went to Annibal and concluded a Peace with him on the Conditions following That no Carthaginian General or Magistrate should have jurisdiction over any Campanian Citizen nor should any Campanian be compell'd to take Arms or serve any Office without his consent That Capua should enjoy its old Laws and Magistrates that Annibal should bestow on them three hundred of the Roman Prisoners such as they should chuse to the end they might exchange them for the three hundred Campanian Horse that were in the Romans Service in Sicily These were the terms agreed on but the Campanians beyond their Agreement committed several Outrages particularly the rabble seiz'd upon the Captains of several associate Troops and other Roman Citizens residing there either in some military imployment or concern'd in other private affairs of their own and under pretence of securing them clapt them into the Hot-Houses where with the heat and noxious vapours they were stisted to death in an inhumane manner To prevent both this Cruelty and their making any Overtures at all to Annibal one Decius Magius used his utmost endeavours a man that well deserv'd the highest Authority and would have had it too if he had liv'd amongst people of judgment and discretion but when notwithstanding all his Remonstrances he heard a Garison was to be sent thither from Annibal he laid before them the insolent Tyranny of Pyrrhus and the wretched condition of the Tarentines as Precedents sufficient to give them warning He ceased not to cry out aloud in all places and Companies First That they should not admit any such Garison within their Walls and afterwards when they had received them was as urgent to have them turn'd out again or rather he told them if they would by a brave and memorable exploit at one for the baseness of revolting from their most ancient Allies and Kinsfolks they should fall upon these Carthaginian Troops and cut every man of them off and so restore themselves to the Romans protection These Discourses of his being related to Annibal for they were not spoken in hugger mugger he first summon'd Magius to appear before him in the Camp but when he stoutly denied to go alledging that even by their late Articles it was expresly capitulated That Annibal should have no jurisdiction over any Citizen of Capua the Punick was so enrag'd that he commanded him to be seiz'd and dragg'd unto him in Chains but upon cooler thoughts lest by offering such violence a tumult should arise and in heat of blood some mischief happen he resolv'd to be present in person and sending notice to Marius Blosius the Praetor of Capua that he would be there next day sets forwards from his Camp with a small guard Marius having assembled the people made Proclamation that they should be all ready with their Wives and Children in a full body and solemn Order to meet Annibal upon the way and welcome him to their City which was not only obediently but zealously perform'd by them all both for the fancy the common people always love to be busy and especially for the desire they had to see that famous Warriour of whom they had heard so much only Marius for his part would not stir a foot to meet him nor on the other side would he keep himself private lest he might seem to be afraid or conscious of guilt but with his Son and a few of his Friends and Dependents walkt up and down the Market place as unconcern'd whilst the whole Town was in an hurry to entertain and gaze at this strange Guest Annibal as soon as he came into the City desired the Senate might forthwith be Assembled but the principal Capuans beseeching his Excellency not to trouble himself that day with any serious affairs but that as by his presence he had made it an Holy Day so he would be pleased to celebrate it as such and partake with them in their universal Joys he was prevail'd with contrary to his natural hasty temper to defer it because he would not at his first coming seem to deny them any thing and accordingly spent most of that day in viewing the City He and his whole Train were entertain'd and lodged by the Manii Celeres and at the House of Stenius Pacuvius two of the most eminent Families both for Nobility and Riches in the City Pacuvius Calavius whom we mentioned of late being the chief of that Faction which brought over the people to the Carthaginian Interest going to the Generals Quarters carried with him his Son a young Gentleman whom he was forc'd almost by violence to pluck away from Decius's Company for he was always of his Party and most stifly opposed the League with Annibal nor could the inclinations of the whole City running the other way or the reverence he had for his Father alter his resolutions therein The Father by begging pardon for this youth rather than by excusing him endeavour'd to reconcile him to Annibal's favour and with his intreaties and tears prevail'd so far that he order'd him to be invited together with his Father to Supper at which he admitted none but they and his Landlord that gave the Entertainment and one Jubellius Jaurea a man renowned for his services in War They began their Banquet by Day-light and were treated not after the niggardly Punick mode or with the strict diet of a Camp but as magnificently regal'd as could be expected in a City and a Family long inur'd to the choicest varieties of dainty Dishes and abundance of voluptuous superfluity Only Perolla Pacuvius's Son alone was melancholly and could not be prevail'd with to be brisk and jocund though the Masters of the Feast and sometimes Annibal himself invited him to be merry and when his Father inquir'd the cause of these strange dumps and trouble of mind he excus'd it by alledging he was not well but about Sun-set Calavius going out of the room where they supp'd his Son followed him and when they were come to a place of privacy a Garden it was on the backside of the House I have says he a contrivance in my head whereby we may not only obtain the Romans Pardon for our offence in revolting to Annibal but the same will render us Campanians in greater honour and favour with them than ever we were The Father with Admiration demanding what this contrivance might be the young man slinging back his Gown shows him a Sword by his side This quoth he is it I will seal and ratify our League with the Romans with Annibals Blood But I was willing to let you know it first that if you had rather be absent whilst the brave act is doing you may take your opportunity The old man as if he had already been present at the Tragedy was almost out of his Wits For Heavens sake my Son and by all those sacred Tyes that oblige Children to their Parents I beg and conjure you That you will not before your Fathers Eyes do or suffer such an execrable piece of
Twin Brothers by comparing their Age and considering that their Genius shewed them to be of no servile extract had some recollecting thoughts of his Grandsons and by enquiring proceeded so far that he almost owned Remus to be one of them Thus was the King beset with Plots on every side for Romulus attack'd him not with a multitude of young Fellows as not being able to cope with him fairly had to hand but ordered the Shepherds to go several ways and meet at the Palace at such a time and Remus too got a company from Numitors house to assist in the Affair by which means they slew the King Numitor as soon as the Tumult began crying out That an Enemy had invaded the City and attack'd the Kings Palace when he had called together the youth of Alba into the Castle which he design'd to make himself Master of by force of Arms and when he say the young Men after the Murther was committed draw up towards him with gratulations in their mouths immediately called a Council and declared the injuries that his Brother had done him the extract of his Grandsons how they were born and bred and how they were discovered together with the death of the Tyrant and that he himself was the Author of it The young men marching through the midst of the Assembly with a great number attending on them when they had saluted their Grandfather by the name of King an unanimous consent of all the Company confirmed that name and established him in the Empire Thus the Government of Alba being setled upon Numitor Romulus and Remus had a mind to build a City in that place where they were exposed and educated for there were a great many Albans and Latines alive besides Shepherds who all gave them great hopes that Alba and Lavinium would be but inconsiderable places to that City which should be there built But whilst they were deliberating of this matter the old misfortune intervened that is an immoderate desire of Dominion and thence arose a fatal difference between them though from a small cause For they being Twins and so not distinguished in point of Age or precedence would needs have the Gods under whose protection those places were declare who