fauoured by Heretikes and refused of the Churche vpon suche a one good reader M. Hardinge wil haue thee to stay thy faith As for the rest of these newe witnesses although I minde to take no great exception againste them yet M. Hardinge knoweth there is scarsly one of them but may be doubted of Martialis was lately founde in France in the Citie of Lemouica in an arche of stone vnder the grounde so corrupte and defaced that in many places it coulde not be reade and was neuer séene in the worlde at any time before Dionysius although he be an auncient writer as it may many wayes wel appeare yet it is iudged by Erasmus Iohn Colet and others many graue and learned menne that it cannot be Ariopagita S. Paules disciple that is mentioned in the Actes S. Iames Liturgie hath a special prayer for them that liue in Monasteries and yet it was very rathe to haue Monasteries builte in al S. Iames time Chrysostomes Liturgie prayeth for Pope Nicloas by these woordes Nicolai Sanctissimi vniuersalis Papae longa sint tempora We praye God sende Nicolas that most holy and vniuersal Pope a longe time to lyue But Pope Nicloas the firste of that name was the seconde Pope after Pope Iohane the woman in the yeere of our Lorde eight hundred fiftie and seuen almost fiue hundred yéeres after Chrysostome was dead and likewise in the same Liturgie there is a prayer for the empier and victorie of the Emperour Alexius And the firste Emperour of that name was in the yéere of our Lorde a thousand and fower scoare after the decease of Chrysostome seuen hundred yéeres Nowe it were very muche for M. Hardinge to say Chrysostome prayed for menne by name seuen hundred yéeres before they were borne I trowe that were Prophesieing and not prayeinge Thou séest Christian reader what Doctours here be brought as M. Hardinge saithe to grounde thy faithe and saluation vpon If he coulde haue brought any better I trowe he woulde haue spared these But suche doctrine such doctours These doubtful authorities I trust will sette mennes consciences out of doubte Now not withstandinge it be something troublesome yet shal it not be from the purpose for trial of these mennes faithful dealinge to examine some of M. Hardinges owne witnesses and to heare what they wil depose Al these as it is saide auoutche the Sacrifice otherwise called the Masse and not onely these but also al others of al ages and times and that in a manner in the selfe same order and forme that now is vsed Here M. Hardinge muche abuseth bothe his owne learninge and also the trust and credite that many haue in him For he knoweth wel that the Apostles had neither the forme nor the order nor the name of Masse How be it if al these beare witnesse to the Masse why speake they not Why come thei foorth so dumbe What haue thei nought to say in this behalfe or is their woorde not worth the hearinge Or are they so olde that they cannot speake Or must wée néedes beleue M. Hardinge without euidence But what if neither Clement the Apostles fellow nor Abdias nor S. Iames nor Basile nor Chrysostome nor any other of al these here alleged speake one woorde of Priuate Masse What if they haue not so muche as the name of Masse What if they testifie plainely against M. Hardinges Masse What if they testifie fully and roundely with the holy Communion It were great shame for M. Hardinge to flie from his owne witnesses and very muche for me to stande to be tried by them that are brought in suche a thronge to depose against me And to beginne firste with S. Iames the order of his Liturgie whiche Maister Hardinge calleth Masse standeth thus Sacerdos ait Nullus eorum qui orare non possunt nobiscum iâ—grediatur Diaconus ait Cum timore fide dilectione accedite Populus respondeâ— Benedictus qui venit in nomine Domini Deinde impertit Clero Cum autem attollunt Diaconi discos calices ad impertiendum populo Diaconus ait Domine benedic Whiche woordes may be turned thus The Prieste saithe Lette not one of them that may not pray enter in with vs. The Deacon saithe With reuerence and faithe and loue approche ye neare The people answeareth Blessed is he that commeth in the name of the Lorde After this he ministreth vnto the Clergie But when the Deacons take vp the Dishes and Cuppes to minister vnto the people the Deacon saithe Lorde Blisse Here by the order of S. Iames Masse the people answeareth the Priest in their owne tongue prouision is made for the whole congregation in Dishes and Cuppes they be called to receiue the Communion and they doo receiue al togeather Nowe lette M. Hardinge be iudge whether S. Iames beare recorde to the Priuate Masse or to the Communion Abdias although he reporte many vntrue tales yet he reporteth not one woorde of Priuate Masse but muche to the contrarie Writinge the lyfe of S. Thomas and shewyng in what sorte he ministred the holy Communion he saithe thus Eucharistiam diuisit his quos supra memorauimus id est populo He diuided the Sacrament Vnto the people of whome we spake before And againe in the life of S. Mathew who as M. Hardinge beareth vs in hande without al question sayd Masse in Ethiopia he writeth thus Cumque respondissent Amen mysteria Domini celebrata essent Missam suscepisset omnis Ecclesia When they had answeared Amen and the mysteries of the Lorde had benne celebrate and the whole Churche had receiued the Communion Where the whole Churche answeareth the Prieste and receiueth the Communion togeather I recken M. Hardinge wil hardly cal that a Priuate Masse Iustinus Martyr an other of M. Hardinges witnesses in his seconde Apologie vnto the Emperour Antoninus declaring the Innocencie of the Christian people that then liued vnder great persecution and shewinge the manner of their assemblies writeth thus Before the ende of our prayers we kisse eche of vs one an other Then is there brought vnto him that is the chiefe of the Brethren Breade and a Cuppe of Wine and water mingled togeather whiche hauinge receiued he praiseth God and geueth thankes a good space and that donne the whole people confirmeth his prayer sayinge Amen After that they that amonge vs be called Deacons geue vnto euery of them that be present parte of the Breade and likewise of the Wine and Water that are consecrate with thankes geuinge and carie the same home vnto them that happen to be absent Here is a ful Communion and no Priuate Masse Dionysius an other of the witnesses and as M. Hardinge saithe the Apostles scholar openeth the whole order of the Ministration in his time writing namely and purposely of that mater The Prieste saithe he beginneth the holy Psalmodie and the whole bodie of the
these and suche other lyke Decrees were made not for the greattest parte of the people that in those daies vsed to Communicate in al their assemblies but for a fewe that were negligent and haled backe For otherwise the general order dooth wel appeare by al the Ecclesiastical recordes of that time And whereas M. Harding hath taken exception of smal townes and villages which he gheasseth had then the Priuate Masse it was decreed and straitely ordred in a Councel holden at Gerunda in Spaine that al litle Churches in the Countrie should confourme them selues vnto the greate Cathedral Churches that were in Cities and Townes as wel for order of the communion as also for Singinge and other Ministration But by M. Hardinges owne graunte there was no Priuate Masse then in Cathedral Churches It followeth therefore necessarily this Councel of Gerunda standing in force that there was no Priuate Masse then in Townes or Uillages And that the people did then commonly receiue the Sacrament euery Sonneday it appearetâ— by most certaine and vndoubted proufes The Councel holden at Matiscona in Italie hath this Canon Decreâ—imus vt omnibus Dominicis diebus alâ—aris oblatio ab omnibus viris mulieribus offeratur Wee haue decreed that euery Sonday the Oblation of the Aultar be offred of al bothe men and wemen Likewise the Councel holden at Antisiodorum Decernimus vt vnaquaéque mulier quando Communicat Dominicalem suum habeat Quod si non habuerit vsque in alium dieÌ„ DominicuÌ„ non Communicet Wee decree that euery woman when she dooth Communicate haue her Dominical if she haue it not let her not Communicate vntil the next Sonneday Likewise Carolus Magnus a longe while after Emonge other his â—cclesiastical lawes writeth thus Vt populi oblationes sacerdotibus in Ecclesia offerant in die Dominico Communicent That the people offer their Oblations vnto the Priestes in the Churche and receiue the Communion vpon the Sonneday By these Councels and Decrees it appeareth plainely without Gheasse or Glose that the people vsed commonly in al that time and longe after to Communicate the holy Mysteries euery Sonneday Therefore M. Hardinge must yet séeke further for his Priuate Masse M. Hardinge The .31 Diuision In that Councel of Agatha wee finde a Decree made by the Fathers assembled there whereof 38 it appeareth that Priestes oftentimes saide Masse without others receiuing with them And this much it is in Englishe If any man wil haue an Oratorie or Chapel abroade in the countrie biside the parishe Churches in whiche lawful and ordinarie assemblie is for the rest of the Holy daies that he haue Masses there in consideration of weerinesse of the householde with iust ordinance wee doo permit But at Easter Christes birthe Epiphanie the Ascension of our Lorde Witsonneday and the Natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist and if there be any other special feastes let them not keepe their Masses but in the Cities and Parishes And as for the Clerkes if any wil doo or haue their Masses at the aforesaide feastes in Chapels onlesse the Bishop so commaunde or permit let them be thrust out from Communion By this Decree wee learne that then Masses were commonly saide in Priuate Chapels at home at suche times as the people were not accustomed to be houseled For when by commaundement and common order they receiued their rightes as in the afore named feastes then were the Priestes prohibited to saye Masses in Priuate Oratories or Chapels without the Parishe Churches And hereof wee may plainely vnderstande that in suche places Priestes customably saide Masses of their owne and of the householders deuotion when none of the householde were disposed to receiue with them The like Decree is to be founde Concilij Aruernensis cap. 14. Concil Constantinopol generalis in Trullo ca. 31. The B. of Sarisburie This obiection beinge al one with the former may the sooner be discharged by the former answeare Notwithstandinge here wée may learne by the way that the olde Fathers when they vse this woorde â–ª Missa meane not thereby a Priuate Masse as M. Hardinge woulde faine haue it taken but a Communion These be the woordes At Easter Christemas Epiphanie the Ascension of our Lorde Witsonneday and at the Natiuitie of S. Iohn the Baptist let them holde their Masses Teneant Missas in Cities or Parishes Now it is knowen and confessed by M. Hardinge that in greate Parishes and Cities at their Solemne Feastes they vsed to haue general Communions for al the whole people and no Priuate Masse Notwithstanding for auoidinge of errour it is also further to be marked that this same woorde Missa in the olde writers sometime signifieth no Masse at al neither Priuate nor Common but onely a resorte and méeting of the people togeather in place and time of Praier as it may sundrie waies appeare and namely by olde Translations out of the Gréeke into Latin touchinge the same For that the Gréeke Writer vttereth by the woorde that signifieth an assemblie or méetinge of the people the same doothe the Latine Interpreter oftentimes Translate by this woorde Missa For example Sozomenus in Gréeke writeth thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is when the people came togeather that dooth Epiphanius Translate into Latine thus Cum populus congregaretur ad Missas When the people came to Masse Likewise Socrates writeth thus in the Gréeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is to saye To haue a Congregation or assemblie by them selues That doothe Epiphanius translate into Latine thus Apud se ipsos Missarum celebrare solennia that is Emonge them selues to celebrate the solemnâ—ties of the Masse In these and many other like places whiche I purposely passe by it must néedes be confessed that Missa can not any way be taken for the Masse but onely for an assemblie of the people For which cause al manner of common praiers many times are called Missa as may be seene in Cassianus an auncient writer and sometime Scholar to S. Chrysostome In Canone diuinarum orationum and in Honorius and others sufficient onely to be touched But emongst al other significations it can not be founde that this woorde Missa in any olde writer was euer taken for the Priuate Masse notwithstandinge any thinge by M. Hardinge yet alleged Now if a man woulde say that this Councel of Agatha that is here brought in by this woorde Missa meante nothinge els but ordinary praiers in whiche signification the olde writers as I haue proued haue often taken it and so dispensed with them that dwelt farre from the Church onely to haue suche ordinary Praiers at home and for the holy Communion to resorte to the parish Churches perhaps M. Harding shoulde not finde muche to replie against it If he wil say I force and racke this exposition onely of mée selfe without president it may please him to remember that the same practise is yet continued
