Foot out of those Legions which he had at Capua and three hundred Horse which himself had levied as also a like number of Foot and eight hundred Horse out of the associate Latine Forces which Army he Embarqu'd at Puteoli and transported into Spain landed them at Tarracon and having laid up his Ships in the Dock to augment his Forces put all the Mariners in Arms and so marching to the River Iberus received the Army there from the hands of T. Fonteius and L. Marcius and from thence advanc'd towards the Enemy Asdrubal the Son of Amilcar lay Encamp'd at a place call'd The Black Stones in Ausetania between the Towns Illiturgis and Mentissa and Nero had possess'd himself of the mouth of the passage into that Forrest whereupon Asdrubal that he might not be so closely pent up and at last reduc'd to some great extremity sent an Herald offering That if he might be permitted freely to march from thence he would withdraw all his Forces out of Spain The Roman General was overjoy'd at this overture and Asdrubal desired there might be a Conference held the next day where the Romans might set down Conditions and Articles in writing touching the Surrender of the Fortresses in every City and appointing the respective days when the Garrisons should be drawn out and that the Carthaginians might carry away all their Bag and Baggage without any fraud or interruption Which being consented to as soon as 't was dark and all the night long afterwards Asdrubal caused the heaviest part of his Army to be getting forth of the Straits by the best ways they could find but gave special directions that no great number should go that night because a few would better pass undiscover'd and more easily get through those Thickets and narrow By-paths Next Morning the Parley was begun but by long Conferences and drawing up Articles in writing and making exceptions and other designed delays the whole day was spent and adjourn'd till the morrow That night gave the Carthaginians opportunity to send off more of their Forces nor was the matter brought to a conclusion the day following but several days wasted in adjusting the Articles and the nights in privately emptying the Enemies Camp who having got away the greatest part of their men began now to wrangle and would not stand to things which before they themselves had voluntarily offer'd so that they were still further and further from agreement for their fears being over so was their Faith By this time almost all his Foot were got out of the pound when at break of day happen'd a mighty thick Fog that cover'd the whole Forrest and Plains adjacent which Asdrubal perceiving sent a Message to Nero desiring to put off the Conference till the morrow because that was an Holy-Day amongst the Carthaginians on which they
persons of Quality kept as Hostages and as soon as they fall into our hands all those places which now are under the Carthaginians will join with us Here is all the Enemies Money and Treasure without which they cannot continue the War their Army consisting for the most part of Mercenaries and the same will be of mighty use to us amongst the Barbarians since therewith we may be sure to purchase their Friendship Here is their whole Magazine their Arms their Armour their Artillery and Engines for Land-Service and their Tackling and Stores for equipping Ships to Sea with which we shall furnish our selves and leave them as it were naked we shall likewise gain both a most fair and wealthy City and a brave Haven lying most opportunely to stock us both by Land and Sea with all things that we shall have occasion for As these will be vast advantages to us so the loss will be far greater to the Enemy This is their Castle for strength their Granary for Provision their Treasury for money their Arsenal for Arms and in a word their common Storehouse for all things whatsoever Hither is the most direct passage and shortest cut out of Africk Here is the only Harbour for Shipping between Gebraltar and the Pyrenaean Mountains from hence all Spain overlooks and as it were commands Africk But knowing that you cannot but be sufficiently sensible of the importance of the service and well prepared for it I will say no more but this Let us forthwith for the Honour of the Roman Name go on and with all our might storm New Carthage Which all his Army joyfully consenting to by crying out unanimously Let 's do 't Let 's to 't he led up nearer to the Town and at once began the Assault both by Land and Sea Which Mago the Carthaginian Governour perceiving he thus dispos'd of his Forces two thousand of the Townsmen he Order'd to that part of the City that lay over against the Roman Camp and five hundred more he posted on a little Hill on the East-part of the City all the rest he commanded to be in a readiness to make resistance in any place where the Alarm should be given or danger requir'd Then flinging open the Gate those two thousand whom he had drawn up within the street leading to the Enemies Camp issued forth The Romans by their Generals Order retreated a little that during the Conflict they might be nearer their Camp to be reinforced with fresh men as there should be occasion At first they stood to 't stoutly on both sides and little odds could be perceived between them But new Parties coming up continually to the Romans enable them after a little time not only to beat back the Enemy from their Camp but also to put them to the run whom they pursued so fiercely that if Scipio had not caused a Retreat to be sounded they seem'd like to have broke in along with them into the City and presently to have taken it For indeed there was no less Consternation within than abroad insomuch that the Guards and Centinels quitted their Posts and those that were appointed to defend the Walls leap'd down and left them naked which Scipio perceiving from an high Bank which they call Mercurius Tutates he thought it not best to neglect such an opportunity but sent for his whole Army to advance out of their Camp and bring with them the Scaling Ladders and other necessaries immediately to storm the City Himself in person shelter'd under the Shields of three tall lusty young men for by this time they let fly from the Walls a mighty Volley of Artillery of all sorts approach'd the City where he exhorted encouraged and gave all necessary Orders nor did his presence a little enflame the Courage of his men being an Eye-witness of every ones gallantry or failure So that slighting the wounds they received they flung themselves upon the Enemies Weapons and neither the strength of the Walls nor the force of those armed men that stood thereon could keep them back but resolutely to Scaling they went vying with one another who should first mount the Walls At the same time that part of the City which lay towards the Sea was assaulted by the Fleet but on that side there was more noise and tumult made than any effectual service done for what with bringing up their Ships close to the Walls landing their Souldiers and mounting their Ladders with their striving to get foremost and over-hast they did but hinder one another In the mean time Mago had fill'd the Walls with armed men who pepper'd the Assailants with showres of Darts Javelins and all sorts of Artillery But it was neither the valour of his men nor the violence of their Weapons that kept them off so much as the very Wall it self For very few Ladders they had that could reach to the top of it and the longer any of them were so much they were the weaker so that before they who were climed up to the highest rounds could get upon the Parapet others clambering after them with their weight over charg'd and broke the Ladders and down they came all together and some though the Ladders held firm yet the very height if they chanc'd to look down dazled their Eyes and so turn'd their Heads that they tumbled off and fell to the ground Thus Ladders and men being every where over-thrown and the Enemy encouraged with that success a Retreat was sounded which gave the Besieged hopes not only that the present attacque was over but that for the future they might set their hearts at rest for their City was tenable against all Scalado's and as for Batteries and Mounts that would be a work of time and their own Generals might come up early enough to relieve them But scarce was the hurry of the first Assault allay'd when Scipio commanded other fresh Souldiers to take the Ladders of them that were already weary or wounded and with greater violence to renew the Attacque For understanding that the Tide was going out and being inform'd by certain Fishermen of Tarracon that then the Lake was Fordable and that they might that way easily come at the Walls he led a Party over there It was now about noon and besides the natural ebb a fierce Northern Wind happening to arise drove the Water out so fast after the Tide that several shallows were discovered no where above a mans middle and for the most part scarce knee deep Which accident the more to encourage his Souldiers he represented as a Prodigy or special Miracle shewn by the Gods in their favour That to afford the Romans a passage over they had turn'd back the Sea and dry'd up the Lake and open'd a way where never before any Mortals had trod Let us therefore quoth he follow Neptune who here is our Guide and propitiously will lead us through the middle of the Lake up to the Walls of the Enemy Those that went on by Land had
their Quality of Judges every one pleaded as violently as he list C. Laelius rising out of the Court repaired to Scipio at his Tribunal acquainting him That the matter was managed without all moderation or modesty insomuch that 't was fear'd they would fall together by the Ears or however if the Peace were kept yet it would be a detestable Example to future times if the Reward of Vertue should be obtain'd with Fraud Lyes and Perjuries For here stand the Legionary Souldiers on one side and the Seamen on the other all ready to swear by all the Gods things as they would have them to be though in truth they know nothing of the matter and thus not only draw down the guilt of Perjury on their own heads but pollute therewith our Ensigns and our Eagles on which they sware and utterly subvert that sacred and religious reverence due to an Oath and that he was both by P. Cornelius and M. Sempronius desired to inform him hereof Scipio kindly thank'd him and presently call'd all the Forces to an Audience where he declared That he was very well satisfied that Q. Trebellius and Sext. Digitius both mounted the Wall in several places at one and the same instant and therefore as an acknowledgment of their Valour he did on both of them bestow mural Crowns After which he confer'd rewards on others according to every ones merit and above all the rest he applauded C. Laelius the Admiral equalizing him with himself and bestowing on him a golden Crown and thirty head of Cattel In the next place he caused the Spanish Hostages to be call'd before him but how many there were of them I know not how to set down since I find in some Chronicles their number not full three hundred but in others seven hundred twenty five The like disagreement there is in other particulars one Author sayes the Punick Garrison here consisted of ten thousand men another says seven thousand and a third affirms they were not above two thousand In some I read of ten thousand taken in others above five and twenty thousand If I should follow Silenus a Greek Writer I must have set down of Scorpions great and small sixty taken but if I go by Valerius Antias I should tell you a Tale of six thousand of the greater sort and thirteen thousand of the smaller so insufferably will people lie upon Record Nay 't is not fully agreed who were the Chief Commanders for though most Authors name Laelius to be Admiral yet there are some that aver it was M. Junius Sullanus Antias Valerius writes that one Armes was Governour of the City for the Carthaginians and taken by the Romans but other Historians say it was Mago As little consent there is about the number of Ships the weight of the gold and silver Plate taken or the summ of money that was rais'd by the spoils If there were a necessity of believing any of them those that take the middle way are most likely to follow truth But to return again to Scipio when the Spanish Hostages appear'd he bid them all have a good heart and fear nothing for they were faln into the hands of Romans a people that always delight to oblige people by kindness and Civilities rather than to over awe them with fear and severities and to enjoy the Friendship and faithful Alliance of Foreign Nations more than to hold them in subjection and slavery Then after he had taken the Names of their Cities he also call'd over the Prisoners how many there were of each Nation and sent Messengers to their homes to come and receive them such Cities as happen'd to have Embassadours present their Country-men were restored immediately to them and the rest committed to the Custody of C. Flaminius the Quaestor to use them kindly till an opportunity was offer'd of sending them away Whilst this was a doing from the middle of the Crowd of Hostages a very antient Lady the Wife of Mandonius Brother to Indibilis the Chief of the Ilergetes flung her self at the Generals Feet beseeching him most earnestly That he would give special Command that such of the Female Sex as were Prisoners might be carefully kept and respected as they ought to be Scipio told her They should want for nothing We regard not that quoth she so much for a very little will be enough for us in our present wretched condition My care is for another matter when I behold the blooming youth of these Virgins here for as for my own part I am out of date and past the fear of those injuries which our Sex is most expos'd unto Now there stood about her divers Virgins in the prime of their Age and extreamly handsome the Daughters of Indibilis and some other fair young Ladies of like Quality who all paid her as much respect as if she had been their Mother Scipio replies Both my own strict Discipline as well as the general Civility of the people of Rome may assure you Madam That nothing shall amongst us suffer abuse which in any part of the World is held inviolable such outrages I am oblig'd to restrain for my own credit and the honour of Rome but both your Quality and Vertues engage me to a particular care of your safeties who in the midst of these your Calamities forget not the honour of your Sex Then he entrusted them to the charge of a person of approved Integrity who was charg'd to treat them with as much modesty and respect as if they were the Wives and Daughters of their nearest Friends and Benefactors By and by the Souldiers brought before him a young Lady of Marriageable years so lovely a Creature to look on that whereever she pass'd she attracted every Bodies Eyes and Admiration Scipio inquiring her Country and Parents amongst the rest came to understand That she was contracted to a young Gentleman call'd Allucius a Prince of the Celtiberians Therefore causing her Parents and Sweet-heart to be sent for when they arriv'd having understood how passionately the young man lov'd her he entred into a more familiar Discourse with him than with either the Father or Mother of the Maid and in these terms entertain'd him I am a young man as well as your self and so neither of us need blush to speak of the affairs of Love when your Lady was brought Prisoner before me by my Souldiers and I understood what a passion you had for her which her Beauty easily made me believe I thought my self oblig'd to do as I would be done by in the like Case For if I were minded to enjoy the pastimes of youth especially in an honest honourable way as I might if I had not wholly devoted my self to the service of the Publick I should not only think the highest transports of affection venial towards my Mistress but dread nothing so much as a Rival or any violence offer'd to her person and honour so in this respect I have to the utmost favour'd your Amour your
Spouse has been kept here with no less modesty and reverence than if she had been all this while with your Father and Mother-in-Law her kind Parents Reserv'd she has been and kept for you alone that you might receive her untoucht and as a Present worthy both of you and my self All the return I expect for this gift is That henceforth you will be a Friend and Well-willer to the State of Rome and if indeed you take me to be an honest good man such as all these Nations have known both my Father and Vncle to have been before me then be assur'd That the City of Rome yields abundance more that are like us and that there is not a Nation this day under Heaven that is either a better Friend or a more formidable Enemy The young Prince confounded between an excess of joy and bashfulness held Scipio by the hand and invok'd all the Gods beseeching them to recompence him for this superlative savour on his behalf who should never be able to make acknowledgments for the same sutable either to his own desires or the merits of the thing Then the Maids Parents and Kindred were call'd who since the Lady was restor'd gratis for whose Redemption they had brought a great summ of gold began to intreat Scipio That he would be pleas'd to accept thereof which they should take as the next kindness to that he had done them in delivering their Daughter Scipio seeing them so importunate seems willing to take it and bids them lay it at his Feet Then calling Allucius Here says he besides the Portion you are to have from your Father-in-Law Let me help to encrease your Marriage Fortune take all this Gold and keep it for you and yours So being sent home over-joy'd with these Presents and Civilities he fill'd all the Country with Scipio's Praises and how brave and worthy a person he was telling them There was come over into Spain a young man in all respects resembling the Immortal Gods and who equally vanquisht all men with his Arms and his Courtesies Amongst his Dependents he soon raised fourteen hundred choice Horse and with them return'd to Scipio Laelius continued with Scipio till the Prisoners Hostages and Booty were by their mutual consent dispos'd of and then in a Galley of five Banks of Oars was dispatcht away for Rome with tidings of the Victory withal carrying Mago and about fifteen Senators Prisoners thither Scipio spent those few dayes he design'd to remain at Carthage in exercising his Sea and Land Forces The first day he caused all the Legions to run in their Arms a four-miles-course Next day he employ'd them in scouring and furbishing up their Armour before their Tents The third day they drew up in Parties and charg'd one another as in Battalia but arm'd only with wooden Swords and blunt rebated Darts and Javelins The fourth day they rested The fifth they ran again in their Armour as before and so continued this course of Exercise all the while they quarter'd at Carthage Whilst the Seamen as often as the weather was calm and would permit used to row out into the open Sea and vye one Galley with another for nimbleness and sometimes representing shews of a Sea-fight Thus without the City they were busy in hardening their Bodies and enuring their minds for service both at Sea and Land and within the Town nothing was heard but the clatter of Artificers and Workmen preparing all sorts of military Furniture shut up in divers Shops and Workhouses for that purpose The General had his Eye every where now he was aboard the Fleet by and by exercising himself with the rest of the Legions sometimes he took a view how the Works went on in the Armory and amongst the Shipwrights where every one endeavour'd to out work the other hoping so much the sooner to gain their Liberty Having thus set them to work and repair'd the Walls where there were any breaches or decays leaving a sufficient Garrison he march'd back to Tarracon being met by the way by several Embassies of whom some he presently dispatcht and appointed others to attend him there where he had ordered a General Diet or Assembly to be held by the Deputies of all the Allies old and new and almost all those Nations on this side of Iberus and many of the further Spain appear'd accordingly The Carthaginian Generals industriously suppress'd the report of New Carthage's being taken but when it grew too notorious to be any longer denied or concealed they used all their Art to undervalue it and make it seem as a thing of no great moment That there was indeed one single City of Spain taken by surprize and as it were by stealth in one dayes time which small exploit had so puft up the young man that he fancied it a mighty Victory but when their three Generals and their Victorious Armies should approach him the Ghosts of his Father and his Vncle would begin to haunt him Such like Speeches they gave out amongst the people though in themselves they were sadly sensible how great a blow it was and how much their strength in all respects was decay'd by this loss of New Carthage DECADE III. BOOK VII The EPITOME 1. Cn. Fulvius the Proconsul with his Army is slain at Herdonea by Annibal 2. But Cl. Marcellus the Consul has better Fortune against the same Enemy at Numestrio and obliges Annibal to retreat by night 14 c. Marcellus pursues him and urged him still as he retired until he obliged him to another Engagement 16. Wherein at first Annibal had the better on 't but in the next Fight Marcellus worsted him 17 18. Fabius Maximus the Father being Consul recovers Tarentum by the Treachery of some in that City 20 21. Scipio sights with Asdrubal the Son of Amilcar at Betula in Spain and defeats him where amongst others having taken a Royal Youth of wondrous Beauty he sent him home to his Vncle Massanissa with several Presents 29. Claudius Marcellus and T. Quintius Crispinus the Consuls going out to take a view of the Country are surprized by Annibal with a Stratagem Marcellus being killed and Crispinus escaping by Flight 32 c This Book also contains the Actions of P. Sulpicius the Praetor against Philip and the Achaeans 38. The Censors take a solemn Survey of the City and purged it by Sacrifices where there were enrolled an hundred thirty seven thousand one hundred and eight persons By which Account it appeared how many Romans were lost by the late unfortunate Wars 41 c. Asdrubal having with a fresh Army passed the Alps to join his Brother Annibal is cut off with six and fifty thousand of his men by the Conduct of M. Livius but especially by the good Service of Claudius Nero the other Consul 45. Who being appointed to make head against Annibal left the Camp so privately as the Enemy was not aware of it and with a choice Body of Souldiers surrounded Asdrubal and so defeated