should give the name to their new City and when it was built who should Reign over it Romulus chose the Mount Palatine and Remus the Aventine for their several quarters to view the Augury The Augury they say came first to Remus and that was six Vultures which when it was interpreted and after that a double number had shewn themselves to Romulus their parties and followers saluted both of them as King at the same time the former pretending to the Kingdom as precedent in time and the latter upon the account of the double number of Birds Thereupon at first they wrangled but fell at last from words to blows and in the Crowd Remus was slain The more vulgar report is that Remus in derision of his Brother leapt over his new Walls and for that was kill'd by Romulus who was vex'd at it and said in his fury so shall every one be served that leaps over my Walls Thus Romulus made himself sole Governour buit the City and call'd it by a name derived from his own He first of all fortified the Palatine where he was bred and offered Sacrifice to other Gods after the Albane manner bult to Hercules the Greek Heroe he did it as Evander had formerly ordered They tell you that Hercules when he had kill'd Geryon brought thither an Herd of very beautiful Oxen and Cowes and that near the River Tiber over which he swam and drove the Cattel before him he being tired with his journey lay down upon the grass to refresh himself and them with rest and convenient Food But having eaten and drank so much Wine as that he fell asleep a certain Shepherd that lived there hard by called Cacus a very strong fellow being taken with the beauty of the Beasts and having a great desire to rob him of them because he knew that if he drove them into his Cave their very foot-tracts would lead their Owner that way to seek for them he took the lovely brutes each one by the tail and drew them backwards into his Den. Hercules awaking early in the Morning servey'd his Herd and finding part of them missing went to the next Cave to see if perchance the tracts of them went that way where when he saw they were all turn'd as if they came out from thence and did not go any other way he was amazed and did not know what to do but began to drive his Cattel forward out of that unlucky place But afterward when some of the Cows that he was driving along low'd as they use to do for lack of their fellows which were left behind the lowing of thsoe that were shut up in the Cave by way of answer brought Hercules back again Whom when Cacus endeavoured to hinder from going to the Cave he received a blow with his Club of which though he call'd upon the Shepherds to assist him he immediately Died. Evander at that time who was banished Peloponnesus govern'd those parts more by his Authority than any regal Power for he was a Man that deserved a great deal of reverence upon the score of his wonderful Learning which was a thing wholly new to those People who understood not the Arts but much more venerable for the supposed divinity of his Mother Carmenta whom those Nations admir'd as a Prophetess before the coming of Sibylla into Italy And this same Evander being at that time startled at the concourse of the Shepherds who trembled to tell of a strangers being guilty of a palpable Murther when he heard the relation of the Fact and the reason of it and saw the habit and shape of the Man which was somewhat larger and more august than that of ordinary mankind he demanded of him Who he was And when he new his name who was his Father and what his Country accosted him saying Hail Hercules Son of Jupiter my Mother who was a true Prophetess told me that thou shouldest augment the number of those that dwell in Heaven and that an Altar should here be erected to thee which the most wealthy Nation in the World in time to come should call Maxima the Greatest and Sacrifice upon it according to thy command Hercules gave him his right hand and told him he received the Omen and would fulfil the Prophesie by building and dedicating an Altar And that was the first time that Sacrifice was made there when he taking a choice Heifer out of his Herd slew it calling the Potitij and the Pinarij Priests of Hercules who then were a very noble Family in those parts to assist him in performing of the ceremonies and to partake of the feast It so fell out that the Potitij were then present and that the Entrals were set before them but the Pinarij came to the
the Tryal of Volscius but the Power and Authority of the new Questors was now greater For that Year M. Valerius the Son of Valerius and Grandson of Volesus was Questor with T. Quintius Capitolinus who had been thrice Consul and he because he saw Caeso a Noble Youth was utterly lost both to the Quintian Family and the Commonwealth was justly very zealous to persecute the false Witness who had not suffered the innocent Man so much as to make his own defence When Virginius on the other side was most importunate of all the Tribunes to pass the Law the Consuls had two Months given them to consider of it that when they had shewn the People the Cheat which was designed in it they might then safely permit them to Vote and this interval which was allowed made all things quiet in the City But the Aequi did not suffer them to be long at rest for they bâ—oke the League which they made the Year before with the Romans and chose Gracchus Cluilius who was the greatest Man at that time among them their General Under whose Command they came into the Lavican and then into the Tusculan Fields in an Hostile manner and having loaded themselves with Plunder pitched their Camp in Algidum To which Camp Q. Fabius P. Volumnius and A. Posthumius came as Embassadors from Rome to complain of the injuries they had done and to demand their Goods back again according to the League but the General of the Aequi bid them tell their Message from the Roman Senate to the Oak and he would mind something else in the mean time Now that was a great Oak that grew over his Tent and made it very shady Then one of the Embassadors as he was going away cryed out Let this sacred Oak and all the gods take notice that you have broken the League for which reason I beseech them not only to hear our present complaints but to assist our Arms also when we shall revenge the violation of Laws at once both Divine and Humane When the Embassadors came back to Rome the Senate ordered one of the Consuls to lead their Army against Gracchus into Algidum injoyning the other to Pillage the Confines of the Aequi. In the mean time the Tribunes as they used to do endeavoured to hinder the Levy and it may be they totally obstructed it had not a fresh terror surprized them There came a vast number of Sabines who Plundered all the Country even almost to the very Walls of the City the Fields being all Ravaged and the City put into a fright Then the common People were glad to take up Arms though the Tribunes were never so much against it and two great Armies were raised whereof Nautius led the one against the Sabines and having pitched his Camp at Eretum with small Parties and inroads made for the most part in the night time did so much damage to the Sabines Country that compared to that the Roman Territories seemed as it were untouched In the mean time Minucius had neither the same Fortune nor Courage to carry on the War for having pitched his Camp not far from the Enemy he kept within it for fear though he had received no very great loss of Men. Which when the Enemy perceived their boldness was augmented as it usually happens by another Mans fear and therefore having attacked his Camp in the night time against which they found that open force did little good the next day they enclosed it quite round with Counter-works which before they had blocked up all the Passes five Troopers sent out through the Enemies Guards carryed news to Rome That the Consul and his Army were Besieged Than which nothing could have happened so surprizing or unlooked for wherefore they were in such a fear and trembling condition as if the Enemy had Besieged the City not the Camp They therefore sent for Consul Nautius who being little able to help them they had a mind to make a Dictator who might recover them out of their present evil circumstances and so by general consent L. Quintius Cincinnatus was pitched upon to be the Man 'T is pleasant to hear some Men talk who contemn all things belonging to Mankind in comparison to riches nor think any Man deserves honour or can be brave who has not a great deal of Mony when at the same time L. Quintius the sole hope of the Roman Government himself manured a Field of four Acres called Prata Quintia beyond the Tiber over against that place where now the Dock is Where being found by the Embassadors either making a Ditch with a Spade in his hand or a Plowing or about some other Country work after they had saluted him and he