not of necessitie any rule or gouernement ouer others He might better haue turned it Ecclesiam orbis terrarum primariam The most notable or chief Churche of the worlde And so wolde his translation haue wel agreede with the Constitutions of the Emperour Iustinian wherein the preeminence of sittinge in the first place in al Councelles and Assemblies is by special Priuilege graunted to the Bishop of Rome Likewise it wil be replied That Cyprian calleth the Churche of Rome Ecclesiam Principalem The principal Churche whereof it were muche for M. Harding to reason thus The Churche of Rome is a Principal Churche Ergo The Bishop of Rome is Heade of the Vniuersal Churche For Cyprian him self in the same Epistle in plaine expresse woordes saith The authoritie of the Bishoppes of Aphrica is as good as the authoritie of the Bishop of Rome Cicero to blase the nobilitie of that Cittie calleth it Lucem orbis terrarum atque Arcem omnium Gentium The light of the Worlde and the Castle of al Nations Frontinus likewise Roma Vibs indiges terrarumque Dea. Rome is a wantles Cittie and the Goddesse of the worlde And S. Hierome of the same in his time saith Romanum Imperium nunc Vniuersas Gentes tenet The Empiâ—â—e of Rome nâ—we possesseth al Nations And therefore in the Councel of Chalcedon the Emperour of Rome is called Dominus Omnis Terrae Dominus Vniuersi Mundi The Lorde of al the Earth and the Lorde of the Whole Worlde In consideration as wel of this worldly state Maiestie as also of the number and constancie of Martyrs of the place of Peters trauaile of the Antiquitie of the Churche and of the puritie of Dâ—â—ctrine the Churche of Rome was called the Principal Churche of al others But he addeth further Vnde vnitas Sacerdotalis exâ—rta est From whence the Vnitie of the Priesthoode first beganne For that theise woordes seeme to weigh muche I thinke it good herein to heare the iudgemeÌ„t of some other man that maie seeme indiffereÌ„t Polydorus Uergilius expoundinge the same woordes of Cyprian writeth thus Ne quis erret nulla alia ratione Sacerdotalis ordo à Romano Episcopo profectus esse dici potest nisi apud Italos duntaxat id factum esse intelligatur cum perdiu ante aduentum Petri in vrbem Romam apud Hierosolymos Sacerdotium ritè institutum fuisse liquidâ— liqueat Least any man hereby deceiue him selfe it cannot in any other wise be saide that the order of Priesthoode grewe first from the Bishop of Rome onlesse we vnderstande it onely within Italie For it is cleare and out of question that priesthoode was orderly appointed at Hierusalem a good while before peter euer came to Rome This commendation therefor by the iudgement of Polydore was geuen by S. Cyprian to the Churche of Rome in respecte of Italie and not in respecte of the whole worlde And therefore S. Augustine sayth Ciuitas quasi Mater Caput est Caeterarum vnde etiam Metropolis appellatur The Cittie is as the Mother and the Heade of other townes and thereof in respecte of suche townes it is called the Mother Cittie And in this sense Chrysostome calleth the Cittie of Antioche Metropolim Fide The Mother of the Faithe M. Hardinge saith further The Churche is called the House of God the ruler whereof saith S. Aâ—â—rose in theise daies is Damasus Here is narrowe seekinge to finde out somewhat yet the same somewhat wil be worthe nothinge First what opinion S. Ambrose had herein it is easy els where of other his woordes to be seene In his Epistle vnto the Emperoure Ualentinian he calleth Damasus not Prince of the people nor Heade of the Churche nor Uniuersal Bishop but onely Bishop of the Churche of Rome And writinge vnto Siricius the Bishop of Rome he calleth him his Brother But he calleth Damasus by expresse woordes the Ruler of Goddes Churche He might haue had the like witnes of S. Hierome Damasus virgo Ecclesiae Virginis Doctor est Damasus beinge a Virgin is the teacher of the Churche that is a Virgin And what wil M. Hardinge geather hereof Or what thinketh he of Ambrose him self and of other Bishoppes was not euery of them the Ruler of the Churche of God Uerily S. Paule thus exhorteth the Cleregie of Ephesus at his departinge thence Take heede to youre selues and to the whole flocke wherein the Holy Ghost hath made you Oâ—erseers to rule the Churche of God whiche he hath gotten with his Bloâ—de There appeareth no other difference bytweene thiese woordes of S. Paule and the other of S. Ambrose sauinge onely that S. Ambrose saith Rector Ecclesiae and S. Paule saith Regere Ecclesiam Yet did not S. Paule by his woordes appointe the Ministers of Ephesus to rule ouer the whole Churche of God Thus S. Hierome calleth Origen Magistrum Ecclesiarum The Maister or teacher of the Churches Thus Theodoretus calleth Chrysostome Doctorem Orbis terrarum The teâ—cher of al the worlde Thus Nazianzene calleth S. Basile The Pillour and Butresse of the Churche But marke wel gentle Reader and thou shalt see that M. Hardinge hath pretily wreasted vp this place of S. Ambrose quite out of tune and of an Indefinite or a Particular Proposition coÌ„trary to his rules of Logique wil needes conclude an Uniuersal the better to mainteine the Popes Uniuersal power For that S. Ambrose speaketh indefinitely of a Churche without limitation of one or other that M. Hardinge streatcheth forceth to the whole Uniuersal Churche as if the whole Churche of God had benne at Rome The like kinde of erroure leadde Boniâ—acius the .8 to reason thus Dominus dixit generaliter Pasce oues meas non singulariter has aut illas Ergo commisisse intelligitur Vniuersas The Lorde saide generally vnto Peter Feede my sheepe he saide not specially Feede theise or them Therefore we must vnderstande that he committed them vnto Peter altogeather If M. Hardinge had not taken S. Ambrose vp so shorte by the woordes that immediatly folowe he might wel haue knowen his meaninge For thus he openeth what he meante by the House of God Ibi necesse est dicatur esse Domus Dei veritas vbi secundum voluntatem suam timetur There we must needes saie Goddes House and Trueth is wheresoeuer God is feared accordinge to his wil. This house was in al places where God was knowen and serued and not onely in the Churche of Rome Yet wil M. Hardinge saie Theise be euasions For S. Ambrose seemeth to acknowlege a special Rule and Gouernement in Damasus that was not common vnto others Certainely his woordes importe not so And howe canne we knowe his meaninge but by his woordes But to put the mater out of doubte let vs consider whether the self same forme of speache haue benne applied vnto any others in like sorte Arsenius in his submission writeth thus vnto Athanasius
Apostles saithe S. Ambrose onely S. Iohn excepted were al married yet neuerthelesse the same S. Iohn onely excepted as it is thought were al Martyrs Spiridion was a Married Bishop and yet as Sozomenus writeth he was thereby nothinge hindred neither to discharge his deutie nor to any other godly purpose Tertullian was a Prieste as appeareth by S. Hierome and Married as appeareth by his owne Booke written to his Wife and yet notwithstandinge as some reporte was a Martyr S. Hilarie was a Reuerende Father and Bishop of Poiters and yet Maried as may be geathered by his Epistlâ— written to his daughter Abra. And to leaue infinite others S. Chrysostome saithe Ita pretiofa res est Matrimonium vt possis cum eo ad Sanctum Episcopatus Solium subuehi Vtere moderatè nuptijs eris primus in Regno Coelorum So pretious a thinge is Matrimonie that with the same thou maiste be promoted euen vnto the Bishoppes Chaire Vse Marriage with discretion and thou shalt be the Chiefe in the Kingedome of Heauen S. Hierome saithe Hodiè quoque plurimi Sacerdotes habent Matrimonia Euen nowe a greate number of Priestes liue in Matrimonie Thus the Apostles of Christe and many other Learned Fathers and godly Bishoppes were married and as M. Hardinge saithe in his mirthe and pleasance had their Sisters and Yoke fellowes But howe and with what Sisters or Felowes a greate number of the Wiâ—elesse sorte of M. Hardinges side be Yokte for very regarde of honestie it may not be vttered Epiphanius writeth thus of certaine of his time Repudiant nuptias at non libidinem In honore enim apud illos est non Sanctitas sed Hypocrisis They refuse Marriage but not filthy luste For they esteeme not Holines but Hypocrisie Who seethe not that in the Churche of Rome Priestes Bishops and Cardinalles notwithstandinge they be vtterly forebidden to haue Wiues yet are easily allowed to haue Concubines They them selues haue confessed it by these woordes vnto the world Etiam in hac vrbe Romana Meretrices vt Matronae incedunt per vrbem seu mula vehuntur quas assectantur de Media die Nobiles familiares Cardinalium Clericique Euen here in this Citie of Rome harlottes passe through the streetes or ride vpon their Mules like honest Gentleweâ—men And Gentlemen of the Cardinalles bandes and Priestes at noone daies waite vpon them As touchinge them whome it so muche gréeueth you M. Hardinge to be called Martyrs you haue slaine not onely suche and suche whome it liketh you by your owne Name if ye haue not forgotten your owne Name to cal Renegates but also great numbers of others moe Married Unmarried Learned Unlearned Olde Yonge Boies Maides Laiemenne Priestes Bishoppes Archebishoppes without mercie Ye scourged them with roddes ye sette burninge torches to their handes ye cutte of their tongues ye hanged them ye beheadded them ye burnte them to ashes ye tooke the poore innocent babe fallinge from the mothers wombe and threwe it cruelly into the fier Briefly ye did with them what so euer your pleasure was The worste woorde that procéeded from them was this O Lord forgeue them They knowe not what they doo O Lorde Iesu receiue my Sprite In the meane while ye stoode by and delited your eies with the sight Ye digged vp the poore carkasses of Goddes Sainctes that had béene buried longe before ye serued them solemnely with processe and ascited them to appeare at your Consistories and by Publique sentence adiudged them to die the seconde death and so to the perpetual shame of your cruel folie ye wreakte your anger vpon the dead O M. Hardinge your conscience knoweth these are no lies They are written in the eies and hartes of many thousandes These be the markes of your Religion O what reckeninge wil you yéelde when so muche innocent Bloude shal be required at your handes And where you saie Wée must pulle the Olde Martyrs out of Heauen to place our owne for that our Doctrine and theirs as you beaâ—e vs in hande is quite contrary al this is but a néedeles ostentation of idle woordes Yf vauntes were proufes then were this mater fully ended But wée say that in these cases that I haue mooued you are not hable to allege one sufficient Clause or SenteÌ„ce of your side out of any of al the Olde learned Fathers And hitherto your muster appeareth but very simple notwithstandinge the great promise of your Stoare Certainely the Holy Fathers Martyrs of God wil say vnto you Wée know not your Priuate Masses Wee knowe not your Halfe Communion wée knowe not your Strange Unknowen Praiers wée knowe not your Adoration of Corruptible Creatures wee know not this Sacrificinge of the Sonne of God wée knowe not your Newe Religion wée knowe not you God open the eies of your Hartes that ye may sée the miserable state ye stande in recouer the place that ye haue loste and finde your Names written in the Booke of Life M. Hardinge The .12 Diuision Leauinge no smal number of places that might be recited out of diuerse other Doctours I wil bringe two of two woorthy Bishops one of Chrysostome the other of S. Ambrose confirminge this Truethe Chrysostomes woordes be these Pontifex noster ille est qui hostiam mundantem nos obtulit ipsam offerimus nunc quae tunâ— oblata quidem coÌ„sumi non potest Hoâ— autem quod nos facimus in commemorationem sit eius quod factum est Hoc â—â—im facite inquit in mei commemorationem He is our Bishop that hath offered vp the Hoste whiche cleanseth vs. The same doo we offer also nowe whiche thoughe it were then offered yet can not be consumed But this that we doo is done in Remembraunce of that whiche is done For doo ye this saithe he in my Remembraunce S. Ambrose saithe thus Vidimus principem Sacerdotum ad nos venientem vidimus audiuimus offerentem pro nobis sanguinem suum sequamur vt possumus sacerdotes vt offeramus pro populo sacrificium ersi infirmi merito tamen honorabiles Sacrificio Quia etsi Christus non videtur offerre tamen ipse offertur in terris quando Christi Corpus offertur VVee haue seene the Prince of Priestes come to vs we haue seene and hearde him offer for vs his Bloude Let vs that be Priestes folowe him as we may that we maie offer Sacrifice for the people beinge though weake in merite yet honorable for the Sacrifice Because albeit Christe be not seene to offer yet he is offered in earthe when the Body of Christe is offered Of these our Lordes woordes whiche is geuen for you and whiche is shedde for you and for many here S. Ambrose exhorteth the Priestes to offer the Body and Bloude of Christe for the people And willeth them to be more regarded then commonly they be nowe a daies for this Sacrifice sake though otherwise they be of