they were Masters of the Sea the Punick Fleet being sail'd to Corcyra when first King Philip attacqu'd the Aetolians In the Bruttians Country those that were besieging of Caulonia fearing upon Annibal's advance that way to be surprised retired to a little Hill safe for the present but otherwise void of all relief but Fabius at the Siege of Tarentum was by a trifling accident assisted to atchieve the taking of that Town of so great importance Annibal had posted there a Garrison of Bruttians whose Commander was fallen in love with a small Baggage that had a Brother in the Roman Army who being advertized by his Sister of the Intriegue she had with this considerable Stranger did not despair but by her means he might work him to betray the City and acquainted the Consul with his hopes who judging it not altogether vain permits him as a Deserter to fly into Tarentum and by his Sisters means being ingratiated with the Governour pump'd him first at a distance and then seeing the weakness of the man wheedled him by Female endearments to betray the place he was appointed to guard The whole contrivance being adjusted the Souldier in the night is privately sent out of the City and passes between the Guards back to the Consul acquainting him with their Agreement who thereupon in the beginning of the Night giving a Signal to those in the Castle and who had the Guard of the Haven himself in person fetching a compass about gets privately to the East-side of the City then presently does the Trumpet at once sound from the Castle and from the Port and from the Ships that lay in the open Sea and every where there was a mighty clamour and tumult where there was least of danger the Consul in the mean time keeping his men all still and quiet so that Democrates formerly Admiral who then happened to have the Guard of that Quarter finding all husht near him and such a noise in other places as if the City were already taken fearing lest whilst he lingered there the Consul should break into the Town leads his Forces towards the Castle whence proceeded the most frightful clamour Fabius having waited as long as he thought fit and by the late silence for before every Body was crying To Arms To Arms that the Guards on that side were drawn off orders his Scaling Ladders to be set up to that part of the Wall where he was informed the Bruttians kept Guard which they easily mounted the Bruttians receiving and helping them and so descended into the City broke open the next Gate that all their Party might enter and much about break of day with mighty hallowing and whooping but no opposition marched to the Market-place when those that were engaged against the Castle and at the Port began to turn and make head against them In the Court-Yard of the Forum they were somewhat opposed but rather briskly than for any continuance The Tarentines were neither in Courage nor Arms nor skill nor yet in vigour and strength of Body equal to the Romans Therefore as soon as they had discharg'd their Darts almost before they came to handy gripes they betook themselves to their heels and through By-Allies which they were well acquainted with and their Friends Houses shifted for themselves but two of their Commanders Nico and Democrates fighting stoutly were slain Philomenus who was Author of their Revolt to Annibal was seen riding full speed out of the Battel and afterwards his Horse sound alone but his Body never heard of it being commonly believ'd that he was flung off headlong into an open Well As for Carthalo the Captain of the Punick Garrison having flung down his Arms as he was coming to the General with a long story of his Fathers kindness to the Romans and his own a common Souldier meeting him knockt him o' th' head The Carthaginians and Tarentines arm'd and unarm'd were equally put to the Sword and not a few of the Bruttians too whether by mistake or on the old grudge against them as being the first that join'd with Annibal or to extinguish the report of Treachery that Tarentum might seem rather regain'd by pure valour The slaughter being pretty well over they fell to the spoil there are said to have been thirty thousand Slaves taken here a vast deal of Plate and ready money eight hundred and seven pounds weight of Gold and Statues and curious Pictures almost equal to those of Syracuse but Fabius abstain'd from that kind of Pillage with a greater Gallantry than Marcellus for when his Secretary askt him What should be done with the Statues vast Images they were of the Gods drawn in Armour Prethee sayes he let us leave the Tarentines their angry Gods The Wall that separated the City from the Castle was dismantled and thrown down In the interim Annibal having taken those upon rendition that lay before Caulonia hearing that Tarentum was invested hasten'd night and day to relieve it but on his march receiving advice of its being taken Nay then quoth he The Romans have their Annibal too and by the same Art as we took Tarentum we have lost it yet that he might not seem for fear to turn back he Encamp'd where he heard the news five miles off that City and after a short stay betook himself to Metapont whence he sent two young Gentlemen with Letters in the name of the chief people of that Town to Fabius at Tarentum offering That if he would pass by what was past they would surrender both the City and Punick Garrison into his hands To which Fabius giving Credit assigns a day when he would appear before the Town and return'd Answers to those chief Citizens which were carried to Annibal who not a little jocund that he should out-wit even Fabius himself plants his Ambuscades not far from Metapont but Fabius taking the Auspices before he march'd from Tarentum found them once and a second time not at all propitious and when he Sacrificed the Soothsayer warn'd him to have a care of some trick from the Enemy The Metapontines seeing he kept not his day sent fresh Messengers to inquire why he delay'd who being seiz'd and threatned for fear of torture discovered the whole intrigue In the beginning of this Summer P. Scipio in Spain having spent the whole Winter in gaining the hearts of the barbarous people partly by Presents and partly by releasing their Hostages and Prisoners one Edesco a famous Captain of the Spaniards came in to him His Wife and Children were in the Romans Custody but besides that there was another I know not what fatal inclination almost through all Spain that led their minds to side with the Romans against the Carthaginians which also occasion'd Indibilis and Mandonius without dispute the greatest person in Spain with all their Dependants to retire from Asdrubal and possess themselves of the Mountains lying over his Camp whence they might easily correspond with the Romans Asdrubal perceiving the Enemy to encrease
had no hopes to maintain his Army out of any other except the Bruttian Dominions which though they were all cultivated was but a very little to keep so great an Army Besides that great part of their Youth were taken from the Plow to the Wars and they had an ill custome natural to that Nation to turn Robbers whilst they were Soldiers Nor had he any thing sent from home the Carthaginians being only very solicitous to keep Spain as if all things were well enough in Italy In Spain things had partly the same success and partly different the same in that the Carthaginians being conquered in a Battel which they fought and losing their General were forced to fly into the utmost part of that Country as far as the Ocean and different because Spain was more apt not only than Italy but than any other Region of the whole World to renew a War in regard to the nature both of its Soil and Inhabitants And for this reason the first of all the Provinces which the Romans entered into upon the Continent was the last of all that was totally subdued and that but lately neither in our time under the conduct and auspicious management of Augustus Caesar Asdrubal the Son of Gisgo who was the greatest and most renowned General in that War next to the Barchines coming at that time back from Gades and being put in hopes of renewing the War by Mago Son to Amilcar made Levies in the farther Spain and armed a multitude of Men to the number of fifty Thousand Foot and four Thousand five Hundred Horse Of which latter most Authors agree though some write that there were seventy Thousand Foot brought to the City of Silpia And there the two Carthaginian Generals sate down together upon the open Plains because they would not decline fighting Scipio when he heard of such a vast Armies being raised he fearing that he should not find the Roman Legions strong enough for such a Multitude if he did not make a shew at least of some Auxiliaries from the Spaniards and yet he must not lay so much stress upon them as that by falsifying their Oaths which was the ruine of his Father and Unckle they might be able to make any great alteration in his affairs sent Silanus before to Colcas who was King of eight and twenty Towns to receive from him those Horse and Foot which he had promised that Winter to raise and going himself from Tarraco muster'd up immediately among his Allies that live upon that Road a small number till he came to Castulo The Auxiliaries brought thither by Silanus were three Thousand Foot and five Hundred Horse Thence therefore they marched on to the City Baetula with all their Army of Citizens Allies Horse and Foot whose number was forty five Thousand Mago and Massinissa set upon them as they were pitching their Camp with all their Horse and they had disturb'd them as they were fortifying themselves if a party of Horse that was planted very opportunely by Scipio behind a bank to that end had not surpriz'd and routed them For those Men even before they had well engag'd in the fight defeated all that were most forward next to the Bulwark opposing the very fortifyers though with the rest who marched under their Ensignes and in Battalia they had a longer and that a doubtful conflict But as soon as the Regiments were commanded from their Posts and their Souldiers drawn off from their Works whilst more were ordered to take up Arms and fresh Men still supplyed the room of such as were tired so that a vast body of armed Men rush'd out of the Camp into the Battel the Carthaginians and Numidians immediately turn'd their backs And at first they marched off in Troops without disordering their Ranks either through fear or hast but soon after when the Romans fell more sharply upon their Reer so that their shock was insupportable they forgot all order and ran to all places that were next at hand which way soever they could But though in that fight the Romans were a little more encouraged and the Enemy somewhat disheartened yet they did not for some days after cease to make excursions with their Horse and light-armed Men. When they had sufficiently tryed their strength by these light skirmishes Asdrubal first led his Men forth into the field and then the Romans came out But both the Armies stood before their Bulwarks in Battle Array and seeing that neither of them began the fight when it was toward Evening their Forces were led back first the Carthaginians and then the Romans into their Camps again This they did for several days the Carthaginian being the first that drew his Men out of their Camp and when they were weary with standing gave the first signal for their retreat They neither of them ran too far forward threw any Javelin at the other or were heard so much as to speak The Romans on the one side and the Carthaginians mixt with Africans on the other made the main Body of their Armies whilst the Allies fill'd up the Wings and Spaniards were on both sides in the head of each Wing Before the Punick Army there were Elephants that look'd afar off like so many little Castles Now there was this discourse in both their Camps That they would fight in the same posture that they had stood and that the main Body of Romans and Carthaginians who were the Cause of the War should engage with equal strength of courage and Arms. Which Scipio perceiving to be firmly believed chang'd all the order of his Men against that Day they were to fight giving a charge through all his Camp That the Men and their Horses should refresh themselves with meat before day and the armed Horsemen stand ready with their Horses bridled and saddled So when it was hardly yet day-light he sent all the Horse with the light-armed Souldiers into the Punick Stations and then immediately marched forth himself with the slow Body of the Legions But contrary to every Bodies expectation both Allies and Enemies having strengthened the Wings with Romans he received the Allies into the main Body Asdrubal being alarmed at the noise of the Horse as soon as he leap'd out of his Tent and saw a tumult before his Bulwark his Men in a fright the Legions Ensigns glittering at a distance and all the Plains full of the Enemy he presently sent all his Horse to meet those of the Romans he himself going out of his Camp with the Body of Foot nor changing any thing in the usual order of his array The Horse engaged very doubtfully for a long time nor could the Battel be of it self made an end of because they that were beaten as they were almost on both sides had a safe way of retreating into the Body of the Foot But when the two Armies were now come within five Hundred Paces of one another the signal was given for a Retreat and Scipio opening his Ranks to receive
in so great a consternation that they fansied Scipio would pass by Vtica and come immediately to besiege Carthage Whereupon the Suffetes who are a kind of Consuls in that place called a Senate in which they gave three several Opinions the one That it was best to send Ambassadors to Scipio for Peace the second That they ought to recal Annibal to defend his Country from that destructive War and the third which shewed even a Roman constancy in such ill circumstances was That they must recruit their Army and desire Syphax not to lay down his Arms. This last Opinion because Asdrubal was there present and all those of the Barchine Faction were more desirous of a War prevailed Thereupon a Levy began to be made both in the City and the Country and Ambassadors were sent to Syphax who himself did all he could to renew the War for his Wife had now perswaded him not as before with blandishments which yet are powerful enough to incline a Lovers mind but with her prayers and for pity begging of him with tears in her eyes that he would not betray her Father and Country or suffer Carthage to be consumed in the same flames in which the Camps had been destroyed The Carthaginian Ambassadors also brought him very seasonable good News That four thousand Celtiberians were come up to the City of Obba which his Officers had raised in Spain being all brave lusty young Fellows whom they met besides that Asdrubal would be there in a short time with a considerable Force He therefore not only gave the Ambassadors a very kind answer but shewed them like a great multitude of Numidian Hinds whom he had armed and mounted in that time affirming that he would raise all the Youth in his Kingdom That he knew they were ruined by fire not by fair fighting and that he was the weaker in War that could be vanquished by Arms. This was his Answer to the Ambassadors So after a few days Asdrubal and Syphax again united their Forces which consisted in all of about 30000 fighting Men. When Scipio therefore thought that as to Syphax and the Carthaginians he had made an end of the War and was intent only upon the taking of Vtica to the Walls whereof he then applied his Engines he was diverted by the rumor of the Wars being again renewed and thereupon leaving some small Party only for a shew of a Siege by Sea and Land he with the Body of the Army marched toward the Foe And first he sate down upon an Hill about 4000 paces from the Kings Camp from whence the next day marching down into the great Plains as they call them which lie under that Hill he spent all that day in making approaches to the Enemies Camp and attacking them with light Skirmishes but during the two days following that they made only tumultuous Excursions upon each other to and fro and did nothing worth a speaking of The fourth day they both came into the field the Roman placing the Principes their main Body behind the Hastati Spearmen and the Triarii the best Soldiers in their Army in the Reer with the Italian Horse in the right Wing and the Numidians and Masinissa in the left On the other side Syphax and Asdrubal with the Numidians were set against the Italian Horse and the Carthaginians against Masinissa so that the Celtiberians were in the middle in opposition to the Roman Legions Being thus array'd they fell to it and upon the first congress both the Wings Numidians and Carthaginians too were routed For neither could the Numidians who were for the most part Country-fellows sustain the shock of the Roman Horse nor the Carthaginians who themselves were new Soldiers endure Masinissa he being so terrible besides other reasons upon the account of the late Victory By this means the main Body of the Celtiberians was naked without the Wings on either side to cover it but stood their ground because there was neither any prospect of their being saved if they ran away in places which they were unacquainted with nor could they hope for pardon from Scipio whom though he deserved very well of them and their Country they had come into Africa with mercenary Arms to oppose Wherefore the Enemy being scattered and defeated round about fell one over another and obstinately died but when all the stress of the day was turned upon them Syphax and Asdrubal had some time to escape but then night overtook the victorious Romans who were now tired with slaughter rather than fighting The next day Scipio sent Laelius and Masinissa with all the Roman and Numidian Horse together with the most expedite part of the Foot to pursue Syphax and Asdrubal whilst he himself with the strength of the Army subdued all the Cities round about that were in subjection to the Carthaginians partly by fear partly by hope and partly by force For that reason Carthage it self was in a great fright believing that Scipio who had made use of his Arms against the people there about and subdued their Neighbours would very shortly attempt even Carthage it self They therefore repaired their Walls and fortified them with Bastions each man for himself conveying out of the Country what he thought necessary for the holding out of a Siege They seldom spoke of Peace but much more frequently of sending Ambassadors to fetch Annibal home the greatest part of them desiring that the Navy which was prepared to receive the Provisions might be sent to surprise the Fleet that lay so neglected at Vtica where it may be they might destroy the Naval Camp too it being left with so small a Guard They all inclined most to this advice but yet they thought sit that Ambassadors should be sent to Annibal too For though the Navy should have never so good success and that the Siege at Utica should be in some measure raised yet there was neither any other General besides Annibal nor any Army but his that could defend Carthage The Ships therefore were the next day launched and the Ambassadors went for Italy all things being done by the instigation of Fortune in an hurry whilst every man thought each neglect of his own to be so far a betraying of the publick safety Scipio by this time having an Army at his heels that was laden with the spoils of many Cities sent the Captives and the otheâ— Booty into the old Camp at Vtica and being intent upon Carthage seized Tunis which was forsaken by those that were set to guard it That Tunis is about 15000 paces from Carthage being a place well fortified not only with Works but by Nature too and stands so that you may see that from Carthage or Carthage from that not only the City but the Sea also that runs about it There as the Romans were in the heat of raising their Bulwark they spied the Enemies Fleet coming from Carthage to Vtica Wherefore omitting their work they ordered their Men to march and their Ensigns were posted