returned their Complement being desired by them for his own good they hoped as well as that of the Commonwealth to put on his Gown and hear what the Senates Message to him was he stared upon them and asking Whether all things were well bad his Wife Racilia fetch his Gown with all speed out of their Cottage with which being Cloathed he wiped off the dust and sweat from his face and went forth to them Whereupon they saluted him as Dictator wishing him Joy of the Office told him he was sent for into the City and what a fright the Army was in There was a Boat prepared for him at the publick charge and when he came over the River his three Sons met him together with other Relations and Friends of his and the major part of the Senate with which Retinue being attended and with the Lictors before him he was carryed to his House where there was a great concourse of the People But they were not at all pleased to see Quintius because he had born too many great Offices and was a very vehement Man in his Place That night therefore they sate up 'till morning The next day the Dictator coming into the Forum before it was light made L. Tarquitius a Man of Patrician Birth Magister Equitum Master of the Horse who though he had been a Foot Soldier because he was poor yet was accounted the best Warriour of all the young Men in Rome Then coming to the Assembly with the Master of the Horse he ordered an intermission of Judicial proceedings commanded all the Shops in the whole City to be shut up and forbad the doing of any private business After which He required all that were fit for Military Service to come with Arms Provisions for five days and twelve Pallisadoes a Man before Sun-setting into the Campus Martius and those who were not fit for War he ordered to Prepare and Cook the Meat for the neighbouring Soldiers whilst he got himself ready and looked out for his Pallisadoes This made the young men run about to look for Stakes which they took where-ever they found them for no Man was to hinder but immediately they were all ready according to the Dictators Order Then having put the Army into such a posture that it
business in Then again they were of opinion that they deferred their resolutions till night that their coming might be more dreadful Last of all when they came not then they thought 't was deferred till the next day that they might search all places more narrowly Thus their calamity was mingled with perpetual fear which was much augmented when they saw their Enemies Colours advance to the Gates of the City However the City was not that whole night nor the day following in such a consternation as they were in when they fled from Allia For when they had no hopes of defending the City with so small a company as was left they thought fit that the Youth of the Town with their Wives and Children and also that the strongest of the Senators should betake themselves into the Tower and Capitol and having got Arms and Provision together from thence to defend their Gods and Men and maintain the Roman Name there to preserve their Flamen those of the Vestal Priest-hood and whatever was sacred from fire and common ruin and not to leave off worshiping them as long as there were Men alive to Worship If the Tower and Capitol those receptacles of their Gods if the Senate the Head of their publick Council if their Military Youth did but survive the imminent ruin of their City they thought the loss of their old Men and the Mobile that was left behind them to perish in the City not very considerable And that the Multitude might take it more patiently at the hands of the Commons the old Men of Triumphal and Consular Dignity declared openly they would die with them and not be a burthen to the small Company that were fit to bear Arms with those Bodies which were not able to bear Arms or defend their Country Thus the Seniors though appointed to die comforted one another then they encouraged the company of young Men following them even to the Capitol and Tower and commending to their Youth and Valour the remaining Fortune of that City that had conquered in all Wars for 360 Years together The sad departure of those who were their only hopes and help from those who were resolved not to out-live the destruction of the City the howlings and cries of Women running after sometimes one and sometimes another and asking their Husbands and Children What death they would die The cloudy face and dismal appearance of all things were without all question the highest aggravation of calamity that can befall humane nature Yet a great many of them followed their Mistresses into the Tower being not invited thereunto nor forbidden by any because 't was not manly to have Women with them though they were useful to their Children in the Siege Another Company of the Commons whom so small a Hill could not hold nor feed in such a scarcity of Provision break as it were in Army out of the City and go to Janiculum From thence they are scattered some of them over the Fields others go to the neighbouring Cities without any Conduct or Advice every Man following his own Counsel and comforting himself with his own hope at the same time that they bewailed the Publick In the mean time the Flamen Quirinalis or Romulus's Priest and the Vestal Virgins taking no care of their own concerns consult what Gods they should carry with them and what because they were not able to carry off all they should leave behind and which was the safest place to put them in and at last think it the best way to dig a hole in the Chapel next to the Flamen Q's House where they thought it a sin to spit and they lay them up in Vessels The rest they divided among them and carry over the great Timber-bridg that leads to Janiculum And when Q. Albinus one of the Roman Commons who was carrying his Wife and Children and the rest of their unwarlike gang in a Cart out of the City saw them upon the Hill he made a difference between Divine and Humane things supposing it a piece of irreligion to let Priests and Vestal Virgins Persons of publick Office carry their Gods on Foot whilst he and his were carried in a Cart he therefore ordered his Wife and Children to come down and helped them up and carried them to Caere where they determined to go In the mean time all things being as well settled at Rome as their circumstances would permit for the defence of the Tower the old Men return into their Houses and being fully resolved to die they wait for the coming of their Enemies Those Magistrates among them that had been carried in their Chairs of State to the Senate-house that they might die attended with all the Ensigns of their former Fortune Honour or Valour put on their August Robes wherein they had either triumphed or devoutly waited upon the Chariots that carried Images and in the middle of their Houses sate in their Ivory Chairs There are some that report that repeating their Vow which M. Fabius the Pontifex recited to them they Devoted and gave up themselves for their Country and the Roman Citizens The Gauls in regard they had now enjoyed a whole nights respite from fighting and indeed because they were never engaged in any doubtful Battel neither did they at that time take the City by force and violence entred with minds not discomposed with heat or anger at the Collins Gate the day after and when they came into the Forum they cast their eyes upon the Temples of the Gods and the Tower which was the only Specimen of War then leaving a small Garrison lest any out of the Tower or Capitol should assault them when they were dispersed they betake themselves to Plunder not meeting so much as a Man in the streets some of them rush in throngs into the Houses next them others into those farthest off concluding them yet unpillaged and consequently stuffed with Prey but when they saw no body they were frighted thence upon supposition the Enemy would by some trick set upon them as they were scattered and so they returned in Companies to the Forum and places near the Forum And there seeing the Commons Houses locked and the Palaces of the Nobility open they lingred more in entring the open Houses than the shut But when they beheld them sitting in such State and Habits far beyond any thing that is Humane when they beheld the Majesty and Gravity they carried in their looks they approach them with such reverence as if they had been Gods And when they had for a time stood by them as if they had been so many Images 't is reported that one of the Gauls stroaked down M. Papyrius his Beard which they then wore very long and thereupon the old Man shook his Ivory staff at him Then began the slaughter The rest were murthered in their Chairs When they had killed the Nobles they gave no Quarter to any but killed and plundered their Houses and then set them on fire But the