the feare of God with faithe and charitie But al was invaine 42 For none came so colde was their deuotion in that behalfe Nowe if Chrysostome had cause to complaine of the peoples slackenesse in comminge to the Communion in that greate and populous Citie of Antioche where the Scriptures were daily expounded and 43 preached where discipline and good order was more straitely exacted where in so greate number some of likelihoode were of more deuotion then others what is to be thought of many little townes and villages through the worlde where little preachinge was hearde where discipline slaked where the number of the faithfuls beinge smal and they occupied altogeather in worldly affaires fewe gaue good example of deuotion to others Doubtlesse in suche places was muche lesse resorte of the people at the Masse time to receiue the Sacrament with their priestes And where as least this place might seeme plainely to auouche the hauinge of Masse without a number Communicatinge with the Bishop or Priest for auoidinge of this authoritie the Gospellers answeare by way of coniecture that in Chrysostomes time the Priestes and Deacons Communicated togeather dayly with the partie that offred the Sacrifice though none of the people did we tel them that this poore shifte wil not serue their purpose For though they say some sufficient nuâ—ber euer Communicated with him that celebrated the Daily Sacrifice in that greate and famous Churche of Antioche where many Priestes and Deacons were whiche neither beinge denied they shal neuer be hable to proue What may be saide or thought of many thousande other lesser Churches through the world where the Priest that saide Masse had not in readinesse a sufficient number of other Priestes and Deacons to receiue with him so to make vp a Communion Of suche Churches it must be saide that either the Sacrifice ceased and that was not doone which 44 Christe commaunded to be doone in his remembrance whiche is not to be graunted or that the memorie of our Lordes death was oftentimes celebrated of the Priestes in the daily oblation without tarieinge for others to Communicate with them and so had these Churches Priuate Masses as the Churches now a daies haue Now to conclude of this moste euident place of Chrysostome euery childe is hable to make an inuincible argument against M. Iuel for the Priuate Masse as they cal it in this sorte By reporte of Chrysostome the Sacrifice in his time was daily offred that is to say the Masse was celebrated but many times no body came to Communicate Sacramentally with the Priestes 45 as it is before proued Ergo There were Masses donne without other receiuinge the Sacrament with the Priestes And then further Ergo Priuate Masses in Chrysostomes daies were not straunge and then yet one steppe further there to staye Ergo M. Iuel accordinge to his owne promise and offer must yeelde subscribe and recant vnto a gheasse The B. of Sarisburie Now is M. Hardinge come as he saith to the windinge vp of his Clew meaninge thereby as may be thought that the substance of al that he hath alleged hitherto hangeth onely by a twined threade This Coniecture is taken out of certaine woordes of Chrysostome and the whole force thereof standeth onely vpon this woorde Nemo which is in English No body Chrysostomes woordes be these Wee doo daily offer the Sacrifice or as M. Harding deliteth rather to say wee doo daily say Masse and there is No Body to Communicate Ergo saith he Chrysostome receiued alone And so haue wée without question a plaine Priuate Masse Here woulde I first know whether M. Harding wil rest vpon the bare woordes of Chrysostome or rather qualifie them somewhat and take his meaninge If he presse the woordes so precisely as he séemeth to doo then did not Chrysostome him selfe Communicate For he was Some Body and the plaine woordes be No Body doth Communicate By which woordes doubtlesse Chrysostome him selfe is excluded as wel as others And so there was no Sole receiuinge nor any receiuinge at al and therefore no Prinate Masse If he wil rather take Chrysostomes meaning it apppeareth his purpose was to rebuke the negligence of the people for that of so populous a Citie they came to the holy Communion in so smal companies which companies he in a vehemencie of speache by an eâ—aggeration in respecte of the whole calleth No body The like manner of speache is vsed also sometimes in the Scriptures S. Iohn saithe of Christe Testimonium eius nemo accipit Not for that no body at al receiued his witnesse For his Disciples and many others receiued it but for that of a greate multitude very fewe receiued it In like phrase Chrysostome him selfe saith otherwhere Nemo diuina sapit nemo coÌ„temnit ea quae in terra sunt nemo attendit ad CoeluÌ„ No body sauoureth godly thinges No body despiseth the thinges of this worlde No body hath regarde to Heauen In these woordes M. Hardinge must néedes confesse that Chrysostome in stéede of fewe by heate of speache and by way of comparison saide No body And al be it this onely answeare compared with the manner of Chrysostomes eloquence whiche commonly is hoate and feruent and with the common practise of the Churche then may suffice a man more desirous of trueth then of contention yet I haue good hope it may be prooued notwithstandinge M. Hardinges Nemo that Chrysostome neither was alone nor could be alone at the holy Ministration therefore coulde say no Priuate Masse For if the whole companie of the Laye People woulde haue forsaken him yet had he companie sufficient of the Priestes and Deacons and others of the Quiere And if the whole Quiere woulde haue forsaken him yet had he companie sufficient of the Lay People as it may be clearely proued That there was then a greate number to serue in the Mynistery it may diuersely wel appeare Ignatius calleth Presbyterium The sacred College The Councel and companie of the Bishop Chrysostome him selfe in his Liturgie saithe thus The Deacons bringe the disshes with the holy Breade vnto the holy Aultare the reast carie the holy Cuppes By whiche woordes appeareth bothe a number of the Ministerie and also prouision for them that woulde receiue Cornelius writeth that in the Churche of Rome there were fourtie and sixe Priestes seuen Deacons seuen Subdeacons fourtie and twoo Accolutes Exorcistes Readers and other Officers of the Churche fiftie and twoo Wydowes other afflicted people that there were reléeued a thousande fiue hundred Nazianzene complaineth of the number of the Clergie in his time that they séemed to be moe then the rest of the people And therefore Themperour Iustinian afterwarde thought it néedeful to abridge the number to make a law that in the greate Churche at Constantinople where Chrysostome was Bishop there should not be aboue the number of threescore Priestes one hundred Deacons fourtie wemen foure score and tenne
many that knowe the Gréeke and the Latine tongues be notwithstanding vngodly and many be godly that know them not Therefore it is very discretely saide by Beda Barbara est lingua quae Deum laudare non potest That tongue is Barbarous that can not praise God M. Hardinge maketh a longe discourse of the Apostles and other Apostolique mennes trauailes throughout the worlde If he had shewed to what ende wée might the better haue knowen his purpose If he wil saye The Apostles Preache in sundrie Countries Ergo The people had their Common Praiers in an vnknowen tongue This Argument wil hardely holde For to that ende God gaue vnto them the gifte of Tongues that they might deale with al nations in their owne Languages Here are wée required to shewe some euidence that in the Primitiue Churche the Publique Seruice was in the Syriacal or Arabike or Egyptian or any other Barbarous tongue and it is stoutely presumed that wee are hable to shewe none What so euer wée can shewe this is no indifferent dealinge For M. Hardinge beinge required of mée to shewe but one sentence of proufe for his side and hauinge as yet shewed nothinge suddainely altereth the whole state of the cause and shifteth his handes and requireth mée to shewe Whiche thinge although I be not bounde to doo by any order of Disputation yet that it may appeare that wée deale plainely and séeke nothinge but the truthe I am contente onely in one example or twoo presently to folow his wil referringe the reast to an other place more conuenient for the same And for as muche as the firste tongue that he nameth amongst others is the Syriacal let him reade S. Hierome describinge the pompe of Paulaes funeral These be his woordes Tota ad Funus eius Palaestinarum vrbium turba conuenit Hebraeo Graeco Latino Syroque Sermone Psalmi in ordine personabant At her Funeral al the multitude of the Cities of Palestine mette togeather The Psalmes were songe in order in the Hebrew Greeke Latine and Syrian tongue Here may he sée that in one Citie foure seueral nations in their Common Seruice vsed foure seueral tongues amonge whiche tongues is the Syriacal whiche thing M. Hardinge thinketh al the worlde cannot shew S. Augustine willing the Priestes to applie their studies to correcte the errours of their Latine speache addeth thereto this reason Vt populus ad id quod planè intelligit dicat Amen That the people vnto the thinge that they plainely vnderstande may say Amen This of S. Augustine séemeth to be spoaken generally of al tongues M. Hardinge him selfe at the ende of his treatie confesseth that the Armenians Russians Ethiopians Sclauons and Moscouites haue from the beginninge of their faithe in their publique Seruice vsed euermore their owne natural countrie tongues Wherefore by M. Hardinges owne graunte wée may iustly claime prescription and charge him with Antiquitie and require him to yeelde to the authoritie of the Primitiue Churche M. Hardinge The .4 Diuision Wherefore M. Iuel in his Sermon whiche he vttered in so solemne an audience and hath set foorthe in Printe to the woorlde saith more then he is hable to iustifie where he speaketh generally thus Before the People grevv to corruption whereby he meaneth the firste sixe hundred yeres after Christe al Christian menne throughout the vvorlde made their Common Praiers and had the holy Communion in their ovvne Common and knovven tongue This is soone spoaken sir but it wil not by you be so soone prooued The B. of Sarisburie That M. Iuel there saide is prooued sufficiently onlesse M. Hardinge be hable to bringe some example one or other to prooue the contrary Neither is the mater so harde of our side to be prooued Thomas of Aquine Nicolas Lyra M. Hardinges owne witnesses for some good parte wil prooue it for me M. Hardinge The .5 Diuision In deed wee finde that where as holy Ephrem Deacon of the Churche of Edessa wrote many thinges in the Syriacal tongue he was of so worthy fame and renome that as S. Hierome witnesseth his writinges were rehearsed in certaine Churches openly Post lectionem ScripturaruÌ„ after the Scriptures had beene reade whereof it appeareth to Erasmus that nothing was wonte then to be reade in the Churches biside the writinges of the Apostles or at least of suche men as were of Apostolike authoritie But by this place of S. Hierome it seemeth not that Ephrems woorkes were vsed as a parte of the Common Seruice but rather as Homilies or exhortations to he reade after the Seruice whiche consisted in manner wholy of the Scriptures And whether they were tourned into Greeke or no so soone it is vncertaine The B. of Sarisburie M. Hardinge contrary to the ordre of Rhetorique woulde confute our side before he confirme his owne But I maruel muche to what ende he should thus allege Ephrem onlesse it be to heape mater against him selfe For wil he thus frame his reason Ephrem wrote sundry thinges in his owne mother tongue Ergo The people had their Seruice in a strange tongue Wil he haue this to be allowed and goe for an argument If there were nothing els â–ª here to be geathered yet hath he touched twoo thinges expressely against him selfe The one is that nothinge was then redde in the Church sauinge onely the Scriptures or other maters of Apostolique authoritie whiche thinge is also straitely commaunded by the Councel of Carthage Yet M. Hardinge in his Churche euen in the Publique Seruice readeth Lessons and Legendes of childi she Fables The other is that Ephrems Homiliâ—s were pronounced vnto the people in the Uulgare tongue yet M. Hardinge him selfe pronounceth Gospels Epistles and Homilies and al what so euer vnto the people in a straunge tongue But to avoide this inconuenience he saithe â–ª The Homilies were no parte of the Seruice First how is he sure of that Certainely the Latine Homilies be redde in the Matins and accompted parte of the Romishe Seruice Againe what necessary Sequele is this The people vnderstoode Ephrems Homilies Ergo his Homilies were no parte of the Seruice Or what leadeth him to thinke It was profitable for the people to heare and vnderstande Ephrem and yet was not profitablé for them to heare vnderstande Peter Paule or Christe To be shorte be confesseth that Ephrems writinges were exhortations to the Gréeke people and yet doubteth whether they were translated into the Gréeke or no and so he endeth in vncertaintie and concludeth nothing Now let vs sée whether the same Ephrem wil conclude any thinge of our side First Theodoretus saithe He was vtterly ignorant of the Greeke tongue Whiche thinge is also confirmed by M. Hardinges owne Amphilochius For in the conference that was bitwéene him and Basil he saithe He spake by an Interpreter as beinge not hable to speake Greeke himselfe Yet was the same Ephrem a Minister in the Churche beinge as S. Hierome saithe a