fifty miles off That the Consuls should set a value upon them and the quit-rent of an As upon every Acre to shew that they were the publick Lands to the end that if any one when the People was in a capacity of paying them would rather have their Money than the Land he might restore the Land to the Publick The private Men were glad of those terms and that Land was called Trientius from tres three and Tabulius from Tabula the Table in which the account was because it was given in lieu of the third part of the Money Then P. Sulpicius after he had made his vows in the Capitol going out of the City with the Lictors before him in a Generals Robe came to Brundusium where having taken the old Volunteers out of the African Army into the Legions and chosen certain Ships out of the Consul Cornelius's Fleet the next day after he set sail from Brundusium arrived in Macedonia There the Athenian Embassadors applyed themselves to him desiring That he would come and deliver them from the siege which then war laid against them Whereupon C. Claudius Gento was presently sent to Athens with twenty long Ships and a good number of Soldiers For it was not the King himself that besieged Athens he at that time was most intent upon Abydos after he had tryed his strength with the Rhodians and Attalus in two Sea-Fights in neither of which he had any good fortune But that which gave him the greater courage besides his natural audacity was the League he had made with Antiochus King of Syria and that he had shared with him in all the riches of Aegypt which when they heard of Ptolomy's Death they both look'd very eagerly after Now the Athenians had brought the VVar with Philip upon themselves upon no good ground at all retaining nothing of their ancient condition except their resolution and courage Two young Men of Acarnania in the time of the Initia Feasts dedicated to Ceres who were not initiated went in with the crowd into Ceres Temple not knowing any thing at all of the Religious usage in that case Wherefore their speech soon betrayed them by their asking several absurd questions and thereupon being carried before the Priests of the Temple before whom it was plainly proved that they came thither by mistake they were put to Death as for an hainous Offence Which barbarous and hostile Act the Acarnanians told Philip of and obtained of him that he would assist them with Macedonian Auxiliaries to make VVar upon the Athenians And that Army having first of all laid wast the Attick Territories with Fire and Sword returned into Acarnania with all sorts of Plunder That was the first provocation they received but after that they by publick Decrees of their City declared a just War For King Attalus and the Rhodians who followed Philip as he retired into Macedonia when they came to Aegina the King i. e. Attalus crossed over the Piraeeus the chief Port of Athens to renew and confirm his alliance with the Athenians VVhereupon all the City running out to meet him with their VVives and Children and the Priests with their Robes and Ensigns yea even the very Gods themselves almost walked forth to receive him as he came into the City Immediately the People were summoned to an Assembly that the King might say what he pleased before them but afterward They thought it more for his honour that he should write to them what he thought fit rather than either when present blush at the relation of what good things he had done for the City or at the shouts and exclamations of the multitude who would by their immoderate praises put his modesty out of countenance Now in the Letters that he sent into the Assembly there was first A commendation of his kindnesses shown to that City which was his Ally Secondly Of the Actions he had performed against King Philip and lastly an Exhortation to take up Arms as long as they had himself the Rhodians and at that time the Romans on their sides That they hereafter would seek such an occasion if they now let that slip when it was too late Then the Rhodian Embassadors had Audience who had done them a very fresh piece of service in that they had sent back four long Ships belonging to the Athenians that the Macedonians had lately taken and they retaken Wherefore by general consent a War was decreed against Philip and immoderate honours paid to Attalus first and then to the Rhodians And then was the first mention made of the Tribe which they called Attalis being to be added to the ten old ones The Rhodians on the other hand had a Crown of gold presented to them upon the score of their valour and were made free of the City as they had formerly made the Athenians After these things King Attalus went to the Navy at Aegina whilst the Rhodians sailed from thence to Cia and so along through the Isles to Rhodes making an Alliance with them all by the way except Andrus Parus and Cythnus which were in the possession of the Macedonians Certain Messengers that he sent into Aetolia and Embassadors that he expected from thence kept Attalus for some time at Aegina without doing any thing at all in which time as he could not get them to fight because they desired a Peace with Philip upon any terms whatsoever so on the contrary had he and the Rhodians made a brisk attack upon Philip they might have had the glory of having themselves delivered Greece And then again by suffering him to go over into Hellespont and taking possession of the most convenient places in all Greece to re-inforce himself they cherish'd the War and gave the glory of waging and ending of it wholly to the Romans Philip behaved himself more like a King who though not able to endure the shock of Attalus and the Rhodians was not for all that affrighted at the Roman War which was then at hand but sending Philocles one of his Prefects with two thousand Foot and two hundred Horse to ravage the Country of the Athenians and committing the Fleet to Heraclides to go to Maronea withal went himself by Land the same way with two thousand Foot and two hundred Horse of his most expedite Souldiers And indeed he took Maronea upon the first Assault Thence he marched to Aenus which he attempted at first with great difficulty but at last took by the treachery of one Ganymede Ptolomies Prefect After which he got possession of several Castles Cypsela Doriscon and Serrheum From whence going to Chersonesus he took Eleus and Alopeconesus by Surrender Callipolis also and Madytos were surrender'd with other Castles of less note But the Abydenes besides that they did not admit his Embassadors shut their Gates against the King And his attempt upon those people gave Philip a long diversion nor had their Town been taken if Attalus and the Rhodians had made any hast For Attalus sent only
three hundred Souldiers to their relief and the Rhodians but one Gally of four Banks on a side out of his Fleet that lay at Tenedus Yea afterward when they could hardly hold out the Siege and Attalus himself came that way he only made a show of aid at some small distance assisting his Allies neither by Sea nor Land The Abydenes at first planting their Engines of War upon the Walls did not only beat them off that came to assault them by Land but made the station where their Ships also lay uneasy to the Foe After which when part of their Wall was broken down and the Enemy had now Mined under it all on a sudden as far as the opposite Wall they sent Embassadors to the Kings for terms of Surrender Whereupon they agreed That the Rhodian Gally with its Naval Allies and King Attalus ' s men should freely pass away and they themselves would march out of their City with each of them one Garment apiece To whom seeing Philip would not afford any hopes of Peace unless they would grant all that he desired the Answer sent by that Ambassy through indignation and despair so far enraged them that they growing as mad as the Saguntines caused all their Matrons to be shut up in the Temple of Diana and their Freeborn Boyes and Girls and Infants with their Nurses in a Gymnasium or place of Exercise their Gold and Silver to be carried into the Market-place their precious attire to be thrown into two Ships the one a Rhodian and the other a Cyzicene that were in their Harbour the Priests and their Victims to be brought thither and Altars set in the midst of it And there they first chose out such persons who when they saw their Army all slain as they fought before the ruinated Wall should kill their Wives and Children throw all the Gold and Silver and the Garments that were in the Ships into the Sea and set fire in as many places as they could to the Buildings both private and publick To which they were obliged by an Oath which the Priests repeated in an Execrable Form before them and all that were able to bear Arms were sworn not a man of them to stir from the place till they had got the Victory They therefore out of reverence to the Gods fought so pertinaciously that when the night was ready to part them the King affrighted at their resolution retreated first The Nobility who underwent the greatest part of the Fatigue seeing some few though very much wounded and tired yet alive sent the Priests in their Sacred Robes at break of day to Philip to surrender the City But before the Surrender was made M. Aemilius though the youngest of those Roman Embassadors that were sent to Alexandria came by consent of the other three when they heard that Abydos was Besieged to Philip complaining that he made an offensive War upon Attalus and the Rhodians besides that even at that time he attempted Abydos To which the King making Answer That he was set upon by Attalus and the Rhodians without any provocation Aemylius reply'd What and did the Abydenes too set upon you without provocation At which the King being not used to hear truth thought his Language too pert to be used before a King and told him Your Age Beauty and above your name as a Roman makes you too sawcy I would have you first remember their Leagues and keep the Peace you made with me For if you provoke me to it I am resolv'd you shall find that the Kingdom and name of the Macedonians may be as Renowned in War as that of the Romans Then dismissing the Embassador Philip took all the Gold and Silver that was there heaped up together but lost the Booty of the men For the multitude were so enraged that on a sudden thinking them betrayed who died in the fight and upbraiding each other with perjury especially the Priests who had made a Surrender to the Enemy of those very men alive that they had devoted to Death ran all forthwith and kill'd their Wives and Children together with themselves by all wayes of Death that were The King amazed at their Fury restrained the violence of his Souldiers and declar'd he would give the Abydenes three dayes time to die in in which space the conquered committed more outrages upon themselves than the insulting Conquerours before had done Nor was there any one of them taken Prisoner unless he were hindered from destroying himself either by being in Bonds or some other necessity Philip having put a Guard into Abydus returned into his Kingdom But even now when the destruction of the Abydenes as that of Saguntum did Annibal had animated Philip for the Roman War the news met him That the Consul was already come into Epirus having put all his Land Forces into Apollonia and all his Naval Forces into Corcyca for Winter Quarters In the mean while the Embassadors that were sent into Africa concerning Amilcar General of the Gallick Army had this Answer from the Carthaginians That they could do no more than banish him and confiscate his Estate That they had sent back all the Renegadoes and Fugitives which they could find out and that about that matter they would send Embassadors to Rome to satisfie the Senate And that they sent two hundred thousand Bushels of Wheat to Rome and as many to the Army in Macedonia From thence the Embassadors went into Numidia to the Kings giving the Presents to Massinissa and telling him what they had to say Thereupon he would have given them two thousand Horse but they accepted of only one thousand which he himself took care to have Shipped off and sent them with two hundred thousand Bushels of Wheat and as many of Barley into Macedonia The third part of their Embassy was to Vermina who going to the very Frontiers of his Kingdom to meet the Embassadors he let them write down what terms of Peace they pleased For he said That any kind of Peace between him and the Roman people would be good and just They therefore gave him terms of Peace for a confirmation whereof they bad him send Embassadors to Rome At the same time L. Cornelius Lentulus the Pro-Consul returned out of Spain who having told the Senate what things he had perform'd with courage and success for many years together and desired to enter into the City in Triumph The Senate lookt upon what he had done to deserve a Triumph but they had no precedent for it that any one who was not either a Dictator a Consul or a Praetor when he performed such and such exploits had ever triumph'd Now he was Pro Consul of Spain and not Consul or Praetor Yet they condescended so far that he make his Entry into the City Ovant though T. Sempronius Longus Tribune of the People was against it saying that that was equally as much against the Custom of their Ancestors and all Precedents But at last overcome by the
Italy and Macedonia between them L. Oppius and Q Fulvius Tribunes of the people obstructed it for that Macedonia was a Province that lay a great way off nor had any thing to that day been a greater obstacle to the War than that the former Consul was recalled before he had well begun his business in the very moment when he strove to carry on the War That it was now four years since the War with Macedonia was resolv'd upon That in seeking out the King and his Army Sulpicius had spent the greatest part of that year That Villius even when he was going to engage the Enemy was recall'd without doing what he design'd That Quintius was kept at Rome the better part of his year upon the score of Religion yet that he ordered his affairs so well that if he had either come sooner into that Province or the Winter had been a little later he might have made an end of the War Nay even now though he were ready to go into his Winter Quarters he was making such provisions people said for the War that unless a Successor disturb'd him he would in all probability perfect it the next Summer By these kind of Speeches they so far prevailed that the Consuls said they would submit to the pleasure of the Senate if the Tribunes would do the same Wherefore seeing both sides gave way to a free debate the Senate decreed that the Consuls should both have Italy for their Province and continued T. Quintius in Commission till a Successor should come The Consuls had two Legions assign'd to them being order'd also to make War against the Cisalpine Gauls who had revolted from the Roman People Quintius had a supply granted to be sent into Macedonia of five thousand Foot three hundred Horse and of Naval Allies three thousand of all which L. Quintius Flaminius he that was Admiral of the Fleet was made Commander The Praetors had eight thousand Allies and Latines assign'd them to go for Spain and four hundred Horse that they might dismiss the old Souldiers which were there with a Command that they should settle the bounds of the farther and the hither Province whilst P. Sulpicius and P. Villius who had been Consuls in that Province were sent as supernumerary Lieutenants into Macedonia But before the Consuls and Praetors went into their Provinces they thought sit to take some care about the Prodigies that then happen'd For the Temple of Vulcan and Pluto at Rome as the Wall and the Gate of Fregellae were fired by Lightning it grew light of a sudden at Frusino in the night time there was a Lamb at Asculum with two Heads and five Feet at Formiae two Wolves came into the Town and tore some people that they met to pieces and at Rome there was a Wolf that came in not only to the City but even the very Capitol it self At that time C. Aciliuâ— Tribune of the People proposed That five Colonies might be sent to the Sea-Coast two to the mouths of the Rivers Vulturnus and Liternus one to Puteoli and one to the Castle or Garrison of Salernum to which they likewise added Buxentum Thirty Families were ordered to be sent in each Colony and three persons chosen to carry them thither that should continue in that Office three years together whose names were M. Servilius Geminus Q Minucius Thermus and T. Sempronius Longus Then both the Consuls having made an end of the Levy and other Affairs divine and humane which they had to do went into Gaul Cornelius straight toward the Insubrians who were then in Arms and assisted by the Caenomanes but Q. Minucius to the left side of Italy toward the lower Sea where drawing his Army away to Genua he began the War in Liguria The Towns of Clastidium and Litubium which both belonged to the Ligurians with two Cities of the same Nation called Celela and Cerdicia surrendered themselves And now all places on this side the Po except the Boii belonging to the Gauls and the Ivates belonging to the Ligurians were under his Command of whom they said that fifteen Towns and twenty thousand Souls surrendred themselves From thence he led his Legions into the Territories of the Boii whose Forces were not long before gone over the Po where they had joyned the Insubrians and the Caenomanes for they had heard that the Consuls resolved to unite their Legions and therefore they also were willing to strengthen their Army by putting themselves and their Allies into one Body But when they happened to be told that one of the Consuls was burning the Country of the Boii they were streight all in a tumult For the Boii desired that they would all come in to their assistance and the Insubrians said they would not forsake their own Country By which means their Armies were divided and whilst the Boii went home to defend their own Dominions the Insubrians with the Cenomanes sate down together upon the Banks of the River Mincius Below that place five Thousand Paces did the Consul Cornelius likewise encamp upon the same River From whence sending spies into all the Villages of the Caenomanes and to Brixia which was the chief City of that Nation when he found that the young men had taken up Arms without the consent of the Seniors and that the Caenomans had not sided with the Rebels by publick allowance of all the Insubrians he procured a Conference with the head men among them in which he began to discourse and did all he could to make the Caenomans revolt from the Insubrians so as that they should either take up their Ensigns and return home or come over to the Romans But though that would not be granted yet this they promised the Consul that they would either stand Neuters in the Field or more than that if there were occasion would assist the Romans The Insubrians knew nothing of this Agreement and yet they had some suspition that their Allies would prove false to them For which reason when they had led their men out into the Field they durst not commit either of the Wings to the Caenomans lest if through treachery they should have given back they might turn the whole Fortune of the day and therefore placed them behind the Ensigns in the Reer The Consul in the beginning of the Battle vowed to build a Temple to Juno Sospita Juno the Preserver of c. upon condition that their Enemies were that day routed and put to flight Whereupon the Souldiers gave a shout saying they would make the Consul perform his Vow and with that ran in upon the Foe The Insubrians were not able to bear the first assault for some Authors say that the Caenomans also who in the midst of the fight on a sudden set upon their Reer put them into a double fright both before and behind and that there were slain in the middle between both Armies thirty five thousand men five thousand seven hundred taken Prisoners among whom was Amilcar General of
Son-in-Law commit at Argus almost before my Face and what an one didst thou thy self commit when I was now almost in the Territories of the Lacedemonians Come come give order that those persons whom you laid hold on in the publick Assembly and in the hearing of all their Fellow Citizens declar'd you would keep in Prison be brought forth with their Bonds about them that their wretched Parents may see that they who have been so mistakenly by them lamented are still alive But though these things are so as I say yet you 'll reply what 's that to you Romans And will you say so to the deliverers of Greece to them who to put themselves in a capacity of freeing it cross the Seas waging War both by Land and Water Yet I say you have not properly injur'd you nor violated your Friendship How often will you have me prove that you have done it But I shall not use many words I 'll tell you in short What is it then that violates Friendship Why they are chiefly these two things if you take my Allies for your Enemies or join with my Enemies against me Now both these things you have been guilty of For you not only took Messene which was Allied to us by the same League as Lacedemon was though your self our Ally by force and Arms but you likewise contracted with Philip our Enemy not only a Friendship but an affinity forsooth by means of Philocles his Prefect besides that you waged War against us and infested all the Sea about Malea with Piratical Ships taking and killing full as many Romans as Philip ever did insomuch that the Coast of Macedonia was more secure for our Ships that were to bring in provisions for our Armies than the Promontory of Malea Wherefore forbear I pray to brag of your fidelity and right to an Alliance with us and leaving off your popular way of haranguing speak like a Tyrant and an Enemy Hereupon Aristaenus one while advised and another while beg'd of Nabis that whilst he might whilst he had an opportunity he would consult his own good and then he began to repeat the names of the Tyrants in each particular neighbouring City who having laid down their command and restored their liberty to their Countrymen had lived not only to a secure but even an honourable old age among their Fellow-Citizens Whilst these things were said and heard on both sides night approached and ended the Conference But the next day Nabis said that since the Romans would needs have it so he would quit Argus and draw his Garison out of it restoring the Captives and the Fugitives to them again But if they had any thing else to demand he desired that they would give it him in writing that he might deliberate about it with his Friends So not only the Tyrant had time given him to advise in but Quintius also held a Council consisting of his chief Allies In which the greatest part were of opinion They ought to go on with the War and take off the Tyrant for the liberty of Greece would never be otherwise secure That it had been much better for them no War had ever been raised against him than that it should be let fall when it was once set on foot That he would not only as it were by their approbation be after that more firmly setled in his Throne when the people of Rome should seem to consent to his unjust Dominion but likewise by his Example would incite many more in other Cities to ensnare the liberty of their Fellow-Citizens The Generals own inclinations were most toward Peace For he saw now the Enemy was forced into his Walls there was nothing remaining but a Siege and that would be tedious For they were not to attack Gythium which notwithstanding was surrendered though they could not take it but they were to besiege Lacedemon a City that was very strong both in men and Arms. That the only hope they had left was the possibility of creating some dissension or Sedition among the Besieged as they made their approaches but when they saw the Ensigns almost at their very Gates never a man of them stirred To which he added that the Peace they had with Antiochus also stood upon a very false bottom for Villius the Lieutenant who came from thence brought word that he was come over into Europe with much greater Forces than before both by Sea and Land Now therefore if the Siege of Lacedemon should detain his Army there what other Forces should they have to wage a War against so mighty and so puissant a King This he spake aloud but was privately in himself afraid lest a new Consul should happen to have Greece for his Province and by that means his Successor have the honour of ending the War which he had begun But seeing that by all his opposition he could not move the Allies to the least complyance he by pretending to come over to their opinion made them all of his own side Well said he let us Besiege Lacedemon then since you will have it so But since the attacking of Cities is as you your selves know a thing so tedious and make the Besiegers oftentimes sooner weary than the Besieged you must now resolve upon wintering about the Walls of that City In which affair if there were only labour and danger to be undergone I would exhort you to prepare your minds and bodies for the enduring of it But now we want a great summ of money too to make the Works the Engines and Warlike Instruments wherewith such a great City is usually attack'd and for procuring of Provisions both for us and you against the Winter Wherefore lest you should either on a sudden be dishearten'd or quit the thing when 't is once begun before you have made an end of it I think you ought first to write to your several Cities and see what condition they are in as to courage and strength for the carrying of it on I have Auxiliaries enough and to spare but the more we are the more necessaries we shall want The Enemies Country at this time hath nothing in it but the bare ground besides that the Winter draws on in which 't is difficult to carry things together from places very distant This Speech of his made them all first to consider their several domestick misfortunes the sloth and envy of those that staid at home against such as went into the Wars their liberty of Speech and Judgment which made it so hard for them all to consent the publick wants and their slackness to contribute out of their own Estates Wherefore they immediately alter'd their minds and let the General do what he thought best for the Common-wealth of Rome and the advantage of his Allies Thereupon Quintius with the advice of the Lieutenants only and the Tribunes of the Souldiers wrote down these conditions upon which he would have a Peace concluded with the Tyrant That there should be a Truce