who before were resolv'd as their last refuge to fight for it when they had hopes of life given them began every one to throw away their Arms and present themselves unarmed since Fortune had made that their safest way to the Enemy A great number were sent into several Prisons and the Town before night was restored to the Sutrians inviolate and free from all the injuries of War because it had not been taken by Storm but surrender'd upon conditions Camillus return'd triumphant into the City and having been Victorious in three Wars together drove before his Chariot a great many more Etrurians than any others Whom after he had publickly sold there was so much money made of them that having repaid the Matrons their Gold out of what remained there were three golden Cups made which 't is well known before the Capitol was burnt were set in Jupiters Temple at Junos feet That Year they were taken into the City who either Veians Capenates or Faliscans had come over to the Romans during those Wars and Land was assigned to all such new Citizens They likewise were recalled into the City by order of the Senate who to avoid the trouble of building at Rome had removed to Veii Whereupon at first they murmured and slighted the command till a day being prefixed a capital punishment set upon each man that did not return to Rome cooled all their courages and made them every man obedient out of fear Now therefore Rome began to grow very populous and buildings to rise in every part for the Commonwealth helped to defray the Charge the Ediles forwarded the work as though it had been the publick business and even private persons for their desire to have a convenient Habitation prompted them to it made haste to finish so that there was a new City standing within a year At the end of the year the Assembly was held for choosing Tribunes Military with Consular Authority and they chose T. Quintius U. C. 368 Cincinnatus Q. Servilius Fidenas a fifth time Julius Julus L. Aquilius Corvus L. Lucretius Tricipitinus and Serv. Sulpicius Rufus Then they led one Army against the Aequi not to make War for they confessed themselves already Conquer'd but out of hatred to ravage their Country lest they should leave them any strength for new attempts and another into the Tarquinian Territories where they storm'd and plunder'd two Towns of Etruria called Cortuosa and Contenebra At Cortuosa they had no dispute at all but having surprized it they took it upon their first shout and effort rifling and burning the Town But Contenebra endured the Seige some few days though continual toil night and day disabled them insomuch that seeing the Roman Army which was divided into six parts fought six hours each in their turns whilst the same Townsmen were still exposed to the whole fatigue of the Battel though few and weary they at last gave way and let the Romans into the City The Tribunes thought fit to confiscate the Booty by way of publick sale but their orders were slower than their design for whilst they deliberated upon the point the Booty was all in the Soldiers hands nor cou'd it be taken from them without envy The same year lest the City should increase in private works only the Capitol also was repaired in its Foundation with square Stone which looks very fine even at this day though the City be so very Magnificent in its Buildings And now the Tribunes seeing the City was all built endeavoured to introduce the Agrarian Laws into their publick Assemblies and to raise the peoples hopes they instanced in the Pomptine Lands which was then first of all since Camillus defeated the Volsci become a certain tenure They pretended That those Lands were now the occasion of more oppression from the Nobility than they had been formerly when in the hands of the Volsci for they only made incursions into them as long as they had strength and Arms But the Nobility took possion of them by force nor wou'd there be any room there for the Commonalty unless they were divided before the great men had gotten all into their clutches But they had not much moved the people who were but few of them in the Forum by reason of their being imploy'd about their Buildings as also for that they were upon that account impoverished by the charge they were at and therefore regarded not those Lands which they had not abilities enough to cultivate At this time the City being full of Religion and the Nobility grown superstitious since their late defeat to the end that the auspicies might be renew'd they fell back into an Interregnum The Interreges were M. Manlius Capitolinus Ser. Sulpicius U. C. 369 Camerinus and L. Valerius Potitus the last of which held an Assembly for choosing of Tribunes Military with Consular power and chose L. Papirius C. Sergius L. Aemilius a second time L. Meneninus and L. Valerius Poplicola a third time These persons instead of the Interregnum entred upon their Office That year the Temple of Mars which was vowed in the Gallick War was Dedicated by T. Quintius a Duumvir whose Office it was to look after the Sacrifices There were four Tribes added of new Citizens the Stellatine the Formentine the Sabbatine and the Arnian Tribe which made the Tribes up twenty five L. Sicinius Tribune of the people proposed the business of the Pomptine Lands again now that the Commons were more numerous about him and more inclined to desire them than they had been There was likewise mention made of the Latin and the Heruican War in the Senate but that was deferred upon the score of a greater War Etruria being up in Arms. The matter was referr'd to Camillus who was Tribune of the Soldiers with power Consular and had five Collegues assigned him viz. Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis Q. Servilius Fidenas a sixth time L. Quintius Cincinnatus L. Horatius Pulvillus and P. Valerius At the beginning of that yoar mens thoughts were diverted from the Etrurian U. C. 370 War by reason that a Body of men who fled out of the Pomptine Territories came on a sudden into the City and brought word That the Antians were in Arms that the Latins had sent their Youth for Auxiliaries to that War and said that they therefore rejected the publick design because Voluntiers were allowed to serve where they pleased At this time there was not any War so inconsiderable as to be slighted wherefore the Senate thank'd the Gods that Camillus was in Office for he must have been made Dictator if he had been a private person and his Collegues confess'd That the management of all matters where there was any Warlike terror approaching rested in him alone as also that they design'd to give up their Authority to Camillus nor shou'd they think that their grandieur was any way lessen'd by what they added to the greatness of that man For which the Senate commended the Tribunes and Camillus himself though
in a kind of Verses there was heard the surname Torquatus which was afterward Famous even among Posterity and an Honour to his Family The Dictator gave him a Golden Crown for a present and in a publick Oration extolled that Combat to the Skies And indeed that duel was of such great moment toward the Issue of the whole War that the Gallick Army the next night leaving their Camp in a consternation went into the Tiburtine Dominions where having made Alliance for carrying on the War and being kindly assisted with all conveniences by the Inhabitants they presently passed away into U. C. 378 Campania That was the reason why the next Year C. Paetelius Balbus the Consul his Collegue M. Fabius Ambustus happening to have the Hernicans for his Province led an Army against the Tiburtines to whose aid the Gauls return'd out of Campania and therefore great ravage was made in the Lavicane Tusculane and Albane Territories the Tiburtines being no question the Ring-leaders And when the publick Arms were wholly employ'd against the Tiburtines under the conduct of the Consul a Gallick insurrection forced them to create a Dictator Q. Servilius Ahala was chosen who made T. Quintius Master of the Horse and by Authority of the Senate vowed if his success in that War were good to set forth the grand Games The Dictator to engage the Tiburtines in a peculiar War ordered the Consuls Army to stay where they were and compell'd all the younger People who none of 'em refused it to take the Military Oath They fought not far from the Colline Gate with the strength of the whole City in the sight of their Parents Wives and Children who being a great encouragement to them even when they were at a distance did then when they were before their eyes inflame the Soldiers at once with shame and compassion After a great slaughter made on both sides the Gallick Army was at last put to flight and ran to Tibur as the head Quarters of the Gallick War Straggling about they were met by Consul Paeotelius not far from Tibur where the Tiburtines being come out to assist them they were driven with them into the Gates The matter was carry'd very