and al in Particular that he hath here diuised to shifte of S. Hierome seemeth very homely and home made For how caÌ„ it be a General onles it include euery Particular By M. Hardinges construction we must take Al for Some or Al not for the tenth parte of Al and by this Rhetorique lesse then halfe is as muche as Al and so Al is not Al. Thus M. Hardinges General is a meere Particular and to conclude his General is no General So weakely and so loosely his answeare standeth As touchinge the Galathians of whome S. Hierome saithe that biside their owne natural tongue they had also the vse of the Greeke bicause as Apollodorus saithe they of al others arriued laste into that Countrie it is likely they keapte their owne Barbarous speache longer then others But like as whether they al of al sortes spake Greeke or no as M. Harding saithe of necessitie it cannot be prooued so in deede it forceth nothinge For he cannot prooue thereby that they that vnderstoode not the Greeke had their Seruice in the Greeke Yet is this the Maior and the grounde of the whole whiche M. Hardinge so closely dissembleth and passeth by M. Hardinge The .10 Diuision S. Augustine speakinge of the title written by Pilate on the Crosse saithe thus It was in Hebrew Greeke and Latine Rex Iudâ—eorum For these three tongues were there in preeminence before al other Hebraea propter Iudaeos in Die lege gloriantes Graeca propter gentium sapientes Latina propter Romanos multis ac penè omnibus iam tunâ— gentibus imperantes The Hebrew for the Iewes that gloried in the lawe of God the Greeke for the wise menne of the â—entiles the Latine for the Romaines bearinge rule at that time ouer many and almost ouer al nations Nowe where he saithe here that the Greeke tongue was in preeminence Propter gentium sapientes for the wise men of the Gentiles he discusseth fully the doubte that mighte seeme to rise of S. Hieromes sayeinge and sheweth that the Greeke tongue was common not to al the vulgare people of the whole Orient but to the wise men onely and that for the atteyninge of learninge And for this it is to be noted that the Scripture reporteth the vulgare tongue of the Lycaonians to haue beene vttered in the hearinge of Paule and Barnabas not by the Magistrates or other the chiefe but by the vulgare people Turbae leuauerunt vocem suaâ— Lycaonicâ— dicentes c. Act. 14. And so S. Hierome is to be vnderstanded to speake in that place not of al menne of the Nations of the Easte but rather of a greate number and of some personnes of al nations For els if al the East had spoken Greeke the Souldiers that buried Gordianus the younger Emperour apud Circeium Castrum at Circey Castle neare to the lande of Persie woulde not haue written his title of honour vpon his Sepulchre in Greeke and Latine in the Persians Iewes and the Egyptians tongues vt ab omnibus legeretur that it might be reade of al as Iulias Capiâ—oâ—inus writeth VVhiche is an argument that al the East spake not ne vnderstoode not the Greeke tongue As likewise that Epiphantus writeth where he saithe thus Most of the Persians after the Persical letters vse also the Syrians letters As with vs many Nations vse the Greeke letters yea where as in euery nation in manner they haue letters of their owne And others some much esteeme the profounde tongue of the Syrians and the tongue that is about Palmyra bothe the tongue it selfe and also the letters of the same Bookes also haue been written of Manes in the Syrians tongue Againe if al the East had spoken Greeke sundrie the holy Fathers woulde not haue beene so â—nâ—ious to the common weale of the Church as to hide their singular woorkes from the readinge of al which they wrote in Barbarous and vulgare tongues to the commoditie onely of their brethren that vnderstoode the same Antonius that wrote seuen not able Epistles to diuerse Monasteries of Apostolike sense and speache as S. Hierome witnesseth in the Egyptian tongue Likewise holy Ephrem of Edessa Bardesanes of Mesopotamia who wrote very excellent woorkes in the Syriacal tongue Euen so did Isaac of Antioche and Samuel of Edessa priestes write many goodly woorkes against the enimies of the Church in the same tongue as Gennadius recordeth But what shal we speake of al the East Neither al the Lesse Asia and the Countries there adioyninge spake not Greeke one generation before the comminge of Christ. For if al had spoken Greeke Mithridates that renoumed Kinge of â— ontus had not needed to haue learned twoo and twentie languages of so many Nations he was kinge ouer to make answeare to suters to appointe them orders and lawes and in open audience to speake to them in so many languages without an Interpreter as Plinie writeth Here if these .22 Nations of 2â— sundrie tongues had also biside their owne language spoken Greeke and vnderstanded the same Plinie would not haue vttered that woorde sine Interprete without an Interpreter And likewise that Kinge had taken vaine labour in learninge those tongues where one might haue serued his turne Neare to this Kinges dominion in the shore of the sea Euxinus in the lande of Colchis there stoode a Citie named Dioscurias so muche haunted of straungers that as Plinie writeth by recorde of Timostâ—enes it was resorted vnto of three hundred Nations of distincte languages and that the Romaines for the better expedition of their affaires there had at length lieinge in the same .130 Interpreters Now if al the Orient had spoken Greeke as S. Hieromes woordes seeme to importe the Romaines should not haue needed to haue mainteyned there to their great charges so great a number of Interpreters to be their agentes there But for proufe that al the Orient spake not Greeke what neede we allege Prophane writers The knowen place of the Actes maketh mention of sundrie Nations there that had distincte languages the Parthians Medians and Elamites c. Act. 2. To conclude they that to mainteine their straunge opinion of the vniuersal vnderstandinge of the seruice vsed of olde time in the East Churche say and affirme that al the Orient spake â—reeke seeme muche to diminishe the Maiestie Vtilitie and necessitie of the miraculous gifte of tongues which the holy Ghost gaue in the primitiue Churche for the better furtherance of the Gospel For if al in those parties had spoken Greeke the gifâ—e of tongues had beene in that respect needeles Hitherto of the Greeke 72. and of the Seruice in that language The B. of Sarisburie This labour may wel be called Vanitas vanitatum For it is a great token of idlenesse to be so earnest and so copious in proouinge that thing that no man denieth And yet he forceth the mater so as if al the right of his cause lay vpon it He might as wel haue
séeme very plaine Writing against one Celsus a wicked Heathen he saith thus Graeci quidem Graecâ— Deum nominant Latinâ— Romani singuli item natiua Vernacula lingua Deum precaÌ„tur laudibus pro se quisque extollit Ille enim qui est linguarum omnium Dominus audit quauis lingua orantes idque non secus quà m si vnam vocem exciperet è varijs linguis expressam Deus enim cùm praesit machinae vniuersi non est quasi vnus aliquis qui linguam vel Graecam vel Barbaram sit sortitus vt coeteras nesciat The Greekes name God in the Greeke tongue and the Latines in the Latine tongue and al seueral Nations praie vnto God and praise him in their owne natural and mother tongue For he that is the Lorde of al tongues heareth men praieing in al tongues none otherwise then if it were one voice pronounced by diuers tongues For God that ruleth the whole worlde is not as some one man that hath gotten the Greeke or Latine tongue and knoweth none other S. Ambrose speaking of the Iewes that were conuerted to Christe saith thus Hi ex Hebraeis erant qui aliquaÌ„do Syria lingua plaerunque Hebraea in Tractatibus Oblationibus vtebantur These were â—ewes whiche in their Sermons and Oblations vsed sometime the Syrian tongue and sometimes the Hebrewe S. Basil writing vnto the learned men of Naeocaesaria and shewing in what order the people vsed to resorte to the house of praier in the night season and to singe Psalmes in sides and to praie togeather towardes the ende thereof hath these woordes Tanquam ab vnoore ab vno corde Confessionis Psalmum offerunt Domino Verba poenitentiae corum quisque propriè ascribit sibi As it were from one mouthe and from one harte they offer vp vnto the Lorde the Psalme of Confession and the woordes of Repentance euery of them applieth particularely vnto him selfe Hereby it is plaine that the people in S. Basils time songue the Psalmes togeather and vnderstoode what they songue And least M. Hardinge should slippe away as his wonte is and say Al this was doone in the Greeke tongue and not in any tongue Barbarous S. Basile hath already preuented him For immediatly he addeth further as it foloweth Horum gratia si nos fugitis fugietis etiam Aepyptios vtrosque Lybias Thebanos Palaestinos Arabas Phoenices Syros eos qui ad Euphratem incolunt in vniuersum omnes quibus Vigiliae Orationes Communes Psalmodiae in honore habentur If yee flee vs for thus singinge and praieinge togeather then must yee flee the Egyptians and bothe the Countries of Lybia and the Thebanes and the Palestines and the Arabians and the Phenicians and the Syrians and the borderers of Euphrates and generally yee must flee al them that haue watchinges and praiers and common Psalmodie in estimation I trow M. Hardinge wil not say Al these nations spake Greeke or Latine S. Hierome writinge vnto Heliodorus of the death of Nepotianus séemeth to auouche the same These be his woordes Nunc Passionem Christi Resurrectionem eius cunctarum gentium voces literae sonant Taceo de Hebraeis Graecis Latinis quas nationes suae Crucis Titulo Dominus dedicauit Bessorum feritas pellitorum turba populorum qui mortuorum quondam inferijs homines immolabant stridorem suum in dulce Christi fregerunt melos totius mundâ— vna vox est Christus Now bothe the voices and letters of al nations doo sounde out Christes Passion and Resurrection I leaue the Iewes the Greekes and the Latines whiche nations the Lorde hath dedicate with the title of his Crosse. The sauage nature of the Bessians and people that for their wildenesse goe cladde in skinnes whiche sometimes made Sacrifices of mennes Bodies haue turned their Barbarous speache into the sweete harmonie of Christe Christe is now the voice of the whole worlde Aeneas Syluius saithe that when Cyrillus and Methodius had conuerted the Sclauons vnto God whiche was aboute the yeere of our Lorde eight hundred and thréescore and were suters that they might minister the Common praiers and other Seruice vnto them in their Common Sclauon tongue and greate stay was made therein by the Pope and his Cardinales a voice was hearde as it had beene from Heauen Omnis spiritus laudet Dominum omnis lingua confiteatur ei Let euery sprite praise the Lorde and let euery tongue acknowlege him And that therevpon they were suffred to vse their owne tongue Touchinge this mater Innocentius the thirde hath decréed thus and whether it make for the purpose or no let M. Harding him selfe be iudge His woordes be these Quoniam in plaerisque partibus intra eandem Ciuitatem atque Dioecesim permisti sunt populi diuersarum linguarum habentes sub vna fide varios ritus mores districtè praecipimus vt Pontifices huiuscemodi Ciuitatum siue Dioecesium prouideant viros idoneos qui secundum diuersitates rituum linguarum diuina illis officia celebrent Ecclesiastica Sacramenta ministrent For so muche as in many places within one Citie and one Diocese there be nâ—tions mingled togeather of many tongues hauinge diuers orders and customes vnder one Faithe wee doo therefore straitely commaunde that the Bishoppes of suche Cities or Dioceses prouide meete men to Minister the holy Seruice Accordinge to the diuersitie of their manners and tongues Here might I allege much more out of diuers writers euen out of Abdias him selfe whom M. Hardinge so muche estéemeth But I wil onely note the complaint of one Iohn Billet concerning this case and so make an ende His woordes be these In primitiua Ecclesia prohibitum erat ne quis loqueretur linguis nisi esset qui interpretaretur Quid enim prodesset loqui nisi intelligeretur Inde etiam inoleuit laudabilis consuetudo vt pronuntiato literaliter Euangelio statim in vulgari populo exponeretur Quid autem nostris temporibus est agendum vbi nullus vel rarus inuenitur legens vel audiens qui intelligat Videtur ergo potius esse tacenduÌ„ quà m psallendum It was forbidden in the Primitiue Churche that no man shoulde speake with tongues onlesse there were some presente to expounde it For what should speakinge auaile without vnderstandinge And hereof grewe a laudable custome that after the Gospel was readde literally it should streight way be expouÌ„ded in the Vulgare tongue â—ut what shal wee doo in our daies when as there is either none at al or very seldom that râ—adeth or heareth and vnderstandeth It seemeth it were better now to holde then peace then so to singe Heere haue I alleged for proufe of our purpose of the olde Fathers Clemens Alexandrâ—nus Origen S. Basile S. Hierome Theodoretus Sozomenus and Isidorus of the later writers Aeneas Syluius Innocentius Tâ—rtius Iohn Billet Thomas of Aquine Lyra Durandus and Eckius