There was also three Thousand seven Hundred and fourteen Pound of Gold and one shield all of Gold of Philips Coin much like our Jacobuses fourteen Thousand five Hundred and fourteen The third Day the golden Crowns which were the presents of the several Cities were carried forth being a Hundred and fourteen in number There were Sacrifices likewise led along and before his Chariot a great many Noble Captives as well as Hostages among whom was Demetrius King Philips Son and Armenes the Tyrant Nabis's Son of Lacedaemon After all which Quintius himself rode into the City whose Chariot was attended by a great Body of Soldiers the Armies being drawn out of all the Provinces Among them were divided five Hundred brass Pieces to the Foot as much again to each Centurion and treble to an Horseman They also that followed with their Heads shaven as being freed from slavery added an Ornament to this Triumph At the end of this Year Q. Aelius Tubero Tribune of the People by order of the Senate proposed to the Commons and they consented That two Latine Colonies should be carryed the one into the Country of the Bruttii and the other into the Thurine Territories For the conveying whereof there were twice three Persons chosen who were to govern the Bruttii for three Years Q. Nevius M. Minutius Rufus and M. Furius Crassipes and for the Thurine Territories A. Manlius P. Aelius and L. Apustius Those two Assemblies Cn. Domitius the City Praetor held in the Capitol There were some Temples that Year dedicated one to Juno Sospita in the Herb-Market which had been vowed and built four Years before by C. Cornelius Consul in the Gallick War and was dedicated by the same Person being now Censor and another to Faunus which the Aediles had two Years before ordered to be built out of the Fine Money their names being C. Scribonius and Cn. Domitius by whom as Praetor of the City it was dedicated Q. Marcius Ralla also dedicated a Temple to Fortuna Primigenia on the Hill called Collis Quirinalis being created Duumvir for that purpose P. Sempronius Sophus had vow'd it ten Years before in the time of the Punick War and built it when he was Censor C. Servilius also the Duumvir dedicated a Temple in the Isle of Jupiter which had been vowed six Years before in the time of the Gallick War by L. Furius Purpureo the Praetor and was afterward ordered to be built by him when he was Consul And these were the transactions of that Year P. Scipio returned out of his Province of Gaul to make new Consuls and in the Assembly for that purpose there were chosen L. Cornelius Merula and Q. Minutius Thermus The next day there were created for Praetors L. Cornelius Scipio M. Fulvius Nobilior C. Scribonius M. Valerius Messala L. Porcius Licinus and C. Flaminius C. Atilius Serranus and L. Scribonius Libo being the Curule Aediies were the first that ever set forth the Megalesia Stage-Playes in honour of Cybele And these were the first Aediles in whose time the Senate sate and saw the Roman Plays in a distinct place from the People which gave occasion as all novelties do for some to say that they had now at length paid the respect to that most noble order which long before was due to them though others thought it was a diminution to the dignity of the people whatever was added to the majesty of the Senate and that all such distinctions between the several orders of men tended to the lessening and impairing of their concord and liberty both That they had seen the Plays promiscuously for five hundred fifty eight years What then was the reason all on a sudden that the Senators would not have the commons mixt among them in the Boxes Why should a rich man disdain to have a poor man sit by him Which was a new and a proud humour never thought on or set up by the Senate of any Nation ever before But at last they say that even Africanus himself repented for having been the Author of that discrimination so far the best way it is not to alter old Customs men being more inclined to adhere to their old fashions unless where experience evidently corrects them In the beginning of that year when L. Cornelius and Q. Minucius were Consuls they heard of so many Earthquakes that the people were not only troubled at the thing it self but also at the holy days that were appointed upon that account For neither could any Senate be held nor the Common-wealth lookt after the Consuls being wholy taken up in Sacrificing and making expiations At last the Decemviri being commanded to consult their Books there was according to their answer a supplication made for three dayes together during which time they paid their devotions at every Temple with Garlands on their Heads and it was order'd that all of the same Family should make their supplications together The Consuls also by authority from the Senate made an Edict that no man should bring news of any other Earthquake the same day that a former had been told of and Holy-Dayes appointed for it After this the Consuls first and then the Praetors shar'd the Provinces Cornelius had Gaul and Minucius Liguria C. Scribonius the City jurisdiction M. Valerius the Foreign L. Cornelius Sicily L. Porcius Sardinia C. Flaminius the hither Spain and M. Fulvius the farther Now though the Consuls expected no War that Year yet they had Letters from M. Cincius who was Governour of Pisa that twenty thousand arm'd Ligurians who had enter'd into a Conspiracy through all the Burroughs of the whole Nation having first pillaged the Territories of Luna and from thence gone over into the Pisan Dominions had over-ran all the Sea-Coast Wherefore Minucius the Consul whose Province was Liguria by consent of the Senate went up into the Rostra the place for Orations and gave order that the two City Legions which had been raised the year before should be within eleven dayes at Aretium and said that he would raise two more City Legions in their stead He also commanded the Allies and Magistrates that were Latines together with the Embassadours of such as ought to find Souldiers to come to him in the Capitol Out of whom he set down fifteen thousand and five hundred Horse according to the number of their several young men bidding them go from the Capitol to the Gate and so to hasten the business away forthwith to make the Levy There were allow'd as a supply to Fulvius and Flaminius three thousand Roman Foot and a hundred Horse besides five hundred Latine Foot and two hundred Horse the Praetors being order'd to disband the old Souldiers as soon as they came into their Provinces Now whereas the Souldiers that were in the City Legions had gone to the Tribunes of the people in great numbers to desire that they would hear those men speak for themselves who by reason of their age or sickness were excused from the War a Letter from
done were all at first in a fright but when they saw the Army of the Aetolians marching off they ran together to the Tyrants Body which was left upon the place so that the crowd of Spectators was made up of such as had been the keepers of his Life and would be the revengers of his Death Nor would any one have stirred if they had presently laid down their Arms and call'd the Multitude to an Assembly where a speech had been made suitable to the occasion and a good quantity of Aetolians kept still in Arms without doing any body any hurt But as they needs must in a design begun by fraud they did all things to hasten the destruction of them that were actors in it The General shut up in the Palace spent day and night in searching for the Tyrants Treasure whilst the Aetolians as though they had taken that City which they would fain seem to have freed imployed their time in plundering Whereupon not only the indignity of the thing but the contempt also animated the Lacedemonians to assemble Some said They ought to turn out the Aetolians and resume their liberty which though it seemed to be restored was only intercepted and others that to the end they might have some head to undertake the affair they ought to choose some one of the Royal Family for a show at least Now there was a young Laconian Lad of that Race who had been bred up with the Tyrants Children Him therefore they set upon an Horse and taking up Arms kill'd the Aetolians that were stragling about the City Then they went into the Palace where they slew Alexamenus who with some few others made resistance The Aetolians who were assembled about Chalcioecos a Brazen Temple dedicated to Minerva were kill'd though some few throwing down their Arms fled part to Tegea and part to Megalopolis where being apprehended by the Magistrates they were sold for slaves Philopoemen having heard of the Tyrants Death went to Lacedaemon where finding all things disordered with fear he call'd forth the Nobility and in a speech such as Alexamenus should have made united the Lacedemonians in an alliance with the Achaeans and that so much the more easily for that at the same time as it happened A. Atilius came to Gythium with twenty four five-bank'd Gallies At the same time Thoas met with far different success about Chalcis in what he attempted by means of Euthymidas a Nobleman that was banish'd through the instigation of them that were of the Roman Party after the arrival of T. Quintius and the Embassadors and Herodorus a Cian Merchant who was very powerful at Chalcis upon the score of his riches though he prepared all those for the design that were of Euthymidas's Faction from that by which Demetrias was seiz'd by means of Eurylochus Euthymidas came from Athens for there he had lived first to Thebes and then to Salganea Herodorus to Thromium not far from which place in the Malian Bay he had two Thousand Foot and Thoas two Hundred Horse with thirty small Merchant Ships which together with six Hundred Foot Herodorus was ordered to carry over into the Island of Atalanta that from thence when he perceived that the Foot Forces were come near to Aulis and Euripus he might cross over to Chalcis But he himself led the rest of the Forces most part of the way in the night time with what speed he could to Chalcis Michio and Xenoclides who were then the chief Magistrates at Chalcis since Euthymidas was expelled whether they of themselves suspected any thing or were told of the business at first being affrighted reposed no hopes in any thing but flying for it But some time after when their fear was allayed and they saw that not only their Country but the Roman Alliance also was betrayed and deserted took this course There was by chance at that time an yearly sacrifice performed at Eretria in honour of Diana Amarynthis which is celebrated not only by a company of that Countrymen but the Carystians likewise Thither therefore did they send certain persons to desire the Eretrians and Carystians That they would pity their condition as being born in the same Island and have respect to the Romans alliance so as not to fuffer Chalcis to be subjected to the Aetolians That they would have Euboea if once they got Chalcis That the Macedonians had been grievous Masters but the Aetolians would be much less tolerable Their respect to the Romans prevailed most upon the several Cities who had experienced not only their Valour in War but their justice and goodness in Victory too Wherefore what stout young Men they had each City arm'd and sent to whom when the Townsmen of Chalcis had committed the defence of their Walls they themselves with all their Forces went over the Euripus and encamped at Salganea From thence they sent first an Herald and then Embassadors to the Aetolians to ask them For what word or action of theirs that Nation who were their Friends and Allies came to oppose them To which Thoas General of the Aetolians reply'd They came not to oppose but to deliver them from the Romans That now indeed they were bound with a more splendid but a much heavier chain than when they had a Garrison of Macedonians in their Castle To which the Calcideses made answer That they neither were slaves to any man nor did they need any Bodies assistance Thereupon the Embassadors departed from the Conference back to their Camp Thoas and the Aetolians whose hopes consisted in the prospect of surprizing them being not able by any means to engage them in a set Battle or to take a City so well fortified both by Sea and Land return'd home Euthymidas when he heard that the Camp of his Countrymen was at Salganea and that the Aetolians were gone went back himself also from Thebes to Athens And Herodorus after he had waited several dayes with all diligence for the signal to no purpose sent a Scoutship to know the reason of their delay by which when he was inform'd that the Allies had deserted the Enterprize he return'd to Thronium from whence he came Quintius also when he heard this coming from Corinth by Sea met King Eumenes in the streight call'd Euripus near to Chalcis where he order'd that King Eumenes should leave five hundred Souldiers for a Garison at Chalcis and that he himself should go to Athens Quintius went to Demetrias whither he design'd supposing that the delivery of Chalcis would be of some consequence with the Magnetes toward their renewing an Alliance with the Romans And that the men of his party might have some kind of a Guard he wrote to Eunomus the Praetor of the Thessalians to arm all the youth sending Villius before to Demetrias to try their inclinations and resolving not to go about the business unless some part of them were disposed to enter into their former Alliance Villius arrived at the mouth of the Port with a Ship
hand the Ships were haled into a Dock and a Trench with a Bulwark made about them At the end of this Year there was an Assembly held at Rome in which there were created for Consuls L. Cornelius Scipio and C. Laelius all People being intent â—pon making an end of the War with Antiochus The next Day the Praetors were created M. Tuccius L. Aurunculeius Cn. Fulvius L. Aemilius P. Junius and C. Atinius Labeo DECADE IV. BOOK VII The EPITOME 1. Lucius Cornelius Scipio the Consul with his Lieutenant P. Scipio Africanus who said he would be his Brothers Lieutenant if he happen'd to have Greece and Asia for his Province when that Province 't was thought would be given to C. Laelius a powerful Man in the Senate going to wage War against Antiochus was the first Roman General that ever cross'd the Seas into Asia 29 30. Aemilius Regillus fought with good success against the Royal Navy of Antiochus at Myonnesus assisted by the Rhodians 37. The Son of Africanus being taken by Antiochus was sent back to his Father 46. Manius Acilius Glabrio triumph'd over Antiochus whom he had beaten out of Greece and over the Aetolians 45. Afterward when Antiochus was conquered by L. Cornelius Scipio assisted by King Eumenes Son to Attalus of Pergamus he had a Peace granted him upon condition that he would quit all the Provinces on this side the Mountain Taurus 56. Eumenes by whose assistance Antiochus was defeated had his Kingdom enlarged 56. The Rhodians also who had likewise lent their aid had certain Cities given them 57. There was a Colony carried to Bononia 58. Aemilius Regillus who had overcome the Kings Sea Commanders in a Naval Fight led a Naval Triumph 58. L. Cornelius Scipio who made an end of the War with Antiochus was equaliz'd to his Brother in a sirname being stiled Asiaticus NOW that L. Cornelius Scipio and C. Laelius were Consuls there was no matter save what concern'd Religion debated in the Senate before not only the Aetolian Embassadors were themselves urgent touching their Nation for that they had so short a Day of Truce but were assisted also by T. Quintius who was then returned out of Greece to Rome The Aetolians relying more upon the Senates mercy than on the merits of their own Cause behaved themselves with all humility setting their old good deeds against their new misdemeanours Yet not only when present were they tired with the Interrogatories made by the Senators round the House who endeavoured to get out of them rather a confession of their guilt than any other answers to their demands but being likewise commanded to depart the Court caus'd a great contention in the Senate In their Cause anger was more prevalent than mercy for the Senate was not angry with them as Enemies only but as a savage and an unsociable Nation When therefore they had wrangled for several Days at last they resolv'd neither to give them nor deny them a Peace only there were two Conditions proposed to them to wit That either they should leave it wholly to the Senate to do what they pleas'd with them or give them a thousand Talents and take all the same Nations as the Romans did for their Friends and Enemies Whereupon when they desired to know What things they should leave to the Senates Arbitrement they received no certain answer So being dismiss'd without concluding of a Peace they were commanded to depart the City that same Day and to be gone out of Italy within fifteen Days after Then they began to treat about the Provinces of the Consuls who both desired Greece Now Laelius was a Man of great Authority in the Senate who when the Senate had order'd the Consuls either to cast Lots for it or to agree between themselves concerning their Provinces said It would be more gentile in them to leave the matter to the judgment of the Senate than to chance To which Scipio made Answer that he would consider what to do but having talk'd about it with no Body but his Brother was bid by him to leave it boldly to the Senate so that he came back and told his Collegue that he would do what he thought fit Now this business either for the novelty of it or the antiquity of Examples which in that kind were all now quite forgotten had by the expectation of a fierce debate raised the Senates intention P. Scipio Africanus said that if they would decree Greece to be his Brother Lucius Scipio 's Province he 'd go his Lieutenant thither That word was heard with great assent and decided the controversy they having a mind to try whether King Antiochus could find more assistance from Annibal who was conquer'd or the Consul and the Roman Legions from Africanus who was the Conquerour wherefore almost all of them voted that Scipio should have Greece and Laelius Italy Then the Praetors chose their Provinces L. Aurunculeius that of the City Cn. Fulvius the Foreign Jurisdiction L. Aemilius Regillus the Navy P. Junius Brutus the Tuscans M. Tuccius Appulia and the Bruttii and C. Atinius Sicily Afterward to that Consul who was to have Greece for his Province besides that Army which he was to receive from Manius Acilius consisting of two Legions was given by way of supplement three thousand Roman Foot a hundred Horse five thousand Latine Foot and two hundred Horse to which it was farther added that when he came into the Province if he thought it for the interest of the Common-wealth he should carry his Army over into Asia To the other Consul there was assign'd a perfect new Army of two Roman Legions with fifteen thousand Foot and six hundred Horse of the Latine Allies Quintius Minucius was order'd since he had written that that Province was now absolutely reduced all the Ligurians having surrender'd themselves to bring the Army out of Liguria into the Boian Territories and deliver them to P. Cornelius the Pro-Consul The City Legions which had been raised the year before being brought out of that part of the Country in which the year before he had mulcted the Boii whom he conquer'd were deliver'd to M. Tuccius the Praetor with fifteen thousand Foot and six hundred Horse out of their Latine Allies for the defence of Apulia and the Bruttii A. Cornelius who the year before was Praetor and had been with an Army in the Bruttian Territories was order'd if the Consul thought fit to carry the Legions over into Aetolia and deliver them to Manius Acilius if he would stay there But if Acilius would rather return to Rome that A. Cornelius should remain in Aetolia with that Army They farther order'd that C. Atinius Labeo should receive the Province of Sicily and his Army from M. Aemilius and raise out of that very Province if he pleas'd as a Supplement two thousand Foot and a hundred Horse P. Junius Brutus was to raise a new Army for Tuscany consisting of one Roman Legion ten thousand Latine Foot and four hundred Horse and L.