bravely not only by the Dictator but the Consul too and the other Consul Fabius first in little skirmishes and at last in one Signal Battel in which the Enemies attacked him with all their Forces subdu'd the Hernicans The Dictator having mightily commended the Consuls in the Senate and before the People and bestow'd on them the Honour even of his actions too layd down his Dictatorship Paetelius Triumph'd doubly over the Gauls and Tiburtines too but 't was thought enough for Fabius to come into the City Ovant The Tiburtines scoffed at Paetelius's Triumph saying where did he ever engage with them That some few spectators indeed of the flight and consternation of the Gauls who went without the Gates when they saw themselves also made at and that every body who stood in the way was kill'd without any distinction retired into the City But did the Romans think that deserved a Triumph That they would advise 'em not to think it too wonderful and great an action to raise a Tumult in an Enemies Gates for they should see a greater Consternation erelong before their own Walls Accordingly the next Year M. Popilius Laenas and Cn. Manlius being Consuls toward U. C. 396 mid-night they sett out in a full body from Tibur and came to Rome This surprise and their dread in the night time struck them with Terrour being on a sudden waked out of their Sleep Besides that through the ignorance of many who knew not who the Enemies were or whence they came there was a sudden Alarm given and the Gates as well as the Walls had Guards set upon them But when day-break discover'd the number to be but indifferent before the Walls and that the Enemy were none but Tiburtines the Consuls going out at two Gates set upon their Army as they lay under the Walls on both sides Then it appeared that they when they came relyied more upon the occasion than their own Valour and therefore they could hardly endure even the first effort of the Romans yea it was evident that their coming was an advantage to the Romans in that a Sediton that was arising between the Senate and the People was by the fear of a War so near at Hand suppressed But there was another Arrival of their Enemies in the next War which was more terrible to the Country than to the City For the Tarquinians ravaged and over-ran the Roman confines espcially on that side that borders upon Etruria Upon which account U. C. 397 when they had in vain demanded satisfaction the new Consuls C. Fabius and C. Plautius by the Peoples order declar'd War and Fabius happening to have that Province Plautius had the Hernicans There was also an hot report of a Gallick War but among their many frights it was a Comfort that they had granted a Peace upon their Petition to the Latins and receiv'd of them a great number of Auxiliaries according to an Ancient League which they had intermitted for many Years Which aide being a support to the Roman State they were the less concern'd when they heard that the Gauls were come to Prenesta and from thence sate down near Pedurm Thereupon they thought fit to make C. Sulpicius Dictator and he was accordingly chosen by C. Plautius the Consul who was sent for for that purpose and had M. Valerius for his Master of the Horse These two led the strength of the two Consular Armies which they cull'd out from the rest against the Gauls That War was something more tedious than both Parties would have had it For whereas the Gauls only at first had been desirous to engage and after that the Roman Soldiers by their eagerness to take up their Arms and fight did some what out do the Gallick fierceness the Dictator was not at all pleased since there was no necessity to trust Fortune against an Enemy whom time and that strange Country wou'd daily weaken being without Provisions or any firm Fortification and besides that men of such Spirits and Bodies as that all their Force lay in an Effort but would dwindle by a small delay For these reasons the Dictator protrected the War and laided a great penalty upon any one that should fight without Orders The Soldiers taking that ill first upon their Guards and at their Watches among themselves blamed the Dictator and sometimes the Senate too in general for that they had not order'd the War to be managed by the Consuls saying They had chosen a very fine General indeed a sole Commander who thought that though he were idle victory would fly down into his bosom from Heaven and after that said the same words in the day time openly yea and bolder things too viz. That they would either fight without the Dictators order or would go all in a body to Rome The
a War As for you T. Quintius howsoever you came there whether with or against your will if there he no remedy but we must come to Blows I would advise thee to retire into the Rear and shrowd thy self amongst the hindermost nay 't will be far more Honorable for thee fairly to run away than to fight against thy Country But at present thou standest well and opportunely in the Front as ready to accommodate all Differences and be the Interpreter of this Friendly Conference for the good of us all Demand any reasonable Conditions and you shall have them though in truth we were better yield even to unequal Terms than impiously to Murther one another T. Quintius with Tears in his Eyes turning about to those that followed him I also O Soldiers quoth he if in any thing I can do you Service am like to prove a far better Leader of you towards Peace than to War The Words you heard but now proceeded not from a Samnite or a Volscian but were spoken by a Roman your Consul Gentlemen and your own General be not so mad as to desire to try his successful Conduct against your selves and to your destruction which you have so often experienc'd and admired in your Preservation The Senate had other Commanders who might have attacked you with more rancour and fierceness but they chose rather to imploy him who would be most favorable to and sparing of you his Soldiers and in whom as being your General you might repose most confidence Thus you see They that can easily vanquish you do yet seek for Peace Is it not then high time for us to desire it too Why then do we not lay aside our peevish Anger and fantastick Hopes which are both treacherous Counsellors and wholly refer our selves and all our Concerns to a Person of such approved Faith and Integrity A General shout approv'd this Speech and T. Quintius advancing before the Standards in the Front declared the whole Army to be under the Command and Power of the Dictator beseeching him that he would undertake the Cause of poor and wretched Citizens and having taken the same into his care to manage and protect the same with the same Justice and Uprightness as he was wont to administer the Affairs of the Commonwealth That for his own particular part he would make no Conditions nor build his Hopes on any thing but Innocency But the Soldiers desired they might be secured to have the same favour as the Senate had once before granted to the Commons and a second time to the Legions viz. That this their Revolt might not be charged upon them hereafter to their prejudice The Dictator gave Quintius thanks and commendations for his prudent Conduct and bid all the rest be of good cheer and immediatly rode Post back to the City where with the approbation of the Senate he preferr'd to the People in the Petiline Grove a Bill of Indemnity That no Soldier should be called in question for that Insurrection He also prevail'd further To have it Enacted That no man should either in jest or earnest be upbraided or reproached therewith At the same time pass'd a sacred Military Law That no Soldiers name once entred in the Muster-masters Book should be razed out against his Will with a Clause annexed That none that had been a Tribune or Colonel should afterwards have the leading of Bands or be a Centurion This was required by the Mutineers out of a particular pique to P. Salonius who almost every other Year was a Tribune and a Prime Centurion whom they now call Primipili Leaders of the Vanguard against him they had a spight because he had always opposed their Seditious Projects and would not joyn with them in their Revolt at Lantulae This Branch therefore the Senate in favour to Salonius refused to grant whereupon he himself Petition'd them not to regard his Honor more than the Concord and Unity of the whole City and so got it allow'd Another outragious Demand they made was to have the Horse-mens Pay which then was three times as much as that of the Foot Retrench'd for that they also had withstood the Conspiracy Moreover I find in some Authors That L. Genucius Tribune of the Commons preferr'd a Law To make Usury altogether unlawful And that by another Ordinance of the Commons It was provided That none should be capable of bearing the same Office twice in ten Years space nor any hold two Offices in the same year As