Inâ—er blandimenta nuâ—ricum As he was plaieinge vnder his Nâ—rce Signiâ—ieing thereby that his Nurces vnderstoode and spake Latine In his Booke De Catechizandis rudibus He writeth thus Let them know there is no voice that soundeth in Goddes eares but the deuotion of the minde So shal they not scorne at the head Priestes and Ministers of the Churche if they happen in makinge their praiers vnto God to speake false Latine or not to vnderstande the woordes that they speake or to speake them out of order He addeth â—urther Non quâ—d ista corrigenda non sint vt populus ad id quòd planè intelligit dicaâ— Amen Not for that suche faultes shoulde not be amended â–ª to the ende that the people to the thinge that they plainely perceiue may say Amen Here S. Augustine willeth that the Priestes vtter their Latine Seruice distinctely and truely that the people may vnderstande them Againe he saithe thus Volens etiam causam Donatistarum ad ipsius humilimi vulgi omninâ— imperitorum atque idiotarum notitiam peruenire eorum quantum fieri posset per nos inhaerere memorià e psalmum qui eis cantaretur per Latinas literas fâ—ci Beinge desirous that the cause of the Donatistes shoulde come to the knowlege of the lowest sorte and of them that be vtterly ignorant and voide of learninge and as muche as in vs lay might be fixed in their memorie I wrote a Psalme for them to singe in the Latine tongue And Possidonius writynge S. Augustines life saithe that Ualerius that was Bishop of Hippo before S. Augustine for that he was a Greeke borne and had smal skil in the Latine tongue was the lesse hable to Preache vnto the people and to discharge his dewtie there I doubte not but by these fewe woordes it may wel appeare that the people of Hippo vnderstoode the Latine al be it not in suche good order as they that had learned it at the Schoole and therefore would oftentimes speake amisse placing one woorde for an other and Gender for Gender and Case for Case as for example Dolus for Dolor S. Augustine saith Multi fratres imperiâ—iores Laâ—initaâ—is loquuÌ„tur fâ—c vt dicant Dolus illum torquet pro eo quod est Dolor And for that cause in his Sermons vnto the people he submitteth oftetimes him selfe vnto their capacitie For thus he speaketh vnto the people Saepe verba non Latina dico vt vos intelligatis Many times I vtter woordes that be no Latine that yee may vnderstande mee And againe he saith Ego dicam Ossum sic enim potius loquamur Melius est vt nos reprehendant Grammatici quà m non intelligant populi I wil saye Ossum for your better vnderstandinge although it be no Latine woorde And so hardely set vs speake For better is it that the Grammariens finde faulte with vs then the people should not vnderstande vs. Hereby it is plaine that at the Citie of Hippo whereof I specially spake the Common Seruice of the Churche was pronounced and Ministred in the Latine tongue for that the whole people there vniuersally vnderstoode and spake Latine M. Hardinge The .18 Diuisioâ— And where as S. Augustine as you allege him without shewing the place as your manner is whereby you may easely deceiue the Reader hath these woordes in his Sermons to the common people diuers times Nâ—nc loquar Laâ—iné vt omnes intelligaâ—is Novv vvil I speake Latine that you may al vnderstande mee of that saiâ—ing if any suche be may be gathered that sometimes he spake in the Punical tongue to the Punical Christians not vnderstandinge the Latine but now amonge the Latine Aphricanes that were of the Romaine kinde and vnderstoode not the Punike he woulde speake Latine that al suche should vnderstande him Who so dâ—sireth further to be perswaded that the people of Aphrica called Poeni spake and vnderstoode their owne Punical tongue and not the Latine tongue as likewise the people of Spaine named Iberi spake that language whiche was proper to them let him reade Titus Liuius De Bello Macedonico For there he recordâ—th that when those of Aphrica or of Spaine and the Romaines came togeather for parle and talke they vsed an Interpreter And Vlpianus the Lawer a greate Officer about Alexander Seuerus the Emperour at the beginninge of Christian Religion writeth that Fidei commissa may be leafte in al Vulgare tongues and putteth for examples the Punical and the Frenche or rather Gallical tongue The B. of Sarisburie I sée there is no pardon to be hoped for at M. Hardinges handes Bicause I noted not in what Booke and Chapter this place is to be founde therfore he beareth men in hande I séeke meanes to deceiue the Reader If this poore quarel may stande for proufe then is it no harde mater by the same Logique to conclude the like against him For M. Harding oftâ—times vseth the authoritie of S. Augustine and other Fathers without any noting of the places as his owne Booke is best witnesse Ergo M. Harding séeketh meanes to deceiue his Reader But in my iudgement better it is not to note the places at al then falsely to note them as M. Hardinges manner is to doo as where he vntruely allegeth the Decrée of the Councel of Ephesus against Nestorius for the Communion in One â—inde whiche Decrée neither is to be founde in that Councel nor euer was recorded or mentioned by any olde Father Or where he allegeth the Decrée of the first Councel of Nice for the Supremacie of the Bishop of Rome him selfe confessinge that the same Decrée was burnte I know not how and coulde neuer yet be séene vntil this day Uerily this is a ready way to deceiue the Reader I passe by other petite faultes as that he allegeth the sixth booke of Ambrose De Sacramentis in stéede of the fifth or the .xxxiiij. Chapter of the sixth booke of Eusebius in stéede of the .xliiij Or that Steuen Gardiner allegeth Theophilus Alexandrinus in stéede of Theophylactus Or the thirde booke of S. Augustine De. Sermone Domini in Monte where as S. Augustine neuer wrote but twoo The place wherewith M. Hardinge findeth him selfe greeued is to be founde in S. Augustine De Verbis Apostoli the woordes be these Prouerbium notum est Punicum quod quidem Latinè vobis dicam quia Punicè non omnes nostis There is a Common Prouerbe in the Punike tongue whiche I wil reporte vnto you in Latine bicause ye doo not al vnderstande the Punike Here it is plaine that the Latine tongue was knowen to al the hearers and the Punike tongue onely vnto some And therefore in an other Sermon vnto the people he saithe thus Omnes nouimus Latinè non dici sanguines aut sanguina Wee doo al know reckeninge him selfe with the people that these woordes Sanguines or Sanguina are no Latine and againe as I haue before reported touchinge a Latine
knowledge expoundeth it or if either his woordes or his purpose of writinge may seeme any way to leade to that ende then may M. Hardinge séeme to haue some honest colour for his defence Otherwise wée may iustly say He racketh the Doctours and forceth them to speake what him listeth to sâ—rue his tâ—rne First it is certaine that in al that Epistle S. Cyprian neuer gaue vnto Câ—rnelius any suche ambitious Title but onely calleth him by the name of Brother For thus he saluteth him Cyprian vnto his Brother Cornelius sendeth greetinge And maketh his entrie in this wise Deere Brother I haue readde your letters Thus S. Cyprian beinge Bishop of Carthage claimeth brotherhoode and equalitie with the Pope One special occasion of his writinge vnto Cornelius was this emongst others Cornelius being Bishop of Rome and hauinge Excommunicate certaine notorious wicked men and afterwarde beinge threatened and il vsed at their handes began to fainte and to be weary of his office S. Cyprian hearinge thereof wrote comfortably vnto him willed him in any wise to procéede and to deale boldly not to yéelde consideringe it was Gods cause and not his awâ—e Amonge other woordes he saith thus Christiani non vltrà aut durare aut esse possumus si ad hoc ventum est vt perditorum minas insidias pertimescamus Wee can no lenger continue or be Christian men if wee beinge Bishoppes once beginne to shrinke at the threates and fetches of the â—icked Upon occasion hereof he sheweth what hurte and confusion of Sectes Schismes insueth in any Prouince or Diocesse wâ—ere as the Bishops Authoritie and Ecclesiastical Discipline is despised For euery Bishop saith S. Cyprian within his owne Diocese is the Priest of God and for his time is a Iudge appointed in the place of Christe and as the Churche is one so ought he likewise to be but one And thus he writeth generally of the authoritie of al Bishops not onely of the authoritie of the Bishop of Rome And notwithstandinge he directeth his Epistle onely to Cornelius yet are al his reasons general and touche bothe him selfe beinge Bishop of Carthage and also al other Bishoppes what so euer Now therefore to drawe that thinge by violence to one onely Bishop that is generally spoken of al Bishops it is a guileful fetche to misâ—eade the Reader and no simple or plaine dealinge But M. Hardinge séemeth to grounde his errour vpon the mistakinge of these woordes of S. Cyprian Vnus Sacerdos and Fraternitas vniuersa That is One Bishop and The whole Brotherhoode For where as S. Cyprian saith There must be one Bishop in a Churche he imagineth there must be one Bishop to rule ouer the whole vniuersal Church And where as againe S. Cyprian saith The whole Brotherhoode must obey one Bishop He geathereth that al Christian people throughout the whole worlde which he vntruely calleth The whole Brotherhoode must be obedient vnto one vniuersal Bishop And thus he buildeth one errour vpon an other But mistakinge of the Doctour maketh no sufficient prouâ—e It maye soone appeare S. Cyprian meante that for the auoiding of Schismes and diuisions there ought to be onely one Bishop within one Diocese and not one Bishop to rule ouer al the worlde For thus he expoundeth his owne meaninge Cùm post primum esse non possit quisquam qui post vnum qui solus esse debet factus est iam non secundus ille sed nullus est Seeing that after the first Bishop is chosen there can be none other who so is made Bishop after that one whiche must needes be alone is nowe not the seconde Bishop but in deede is no Bishop So likewise when the Heretique Nouatus had by wicked practise diuided the people of Rome into Sectes and had solemnely sworne them that gaue eare vnto him that they should no more returne vnto Cornelius the Bishop there and so had rent one Bishoprike into twoo and made twoo Bishoppes in one Citie Cornelius complaining thereof vnto Fabius the Bishop of Antioche and informinge him of the same writeth thus vnto him Nouatus nescit vnum Episcopum in Catholica Ecclesia esse debere Nouatus knoweth not that there oughte to be but one Bishop in a Catholique Churche not meaning thereby the whole vniuersal Churche throughout the worlde but onely his owne particular Churche of Rome So when Chrysostome the Bishop of Constantinople sawe Sisinius beare him self as Bishop within the same Citie he saide vnto him One Citie may not haue twoo Bishoppes So likewise S. Hierome saithe that notwithstanding the power of al priestes by the authoritie of Goddes woorde be one and equal yet menne by policie to auoide contention appointed one prieste in euery Citie to order and to directe his brethren Thus was the vnitie of the whole Churche preserued Thus were al Churches as one Churche And all Bishoppes as one Bishop For who so dissented from one dissented from al. So saithe S. Cyprian Ecclesia cohaerentium sibi inuicem Sacerdotum glutino copulatur The churche is coupled and ioined in one by consent of Bishops agreeing togeather Likewise againe he saithe Hanc vnitatem firmiter tenere vendicare debemus maximè Episcopi qui in Ecclesia praesidemus vt Episcopatum quoque ipsum vnum indiuisum probemus This vnitie must we keepe and defende specially that be Bishoppes and beare rule in the Churche that we may declare in deede that our Bishoprike is one and not diuided And therefore S. Hierome saithe Episcopi nouerint in commune debere se Ecclesiam regere Let Bishoppes vnderstande that they ought to gouerne the Church in common â–ª or as al in one In this sense is euery Bishop for his time as S. Cyprian saithe in the steede of Christe to euery suche Christe saithe He that heareth you heareth me and he that despiseth you despiseth me And therefore Ignatius saithe The Bishop in his Churche is the forme of God the Father of al And so muche as is possible resembleth in his office Christe our God For this cause S. Cyprian saithe Hereof spring Schismes and Heresies for thaâ— the priest of God in euery seueral Diocese is not obeied As likewise againe he saithe to like purpose Qui cum Episcopo non sunt in Ecclesia non sunt They that be not with the Bishop be not in the Churche So likewise Ignatius They that be of Christe are with the Bishop Thus S. Cyprian spake these woordes generally of the authoritie of al Bishops in their seueral dioceses and not of any special authoritie of the Bishop of Rome as â—t is here vntruely affirmed by M. Hardinge But he wil replie S. Cyprian saith Vniuersa fraterniâ—as That is The whole Brotherhoode ought to be obedient to that one Bishop And that whole brotherhoode must needes be the whole companie of al Christian people Notwithstanding this