time heard by all the Gods caused him to be barbarous even to his own blood For Perseus seeing that his Brother Demetrius grew every day into greater favour and esteem with the Macedonian Commonalty and gain'd more love still of the Romans supposed himself to have no hopes of the Kingdom but what depended upon wickedness and therefore set all his thoughts upon that only But because he saw that he was not able of himself to compass even so much as that which in his effeminate mind he had design'd he made it his business to try by cross questions how every one of his Fathers Friends stood affected to it Some whereof at first pretended to scorn any such thing because they had most hopes of Demetrius But soon after seeing that Philips hatred to the Romans encreased which Perseus indulged but Demetrius did all he could to oppose they foreseeing what would be the end of an Youth who was so unwary to frustrate his Brothers base design supposed it the best way to promote what he was carrying on and to cherish the hopes of the stronger which made them join themselves to Perseus As to other things they left them to be done each in its due time but at the present they agreed to enflame the King by all means against the Romans and to put him upon the thoughts of a War to which he was already inclined And at the same time to make Demetrius every day more suspected they designedly forced Discourses in contempt of the Romans In which when some of them exploded their manners and customs others their atchievements and others the form of their very City which was not yet adorn'd either with private or publick works and others all their great men in particular the young man being unwary and out of love to the Roman name as well as in opposition to his Brother by defending all these things made himself suspected by his Father and more obnoxious to accusations Wherefore his Father kept him altogether ignorant of what his designs were upon the Romans having set his affections wholly upon Perseus with whom he consulted about that affair both day and night By this time those persons were come back again that he had sent into the Basternian Dominions for aid and brought thence certain noble young men some of which were of the Royal Family and one of them promised Philips Son his Sister in Marriage by which Alliance of their Families the King was much enlivened Then Perseus said What good do these things do us There is not near so much security in foreign aids as there is danger from treachery at home I will not say we have a Traitor but I 'm sure we have a Spy in our very bosome whose body indeed since he was an hostage at Rome the Romans have restored to us but keep his Soul themselves The Eyes of almost all the Macedonians are fixed upon him and they say they 'll have no other King but whom the Romans have given them The old Mans mind which was in it self much disturb'd was yet by these words put into a greater Commotion and he received those accusations more with his heart than his Countenance It happened that the time of surveying and purifying the Army was then come the manner of which solemnity is thus The head of a Bitch cut off in the middle and the fore part with the Entrails is laid on the right hand and the hind part on the left hand of the way Between this divided Victim the Army marches through Before the front of them are carried the remarkable Arms of all the Macedonian Kings even since the original of that Monarchy and then the King himself follows after with his Children Next comes the Kings Regiment and his Guard du Corps and after all the common multitude of Macedonians bring up the Reer By the Kings side on each hand march'd his two Sons Perseus who was now thirty Years of Age and Demetrius twenty five the former in the strength of his Age and the latter in the flower and the ripe Off spring both of a fortunate Father had his mind been sound Now it was the custome when the Rites of this lustration were over for the Army to draw off and dividing into two parties to engage each other as though they had been in earnest The Kings Sons were to be the Generals in this pretended Fight But indeed it was not only the resemblance of a Battel for they fell on as though they were to contend for the Kingdom and there were many Wounds made with stakes which they had in their hands nor was there any thing wanting save Swords to make it look like a real conflict That party which Demetrius commanded had far the better of it at which though Perseus was much concern'd yet his prudent Friends were glad of it and said that very thing would afford good matter of accusation against the young Man There was that Day a Feast made by both of them for their Companions that were on each side and though Perseus invited by Demetrius to Supper had denyed to come yet upon such a Festival Day kind entertainment and youthful merriment made them both very mellow There they recounted the passages of their imaginary Battel with drollery upon their Adversaries insomuch that they did not spare the very Captains themselves To take an account of these words there was a Spy sent from Perseus's entertainment who being somewhat too negligent in his behaviour was met by certain young Men that went by chance out of the entertaining Room and beaten Demetrius not knowing what was done What then said he do we go to be merry with my Brother to mitigate by our innocent mirth his passion if any yet remain in him since the fight With that they all cryed out they would go excepting those who fear'd a present revenge for their having beaten the Spy But since Demetrius forced them also along they hid Swords under their Coats whereby to defend themselves if any force should be offered to them But there can be nothing kept secret in an intestine quarrel Both Houses were full of Spies and Traytors So there ran an Informer to Perseus before-hand to tell him that there were four young Men coming along with Demetrius arm'd with Swords Now though the reason of that was manifest for he knew that one of his guâ—sts was beaten by them yet to make the thing appear the worse he ordered his Gate to be lock'd and from the upper part of his House out at the windows that look'd into the street he forbad the company to come near his Door as though they had come to murder him Demetrius therefore after he had roared at him a little as being somewhat in Drink return'd to his own Feast and was still ignorant of the whole matter The next day Perseus as soon as he could come to his Father going into the Palace with a disturbed Countenance stood silent at a
him too of the multitude he return'd to Aquileia in the same Ship wherein he came Then he wrote to his Collegue to give order to that part of the Souldiery who were design'd for Istria to meet at Aquileia lest any thing should keep him at Rome longer than he could make his Vows and go out of the City in his Warlike Garb. This his Collegue did very carefully and gave them a short day to make their Rendezvous in Claudius almost overtook his Letter and when he came having made a publick Speech concerning Junius and Manlius he staid not above three dayes at Rome but after he had got on his Armour and made his Vows in the Capitol went with Lictors into the Province in the same hast as before Some few dayes before Junius and Manlius with all their force attack'd the Town of Nesattium into which the Istrian Princes and their petit King Aepulo himself was fled To which place Claudius having brought the two new Legions and dismiss'd the old Army with all its Officers himself beset the Town and began to attempt it with Galleries turning a River that ran by the Walls which was not only an hinderance to the Besiegers but afforded Water also to the Istrians by many days pains and toil into a new Channel That terrified the Barbarians who were amazed to see their Water cut off though even then they never thought of Peace but turning their fury upon their Wives and Children that their barbarity might appear to the Enemy also they kill'd and tumbled them down from the Walls Amidst the cries and cruel slaughter of the Women and Children the Souldiers got over the Wall and enter'd the Town Upon the taking whereof when the King heard the hurly-burly by the frightful noise of those that endeavour'd to make their escape he ran himself through that he might not be taken alive the rest were all either taken or slain After that there were two other Towns Mutila and Faveria taken by storm and utterly destroy'd The booty for a poor Country was more than they hoped for but all given to the Souldiers There were sold for Slaves five thousand six hundred thirty two persons The Authors of the War were lash'd with Rods and beheaded with an Axe So Istria in general was reduced into a peaceable condition by the sacking of three Towns and the Death of their King and all the Nations round about came with Hostages and made their surrender About the end of the Istrian War there were consultations held in Liguria about another Tib. Claudius the Pro-Consul who had been Praetor the year before was Governour of Pisae where he had a Garison consisting of one Legion By whose Letters the Senate being inform'd thought fit that those very Letters should be carry'd to C. Claudius the other Consul who was gone over into Sardinia and added a Decree that since the Province of Istria was now setled if he thought fit he might bring his Army over into Liguria At the same time upon the account of the Consuls Letter which he wrote out of Istria concerning his atchievements there there was a Supplication appointed for two dayes The other Consul also Tib. Sempronius Gracchus had good success in Sardinia For he led his Army into the Territory of Ilian Sardians whither there came a great number of Auxiliaries from the Balarians He therefore engaged hand to hand with both Nations utterly routing the Enemy and forced them from their Camp twelve thousand of them being slain The next day the Consul gave order that the Arms should be all gather'd together into an heap which he burnt as a Sacrifice to Vulcan Then he led his victorious Army back into their Winter Quarters which were the associated Cities and C. Claudius having receiv'd Tib. Claudius's Letter together with the Order of Senate brought over his Legions out of Istria into Liguria The Enemy by that time having marched forward were Encamped in a Plain near the River Scultenna where he fought them kill'd fifteen thousand and took above seven hundred either in the Field or in the Camp for that he also made himself Master of with fifty one military Ensigns The Ligurians that escaped alive fled several wayes into the Mountains nor did any of them appear in Arms all the while the Consul was pillaging the Champaign Country Then Claudius being Conqueror of two Nations in one year which seldom any one had been before him and having setled the Provinces return'd in his Consulship to Rome There were certain Prodigies related that year That at Crustuminum a Bird which they call an Osprey cut a sacred Stone or Statue of some God perchance with its Beak That in Campania an Oxe spoke That a brazen Cow at Syracuse was bull'd by a Bull of that Country that had straid from the Herd and sprinkled with his seed For which at Crustuminum there was a Supplication one whole day in the very place In Campania the Oxe was given to be kept by the publick and the Syracusan Prodigy was expiated by supplication to such Gods as the Soothsayers named M. Claudius Marcellus who had been Consul and Censor dy'd that year and in his place was chosen M. Marcellus his Son There was also a Colony of two thousand Roman Citizens carry'd to Luna the same year by three persons chosen for that purpose whose names were P. Aelius L. Egilius and Cn. Sicinius There were fifty one Acres and an half of Land given to each man which Land was taken from the Ligurians having belong'd to the Tuscanes before it did to the Ligurians C. Claudius the Consul came to the City and having discours'd in the Senate concerning his prosperous Atchievements in Istria and Liguria upon his request had a triumph decreed him So he triumph'd in his Magistracy over two Nations at once and carry'd in his triumph three hundred and seven thousand Denarii with eighty five thousand seven hundred and two Victoriati i. e. pieces of money with the Goddess of Victories Image upon them He gave to every private Souldier fifteen Denarii double to a Centurion and treble to an Horseman and to the Allies half as much as to Citizens wherefore they follow'd his Chariot and that you might perceive they were angry said nothing Whilst that Triumph over the Ligurians was celebrated the Ligurians perceiving that not only the Consular Army was carry'd away to Rome but the Legion at Pisae disbanded by Tib. Claudius were delivered from their fear and therefore having raised an Army privately they went through cross-wayes over the Mountains into the Plains where having plunder'd the Territory of Mutina they surpriz'd the Colony and took it Of which when the news came to Rome the Senate order'd C. Claudius the Consul to call the Assembly as soon as possible and when he had chosen Magistrates for the year ensuing to return into his Province to rescue the Colony from the Enemy Accordingly as the Senate would have it the Assembly was
thence as from an unexhaustible Fountain The remainder of his Speech was by way of perswasion My Lords I relate not these things said he from the mouth of uncertain Fame or a greedy desire to beâ—ieve or wish that the truth of ill things should be prov'd upon my Enemy but on my own knowledge and experience in the same manner as if I had been sent a spy to report to you the things I saw nor would I have left my own Kingdom and the share of glory which by your benignity I possess to pass so vast a Sea to bring you trifling Tales to forfeit your esteem I have survey'd the noblest Cities of Asia as well as Greece discovering daily their intentions in which if they should be suffer'd to proceed they would not have it in their power to retrieve their safety by repentance I have observed how Perseus not contented within the limits of Macedonia sometimes by force of Arms sometimes by favour and benevolence obtains those Countries he ne'r could get by Conquest I have weigh'd the unequal conditions whilst he prepareth War on you and you perform the terms of Peace with him although it appears no less to me than his being already in actual Hostility Adrupolis your Friend he hath driven from his Kingdom Artetarus the Illyrian another of your Allies he slew because he found he had written Letters unto you Eversa and Callicrates Thebans and Princes of that City because in the Boeotian Council they spoke something too freely against him declaring they would relate to you those proceedings he commanded they should be put to death He sent Auxiliaries to the Bizantines contrary to agreement He made War on Dolopia invaded Thessaly and Doris and subdu'd them both that in civil War by the help of the stronger side he might afflict and trouble the other He made a mixture and confusion of all things in Thessaly and Perroebia hoping thereby to cancel Book-Debts and other accounts by which releasing Debtors from their Engagements he oblig'd them to assist him in oppressing their Creditors and principal Officers While this is doing you quietly look on your suffering him to act these things in Greece without controul makes him presume that not a man will dare to arm himself to oppose his passage into Italy how this consisteth with your honour and safety is not for me to judge it was my duty as your Friend and Ally to prevent your being surpriz'd in Italy by Perseus And now having perform'd this necessary Office and in some measure acquitted my self as became my fidelity what more remains but that I pray the Gods and Goddesses you may protect your own Republick and defend your Allies that depend upon you This Oration extreamly mov'd the Fathers but for the present none knew more than that the King had been before the Senate so silent were they all but the War being finish'd both the Kings Speech and the Senates Answer were divulg'd Some few dayes after the Senate gave Audience to Perseus's Embassadours but being prepossess'd by King Eumenes their defence and supplications were rejected the fierce deportment of Harpalus the chief Embassadour did not a little exasperate the Senate who endeavour'd to perswade them to credit the Apology of his Master that he never acted any thing tending to Hostility but if he perceiv'd they came upon him in this manner seeking occasions of War he resolv'd to defend himself with courage for the hazard of the Field was common and the event of War uncertain All the Cities of Greece and Asia were extreamly solicitous to know the proceedings of Perseus's Embassadours and King Eumenes with the Senate for upon his coming most of the States supposing he might occasion some commotion had sent their Embassadours to Rome speciously pretending other affairs Among others there was an Embassy from the Rhodians the chief of which was Satyrus who doubted not but that Eumenes had join'd the crimes of his City with those of Perseus and therefore by interest of his Patrons and Friends he had obtain'd leave to debate their business with the King before the Senate wherein he invey'd against Eumenes with too much heat upbraiding him for his fomenting Wars between the Lycians and the Rhodians and that he had been a greater Enemy to Asia than Antiochus This Oration was well receiv'd by those of Asia who began already to incline to Perseus but it prov'd not so with the Senate nor was it in the least advantagious to their City but on the contrary these Conspiracies against Eumenes rais'd his estimation with the Romans still increasing their honours and gifts upon him presenting him a Chariot of State with a Staff and Scepter of Ivory These Embassies being dispatch'd Harpalus returns with all speed into Macedonia and tells the King That he had left the Romans making no preparations as yet for War but so offended it easily appeared they would not long defer it nor was Perseus displeased with this relation relying on the valour of his Souldiers But of all others he hated Eumenes most with whose bloud he laid the foundation of the War for suborning one Evander a Candiot and Captain of some Auxiliaries and with him three Macedonians accustom'd to such actions to kill the King He gave them Letters to one Praxo an Hostess of great esteem and wealth among the Delphians being well assured Eumenes would be at Delphis to Sacrifice to Apollo These Traytors with Evander watched all opportunities to execute their design in the passage where men ascend from Cirrha to the Temple before they come to the place frequented with the usual concourse of the people there stood on the lest of the path a Mud-Wall or Bank arising a little above the foundation by which one at once could only pass for on the right hand the Earth was fallen down and a breach made of a great depth behind this Bank the Traytors hid themselves and rais'd some steps like stairs that from above as from the top of a Wall they might discharge their Treason on the King Before him coming from the Sea there march'd his Friends and Guards disorderly mixt when the way grew streight and narrow his train by degrees waxt thinner but when they came to the place where they could not go but one by one Pantaleon an Aetolian Prince with whom the King was then ingaged in some Discourse enter'd first that narrow passage immediately the Traytors roll'd two mighty stones upon the King one fell upon his head the other on his shoulder the people seeing Eumenes fail confusedly deserted him Pantaleon only had the Courage to stay and relieve the King The Traytors by a short compass about the Wall might soon have reach'd the place where the King lay and finish'd what they had begun but supposing the deed was done they fled to the top of Parnassus with that hast that they kill'd one of their Companions being unable to keep pace with them through that steep and craggy Mountain lest