also That it might be lawful to Create both the Consuls out of the Commons which if they were all granted shews to what an height this Insurrection was grown In other Annals it is Recorded That neither Valerius was made Dictator but that the whole Affair was manag'd by the Consuls nor yet that they broke out into Rebellion before they came to Rome but there took Arms. As also That their coming by Night was not into the Country Farm of T. Quintius but into the House of C. Manlius and that he was seiz'd by the Conspirators to be their General And that thence they went and Encamped but four Miles off the City That the Treaty for Peace was not first motion'd by the Captains but that when both Armies came to face each other in Battalia the Soldiers lovingly saluted one another and began to shake hands and mutually embrace with Tears and therefore the Consuls seeing them so averse from Engaging were forced to move the Senate for an Accommodation so that amongst antient Writers there is little certainty save only that a Sedition there was and the same happily compos'd However the noise of these Disturbances together with the fierce War undertaken with the Samnites occasion'd some Nations to withdraw from their Alliances with the Romans for besides the wavering of the Latines whose Friendship had a long time been doubtful and not to be trusted the Privernates with suddain Incursions invaded and plundered Norba and Setia two Neighboring Colonies of the Romans DECADE I. BOOK VIII EPITOME 4 5. THe Latines with the Campanians Revolt and by Ambassadors to the Senate demand to have one of the Consuls chosen from amongst the Latines 6. Annius their Praetor going from his Audience catches a fall from the Capitol whereof he dies 7. T. Manlius causes his own Son to be Beheaded for Fighting though successfully against the Latines contrary to Orders 9. The Romans being shrewdly put to 't P. Decius Devotes himself for the Army and setting spurs to his Horse Charges into the midst of the Enemy and is slain and the Romans get the day 11. The Latines submit themselves 12. T. Manlius returning to the City none of the Youth would go out to meet him 15. Minucia a Vestal Virgin condemn'd for Incest 16. The Ausonians overcome and a Colony planted at Cales 18. Divers Roman Matrons convicted of Poisoning and forced to drink off their own Preparations whereof they dyed A Law then first made touching Poisoning 21. The Privernates after
the Gates were burst open and the Walls mounted The Samnites that had some hopes before to keep off the Enemy when they saw them now in possession of their Walls that there was no longer any fighting at a distance with Darts and Lances but they must come to Handy-strokes concluded that they who from below had got upon the Walls would then more easily descend and be too hard for them upon even ground who could not withstand them with all the advantages of their Works they therefore quitted their Towers and Bulwarks and were beat up to the Market-place where for a while they tryed their utmost Fortune but at last flung down their Arms and Fifteen thousand and five hundred surrendred themselves at discretion to the Consul the number of the slain amounted to 4380. Thus went things at Cominium and at Aquilonia but between both places where a third Battel was expected no Enemies were to be found for that Detachment of the Samnites upon the Romans drawing up in Battalia were re-called when they were but seven miles from Cominium and so came not in to either of the Battels but being arrived about twilight within sight of Aquilonia on one hand and their Camp on the other and from each place hearing a mighty Clamour they made an hault wondring what the matter might be but by and by the Camp being fired by the Romans gave them certain notice of their Parties defeat so that they durst march no further but lying down where they were in their Arms spent a restless night wishing for and yet fearing the approach of day As soon as 't was light being yet uncertain whether to bend their course they were put to the Run by the sight of a party of Horse who had been upon the pursuit of the Samnites that in the night stole out of the City and spying this multitude lie in the open Field without Trenches or Out-guards were coming up to Charge them They were also seen from the Walls of Aquilonia and thence several Regiments of Foot were making at them but they came not up time enough and the Horse only cut off about 280 in the Rear the rest escap'd but in great Consternation to Bovianum leaving abundance of Arms scattered behind them and eighteen Colours The joy of each Roman Army was encreased by the good success of the other The Consuls by mutual consent gave their Soldiers the Plunder of both Cities and when they had ransack'd the Houses ordered them to be set on fire so that on one and the same day both Aquilonia and Cominium were laid in ashes and the Consuls with mighty Congratulations on either side joined their Forces There in the Head of both Armies Carvilius bestowed large Commendations and Rewards on such of his Men as had signalized themselves by any special Action And Papirius who had been engag'd in variety of Service in the Field and the City and the Camp gave Bracelets and Coronets of Gold to Sp. Nautius and Sp. Papirius his own Nephew and to four Centurions and one whole Band of Hastati or Javelyneers To Nautius for his expedition and dexterity in terrifying the Enemy with a shew of a great Army to young Papirius for his gallant Service with the Horse both in the Battel and in pursuing the Samnites when in the night they got out of the City and to the Centurions and Hastati because they were the first that took the Gate and mounted the Wall of Aquilonia To all the Horse-men because they had behav'd themselves very well he gave Bracelets and little Horns of Silver In the next place a Council of War was held to consult Whether both or either of the Armies should yet be withdrawn out of Samnium and it was resolved That the more irrecoverably to suppress the Enemy they should with the greatest vigor improve their Victories so as they might be able to deliver up the Country entirely subdued to the next Consuls And since there was now no Army of the Enemies that durst appear in the Field they had no business left but to assault their Cities and fortified Towns the taking of which would both enrich their own Soldiers and empoverish the Enemy besides the multitudes of them that must there be either slain or taken Prisoners Therefore having by Letters given the Senate an account of their Proceedings the Consuls divided their Armies Papirius advancing to besiege Sepinum and Carvilius to invest Volana These Letters from the Consuls were read with the highest Joy imaginable as well in the Senate as before all the People in the Common-Hall and this Publick Rejoycing was celebrated with Processions and Thanksgivings for the space of four days together For indeed this Victory was not only of great Importance in it self to the Romans but also came very seasonably for it happened that just at the same time tydings arrived That the Tuscans were in Rebellion and People began to ponder in their minds how they should do to quell them if any thing should happen amiss in Samnium where both the Consuls and all the Roman Forces were now engaged which heartned on the Etrurians to this Insurrection Ambassadors from some of the Roman Allies were introduced by M. Attilius the Praetor into the Senate complaining That their Territories were wasted with Fire and Sword by their Neighbors the Tuscans because they would not relinquish the Roman Interest therefore they did beseech the Fathers to defend them from the Out-rages of these common Enemies To whom Answer was return'd That the Senate would take care that their Allies should have no cause to repent them of their having continued faithful and that very speedily they should see the Tuscans in as wretched a condition as the Samnites Yet had they not proceeded with such Expedition against the Tuscans but that News came the Faliscans who for many Years had been firm Friends were now revolted and join'd with them The near Neighborhood of this Nation quickned the Senate to send Heralds to demand satisfaction which being not given by the Authority of the Senate and Command of the People War is Declared against the Faliscans and the Consuls ordered to cast Lots which of them should remove with his Army out of Samnium into Tuscany Carvilius had already taken from the Samnites three Cities Volana Palumbinum and Herculaneum Volana in few days time Palumbinum the same day that he came before the Walls but at Herculaneum he was forc'd to fight two set Battels with doubtful Success and more loss sustained on his side than on the Enemies Then he Entrench'd himself and shut them up within the Walls and at last assaulted the Town and took it In these three places there were taken or slain to the number of Ten thousand People When the Consuls came to sort the Provinces Tuscany fell to Carvilius at which his Soldiers were pleased who could not well endure any longer the sharpness of the Weather in Samnium Papirius at Sepinum had an harder