From Rome the Churches receiued the first preachinge of the Gospel But God him selfe saithe Ex Sione exibit lex Verbum Domini de Hierusalem From Sion the Lawe shal proceede and the Woorde of the Lorde from Hierusalem And therefore Tertullian calleth Hierusalem the Mother of Religion And Nicephorus saithe that Simon Zelotes ranne ouer al Aphrica and preached the Gospel Eusebius saithe that S. Marke the Euangelist firste erected Congregations and taught the Gospel at Alexandria And Nicephorus saithe further that S. Marke wente preachinge ouer al Egypte and Lybia and Cyrene and Pentapolis the whole Countrie of Barbarie in the time of the Emperour Tiberius whiche was at the least sixe yéeres before Peter came to Rome S. Augustine saithe the Religion of Christe was firste brought into Aphrica out of Graecia and not from Rome Therefore that M. Hardinges Athanasius saithe the Churche receiued from Rome the first preachinge of the Gospel is an open flaterie and a manifest vntrueth Further this authour saithe that in al cases there lay appeales from the Metropolitane to the Bishop of Rome and that by the authoritâ—e of the Nicene Councel But that thinge in the Councel of Carthage S. Augustine beinge then present was vtterly denied by al the Bishoppes of Aphrica Numidia Mauritania Byzancena and Tripolis to the number of two hundred and seuentiene and by the witnesse of the three Patriarkes of Antiochia Constantinopolis and Alexandria was founde vntrue This authour saithe Fuit semper vestrae Sanctae Apostolicae Sedi licentia iniustè damnatos vel excoÌ„municatos potestatiuè sua authoritate restituere sua eis omnia reddere Your holy Apostolique See had euermore a special Prerogatiue by your owne authoritie and by waie of power to relieue menne vniustly condemned or excommunicate and to restoore them to their owne But it shal hereafter appeare that the Bishop of Rome at that time had no suche power and that it was not he that restored any man in that case by his power but onely the Emperour S. Paule saithe Other foundation none canne be layde but onely that is layde alreadie whiche is Christe Iesus And findeth greate faulte with the Corinthians that saide I holde of Apollo I holde of Paule I holde of Peter But M. Hardinges Athanasius saithe Tu es Petrus super fundamentum tuum Ecclesiae columnae hoc est Episcopi sunt confirmatae Thou arte Peter and vpon thy fundation the pillers of the Churche vvhiche are the Bishoppes are surely sette and thus he diuiseth an other foundation bisides Christe and contrary to S. Paules Doctrine woulde haue al the Bishoppes of the worlde to holde of Peter But to leaue al other vntruethes wherewith these Epistles be stuffed ful marke gentle Reader onely this ouersight and thou shalt plainely see with thine â—tes that M. Hardinges Doctour is an impudent and an open lier For the true Athanasius him selfe of whome we make no doubte saithe that the Arrians at Alexandria burnte the Catholique mennes bookes and therewithal the Canons of the Councel of Nice in the time of the Emperour Constantius Iulius beinge then Bishop of Rome whiche obseruation of time appeareth also by Socrates in his storie But M. Hardinges Athanasius is either so forgeatful of his lies or so impudent carelesse what he saie that he maketh piteous complainte of the saide burninge vnto Marcus that was Bishop in Rome before Iulius and was dead at the least niene yéeres before the Canons were burnte By suche Doctours M. Hardinge vpholdeth the state of Rome As for Athanasius him selfe he neuer vnderstoode the Bishop of Rome had any suche prerogatiue power nor neuer named him by greater title then The Bishop of Rome And whereas this Epistle alleged in the name of Athanasius soundeth farre otherwise it is no maruel For it was dated at Alexandria and made in Rome Nowe if the Decretal Epistle whiche M. Hardinge hath brought in vnder the name of Anacletus be nothinge els but forged euidence as it is sufficiently declared If M. Hardinge haue vncourteously vsed S. Gregorie cuttinge of his tale in the middest and purposely leauinge out those woordes Tamen Petrus vniuersalis Apostolus non vocatur yet is not Peter called the Vniuersal Apostle which was the onely mater that S. Gregorie had then in hande If S. Gregorie saye None of my Predecessours Bishoppes of Rome woulde euer take vpon him the name of Vniuersal Bishop If S. Gregorie saie It is the puffe of arrogancie the woorde of pride a newe a pompouse a peruerse a foolishe a rashe a superstitious a profane an vngodly and a wicked name a name of singularitie a name of errour a name of Hypocrisie a name of Vanitie and a name of Blasphemie and that who so euer calleth him selfe or desireth to be called by that arrogant name in the pride of his harte is the forerenner of Antichrist and that the quiet and indifferent bearinge of the same is the Destruction of the Faith of the Vniuersal Churche If M. Hardinge haue witingly and openly falsified the woordes of S. Cyprian and that twise togeather in one sentence as he him selfe cannot denie If the Epistle that he allegeth vnder the title of Athanasius be nothinge els but a shameles counterfeite ful of vile flatteringe and apparent lies Then is this former parte hitherto but weakely proued neither can M. Hardinge truely saie his Doctrine standeth vpon good and sure grounde O what lucke hath M. Hardinge to suche authorities hauinge choyse as he saithe of so many and trippinge ouer so lightly to spéede so il His Amphilochius lieth at Uerona His Clemens in Candie His Martial in a Caue vnder grounde His Canon of the Councel of Ephesus againste Nestorius was neuer seene and others otherwise miscaried The Councel of Nice wherein was the whole staie of the Primacie of Rome is burnte by the Arrians and sauinge onely in Rome no where els in the worlde to be founde For answeare hereunto me thinketh these woordes spoken generally by S. Cyprian had then and haue yet a special place in the See of Rome Ambitio dormit in sinu Sacerdotum Ambition slâ—apeth in the bosome of Priestes For to passe ouer the greate contention that euen at the beginninge happened there betwéene Damasus and Ursinus whether of them twoo should be Bishop in which contention a great number of either parte was slaine S. Augustine also complaineth that euen the Deacons of Rome in his time auaunced them selues farre aboue their estate These be his woordes Falcidius duce stultitia Ciuitatis Romanae iactantia Diaconos presbyteris aequare contendit Falcidius leadde by folie and by the courrage of the Citie of Rome woulde haue Deacons to be nothinge inferiour vnto Priestes Likewise S. Hierome saithe The Romaines are noted of Courteisie and stoutenesse of minde And therefore S. Paule gaue this aduertisement specially
ruleth ouer them And Pope Nicolas hath straitely commaunded vpon paine of Excommunication that no man shoulde be present to heare Masse saide by a Priest that he knoweth vndoubtedly to liue in aduoutrie How be it in déede it is not their life onely that the Churche of God is offended withal but also and specially the filthe and corruption of their Religion the oppressinge of Gods Woorde the open deceiuinge of the people and the manifest maintenance of Idolatrie And what if the Syluer of Rome be turned into Drosse What if the Citie that was Faithful be become an Harlot What if they can abide no sounde Doctrine What i◠they haue made the House of God a Caue of Theeues What if Rome be become the greate Babylon the Mother of Fornication imbrewed and dronken with the Bloud of the Sainctes of God And what if Abomination sit in the holy Place euen in the Temple of God Yet may wee not departe from thence Yet must that be the Rule and Standarde of Gods Religion Truely Christe saithe Take heede of the leauen of the Scribes and Phariseis And God him selfe saith Exite de illa populus meus ne participes sitis delictorum eius de plagis eius ne accipiatis O my people come away from her least yee be partakers of her sinnes and so receiue parte of her plagues Irenaeus saith Presbyteris illis qui sunt in Ecclesia obaudire oporter qui successionem habentab Apostolis qui cum Episcopatus successione charisma Veritatis certum secundum placitum Patris acceperunt Wee ought to obey the Bishoppes in the Churche that haue their Succession from the Apostles which togeather with the Succession of the Bishoprike haue receiued the certaine gifte of the Truthe accordinge to the wil of the Father This holy Father saith Bishops must be heard and obeied with a limitation that is not al what so euer they be or what so euer they say but that haue the vndoubted gifte of Goddes Truthe And for that M. Hardinge séemeth to claime by the Authoritie of the Scribes and Phariseis sayeinge They sit in Moses Chayre and that therefore wee ought to doo that they say S. Augustine expoundeth the same place in this sorte Sedendo in Cathedra Legem Dei docent Ergo per illos Deus docet Sua verò si illi docere velint nolite audire nolite facere By sittinge in the Chayre is meante they teache the law of God Therefore it is God that teacheth by them But if they wil teache any thinge of their owne as the Churche of Rome hath doone and yet doothe aboue number then saith S. Augustine heare it not then doo it not M. Hardinge The .23 Diuision Now that the Bishop of Rome had alwaies cure and rule ouer al other Bishops 109. speacially of them of the East for touchinge them of the weast Churche it is generally confessed beside a hundred other euident argumentes this is one very sufficient that he had in the East to doo his steede three Delegates or Vicares now commonly they be named Legates And this for the commoditie of the Bishoppes there whose Churches were farre distant from Rome The one was the Bishop of Constantinople as wee finde it mentioned In Epistola Simplicij ad Achatium Constantinopolitanum The Seconde was the Bishop of Alexandria as the Epistle of Bonifacius the Seconde to Eulalius recordeth The thirde was the Bishop of Thessalonica as it is at large declared in the 82. Epistle of Leo ad Anastasium Thessalonicensem By perusinge these Epistles euery man may see that al the Bishoppes of Grece Asia Syria Egypte and to be shorte of al the Orient rendred and exhibited their humble obedience to the Bishop of Rome and to his arbitrement referred their doubtes complaintes and causes and to him onely made their appellations The B. of Sarisburie What wée may thinke of the other Hundred proufes whiche M. Hardinge as he saith hath leafte vntouched it may the sooner appeare for that this one proufe that is here brought foorth in stéede of al is not onely vntrue but also vtterly without any shadow or coloure of truthe These authorities of Leo Symmachus and Bonifacius for as muche as they are alleged without woordes may likewise be past ouer without answeare Howbeit this Bonifacius the seconde in defence of this quarel is forced to saye that S. Augustine that Godly Father and al other the Bishops of Aphrica Numidia Pentapolis and other countreis adioyninge that withstoode the proude attempte of the Bishops of Rome and founde out their open forgerie in falsifieinge the Nicene Councel were altogeather inflamed and leadde by the Diuel But howe doothe this appeare to M. Hardinge that the Bishop of Rome had al the Bishops of the East in Subiection to vse and commaunde them as his Seruantes In what Councel was it euer Decréed it shoulde be so who subscribed it who recorded it who euer sawe suche Canons The best Plea that Pope Nicolas can make in this behalfe is that Peter was firste Bishop of Antioche and after of Rome and S. Marke his Scholar Bishop of Alexandria Hereof he thinketh it may verie wel and substantially be geathered that the Bishops of Rome ought to haue al the worlde in Subiection In déede in the counterfaite Chartar ▪ or Donation of the Emperour Constantine authoritie is geuen to the Bishop of Rome ouer the other foure Patriarkes of Antioche of Alexandria of Constantinople and of Hierusalem But the Bishops of Rome them selues and of them selues diuised and forged this Chartar and that so fondely that a verie Childe maye easily espie the folie For biside a greate number of other vntruethes at that very time when it is imagined that Chartar was drawen there was neither Patriarke nor Bishop nor Priest nor Churche in Constantinople nor the Citie it selfe yet builte nor knowen to the worlde by that name This notwithstandinge the Bishop of Rome vpon this simple title hathe besette his Miter with thrée Crownes in token that he hath the Uniuersal power ouer the thrée Diuisions of the worlde Europa Asia and Aphrica And so as the Kinge of Persia in olde tymes intitled him selfe Frater Solis Lunae euen so Pope Nicolas calleth him selfe The Prince of al Landes and Countreis But what dutie the Bishops of the East partes owed to the Bishops of Rome whosoeuer hath read and considered the storie and practise of the times may soone perceiue Firste the Councel of Nice appointed euery of the thrée Patriarkes to his seueral charge none of them to interrupte or trouble other and willed the Bishoppe of Rome as Rufinus reporteth the storie to ouersee Ecclesias Suburbanas which were the Churches within his Prouince and therefore Athanasius calleth Rome the Chiefe or Mother Citie of the Romaine Iurisdiction And for that cause the Bishops of the East in their Epistle vnto Iulius calle him their Felowe Seruante and