prefer'd by those who were no less theirs than his Enemies for no other cause but that he alwayes preserv'd a constant fidelity to the Romans The Senate having heard both their Allegations Commanded this Answer to be return'd to the demands of the Carthaginians That Gulussa should immediately return to Numidia that his Father might soon after send Embassadours to answer those complaints of the Carthaginians and that the Carthaginians should also have notice given them to come and debate the business If any thing should be in their power to express their honour for Massinissa they would be as ready to perform it for the future as they heretofore had always been That affection did not sway their Justice desirous that every one should possess their own they were unwilling to prescribe new limits but rather exhort to observance of the old that since the Conquest of the Carthaginians they had given them Cities and Possessions not that those things should be torn away in Peace by private injuries which never could be taken from them by a lawful War Thus the young Prince with the Carthaginians after they had receiv'd their Presents and the usual Ceremonies were dismist About the same time Cn. Servilius Caepio Ap. Claudius Cento T. Annius Lascus Embassadours sent into Macedonia to demand restitution and to renounce the Friendship of that King return'd to Rome The relation they gave of what they had there seen and heard added fuell to that Fire which had already inflam'd the Senate against King Perseus They observ'd through all the Cities of Macedonia open preparation for War after they had attended many dayes without admission at length despairing of their access to the King prepar'd for their departure but were recall'd from their Journey which was already begun to receive their Audience the intent of their Oration was to remind him of the League contracted with Philip and confirm'd by himself since his Fathers Death wherein he was prohibited to make War on any of the Roman Confederates then they recounted the whole particulars of that Declaration themselves had heard from King Eumenes who openly asserted the truth of those things he reported on his own knowledge moreover that the King had held a secret Consultation with Embassadours from the Asiatick Cities In regard of which injuries the Senate thought it just he should restore to them and their Confederates those things he had unjustly taken from them and contrary to the Covenants of their League The hearing of these matters greatly incens'd the King his passion transported him into revilings often reproaching the Romans for their Avarice and Insolency and esteem'd their Embassadours which came so fast upon him no otherwise than Spies to watch his words and actions they thinking it necessary that all his measures should be receiv'd from them After he had finish'd this fierce Speech he commanded them to repair to him again the next day and they should receive his Answer in writing then he deliver'd them a Paper wherein he affirm'd That the League his Father had sign'd had no force at all on him if he suffer'd it to be renew'd it proceeded not from his approbation but because he was newly possess'd of his Kingdom he was compell'd to endure all things But if they were desirous of a new Confederacy it was requisite a capitulation were made concerning the conditions should they be induc'd to accept of reasonable Proposals yet he thought it necessary first considerately to weigh his own advantages as he doubted not but they would well consult those of their Republick and thus he abruptly left them they immediately withdrawing themselves from the Palace Whereupon according to our Commission we abandon'd his Friendship and Alliance which made him return upon us in great fury and with a loud Voice commanded us within three dayes to leave his Kingdom In fine they accordingly forthwith departed having found but an inhospitable Entertainment during the whole time of their aboad When they had finish'd this Relation the Aetolian Embassadours receiv'd their Audience The Senate that they might forthwith understand what Commanders were to be imploy'd by the Common-wealth dispatch'd their Letters to the Consuls that one of them should hasten to Rome to the Election of new Magistrates No action worthy commemorating was done that year by the Consuls The Republick esteem'd it more expedient to suppress and appease the exasperated Ligurians The Issean Embassadours considering the expectation of the Macedonian War gave no small occasion to suspect Gentius King of the Illyrians complaining he had twice over-run their Country that the Macedonians and Illyrians unanimously prepared to make War upon the Romans and that the Illyrian were then at Rome disguis'd under a specious Embassy but sent thither by Perseus's instigation to observe their motions The Illyrians being sent for before the Senate declared their business there was to obviate such accusations which their Master suspected might be brought against him by the Isseans It was urged why they did not present themselves to the Magistrate in order to receive the usual Ceremonies of the City and the appointment of their Appartments that their coming and their business might both be publick but hesitating in their reply it was commanded them to leave the Court not deserving an Answer as became Embassadours who had not offer'd themselves as such before the Senate determining rather to dispatch Embassadours to the King to advise him which of his Associates had complain'd against for committing outrages on their Territories and to animadvert the injustice of those injuries offer'd their Confederates A. Terentius Varro C. Pletorius and C. Cicereius were employed in this Embassy Those Embassadours sent to visit the Confederate Princes returning from Asia reported they saw Eumenes there Antiochus in Syria and in Alexandria they confer'd with Ptolomy All which had been solicited by sundry Embassies from Perseus but still continued firm in their fidelity to the Romans and assur'd them to perform whatever should be commanded them They had also visited the associate Cities finding them all except the Rhodians who began to stagger having too deeply imbibed the poysonous perswasions of Perseus thoroughly stedfast to their interest The Rhodian Embassadours were now at Rome to obviate those crimes they knew were publickly alledg'd against their City but the Senate would not allow them Audience before the new Consuls were initiated into their Consulships The War was now determin'd C. Licinius the Praetor was order'd to draw from the Docks as many Gallies as should be necessary for that Expedition and also to fit out a Fleet of fifty Ships of War but if he could not equip so many to send to C. Memmius his Collegue to rig out those Ships as were in Sicily and immediately transport them to Brundusium He was also commanded to muster as many of the Roman Citizens and Enfranchis'd Bondmen as might serve in five and twenty Ships C. Licinius was also Commissioned to raise a proportionable number out of the Latine
in adversity and to restrain their minds in happy circumstances Wherefore they thought sit to make this Answer That they would grant them a Peace upon condition that the King would leave the whole matter freely to the Senate to determine concerning him and all Macedonia as they pleased Which when the Embassadours had related to the King he and those about him being ignorant of the custom of those times looked upon the Roman obstinacy as a miracle and many of them advised not to make any farther mention of Peace for they would in a short time sue for what they now disdained But Perseus feared this very pride supposing it to proceed from a confidence they had in their own strength and therefore increasing the summ of money to see if at least he could purchace peace with gold he never ceased to tempt the Consuls mind But seeing that he would not alter any thing of his first resolution Perseus despairing of Peace return'd to Sycurium from whence he came with a design again to try the fortune of War The fame of his Horse Engagement being spread all over Greece discover'd the peoples inclination For not only they that were of the Macedonians side but many also that were highly obliged to the Romans and some too that had felt their force and pride were glad when they heard it in the same manner as in mock Fights ye commonly use to favour the worse and weaker side At the same time Lucretius the Praetor had attack'd Haliartus in Boeotia with all his force and though the besieged had no foreign aids except some young men of Corone who had come into their Walls in the first Siege yet they made resistance with their Courage more than their strength For they not only made frequent sallies out upon the works but also when the battering Ram was apply'd to their Walls forced it down to the ground with a weight of Lead and if they that guided the blow by any means avoided them in the place of that part of their Wall which was demolish'd they presently built a new one with stones gather'd of the very ruins But seeing the attack by works was too slow the Praetor order'd scaling Ladders to be distributed among the several Companies resolving to beset the Walls quite round for he thought that his number was sufficient for that purpose because on that side where the City is Encompass'd by a Fenn it neither was to any purpose or possible to attack it He himself therefore on that side where two Turrets and all the Wall between them were thrown down planted two thousand choice men to the end that at the same time when he endeavour'd to get over the ruines and the Towns came all flocking together against him the Walls being destitute of any body to defend them might be taken in some place or other The Townsmen were very active to repel his force for standing in the breach of the Wall upon dry Faggots of twigs which they had laid there with burning Torches in their hands they often threaten'd to set them on fire that so being intercepted from the Enemy by the flames they might have time to build a new Wall for their defence but their desire by chance was spoiled For there poured down on a sudden such an impetuous shower that it not only hinder'd them from lighting the Wood but also put it out when lighted By which means the Romans gain'd a passage through the divided smoaking twigs and seeing all the Townsmen were imploy'd in the defence of one place only took the Walls too with their Ladders in many places at once In the first tumult upon the taking of the City the old men and young Boyes all that came in the way were kill'd but the Souldiers fled into the Castle though the next day having no hope left they surrender'd themselves and were all sold publickly for Slaves being about fifteen hundred in number The Ornaments of the City as Statues Paintings and all other pretious Booty was carried down to the Ships and the City razed from the very foundations From thence he led the Army to Thebes which being retaken without any opposition he gave the City to the banish'd party and those that were of the Roman side but sold the whole Families of the adverse Faction who were favourers of the King and Macedonians for Slaves Having done these things in Boeotia he return'd to his Fleet at Sea Whilst these things past in Boeotia Perseus lay Encamped for some dayes at Sycurium Where having heard that the Romans by stealth reaped and carried away the Corn out of the Country round about them and that by cutting off the Ears every one before his Tent that they might have the Corn the freer and purer to grind had made great heaps of straw all over the Camp thought that a good opportunity for him to set fire on them and therefore ordering Flambeaus Torches and bundles of Hemp dawbed all over with pitch to be made ready he march'd forth in the night time that he might surprize them as soon as it was break of day But all to no purpose for as soon as the first Guards were disturb'd they by their tumult and terrour raised all the the rest and immediately the Alarm was given the Souldiers being at the same time set in Battalia within the Bullwark at the Gates and intent upon the defence of their Camp Perseus therefore commanded his Army strait to face about bidding the Carriages go first and after them the Foot whilst he with the Horse staid to bring up the Reer supposing what did really happen that the Enemy would pursue him to seize upon the Reer behind There was a short Skirmish between the light-armour chiefly and the light Horsemen that used to run before the Army but the Horse and Foot return'd without any trouble into their Camp and having reaped down all the Corn thereabout the Romans removed their Camp to the Crannonian Territories which was a place as yet untouch'd Where whilst they lay secure not only by reason of the great distance between them and the Enemy but because the rode being without Water was difficult to pass between Sycurium and Crannona all on a sudden by break of day the Kings Horse appearing with the light armour upon the Hills just above them caused a great disorder They came from Sycurium the day before at noon and had left the Body of Foot a little before it was light in the adjacent Plain They stood for some time upon the Hills thinking that the Romans might be drawn forth to an Horse Fight who not stirring the King sent a Trooper to bid the Foot march back to Sycurium whither he himself soon after follow'd them The Roman Horse following them at a small distance to see if they could have an opportunity at any place to set upon them when they were scatter'd and dispers'd when they saw them march off in a close body observing their Ensigns and
in themselves very dismal yet since the fear of a greater misfortune was removed for they were afraid of a War the news was very joyful Wherefore they presently order'd a Crown to be made to the value of twenty thousand Nobles of gold and sent Theodotus Admiral of their Fleet on that Embassy But they agreed that the Alliance of the Romans should be so desired as that there should be no Ordinance of the people made about it nor the request be put into writing because by that means unless they obtained it their disgrace if they were repulsed would be the greater Now such was the priviledge of the Admiral of their Fleet only that he might treat about that affair without any preliminary proposal of it For they had maintain'd a Friendship for so many years in such a manner that they did not oblige themselves to the Romans by any League of Alliance for no other reason but lest they should cut off from the Kings all hopes of their assistance if they had either of them occasion for it or from themselves of reaping any benefit by their bounty and good fortune But at that time especially they thought good to desire an Alliance not to secure them e'r the more from others for they fear'd no body except the Romans but to make them the less suspected by the Romans About the same time the Caunians revolted from them and the Mylassians possess'd themselves of the Towns belonging to the Euromeses Yet notwithstanding their spirits were not so dejâ—cted but that they consider'd that if Lycia and Caria were taken from them by the Romans the other parts would either free themselves by a revolt or be seized by their Neighbours that they were inclosed in a little Island and within the shores of a barren Country which could not by any means keep the Inhabitants of so great a City Whereupon sending out their young men in all hast against the Caunians they forced them though they had got the Cybirates to help them to obedience besides that they defeated the Mylassians and Alabandians who having taken away the Province of the Eumeses had join'd their Forces with them about Orthosia Whilst these things were done there there were other things transacted in Macedonia and at Rome and in the mean time L. Anicius in Illyricum having as I said before reduced King Gentius made Gabinius Governour of Scodra which was the Kings Seat putting a Garison into it as he did Licinius of Rhizon and Olzinium which were Cities very commodiously situate Having set these persons as a guard over Illyricum he went with the rest of his Army into Epirus where Phanota was first surrender'd to him and the whole multitude came out with holy Ornaments or Diadems to meet him Having put a Garison into this place he went over into Molossis where having taken possession of all the Towns except Passaro Tecmo Phylace and Horreum he march'd first to Passaro Antinous and Theodotus were the chief men in that City and famous both for their love to Perseus and their hatred against the Romans being also the Authors of that Cities revolting from the Romans These two being conscious of their own guilt because they had no hopes of pardon that they might be destroy'd in the common ruine of their Country shut the Gates advising the mobile that they would prefer death before slavery No man durst open his mouth against two such extraordinary great men till at last one Theodotus who was himself also a noble youth seeing that their greater fear of the Romans had overcome that of their Noblemen ask'd them What madness is this in you who make your whole City an accession to the guilt of two single persons I have often heard indeed of them that have dy'd for their Country but these men are the first I have heard of who ever thought it reasonable that their Country should perish for them Wherefore let us open our Gates and receive that command which the whole World hath already received As he said this the multitude follow'd him and at the same time Antinous and Theodotus sallied forth upon the first station of the Enemies where exposing themselves to danger they were kill'd and the City surrender'd to the Romans He also took Tecmo by surrender and kill'd Cephalus through whose obstinacy that City was in like manner shut up Nor did Phylace or Horreum either endure a Siege Having quieted Epirus and divided his Forces into their Winter-Quarters through the most convenient Cities he went himself back into Illyricum and at Scodra whither the five Embassadours were come from Rome having summoned all the great men out of the several Cities he held an Assembly There he publickly declared as the opinion of the Council That the Senate and the people of Rome order'd that the Illyrians should be free and that he would draw the Guards out of all their Towns Forts and Castles That the Issians and Taulantians should not only be free but also have several immunities and so should among the Dassaretians the Pirustae the Rhizonites and the Olciniates because they had revolted to the Romans whilst Gentius was yet in a prosperous condition That they would likewise bestow their freedom and immunity upon the Daorseans for that they forsaking Caravantius had come with their Arms over to the Romans That the Scodrians Dassareses Selepitanes and other Illyrians should pay but half that Tribute which they had formerly paid to the King After which he divided Illyricum into three parts making one of that which was called the Vpper Illyricum a second of all the Labeates and the third of the Agravonites Rhizonites Olciniates and their Neighbours Having thus setled Illyricum he himself return'd to Passaro in Epirus to his Winter Quarters Whilst these things pass'd in Illyricum Paulus before the coming of the ten Embassadours sent his Son Q. Maximus who was now come back from Rome to pillage Aeginium and Agassae Agassae for that though they had surrender'd the City to Marcius the Consul and of their own accord desired an Alliance with the Romans they had again revolted to Perseus but the crime charg'd upon the Aeginians was new For they not believing the report concerning the Roman Victory had committed very great hostilities upon some of the Souldiers that went into their City He also sent L. Postumius to rifle Aenus because they were more obstinate than their Neighbour Cities in the continu'd use of their Arms. It was now about Autumn at the beginning of which season he design'd to go round about all Greece and to see those things which people have heard of by common report oftener than any body hath seen them and therefore having made C. Sulpicius Gallus chief Commander of his Camp he set forth with no great Retinue his Son Scipio and Athenaeus King Eumenes's Brother being his Companions and went through Thessaly to Delphi to that famous Oracle where having sacrificed to Apollo he being a Conquerour design'd the
the Conquerour Paulus too though he shone with gold and purple For of two Sons whom he having given two away by adoption kept at home as the only Supporters of his name to be the Heirs of his holy things and estate the younger who was about twelve years of Age dy'd five dayes before his triumph and the elder who was fourteen three dayes after both which ought to have rode with their Father in his Chariot in their Childrens Gowns garded with purple and called Praetextae and have design'd themselves in time to come to celebrate the like triumphs Some few dayes after M. Antonius Tribune of the People having called an Assembly after he had discours'd as other Generals used to do about his own exploits his Speech that he made was very well worth the remembring and becoming a Nobleman of Rome Romans said he although I suppose that you are not ignorant both how successfully I have managed the publick affairs and that two Thunderbolts have fallen very lately upon my House since in so short a time you saw not only my triumph but the Funerals of my Children also yet I beseech you suffer me a little to compare my private condition with that affection as I ought to do with the publick felicity Going out of Italy I set sail with the Fleet at Sun rising from Brundusium and at the ninth hour of the day i. e. three in the Afternoon I with all my Ships arrived at Corcyra From thence I went in five days to Delphi where I sacrificed to Apollo for my self my Army and Navy From Delphi I came in five days to the Camp where having receiv'd the Army and alter'd some things which were great impediments to Victory I went forward and because the Enemies Camp was impregnable and that I could not force the King to fight I made a shift to get through his Garisons beyond the strait pass near Petra where having forced the King to engage I overcame him By that means I reduced Macedonia into the hands of the Romans and in fifteen dayes made an end of that War which four Consuls before me managed for four years together at such a rate as that they left it still more grievous to the Successor Then follow'd the Fruit as it were of that success for all the Cities of Macedonia surrender'd themselves to me the Kings Treasury came into my disposal and the King himself whom even the Gods themselves almost deliver'd to me was taken in the Temple of Samothrace together with his Children And now my Fortune seemed too great even to my self and therefore was the more to be suspected I began to fear the dangers of the Sea in carrying over so much money as I had of the Kings into Italy and transporting my Victorious Army But when all was safe landed in Italy and I had nothing else to desire I only wish'd that seeing Fortune used many times to tumble back from the highest pitch my Family rather than the Common-wealth might feel the alteration thereof Wherefore I hope the publick is discharg'd by my so signal calamity in that my triumph to shew the frailty and the vicissitude of humane state was interposed between the two Funerals of my Children But whereas I and Perseus are lookt upon at present as the most remarkable Examples of mans condition He who himself a Captive saw his Children led as Captives before him hath them yet still alive but I who triumph'd over him came from the Funeral of one Son in my Chariot out of the Capitol to the other who was now just exspiring nor is there any one left of all my Family to bear the name of L. Aemilius Paulus For the Cornelian and the Fabian Family have two by adoption as if I had had a very numerous Issue and there is no body left in Paulus ' s House but himself But your felicity and the publick prosperity comfort even in this sad condition and under this destruction of my Family These things said with so much life confounded the minds of the Audience more than if he had miserably bewailed the loss of his Children Afterward upon the first of December Cn. Octavius made a Naval triumph over King Perseus which was without Captives and without spoils He gave to every Seaman seventy five Deniers to the Pilots that had been on board the Ships double and to the Masters of the Ships fourfold Then there was a Senate held in which it was order'd that Q. Cassius should carry King Perseus and his Son Alexander to Alba and there keep them together with all the retinue money silver and goods that they had Bitis Son to the King of Thrace was sent with the Hostages to be kept at Carscoli but they order'd the rest of the Captives that were led in triumph to be put in Prison Some few days that these things were transacted there came Embassadours from Cotys King of Thrace with money to redeem his Son and the rest of the Hostages Who being brought into the Senate made that very thing the argument of their Speech to wit that Cotys did not voluntarily assist Perseus in that he was forced to give Hostages and therefore desiring that they would let them be redeemed at the same rate which the Senate themselves had laid upon them they had this answer by order of the Senate That the people of Rome remember'd that ancient Friendship which he had maintain'd with Cotys and his Ancestors together with the whole Nation of Thrace But that the giving of Hostages was a crime not an excuse since Perseus even when he was most at leisure much less when he was engaged in a War with the Romans was not in any wise dreadful to the Thracians But though Cotys had preferr'd the good will of Perseus before the Friendship of the Roman People they would consider what was fit for them to do more than what he deserv'd and would send him back his Son with the other Hostages That the Romans did not expect any return for their kindnesses or at least chose rather to leave the receivers to set a value upon them than demand any present reward The Embassadours who were nominated to carry the Hostages into Thrace were T. Quintius Flaminius C. Licinius Nerva and M. Caninius Rebilus and the Thracians had Presents made to them each two thousand pounds of Brass So Bitis with the rest of the Hostages being sent for from Carseoli was sent with the Embassadours to his Father The Kings Ships that were taken from the Macedonians being of an unusual bigness were brought on shore into the Campus Martius Now whilst the memory of the Macedonian Triumph continu'd still not only in the minds but also even in the Eyes of the people L. Anicius upon the Feast of Romulus triumph'd over King Gentius and the Illyrians In which triumph all things seemed rather like than equal to what the people had seen before for Anicius was inferiour to Aemilius not only in respect