not speedily seconded therefore they all every one for himself strain'd to the utmost and though showres of Darts and Javelins were darted at them and the Enemy opposed both their Arms and their bodies to oppose their passage yet they pressed on with undaunted resolution and failed not to attempt every place high or low easie or difficult till they had broke through and got in In which Service great numbers were wounded but even they that bled till they fainted were ambitious of dying within the Enemies Trenches so that the Camp was taken in a moment as if it had been situate on plain ground and nothing fortified Thenceforwards 't was not a Fight but a Slaughter pell-mell throughout the Camp above six thousand of the Enemy slain and more than that number taken Prisoners together with all the Capuans that came for Corn and their Carts and Cattel besides a very rich Booty which Hanno had plunder'd from all the Romans Allies The Works being dismantled the victorious Romans return to Beneventum and there both Consuls for App. Claudius came thither within few days sold and divided the Spoil giving rewards to those who first mounted the Enemies Rampier especially to Vibius the Pelignian and T. Pedantius eldest Captain of the third Legion Hanno being at Cominium Ceritum when he received Intelligence of the loss of his Camp hastned thence with some few Forragers whom he had with him into the Bruttians Country more like one that fled in a Rout than with an orderly Retreat The Campanians upon advice of this utter overthrow both of their Confederates and loss of their own people sent Agents to inform Annibal That the two Consuls lay at Beneventum but one days march from Capua so that the War was but a step from the very Walls and Gates of their City and if he made not Expedition to relieve them Capua would sooner fall into the Enemies hands than Arpos did that certainly they hop'd he would not think the whole City of Tarentum much less the Castle only of such importance that he should for the sake thereof suffer Capua forsaken and undefended to be exposed to the Romans even that Capua which he was wont to compare with Carthage it self Annibal promising that the would take their safety into his care sends back with the Messengers two thousand Horse at present to prevent the plundering of the Country The Romans in the mean time amongst their other affairs neglected not the preservation of the Castle of Tarentum and the Garrison there Beleaguer'd The Praetor P. Cornelius by the Senates Order sent C. Servilius his Lieutenant General into Tuscany to buy up Corn who with several Ships laden therewith arriv'd at Tarentum passing through all the Guards of the Enemy Whose Arrival so heartned the Souldiers that whereas before being well near hopeless the Enemy would often by way of Parley tempt them to desert the service and come over to them now on the contrary they were as busy to induce the Townsmen to revolt to them And indeed the Garrison was pretty strong the Souldiers that Quarter'd at Metapont being brought to their assistance and the Metapontines were no sooner rid of them but they fell off to Annibal as did also the Thurines who inhabited not far off on the same Sea-Coast being instigated thereunto as well by the Example of the Metapontines to whom they were related being all descended from Achaia as out of spight and revenge against the Romans for having lately put to Death the Hostages of whom some were of their City Whose Friends and Kindred sent Letters to Hanno and Mago who Quarter'd not far off in the Bruttians Country That if they would but bring their Forces before the Walls they would surrender the City into their hands The Governour there was M. Atinius with a small Garrison but 't was thought he might be drawn rashly to hazard a Battel not so much on confidence of his own Souldiers who were but few as relying upon the Thurine Youth whom he had caused to be all Muster'd and Train'd to Arms against such an Exigency The Punick Generals divided their Forces and so came into the Thurines Country Hanno with a Squadron of Foot advanc'd with Banners display'd directly towards the City Mago staid with the Cavalry behind the Hills which lay between him and the Town very convenient to conceal an Ambuscade Atinius being inform'd by his Scouts that there was only a Body of Foot and no Horse amongst them draws out his Forces into the Field to fight them being equally ignorant of the Treachery within and the Enemies stratagem abroad The Foot Skirmish was but faint and slow for on one side only a few Romans in the Vanguard charg'd the Enemy for the Thurines stood rather waiting the event than willing to hazard themselves and on the other side the Carthaginians did purpose by giving ground to drill the Romans so far that the Horse from behind the Hills might conveniently fall upon their Rear who when they saw a conveniency with a great shout charg'd on full drive behind them and the Thurines as soon as they saw them betook themselves to their heels being but a raw undisciplin'd rabble and besides not hearty to the side they were engag'd in The Romans though encompass'd and charg'd behind with the Cavalry and before with the Infantry yet for some time maintain'd the Conflict but at last being over-power'd they too began to fly to the City where the Conspirators being gather'd together in heaps after by opening the Gates they had receiv'd in their own Townsmen when they saw the Romans come running apace in disarray cry'd out The Carthaginians were at their heels and intermixt with them would seize the City unless immediately the Gates were clapt to so the Romans were shut out and expos'd to be cut to pieces by the Enemy only Atinius and some few more got in after this there was Debate for a while amongst the Townsmen themselves some being for standing on their Guard and defending the place others for a present yielding to the Conquerors but in the end Fortune and design together prevail'd and having brought Atinius and his Souldiers to the Haven and put them on Board more out of affection to his person for his civil and gentle Government than out of respect to the Romans they admitted the Carthaginians into the City The Consuls march their Legions from Beneventum into Campania not only to destroy their Granaries of Corn laid up for Winter but to assault Capua it self thinking they should illustrate their Consulship by the destruction of so rich a City and besides wipe off that dishonour and scandal from the Roman Empire in suffering a place so near to continue now the third year in Rebellion without chastizing them for their perfidiousness But that Beneventum might not be without a Guard nor expos'd to sudden accidents of War if Annibal should come that way to relieve his Confederates which they doubted not but he would
Allies for the like Service and likewise to charge them with eight thousand Foot and three hundred Horse A. Attilius who had been Praetor the preceding year was chosen to receive those Forces at Brundusium and to conduct them into Macedonia Cn. Sicinius the Praetor was appointed to put the Army in readiness to be transported C. Licinius the Praetor was directed to send to C. Popilius the Consul a Commission to command the second Legion which had been longest employ'd in Liguria and consisted of the most experienc'd Souldiers together with four thousand Foot and two hundred Horse out of the Latine Allies and to be in readiness at Brundusium on the Ides of February With this Fleet and Army Cn. Sicinius was commanded to keep the Macedonian Province until another was appointed to succeed him and to this purpose his command was continued for a year longer All which directions of the Senate were managed with great vigour and celerity thirty eight Gallies were drawn from the Docks which were conducted by L. Porcius Licinius to Brundusium twelve were sent from Sicily Sex Digitius T. Juventius and M. Caecilius were sent Embassadours into Apulia and Calabria to buy Provisions for the Fleet and Army Thus all things being fully adjusted Cn. Sicinius departing from the City in his Warlike Accoutrements arrived at Brundusium About the end of that year C. Popilius the Consul came to Rome something later than the Senate had ordain'd who considering the approach of so great a War drew near commanded him to hasten to the Election of new Magistrates Therefore when the Consul in the Temple of Bellona rehears'd his Exploits in Liguria the Fathers instead of applauding the Relation reprov'd him for not restoring