roughly to deale with the nobles of the Courte and to rebuke their faultes the Emperour Ualentinian saide Al this I knew before and therefore I not onely saide not naie but also gave my Voice and Assent to his Election Touchinge the Election of Nâ—ctarius Sozomenus writeth in this wise The Bishoppes that were present at the Election gaue vnto the Emperour in writinge sundrie names of suche as they thought meete for that roome The Emperour weighinge the persons set his seale vpon Nectarius name and elected him Gratianus the Emperour at his comminge to Constantinople embraced Gregorie Nazianzene and after some conference with him had saide vnto him O Father vnto thee and vnto thy labours God through vs committeth this Churche Beholde I geue vnto thee this Holy House and the Stal And the people besought the Emperour to set the Bishop in his Chaire The like might be saide of the Consent and Allowance of the people Anacletus as he is commonly alleged writeth thus Sacerdotes à proprio ordinentur Episcopo ita vt Ciues alij Sacerdotes assensum praebeant Let Priestes be ordred by their owne seueral Bishoppes so that the people and other Priestes geue their assent thereunto S. Cyprian saithe likewise The people beinge obedient vnto Goddes commaundementes hath power specially either to choose woorthy Priestes or to refuse the vnwoorthy Thus many voices were then thought necessary to the Admission of any Bishop Therefore this seemeth no sufficient grounde to prooue that the Bishop of Rome is Heade of the Churche For M. Hardinge might soone haue seene that the Bishop of Rome him selfe touchinge his owne Election was wonte to be allowed by other Bishoppes Uerily S. Cyprian writeth thus of the Allowance of Cornelius Bishop there Vt Cornelium noueris Coepiscoporum testimonio quorum numerus vniuersus per mundum concordi vnanimitate consensit That thou maiste know Cornelius by the testimonie of his Felowbishoppes the whole number of whome throughout the worlde hath agreed to the allowinge of his election with one consent Afterwarde in an Epistle vnto Cornelius himselfe he writeth thereof more at large Ad comprobandam ordinationem tuam facta authoritate maiore placuit vt per Episcopos omnes omninò in ista Prouincia positos literae fierent vt te vniuersi Collegae nostri Communicationem tuam id est Ecclesiae Catholicae vnitatem pariter charitatem probarent pariter tenerent To allowe thy Consecration more authoritie beinge geathered I thought it good that letters shoulde be sente vnto al the Bishops of this Prouince that al our bretherne might bothe allowe and holde bothe thee and thy Communion that is to say the Vnitie of the Catholique Churche If M. Hardinge wil say This was not the Confirmation of the Election of Cornelius it foloweth immediatly Sic Episcopatus tui veritas pariter dignitas apertissima luce manifestissima firmissima confirmatione fundata est Thus is the trueth and dignitie of thy Bishoprike founded in the open light and with moste manifest and most certaine Confirmation Thus when so euer any Bishop was eyther installed or deposed knowledge thereof was geuen vnto the other Bishops and the same either allowed or disallowed by his brethren But that the Bishop of Rome ordered and admitted al the Bishops throughout the worlde bysides that it hath no possibilitie or coloure of trueth in it selfe it is also easie by good recorde and authoritie to be reproued Agapetus Bishop of Rome about the yeere of our Lorde 540. after he had vpon occasion Consecrate Menna the Bishop of Constantinople he vttered these woordes in commendation of the partie Et hoc dignitati eius Mennae accedere credimus quòd à temporibus Petri Apostoli nullum alium vnquam Orientalis Ecclesia suscepit Episcopum manibus nostrae Sedis ordinatum And this is an augmentation of Mennaes dignitie that fithens the time of Peter the Apostle the East Churche neuer receiued any other Bishop Consecrate by the handes of our See Nowe aduise thée selfe good Reader whether thou wilt beleue Pope Agapetus or M. Hardinge And let not M. Hardinge finde faulte for that I place the Orderinge of Bishops in stéede of their Confirmation For he him selfe séemeth to make Confirmation and Ordering bothe one thinge or at least to ioine them bothe togeather These be his woordes Leo woulde not in any wise order and Confirme Anatolius Truely Liberatus saithe the manner was in Alexandria that who so euer was chosen Bishop there shoulde come to the Beare and laye his Predecessours hande vpon his heade and put on S. Markes Cloke and then was he sufficiently Confirmed Bishop without any mention made of Rome And S. Cyprian writeth vnto the Bishops of Spaine that Sabinus whom they had lawfully chosen Bishop shoulde so continue stil yea notwithstandinge Cornelius beinge then Bishop of Rome misliked him and woulde not Confirme him And that very Counterfeite Decrée of Anacletus â–ª that requireth al Bishops once in the yéere to present them selues in Rome extendeth not his commaundement throughout al the world but onely to the Bishops of the Prouince of Rome Thus staÌ„de the woordes Omnes Episcopi qui huius Apostolicae Sedis ordinationi subiacent c. Al Bishops that be bounde to haue their Orders Confirmed by this Apostolique See c. Whereby it maye be geathered the other Bishops were not subiecte to the Ordinaunce of that See And this was the faulte that Gregorie founde in the Bishop of Salonae that being within the Iurisdiction of his Prouince he was Consecrate without his knowledge And that Gregorie meant it not of al Bishops but onely of yâ— Bishop within his owne charge it is euident by his woordes For thus he writeth Episcopi mei Episcopi mihi commissi My Bishops Bishops beinge within my Cure And that the Citie of Salonae standinge in Illyricum was sometime within the Prouince of Rome it is plaine by the Epistle that Damasus the Bishop of Rome sent vnto the Bishops of Illyricum These be his woordes Par est omnes qui sunt in orbe Romano magistros consentire It is meete that al the teachers that be within the precinctes of the Romaine Iurisdiction agree togeather Where as it is alleged that the Bishop of Rome was required to ratifie the Election of Flauianus Anatolius and of the Arrian Bishops that was meante of a General allowance suche as was common to al Bishops specially to the foure Principal Patriarkes and not onely to the Bishop of Rome Neither was the Bishop of Romes Admission thought so necessarie as if he onely had a Uoice Negatiue to take in and to put out whom he listed but onely of Congruitie and Consent that it might appeare there was no Bishop in the Churche but was liked and allowed of al his Brethren For otherwise the Bishoppes of the East wrote thus vnto Iulius Si
answeare The storie beinge truely knowen is sufficient to answeare it selfe It is certaine as wée haue before declared more at large and as it plainely appeareth by the Actes of the Councel of Aphrica that Zosimus the Bishop of Rome to the intente to auance him selfe ouer al other Bishoppes manifestly falsified the Nicene Councel This forgerie in the Councel of Aphrica was disclosed laide abroade to the eyes of al the worlde The Bishoppes there beinge in number twoo hundred and seuentiene saw that one Apiarius a Priest whom they for his open oultrage and wickednesse had Excommunicate was without any further examininge of the mater onely vpon his bare complainte admitted againe vnto the Communion and receiued into fauour in despite of al their dooinges by the Bishoppe of Rome They saw that the accusers and witnesses without whom no ordinarie iudgement can procéede either for age or for sickenesse other causes coulde not wel trauel so farre Therefore they desired the Bishop of Rome by their letters that he woulde bringe no suche ambitious puffe of vanitie into the Churche and made a straite Decrée in the Councel emonge them selues that it should not be lawful for any man to appeale out of Aphrica to any foren Bishop An hundred yéeres after that this Eulalius the Bishop of Carthage if it be true that is reported of him and not forged at Rome as were many thinges moe reconciled him selfe to the Churche of Rome in the time of Bonifacius the Seconde as it is recorded in the Pontifical for other recorde therof to my remembrance there is none The woordes of the Reconciliation be these Hanc professionem meam manu mea subscripsi c. This profession I haue subscribed with mine owne hande and haue directed the same to Bonifacius the holy and Reuerende Pope of the Cittie of Rome vtterly condemninge my Predecessours and Successours and al others that shal goe aboute to frustrate the Priuileges of the Apostolike See of Rome Likewise Bonifacius writeth hereof vnto Eulalius the Bishoppe of Alexandria in this wise Aurelius Carthaginensis Ecclesiac olim Episcopus cùm Collegis suis instigante Diabolo superbire temporibus praedecessorum nostrorum contra Romanam Ecclesiam coepit Aurelius sometime Bishop of Carthage togeather with his felowes his felowes were S. Augustine Alypius and twoo hundred and fifteene other Bishoppes beinge set on by the Diuel in the time of my predecessours beganne to beare him selfe disdainefully against the Churche of Rome The one of these by a publique instrumente vnder his hande and seale vtterly condemneth and accurseth S. Augustine with twoo hundred and sixtéene other godly Bishoppes togeather with foure General Councelles of Aphrica Carthage Mileuitum and Hippo the other saithe they were al sette a woorke and prickte foorthe by the Diuel and liued out of the Churche of God and died in Schisme If this be true then ought S. Augustine no longer to be holden for a Saincte neither to haue any roome in the Calendar But if al these godly Fathers that iustly and truely defended the holy Councel of Nice were leadde with the Diuel with what sprite then was he leadde that openly and in the sight of al the worlde durste to corrupte and falsifie the same Councel Uerily Dionysius the Bishop of Corinthe complaineth thus Rogatu fraâ—rum meorum scripsi Epistolas sed illas Apostoli Diaboli alia eximentes alia interserentes impleuerunt Zizanijs quibus vae reponitur At the request of my brethren I wrote certaine Epistles but the Diuels Apostles by puttinge to and takinge fro haue filled them ful of Tares and Cockle But woe be vnto them But in the meane while saith M. Hardinge the Countrie of Aphrica euen by the punishment of God was Brought into subiection and spoiled by the Vandales Here M. Hardinge entreth into Goddes Iudgementes and pronounceth that al this Miserie happened vnto that Countrie for leauinge the See of Rome whiche thinge he reckeneth al one with the leauinge and forsakinge of God him selfe Howbeit M. Hardinge might soone knowe that aboute the very same time while Aphrica was thus afflicted the Citie of Rome it selfe was sixe times taken by wilde and Barbarous enimies the Visigotthi Ostrogotthi Heruli Vandali Hunni and Longobardi within the space of an hundred fourtie yéeres The Walles were rased the Towers throwen downe the Howses burnte the Nobilitie taken captiue the People spoiled and banished the Citie it selfe a longe time leafte waste and desolate without inhabiter If M. Hardinge can gheasse so rightly of the miseries of Aphrica howe happeneth it that he can gheasse nothinge of sixefolde greater miseries that at the same time befel vpon Rome If the Bishoppes and people of Aphrica were thus plagued for their Schisme wherefore then were the Bishops and people of Rome plagued that as it is supposed continued stil without Schisme Notwithstandinge Possidonius saithe That God of special mercie graunted S. Augustine who then was beséeged by the enimies that duringe his life his Cittie of Hippo shoulde not be taken And yet was the same S. Augustine the greatest discloaser of the forgerie and pride of the Bishop of Rome that is to saye the greattest authour and mainteiner of al this Schisme Touchinge the Reconciliation of Alexander the Bishop of Antioche M. Hardinge for the better furniture of the tale hathe wouen in and interlaced many woordes of his owne For in al that is written thereof by Innocentius there is no manner mention neither of Solemne Instrument of Repentance nor of acceptinge of Penance nor of Subiection or humble Submission In déede this Alerander at his firste entrie into the Bishoprike of Antioche findinge his Churche ful of Diuision by meane of one Eustathius by his wisedome and Godly exhortations brought the whole people there vnto vnitie and afterwarde wrought the like Godly policie in other Churches and ceased al the strife that had longe continued for the condemnation of Chrysostome and caused his name that his enimies had rased out to be inrolled againe amonge other Catholique Bishops and likewise wrote vnto the Emperour Theodosius the yonger and to the Bishoppes of other Countries to doo the like In the ende hauinge appeased al contentions in token not of subiection as M. Hardinge surmiseth but of ful consent and agréement he desired that his Churche might be ioyned in Communion and felowship with the Churche of Rome and other Churches of the Weast from whence before by reason of their Dissentions they had béene diuided Whiche thinge also appéereth by the woordes of Innocentius him selfe vnto Alexander touchinge the same Gratias agens Domino Communionem Ecclesiae vestrae ita recepi vt prae me feram Apostolicae Sedis Condiscipulos primos dedisse caeteris viam pacis I geuinâ—e God thankes so receiued the Communion and felowship of your Churche that I professe that you beynge our Schoolefelowes of the Apostolique See haue firste opened vnto others