the Corn out of our Fields as they did three years ago Let them enjoy and make use of such Provisions as by their fury they have made I dare be bold to say that they themselves will be so tamed by this Calamity that they will rather chase to Till the Ground than take up Arms and separating themselves prohibit the Manuring of it It could scare the so easily said whether they ought to have done it or no as it might I suppose have been in the power of the Senate by making Provisions cheap not only to remove the Power of the Tribunes but all those new inconveniences which were imposed upon them This Opinion seemed not only very severe to the Senate but fury likewise almost armed the People who said That they were now treated with famin like Enemies being defrauded of their very food and that the Corn which came from foreign Countries by meer fortune to be their only sustenance must now be snatched from their mouths unless the Tribunes were delivered up in Bonds to C. Marcius unless he wreeked his revenge upon the Bodies of the Roman People That he was risen up to be a new Executioner to them and to force them either to be Slaves or die As he was going out of the Court they had set upon him if the Tribune had not very seasonably given him notice to appear before them such a day for by that means their fury was supprest since every one of them saw himself made Judg and Master of the life and death of his Enemy Marcius at first heard the Tribunes Menaces with contempt and told them that their Office was to assist the People not to punish their betters in that they were the Tribunes of the People not of the Senate But the People rose with that violence that the Senate were forced to allow of one mans punishment in order to avoid the present imminent danger Nevertheless they made resistance whatever the Tribunes could do and used not only each man his own but the Authority even of the whole Order And first they tryed by disposing of their Clients into such and such parts of the City whether they could Defeat the Designs by deterring and keeping single Persons from Cabals and Consults After which they went all together in which case you may well say all the Senators there were Guilty beseeching the People to deliver up to them one of their fellow Citizens one Senator if they would not acquit him as Innocent under the Notion of an Offender He not appearing at the day appointed they persevered in their fury whereupon he was Condemned though absent and went as a Banished Person into the Country of the Volsci with Menaces to his Country and a mind now filled with Hostility The Volsci received him very kindly and their kindness encreased more and more every day which made the hatred of the Romans the more conspicuous from whom there were sent very frequently one while complaints and other-whiles Menaces He lived with one Attius Tullus who was at that time the greatest man of all the Volsci and a perpetual Enemy to the Romans They two therefore the one upon the account of an old grudg and the other for a late indignity consulted together how they should make a War against the Romans But they did not think it an easie matter to persuade that People to take up Arms since they so often had such ill success For having lost most of their young men very lately by Pestilence and in many Wars before they supposed that now their Spirits being broken they must use some Art and find out a new occasion of instigating their fury seeing the old quarrel was now by Tract of time quite worn out and forgot The Games called Ludi Magni were then a going to be Celebrated a new and the reason of it was this On the day that the Games were to be Celebrated in the Morning before they began a certain Housholder had driven his Slave through the middle of the Circus and caused him to carry a small Gallows upon his neck whilest all the way he was whipped along Which notwithstanding the Games were begun as if that Action did not at all concern Religion But not long after one Tib. Atinias a mean Person dreamed that Jupiter came to him and told him The man that led the Dance in the Games that day did not please him and that if they were not magnificently renewed the City would be in great danger bidding him go and tell the Consuls the same Now though the man was not altogether void of Religion yet his modesty and the Reverence he had for the Majesty of those great Officers over-powered his fear of the Deity besides that he was afraid the People would jear him for it But his delay cost him dear for in a few days he lost his Son of which sudden misfortune to make the cause plain as he lay discontented but asleep the same Vision appeared to him and seemed to ask him Whether he had Reward enough for his Contempt of a Deity And told him That there was a greater now at hand unless he made haste and told the Consuls This made a greater Impression upon him yet still he delayed and protracted the time 'till a grievous Disease and a sudden feebleness seized upon him Then the anger of the gods had sufficiently admonished him wherefore being tired with his past and present Calamities he advised with his Neighbours to whom having related what he had seen and heard and how Jupiter appeared to him so often in his sleep together with the Menaces and the Misfortunes which he had afflicted him with they all consented immediately that he should be carried in a Litter into the Forum to the Consuls By whose Order being carried thence into the Senate-house and having to their great admiration told the smae Story there behold another Miracle for he who being Lame of all his Limbs was carryed thither they say having done his Duty returned home a foot Whereupon the Senate Decreed that the Games should be Celebrated with all the Magnificence imaginable Now to those Games there came by the advice of Attius Tullus a great number of thâ— Volsci and before they began Tullus according to a compact which he had made at home with Marcius came to the Consuls and told them that he had something to say to them in private which concerned the Commonwealth The Company being removed said he I am unwilling to say any thing that is ill of my Country-men nor do I come to accuse them of any thing which they have done but to take care that they be not guilty of any Misdemeanour I must confess our People are much more fickle than I could wish they were That we have found by frequent blood-shed who owe our safety not to our own merit but your patience There are here now a great number of the Volsci your Games are beginning and the whole City will
be intent upon the Shew I remember what the young Sabines did in this City upon the like occasion I am in great fear lest they should do any thing that were rash or unadvised but this I thought good Consuls to tell you before-hand upon my own as well as your account For my part I am resolved immediately to go home lest staying here I be infected with the Contagion of any mans deeds or words Having so said he went his way The Consuls having related the matter to the Senate which though it were doubtful in it self came from a certain Author the Person as it is usual moved them more than the thing to an unnecessary Caution they therefore made an Order that the Volsci should depart the City and sent their Officers to bid them all be gone before night Whereupon the Volsci were at first possessed with great terror and ran to their Lodgings to pack up their Goods but as they went away they were very much incensed that they should be forced to quit the City at that Festival time when the Games were Celebrated and amidst a Concourse as if it were both of men and gods like so many Villains As they were going almost all in a Body Tullus who was got before them to the head of the Ferentine River as each of them came up to him applied himself to the chief of them enquiring what the matter was and seeming very angry by which means they listening diligently to what he said which was enough be sure to move their spleen he drew not only them but the rest of the Multitude into the Plain near the way where ranging them into the form of an Assembly he made this Speech said he Though yon have forget the former Injuries and Massacres which the Roman People have been guilty of with all their other abuses offered to the Nation of the Volsci yet how can you bear this days affront from them who have begun their pastimes so much to our dishonour Are you not sensible that they have Triumphed over you this day and that you by coming away are made the scorn of all their Citizens all strangers and neighbouring People What do you imagin they thought who saw you come away or they that met you coming in such an ignominious Troop but that our Nation is guilty of some great crime whereby if we were present at the Shews we should pollute their Games and need an expiation for which reason we were forced away from the Society and Convention of all good men What then Can we be satisfied that we live because we made haste to come away But indeed this is not coming but running away And can you think this City is not your Enemies where if you had stayed but one day you must all have died for it In short by this they have proclaimed a War against you but much to the disadvantage of those that did it if you are men With that they being themselves before enraged but farther incited by what he said went to their several homes where each of them instigating their Neighbours they caused the whole Nation of Volsci to Revolt The Generals that were chosen for that War by universal consent were Attius Tullus and C. Marcius a Banished Roman in whom they reposed more hope than ordinary Nor did he any ways frustrate that hope to make it easily appear that the Roman State was strengthened more-by their Commanders than their Army He therefore went to Circaei from whence he first drove out the Roman Colony and delivered that City free into the hands of the Volsci and thence crossing over into the Road called Via Latina took from the Romans Satricum Longula Rolusca and Corioli their new Conquests From thence he went and took Lavinium Corbio Vitellia Trebia Labici and Pedum lastly from Pedum he marched toward the City and at the Ditches called Fossae Cluiliae which are five thousand paces from it having pitched his Camp fell a pillaging the Roman Dominions But he sent amongst the Pillagers a Party of Soldiers to save the Lands of the Patricii or such as were of the Senatorian Order from being Ravaged either because he hateâ— the common People most or thereby to create a Discord between the Senate and them And so indeed it had certainly been the Tribunes did so much incense the People who were themselves enraged by accusing the Nobility had not the fear of a foreign Enemy united them in the strictest bonds of Concord yea though they suspected and hated one another But this one thing only they did not like that the Senate and the Consuls placed all their hopes in Arms for the People desired any thing rather than War Sp. Nautius and Sext. Furius were now Consuls who whilest they were calling over the Legions and distributing their men upon the Walls and in other places where they thought fit to set Guards and Sentinels they were startled with the Seditious Clamor of a great Multitude who cryed out for Peace and then forced them to call a Senate and to propose the sending of Embassadors to C. Marcius The Senate accepted the Proposal when they saw the People were discouraged and sent several Agents to Marcius to Treat for Peace but they brought back a sharp Answer which was this If the Volsci had their Land again they might possibly hear of Peace but if the Romans would enjoy the spoil of War whilest they themselves lived at ease he remembred what injuries his Countrymen had done him as well as what kindness he had received from the Volsci and therefore would endeavour to make it appear that Banishment did but provoke much less subdue his Spirit Soon after the same Persons were sent a second time but were not admitted into the Camp whereupon they say that the Priests also went in their Robes as Petitioners to the Enemies Camp but prevailed no more than the Embassadors had done before them Then the Matrons flocked in great numbers to Veturia Coriolanus his Mother and Volumnia his Wife though I do not find whether that were done by publick advice or were the effect of female fear but this is certain they so far prevailed that not only Veturia who was an ancient Woman but Volumnia also carrying along with her two little Boys whom she had by Marcius went into the Enemies Camp and defended that City by their Prayers and Tears as Women which they could not protect with Arms as Men. When they came to the Camp and Coriolanus was told that there was a great Troop of Women come from Rome he who had not been concerned either at publick Majesty in the Embassadors or at the sight or thoughts of any Religious thing when the Priests came was at first much more obstinate to the Womens tears 'till one of his Familiars who discovered Veturia standing between her Daughter-in-law and her Grand-children with greater shew of sorrow than any of the rest told him if my eyes do not deceive me yonder
when he was a little before drawn through it with white Horses in Triumph and the Senate to free him from his Vow did with all speed send a Golden Cup as a present to Apollo at Delphos The Messengers were L. Valerius L. Sergius and A. Manlius who being sent in a Galley not far from the Sicilian Sea were taken by the Lyparensian Pyrates and carried to Lyparae In which City they used to divide the Prey as in a common warfare The chief Magistrate in that City for that Year was by chance one Tâ—masitheus a Man more like the Romans than his own People who himself bearing some Reverence to the name of the Messengers their Present the reason of sending it and the God to whom it was sent satisfied the Multitude that are always for bearing sway of the Justice and Religion of it and after a publick Treat made them he Guarded them with a Fleet to Delphos and brought them back safe to Rome And there by an Order of the Senate he is entertained and Presents are given in publick The same Year they had Wars with Aequi but so various and uncertain that neither the Armies themselves nor the Romans could well tell whether they were the Conquering or Conquered Party C. Aemilius and Spurius Posthumius Military Tribunes were the Roman Generals They first joyned their Forces together and when they had routed the Enemy Aemilius was pleased to go with a Guard to Verrugo and Posthumius to destroy the bordering Places and as he was marching on somewhat carelesly by reason of his success with a disordered Army the Aequi set upon him and put his Soldiers into such a fright that they were driven among the next Hills nay their fear carried them to Verrugo where the other Guards were Posthumius when he had received all in safety calls them in together and chides them for their fear and cowardise telling them that they were discomfited by a Lazy and Cowardly Enemy the whole Army made answer that they deserved to be told of it and they that did confessed they had committed a great fault but they would mend it neither should the Enemies joy continue long desiring him to lead them to the Enemies Camp which was in sight upon the Plain immediately refusing no punishment no not the Conquering it even before night whereupon he commended them bidding them refresh themselves and be ready at the fourth Watch And the Enemies being there about to hinder the Romans that were among the Hills from flying by night to Verrugo they met them and the Moon shining all night they joyned Battel before day and fought as well as if it had been by day but the noise of this being carried to Verrugo they thought the Roman Camp had been set upon and were so much afraid that notwithstanding all the endeavours and entreaties of Aemilius they were dispersed and fled to Tusculum from thence a report fled to Rome that Postumius and his Army were slain who when day had removed all fear of dangers that might proceed from those that followed in abundance upon them and when he had rid through the Army repeating his promises inspired them with so great courage that the Aequi were not able to sustain the first brunt Hence it came to pass that the slaughter of those that fled away being such as proceeded more from Anger than Valour was to the destruction of the Enemy and a Laureate Letter sent by Postumius followed the sad news from Tusculum a City frighted for nothing and gave them to understand that the Victory was the Romans and that the Army of the Aequi were utterly routed The Proceedings of the Tribunes for the Commons finding yet no end the Commons endeavoured to continue the Tribuneship to the Legislators and the Senate to make new Intercessors to have a negative Voice when Bills were proposed but the Commons were too hard for them Which grievance the Senate redressed by making an Order that Consuls a sort of Magistracy never liked by the Commons should be created After 15 years Cessation L. Lucretius Flavus and Servilius Sulp. Camerinus were made Consuls At the beginning of the Year the Tribunes of the Commons because none of their Society was about to withstand them joyning briskly their forces to carry on a Law and the Consuls as briskly resisting them the whole City being quite taken up about that one affair the Aequi beat the Vitellian Colony of Romans out of their Territories and the greatest part of them in regard the Town was treacherously taken by night safely fled through the back parts of the City and got to Rome The management of which affair fell to L. Lucretius Consul who went with an Army and overcame the Enemy in Battel returning Conqueror to Rome to a Contention somewhat greater the day was set for A. Virginius and Q. Pomponius Tribunes of the Commons for the two last Years whom the whole Senate was obliged to defend neither could any Man accuse them of any other crime either in their lives or Magistracy than that to gratifie the Fathers they withstood the Bill for continuing Tribunes but the fierceness of the Commons baulked the favour intended them by the Senate so that the innocent Men were fined in 10000 l. of Mony payable by weight a bad example sure which the Father 's resented ill Camillus accused them publickly of their wickedness telling them That by setting themselves against their own Officers they did not consider that by wicked Judgment they took away from the Tribunes the priviledg of their negative Voices and by taking away that they destroyed their Power And whereas they thought the Senators would order that rudeness and licentiousness which the Tribunes took they were mistaken If Tribunes force could not be repelled by the assistance of Tribunes the Senate would find out another way telling them of Consuls and no longer suffer those Tribunes who stood up for their authority to miss of the favour of the publick and hold their peace Thus he every day made Speeches publickly whereby he increased their anger neither did leave off stirring up the Senate against that Law telling them That they should not come into the Forum when the day came for making the Law upon any other terms than as Men keeping in memory that they ought to fight for their Religion the Temples of their Gods and the Land of their Nativity As for his own private concerns if 't were fit to have respect to his own glory amidst those scuffles of his Country 't was Honour enough to him that frequent mention was made of the City which he had took that he took pleasure every day in that monument of his Glory and that he had always before his eyes that City for which he triumphed that all People trod in the footsteps of his praises But he accounted it a wicked thing to inhabit a City forsaken by its Gods or that the Romans should live in a place which they had taken or
exchange the Conquering Country for that which was Conquered The Fathers the Nobles old Men and young being hereby stirred up and encouraged throng into the Forum when the Law was made and being divided into their respective Tribes each particular Tribe catched hold on one another begging with tears in their eyes that they would not forsake that Country for which themselves and their Progenitors had fought with great Courage and Success bragging of their Capitol Vesta's Temple and other Temples of the Gods built all about them that they would not banish the Roman People from the Land of their Nativity and Houshold Gods into an Enemies City and bring the matter to that pass that it had been better we had never taken Veii than that we should forsake Rome Since they did not act by force but by intreaties and frequent mentioning their Gods the greatest part of them thinking themselves obliged to it by Religion unanimously abrogated the Law they had before made And this Victory was so grateful to the Fathers that the day after an Order of Senate was made and reported by the Consuls that the Commons should have seven Acres a Man of the Veientans grounds divided among them neither should this division belong only to the Fathers of the Family but every free Person therein not excluding their Children from such hopes When the Commons were appeased with this gift no man withstood the chusing of Consuls so that L. Val. Potitus M. Manlius afterwards called Capitolinus were made Consuls These Men ordered great Shews which M. Furius Dictator vowed in the Veientan War The same Year a Temple is Dedicated to Queen Juno vowed by the same Dictator in the same War and 't is reported that the Dedication was Celebrated by the great care of Matrons There was then a War at Algidum with the Aequi but not very considerable in regard the Enemy was almost routed before they joyned Battel The Senate Decree a Triumph to Valerius because he killed and pursued the Enemies farther than Manlius who entered the City with Ovation or the lesser Triumph The same Year there arose a War with the Volsinians but by reason of a Famin and Plague at Rome which proceeded from too much dryness and heat an Army could not be led thither Whereupon the Volsinians having procured the Assistance of the Inhabitants of Salpinum were puffed up that they made an inrode upon the Roman Territories Then War was Proclaimed against them both C. Julius the Censor died into whose Place was chosen M. Cornelius which proving ominous because that Lustrum Rome was taken there was never afterwards any Censor chosen into a dead place and when their Consuls were very sick they had an Interregnum daily making use of their Soothsayers and when the Consuls by an Order of Senate had resigned their Office M. Furius Camillus is made Interrex who chose P. Corn. Scipio Interrex and he L. Val. Potitus who created six Military Tribunes Men of Consular Power that the Commonwealth might not be at a loss for Magistrates if any of them should fall sick On the Calends of July L. Lucretius S. Sulpitius M. Aemilius L. Furius Medullinus the seventh time in that Office Agrippa Furius C. Aemilius the second time Of these the management of the War with the Volsinians fell to L. Lucretius and C. Aemilius and the care of the Salpinatian War fell to Agrippa Furius and S. Sulpitius They first engaged with the Volsinians the War was not sharp though famous for the number of Enemies the Army fled at the first onset and 8000 of their armed Men being stop'd by the Horsemen laid down their Arms and delivered up themselves The fame of this War hindered the Salpinatians from joyning Battel they therefore mounted the Walls and there stood upon their defence The Romans every where pillaged the Volsinian and Salpinatian Country no Man withstanding them until the Volsinians being tired out with the War obtained a Truce for twenty Years upon condition they would make restitution to the Romans and pay their Army for that Year The same Year M. Caeditius one of the Commons told the Tribunes that about mid-night in the way where there is now a Chappel he heard a Voice over the Temple of Vesta somewhat louder than a Mans which commanded him to tell the Magistrates that the Galls were coming The mean condition of the Author as it commonly happens made this thing not much regarded the Nation also being a good distance from them and therefore the more unknown to them Neither when the hand of Fate was thus upon them did they only despise the warnings of the Gods but human assistance also which was present with them in removing M. Furius from the City who upon a day appointed by L. Apuleius a Tribune of the Commons concerning the Veientan Prey those of his own Tribe also and his Clients who were no small part of the Commons being summoned to the House at that time also having lost his Son ask'd them concerning the business and their answer was that they would give him as much as the Fine was but they could not acquit him of it Whereupon he is forced into Banishment beseeching the immortal Gods that if he were innocent they would the first opportunity let the ungrateful City know the want of him In his absence he is Fined fifteen thousand pound of Mony to be paid by weight Thus he is Banish'd who had he staid if human assistance can afford any certainty had kept Rome from being taken When the fatal destruction of the City approach'd Ambassadors came from Clusium desiring help against the Galls 'T is reported that that Nation being much taken with the sweetness of their Fruit especially the strange deliciousness of their Wine passed the Alps got possession of the Fields before Tilled by the Etrurians and carried over into Gallia some Wine to entice their Nation thither Some say that Aruns of Clusium whose Wife was vitiated by Lacuman his Pupil a stout young Man and not punishable but by Foreign aid led them over the Alps and was the Ringleader at the siege of Clusium but 't is clear enough that those that assaulted Clusium were not the Galls that first passed the Alps. For the Galls got over into Italy two hundred years before the siege at Clusium or taking Rome neither was their first encounter with the Etrurians but long before they often fought with those that live between the Appenine and the Alps. The wealth of the Tuscans being an open encouragement to them both by Land and Sea long before the Roman Empire even the upper and lower Sea wherewith Italy is encompassed like an Island and the names of those Seas are an argument for it for the Italians call the one the Tuscan Sea after the common name of the Nation and the other the Adriatick Sea from Adria a Colony of the Tuscans These Men extending their Territories to both Seas inhabited 12 Cities first on this side the
no Prisoners should be Ransom'd there was a new fit of Weeping and Lamentation amongst the People for the loss of so many Citizens and with abundance of Tears and Complaints they followed the Agents to the Gates of whom one he that thought by his sham-return into Annibals Camp he had discharg'd his Oath went privately home and staid at his own House but no sooner was that known and the Senate made acquainted with it but they unanimously Decreed That he should be apprehended and under a Guard sent back to Annibal There goes another report touching these Prisoners That ten of them came at first and the Senate being divided Whether or no they should be admitted into the City It was carryed in the Affirmative but with a Proviso That they should not be admitted to Audience and that thereupon staying longer than was expected Three more followed them viz. L. Scribonius and C. Calphurnius and L. Manlius and that then a Relation of Scribonius that was one of the Tribunes of the Commons moved the matter in the Senate which not being granted the three last returned to Annibal but the former ten staid behind because after they had been onwards some part of their Journy they had gone back again under pretence of getting a List of the Prisoners names and so had discharg'd themselves of their Oath And that there was great debate in the Senate about delivering them up but at last it was carryed in the Negative by some few Voices However that those Persons were so branded by the next Censors that some of them presently made away themselves and the rest were so ashamed and hated that all their Lives after they durst never appear in publick nor scarce stir out of their own doors Touching which we may rather admire how Authors come thus to differ than how from amongst them to establish the Truth That this loss at Cannae was much greater than any others that happen'd before may from hence be gathered because those of the Romans Allies who till that very time had continued firm to their Interest then began to fall off meerly despairing of their Condition for soon after all these Nations revolted to the Carthaginians the Attellans the Calatines the Hirpines part of the Apulians all the Samnites except the Pentrians the Bruttians and the Lucanians together with the Surrentines and almost all the Greeks the Tarentines Metapontines Crotonians Locrians and all the Gauls on that side the Alps Yet could not all these Losses all these Defections of their Allies prevail so far as to cause the Romans so much as to make mention of a Peace either before the Consuls arrival or after he was come and renew'd the Memory of the Over-throw by giving an account of the Particulars But on the contrary the City carryed such a Greatness of mind That at the same time when he return'd from so great a Defeat of which he had been the principal Cause the People of all Ranks went out in Multitudes to meet and welcome him home And by the Senate Thanks were return'd him for that he had not despair'd of the Commonwealth whereas had he been a General amongst the Carthaginians he must certainly have undergone the greatest of Punishments DECADE III. BOOK III. The EPITOME 1 3 c. The Campanians revolt to Annibal 11 12. Mago sent to Carthage to carry Intelligence of the Victory at Cannae pours the Gold-Rings taken off the Fingers of the Roman Gentlemen slain there out upon the Floor in the Lobby of their Senate-House which are said to have been above half a Bushel 12 13. Vpon these tydings Hanno one of their chief Noblemen advis'd the Carthaginian Senate to make Peace with the Romans but could not prevail the Barchine Faction so strenuously opposed it 16. Cl Marcellus the Praetor has good success in a sally he made upon Annibal out of the City Nola. 18. Annibals Army by taking up Winter-Quarters at Capua are strangely debauch'd and enfeâ—bled both in their Bodies and Spirits 19. Casilinum besieg'd by the Punicks is so straitned for Provisions that they pull off Leather from their Targets and eat it as also Mice and are sustain'd a while by Nuts sent them down the River Vulturnus by the Romans 23. The Senate of Rome is fill'd up with a new choice of a hundred ninety seven persons out of the Equestrian Order 24. L. Postumius the Praetor is cut off together with his Army by the Gauls 26 c. The two Scipio's in Spain over-come Asdrubal and become Masters of that whole Realm 31. The Souldiers that escap'd at Cannae are sent away into Sicily not to depart thence till the War be finisht 33. A League made between Philip King of Macedon and Annibal 35. Sempronius Gracchus the Consul destroys the Campanians 40 c. This Book likewise contains the successes of T. Manlius the Praetor in Sardinia by whom the General Asdrubal himself is taken and also those other great Commanders Mago and Hanno 45 c. Cl. Marcellus the Praetor in a pitcht Field near Nola defeats Annibals Army and was the first that put the Romans in hopes of better success after so many losses and disasters ANnibal after the Battel at Cannae and the taking and ransacking both the Roman Camps hastned out of Apulia into Samnium being invited to come into the Hirpins Country by one Statius who promised to deliver the City Compsa into his hands This Statius was of that Town and a Gentleman of good quality but kept under by the Faction of the Mopsians a Family by the favour of the Romans very potent but after the noise of the Victory at Cannae and a report of the advance of Annibal that way industriously spread by Statius all those Mopsians of their own accord left the City which without any resistance surrendred to the Carthaginians and receiv'd a Garison Annibal leaving there all his plunder and Baggage divides his Army sending one part under Mago to receive into protection all the Cities of those parts that would voluntarily desert the Romans or otherwise to subdue them by force whilst with the rest of the Forces he himself march'd through Campania towards the lower Sea designing to attack Naples that he might have the conveniency of a Sea Port. As soon as he entred the Neapolitan Confines he dispos'd some of his Numidians in Ambush as cunningly as he could and thereabouts the wayes for the most part are hollow and full of blind holes and corners others he order'd to drive away the Cattel out of the Fields and ride braving with them by the Gates of the City upon whom because they were but few and seem'd out of Order too a Party of Horse making a Sally out of the City were by their retreating on purpose decoy'd into the Emboscade and there hem'd in nor had one of them escap'd but that being near the Sea some Fisher-Boats happen'd to be within sight of the shore on which those that could swim got aboard but
several young Noblemen were slain and amongst the rest Hegeas that commanded that Squadron charging too far upon those that seem'd to fly was cut off However when Annibal came to view the Walls of the Town how strong and impregnable they were he was discouraged from sitting down before it From thence he turn'd his march towards Capua a City grown luxurious with a long prosperity and indulgence of Fortune but amongst all corruptions that there raigned it was most of all infected with the licentiousness of the Commons who beyond all measure abused their Liberty Pacuvius Calavius a man of noble descent and popular in his Carriage but by ill Courses grown Rich had both the Senate and the Commons very much at his Devotion He happen'd to be their Chief Magistrate that year the Romans were over-thrown at Thrasymenus and having some inkling that the Commons who a long time had mortally hated the Senate might if Annibal came that way attempt such a desperate Villany as to murder all the Senators and surrender the City to the Carthaginians though he were an ill man yet he was not so profligately wicked but he rather desired to domineer over the Common-wealth in being than utterly to subvert it and knowing no State could subsist if once depriv'd of publick Council he bethinks himself of a course whereby he might both preserve the Senate and oblige them as well to the Commons as himself Assembling therefore one day the Senate together after a solemn Preface protesting That in no case he could approve of any design of revolting from the Romans unless it were upon necessity as having himself Children by the Daughter of Appius Claudius and his own Daughter married to Livius at Rome but he told them there was a thing in agitation of greater importance and far more dreadful consequence than that For the Commons had a design not only by way of Revolt and Rebellion to rid the City of the Senate's Authority but even to Massacre the Senators and so to yield up to Annibal and the Carthaginians the City void of all Governours and Magistracy That he knew how to free them from this imminent danger if they would trust him with the management of it and forget former jars and differences which had happen'd between them and himself concerning publick affairs All of them present consenting for meer fear to what he propounded I will says he shut you up here in the Council Chamber and by seeming to approve and be a Confederate in those Councils which I should not otherwise be able to oppose I will work a way for your safety and for performance hereof I will give you any security that you your selves shall demand Thus having pass'd his solemn Promise to be true to them away he goes shuts up the Senate-House and sets a Guard in the Lobby and all the Avenues charging them to let no body pass in or out without his Order Then he calls all the people together to the Town-Hall and makes this Speech to them That which so often you have wisht for Fellow Citizens of Capua even an opportunity to punish and revenge your selves of your naughty and accursed Senate is now fairly presented and may with equal ease and safety be perform'd for you need not in a tumultuous way assault their several Houses which by reason of the strong Guards they keep of their Clients and Bond-slaves was not to be done without great hazard but you may set upon them altogether in the Council-Chamber where they are fast shut up alone and without Armour Friends or dependants to rescue them Yet shall you do nothing rashly but I will bring every one of them severally before you to receive your impartial Doom that each according to his desert may be punisht However in the first place you must not so far indulge your just resentments as to suffer a present heat or desire of revenge to betray your future safety For as I conceive it is only these wicked Senators whose persons and ill practices you hate not that you mean wholly to abolish and live without a Senate For either you must have a King which I know you abhor to think of or else that which is the only Council of a Free City a Senate Therefore we have two things before us To Cashier the old Senate and furnish our selves with a new one In order thereunto I will cause the several Senators to be cited and demand your Sentence upon them and what you Decree shall be done but before any be Executed you shall first chuse some good substantial person of Wisdom and Courage worthy to succeed in his place Then down he sits and Orders the Senators names to be drawn by Lot and the man that it first fell upon to be brought thither from the Council Chamber As soon as his name was mentioned every one cryed out That he was a wicked Wretch and a Villain and well deserv'd to be hang'd Then says Pacuvius Well Gentlemen I see what your Judgment is of him Let him turn out like a base Fellow as he is and now go on to chuse a good just and worthy Senator in his room At first they were all husht and silent for want of a better man to supply his place by and by some bold Fellow of the Crowd laying aside modesty names one that he had a fancy for but then presently the Clamour was louder against him than the other some crying out they did not know him others laid vile Crimes to his Charge another said he was a Beggar or else they objected his base descent or scandalous sordid imployment and when a second or third was named the more impetuous they were and muster'd up against every one a thousand Exceptions so that 't was plain the people were weary of the Senator in being but wanted a better to put in his place For to what purpose was it to put up the same men again whom they had already nominated unless to hear them reproach'd afresh and if they went on to others still they appear'd more base and unfit than such as first occurr'd to their thoughts so that at last the people began to whisper one to another Better trust a Knave we know than a Knave we do not know and desired that the old Senators might be set at liberty By this Policy Pacuvius having saved the Senators Lives oblig'd them to himself much more than to the Commons and without Arms govern'd all things at his pleasure none controuling him Thence-forwards the Senators forgetting their Dignity began to court and Complement the Rabble to invite and treat them sumptuously at their Houses to Espouse their Quarrels were always ready to stand by them and appoint Judges favourable to that party that was most in credit with the Mobile so even in the Senate it self all things were transacted just as if it were an Assembly of the Populace That City had always been too much given to Luxury as well by the
There were those that triumph'd lately over Philip this mans Father and over Antiochus who were both possess'd of their Kingdoms at the same time and shall not Aemilius triumph over Perseus who is taken and brought with his Children into our very City If L. Paulus when the other two are going in their Chariot up to the Capitol adorn'd with gold and purple should ask as a private Roman from among the crowd below L. Anicius and Cn. Octavius do you think your selves or me more worthy to triumph I am confident they would quit the Chariot and with their own hands for shame deliver to him their badges of honour And will you Romans rather have Gentius led in triumph than Perseus or have a triumph celebrated for the accâ—ssion of a War rather than for the War it self Shall the Legions and Naval Forces out of Illyricum march into the City with Laurels on their Heads and the Macedonian Legions being deny'd that honour only stand and gaze upon the triumphs of other men Besides what shall we do with the spoils of so rich a booty and so opulent a Victory Where shall we put those so many thousand Arms that were taken off the bodies of the Enemies Shall they be sent back into Macedonia How shall we dispose of the golden marble and Ivory Statues the inlaid Tables the rich Tissues so much embossed silver so much gold and so great a quantity of the Kings Money Shall they be carried by night into the Treasury as if they had been stolen What shall we do with the greatest Sight of all Where shall that famous and most opulent King now taken be shewn to the Victorious People Most of us remember what a concourse King Syphax caused when he was taken though he were no more than an accession to the Punick War Shall King Perseus then now that he is taken with Philip and Alexander his Sons who are persons of such renown be withheld from the view of the City All peoples Eyes desire to see L. Paulus who hath been twice Consul and subdu'd all Greece ride in a Chariot through the City For this reason we made him Consul that he might make an end of that War which to our great shame was spun out for four years together Shall we then deny him for whom even when he first happen'd to have that Province and when he went thither we with presaging minds designed a Victory and a triumph a triumph now he hath got that Victory and thereby rob not only men but the Gods too of their due honour For it concerns the Gods and not men alone Did not your Ancestors begin all great affairs with applications to the Gods and make that too the end A Consul or a Praetor at their setting forth with their Lictors in Warlike habits to go for any Province or to any War makes Vows in the Capitol and when he returns with Victory after the War 's over triumphing in the Capitol brings to the same Gods to whom he made those Vows the deserved presents of the Roman People for the Victims that go before him are no small part of the triumph that it may appear the General returns to give the Gods thanks for his success in the management of the Common-wealths business and that he offers by the hands of one or other all those Victims which he causes to be carry'd in triumph Now will you spoil all the Senates good cheer which is not eaten either in a private place or a publick that is profane but in the Capitol whether for the pleasure of men only or of the Gods and men together at the instigation of Servius Galba Shall the Gates be shut against L. Paulus's triumph Shall Perseus King of Macedonia with his Children and the other crowd of Captives together with the spoils of the Macedonians be left about the River Shall L. Paulus go from the Gate home like a private person as though he only came out of the Country But you Centurions and Souldiers hear what the Senate hath decreed concerning General Paulus rather than what Servius Galba invents concerning him and hear me rather than him say this He hath learnt to do nothing but to prate and that maliciously and opprobriously too but I have twenty three times with my Enemy whom I challenged to the Battle and from all those with whom I ever engaged I brought back spoils having a Body mark'd with honourable scars which I received in the War With that he they say shew'd his naked Skin and told them in what War each wound was receiv'd Which whilst he was a showing and boasting of he by chance discover'd what should have been hid and by that means a swelling that he had in his groin made those that stood next him laugh Whereupon he told them Yea and this too that you laugh at I got by sitting whole dayes and nights on Horseback nor am I ashamed or do I repent of it more than of these scars since it never was any hinderance to me either at home or in the Wars but that I could very well serve the Common-wealth I who am an old Souldier have often shewn this mangled body to the young Souldiers Now let Galba shew his delicate whole skin Tribunes if you please recal the Tribes to give their Votes Valerius Antias sayes that the summ of gold and silver that was taken in that War and brought to Rome amounted to twelve Millions of French money which summ no doubt is by him made a little bigger than it should be upon the score of the number of the Waggons and the weights of gold and silver which he hath set down according to their several kinds They say there was as much again spent in the late War or consumed and lost when he ran to Samothrace and this was so much the more admirable for that so much money had been heaped up within thirty years after the War of Philip with the Romans partly out of the metals and partly out of other Revenues So Philip began to make with the Romans when he was very poor and Perseus when he was very rich Last of all came Paulus himself in his Chariot with a very majestick presence not only upon the score of his comely and graceful Body but his Age also After his Chariot follow'd among other famous men his two Sons Q. Maximus and P. Scipio and then the Horse in Troops with the Regiments of Foot each in their order To each Footman were given a hundred Deniers double to a Centurion and trebble to an Horseman Now they say he would have given as much as he gave the Horse to the Foot and proportionably to the rest if they had not voted against his honour or had shouted heartily for this summ when they were told of it But Perseus was not the only Example of humane misfortunes in those dayes who was led before the Chariot of a Victorious General in Chains through the Enemies City but even