not amisse to submitte him selfe and to aske counsel of other Bishoppes Therefore this saieinge of M. Hardinges neither is vniuersally true nor prooueth his purpose For if he wil saye Some menne in cases of doubte sought to Rome for counsel Ergo the Bishop there was called the Heade of the Churche this Conclusion will hardely folowe Kinge Iosias in a greate case of Religion sent to a woman named Olda the wife of Sellum to knowe her Counsel And it was a prouerbe emonge the Iewes Qui interrogat interroget in Abila Who so wil seeke Councel let him seeke it in Abila Yet neither was Olda the Heade of the Churche nor Abila the chiefe towne in Israel or Iuda But al the worlde saithe M. Hardinge hath receiued lighte from Rome But al the worlde seethe this is an other manifest vntrueth and neuerthelesse beinge graunted yet woulde it not conclude of his side In deede in a kinde of speache bothe Rome and Antioche and Alexandria and any other greate Cittie famous for Religion maie be called the Heade or Springe of the Gospel So. S. Iohn callethe Babylon Magna mater fornicationuÌ„ abominationum terrae The greate mother of the Fornications and of the Abominations of the earthe And so Arnobius calleth Hethruria which is the countrie wherein Rome standeth and S. Ambrose calleth Rome it selfe Caput superstitionis The Heade of Superstition But if we seeke the place it selfe from whence the light of Religion firste sprange foorthe we must néedes confesse it was Hierusalem and not Rome For so it is written in the Prophete Esaie De Sion exibit lex verbum Domini de Hierusalem The Lawe shal proceede from Sion and the Woorde of God from Hierusalem And therefore the Bishops of the East beinge in a Conuocation at Constantinople cal Hierusalem The Mother of al Churches Yet neuerthelesse euery greate Metropolitane Cittie within her owne Prouince maye be honoured with the like Title So saithe Nazianzenus of the Cittie of Caesarea where S. Basile was Bishop Caesarea propâ— Mater est omnium Ecclesiarum câ— Caesarea is in a manner the Mother of al Churches and the whole Christian Common wealth so embraceth and beholdeth it as the Circle embraceth and beholdeth the Center So Chrysostome likewise auaunceth the Citie of Antioche Cogita Vrbis magnitudinem quòd non de vna vel de duabus vel de tribus vel de decem animabus nunc nobis est consideratio sed de millibus infinitis de totius Orbis Capite Consider the greatnesse of this Citie wee haue to deale not for one two three or tenne soules but for infinite thousandes euen for the Head of the world Thus Chrysostome calleth Antioche the Head of the worlde for that in that Prouince of Syria it was the Head like as Rome also was the Head Citie and principal Churche of the Weast M. Hardinge The .30 Diuision Now for a briefe answeare to M. Iuel who denieth that within 600. yeeres after Christ the Bishop of Rome was euer called an Vniuersal Bishop or Head of the Vniuersal Churche and maketh him selfe very suer of it although it be a childishe thing to sticke at the name any thing is called by the thing by the name signified being sufficiently prooued yet to th'intente good folke may vnderstande that al is not trueth of the olde Gospel which our new Gospellers either affirme or denie I wil bring good and sufficient witnesse that the bishop of Rome was then called bothe Vniuersal Bishop or Oecumenical Patriarke which is one to witte Bishop or principal father of the whole worlde and also Head of the Church Leo that worthy B. of Rome was called the Vniuersal Bishop and Vniuersal Patriarke of sixe hundred and thirtie Fathers assembled togeather from al partes of the worlde in General Councel at Chalcedon whiche is bothe 118 expressed in that Councel and also clearely affirmed by S. Gregorie in three sundrie Epistles to Mauritius the Emperour to Eulogius Patriarke of Alexandria and to Anastasius Patriarke of Antioche Thus that name was deferred vnto the Pope by the Fathers of that greate Councel whiche by them had not beene doone had it beene vnlawful In very deede neither Leo him selfe nor any other his successour euer called or wrote him selfe by that name as S. Gregorie saith muche lesse presumed they to take it vnto them But rather vsed the name of humilitie callinge them selues eche one Seruum Seruorum Dei The Seruant of the Seruantes of God Yet sundriâ— holy Martyrs Bishops of Rome vsed to cal them selues Bishops of the vniuersal Churche 119 which in effecte is the same as the fathers of Chalcedon vnderstoode So did Sixtus in the time of Adrianus the Emperour in his Epistle to the Bishops of al the worlde So did Victor writing to Theophilus of Alexandria So did Pontianus writing to al that beleeued in Christe before 1300. yeeres past So did Stephanus in his Epistle to al Bishops of al Prouinces in the time of S. Cyprian And al these were before Constantine the greate and before the Councel of Nice whiche times our aduersaries acknowlege and confesse to haue been without corruption The same title was vsed like wise after the Nicene Councel by Felix by 120 Leo and by diuers others before the sixe hundred yeeres after Christâ— were expired Neither did the Bishops of Rome vse this title and name onely them selues to their owne aduauncement as the aduersaries of the Churche charge them but they were honoured there with also by others â–ª as namely Innocentius by the Fathers assembled in Councel at Carthago and Marcus by Athanasius and the Bishoppes of Egypte The B. of Sarisburie Here M. Hardinge secretely confesseth that in al he hath hitherto alleged he hath not yet founde that the Bishop of Rome was knowen in the worlde within the space of the first sixe hundred yéeres after Christe by the name either of the Uniuersal Bishop or of the Head of the Uniuersal Churche notwithstandinge he hath muche gheassed aboute the mater bothe by misreportinge the practise of gouernement that then was vsed and also by wreastingâ— and misconstruinge the woordes of the Holy Fathers Thus hitherto he hath taken greate paines to smal purpose But hereunto he puttâ—th his Rhetorical Correction and saith It is a Childis he thinge to sticke at the name of any thinge And so al this longe talke is driuen in the ende to a Childishe Conclusion How be it it appeareth S. Gregorie was not so perswaded of it not thought the mater to be so childish For after yâ— Iohn of Constantinople had intitled him selfe the Uniuersal Bishop Gregorie being then Bishop of Rome withstoode him earnestly wrote against him in this wise Deus ab vnitate atque humilitate Ecclesiae hoc malum Superbiae Confusionis auertat God turne away this mischiefe of Pride and Confusion from the vnitie and humilitie of the Churche Againe
ipsum honorificè Conseruarent sed dedit in sui vsum dicens Accipite Manducate Christe gaue not the Sacrament to his Disciples that they shoulde reuerently reserue it but he gaue it for theire vse saieinge Take and Eate Thus many olde Doctours and yet many moe wee haue on our side Therefore M. Hardinge was somewhat ouerseene for folowing of them to cal vs Newe Doctours I knowe the Sacrament in olde times in some places was reserued as it maie appeare by Tertullian S. Cyprian S. Hierome S. Basile Eusebius and others S. Cyprian saith wâ—men vsed to keepe it at home in theire Cheastes Tertullian saith The Faithful vsed then to haue it in their priuate houses to eate it before other meates S. Hierome saith that Exuperius the Bishop of Tolouse vsed to carrie it abroade in a basket S. Basile saith That in Egypte and specially about Alexandria euery man for the most parte had the Sacrament in his house Eusebius seemeth to saie The Priest had it in his Chamber S. Ambrose saith Menne vsed then to carrie it aboute them not onely by Lande but also by Sea in theire Naptkins Al these were Abuses of the holy Mysteries and therefore afterwarde were abolished Thus was then the Sacrament reserued In priuate Houses in Cheastes in Baskettes and in Naptkins Nowe if M. Hardinge be hable truely to shewe any suche like Ancient Authoritie for his Canopie then maie he saie he holdeth by the Olde Catolique Fathers But for as muche as M. Hardinge hath leisure to cal to minde his Olde Fable of Momus Uenus and suche like In deede they saie Momus was woonte to espie faultes and to control al the Goddes without exception euen the Greate Iuppiter him self that sate in Rome in the Capitol and therefore his office oftetimes was not so thankeful as some others But one greate faulte he founde with Uulcane for the makinge of man for that he had not sette a grate or a windowe at his breaste that others might piere in and espie some parte of his secrete thoughtes If M. Hardinge had suche a grate or windowe at his breaste and menne might looke in and see his conscience I doubte not but they shoulde sée many moe sparkes of goddes trueth then as nowe outwardly doo appeare As for his faire Ladie Uenus whereby he meaneth his Churche of Rome the worlde seeth he him self knoweth she hath beene taken in open aduoutrie Phebus the Sonne of God with the heauenly beames of his holy Woorde hath reueiled it O Woulde to God we had no cause iustly to saie with the Prophete Esaie Quomodo facta est Meretrix Ciuitas Fidelis O howe is that Faithful Cittie become an Harlot Uerily Momus shal not neede nowe to reprooue her Slipper He shal rather haue cause to saie A planta pedis vsque ad verticem capitis non est in ea sanitas From the Sole of the foote to the toppe of the heade there is no whole parte in her For so S. Bernarde complaineth of her miserable state in his time M. Hardinge The .2 Diuision VVhereto we saie that if he with the rest of the Sacramentaries woulde agree to the kepinge of the Sacrament then woulde we demaunde why that manner of kepinge were not to be liked And here vpon proufes made of defaulte in this behalf and a better waie shewed in so smal a mater conformitie to the better woulde soone be persuaded In other Christen Countries we graunte it is kepte otherwise vnder locke and keie in some places at the one ende or side of the Aultar in some places in a Chappel builded for that purpose in some places in the vestrie or in some in warde and secrete roome of the Churche as it was in the time of Chrysostome at Constantinople In some other places we reade that it was kepte in the Bishoppes Palace neare to the Churche and in the holy daies brought reuerently to the Churche and set vpon the Aultar whiche for abuses committed was by order of Councelles abrogated Thus in diuerse places diuersely it hath ben kepte eueriewhere reuerently and suerly so as it might be safe from iniurie and villanie of miscreantes and dispisers of it The hanging vp of it on high â–ª hath bâ—en the manner of Englande as Lindewode noteth vpon the Constitutions prouincial on high that wicked dispite might not reache to it vnder a Canopie for shew of reuerence and honour The. B. of Sarisburie Here M. Harding sheweth that this Reseruation of the Sacrament in diuers Countries hath béene diuersely vsed Under locke and key At the Aultars ende In a Chapel In the Uestrie In the Bishoppes Palace And al this of the vsage of late yeeres for of Antiquitie sauinge onely the Epistle of Chrystome to Innocentius whiche also as it shal appeare maketh much against him he toucheth nothinge But emongst al these diuersities of keepinge he hath not yet founde out his Canopie And touchinge that he allegeth of the Reseruation of the Sacrament in the Bishoppes Palace it seemeth very litle to further his purpose For where as the Sacrament was reserued onely in the Bishops Custodie it foloweth necessarily that there in â—ther parish churches and Chappels was no suche Reseruation Chrysostomes epistle to Innocentius is good witnesse that the Sacrament was Reserued to be receiued of the people at the Communion the nexte day or in very shorte time after For it was Reserued in bothe Kindes as it appeareth plainely by his woordes But it is cleare bothe by the iudgement of Reason and also by their owne Cauteles in that behalfe that the Wine in suche sorte and quantitie cannot be keapte any longe time without sowering And the manner in Graecia was during the time of Lente to Consecrate onely vpon the Satursdaies Sonnedaies and yet neuerthelesse to Communicate of the same vpon the other wéeke daies For the ende of this Reseruation in olde times was not that the Sacrament should be Aâ—oured but that it should be receiued of the people and specially that persons Excommunicate for whose sake it was reserued beinge suddainely called out of this life vpon their repentance might at al times receiue the Communion and departe with comforte as the Members of the Churche of God But me thinketh M. Hardinge dooth herein as Apelles the Painter sometime did in setting out Kinge Antigonus physenomie For vnderstandinge that Antigonus was blinde of the one side he thought it best to painte him out onely with halfe face and so he conningly shadowed the deformitie of the other eye Euen so M. Hardinge sheweth vs certaine varietie of keepinge the Sacrament and other smal maters of like weight but the danger of Idolatrie and other like horrible deformities he dissembleth conningly and turneth from vs. Lothe I am to vse the comparison But S. Hierome saith it Diabolus nunquam se prodit aperta facie The Diuel neuer sheweth him selfe openly with his