to their former Liberties those Ligurians that had been oppress'd by the Tyranny of his Brother The twelfth day before the Calends of March was held according to the Edicts the Election of the Consuls wherein P. Licinius Crassus and C. Cassius Longius were created The following day Caius Sulpitius Galba L. Furius Philus L. Camilius Dives C. Lucretius Gallus C. Caninius Rubutius and L. Villius Annalis were Elected Praetors to these Praetors the Provinces were thus assign'd two of them were to administer the Laws in Rome three to have the Government of the Spanish Sicilian and Sardinian Provinces the other was reserv'd for such affairs as the Senate should have occasion to imploy him in The elected Consuls were commanded to celebrate the day of their inauguration with Sacrifices and Prayers that the gods would be auspicious to the War the Roman People were now preparing The same day the Senate decreed That C. Popillius should offer Vows that if the Republick continued for ten years in the same state ten dayes sports should be dedicated to Jupiter and gifts devoted to all the Shrines the Consul accordingly exhibited those Vows in the Capitol and that the donations should be perform'd to what value the Senate should propose this was pronounc'd in the presence of an hundred and fifty people and Lepidus the chief Priest recorded the Vow This year dyed these Priests of quality L. Aemilius Pappus one of the Decemviri or Priests of the holy Rites and Q. Fulvius Flaccus the chief Priest who had been Censor the year before This man had but an ill end news having been brought him of his two Sons who had serv'd in the Illyrick Wars that one was lately dead and the other labouring under a dangerous distemper this report so opprest his mind with grief and fear that his Servants entering his Bedchamber in the Morning found him hang'd It was the common opinion he had not been Compos sui since his Censorship that Juno Lacinia angry at the spoil he committed on her Temple had depriv'd him of his right mind M. Valerius Messala succeeded the Decemvir Aemilius Cneus Domitius Aenobarbus the chief Priest Fulvius too young a man for such a Function That year P. Licinius and C. Cassius were Consuls not only the City of Rome with the whole Country of Italy but all the European and Asiatick Princes and Cities had converted their minds on the prospect of the War between the Romans and Macedonians Eumenes was urged by a double stimulation as well the core of his old hatred as the late treachery at Delphis wherein he had almost fallen a Victim to Perseus's rage Prusias King of Bithynia resolv'd to stand neuter and attend the issue esteeming it unjust to bear Arms for the Romans against the Brother of his Wife by whose intercession he doubted not if Perseus prov'd Victoricus to obtain his pardon Ariates King of the Cappadocians besides the promise he had made to aid the Romans on his own account since the time his Alliance with Eumenes shar'd with him in all his Counsels both of Peace and War Antiochus bent his purposes on the Kingdom of Aegypt despising the Kings Childhood and insufficiency of his Guardians resolved to renew his pretensions to Coelosyria supposing to manage this War without impediment while the Romans were busied about that of Macedonia contrary to the large promises he had made the Senate Ptolomy the young King of Aegypt in regard of his youth was wholly at the disposal of others His Protectors not only made preparations to oppose Antiochus in Coelosyria but likewise assur'd the Romans to assist them against the Macedonians Massinissa King of the Numidians purposed to furnish the Romans with Corn and that his Son Misagenes should attend them in that service with an Auxiliary of Elephants however he took those measures to provide for himself against both Fortunes if Victory declar'd for Rome his affairs would not be at all advanc'd or in a better posture than before nor would they ever suffer him to exercise his Arms against the Carthaginians But if the Roman greatness fell who then could protect the Carthaginians or hinder the subduing all Africa under his subjection Gentius King of Illyria had given the Romans occasion of suspition rather than a demonstration which part he would join with and that if he declared for either it would proceed more from the impetuosity of his temper than a mature result Cotys the Thracian King of the Odrysians openly appear'd for Macedonia These were the inclinations of the Kings concerning the War the generality of the common people almost thorough all the liberal Nations leaning as they usually do to the baser side inclin'd their affections towards the Macedonians but one might easily perceive the Nobility to be differently affected some therefore with great eagerness joined with the Romans by which immoderate favour they impair'd their authority at home few being induc'd by the justice of the Roman Government but rather with an opinion that the more vigorous they appear'd for them the more should they encrease their power in their own Cities On the Kings side were three sorts the first whereof were of profuse Court-Flatterers who being too deeply involv'd in credits of others and desperate in their own
Claudius was acquitted the Tribune of the people said he had nothing to say to Gracchus That year the Aquileian Embassadours desiring the Senate that they would augment the number of their inhabitants there were fifteen hundred Families by order of Senate raised and the three who were sent to carry them thither were T. Annius Luscus P. Decius Subulo and M. Cornelius Cethegus The same year C. Popillius and Cn. Octavius the Embassadours who were sent into Greece having read the order of Senate first at Thebes carry'd it about to all the Cities of Peloponnesus That no person whatsoever should give the Roman Magistrates any thing toward the War but what the Senate first thought fit This gave them a confidence for the future also that they should be cased of the burdens and expences whereby several Magistrates commanding several things one after the other they were exhausted and drain'd The Achaean Council being held at Argos they spoke and were heard very kindly and then having left that most trusty Nation under great hopes of their future state went over into Aetolia Where though there was not any insurrection as yet made all places were full of suspition and accusations among themselves For which reason having demanded Hostages but put no end to the business the Embassadours went thence into Acarnania where the Acarnanians gave them Audience at Thyrium In that Country too there was a difference between two opposite Factions some of the chief men desiring that there might be guards brought into their Cities in opposition to the madness of those men who endeavour'd to make the Nation side with the Macedonians which others refused lest they who were peaceable and allied Cities should receive that disgrace which usually befalls those that are taken in War and common Enemies This seemed to be a just disswasive and so the Embassadours return'd to the Pro Consul Hostilius for from him they were sent at Larissa He kept Octavius with him but sent Popillius with about a thousand men into Winter-Quarters at Ambracia Perseus not daring to go out of the Confines of Macedonia in the beginning of Winter lest the Romans should break in any way upon his Kingdom when it was empty a little before the hard weather when the depth of the Snow makes the Mountains from Thessaly unpassable thinking he had a good opportunity of breaking and damping all the hopes and courage of the Neighbour Nations that there might be no danger whilst he himself was imploy'd in the Roman War now that Cotys from Thrace and Cephalus out of Epirus by his sudden defection from the Romans offer'd him Peace and he had subdu'd the Dardans because he saw that that side of Macedonia only which lay toward Illyricum was molested nor were the Illyrians themselves quiet but besides that gave the Romans leave to come into their Country and if he once had tamed the Nations next to Illyricum that King Gentius who had been a long time wavering in his mind might be drawn into an Alliance march'd out with ten thousand Foot whereof part were Phalangites a particular sort of Foot-Souldiers in Macedonia and two thousand light-arm'd men together with five hundred Horse and came to Subtera Where having taken up Corn for a good many dayes and order'd the preparations for attacking of Towns to follow after he Encamped the third day at Vscana which is the biggest City in all the Penestian Territories having sent before he offer'd any violence to them certain persons to try which way the Garison and the Townsmen were inclined Now there were in that City a Roman Garison and the Illyrian Youth But having answer brought him that there was no hopes of Peace he began to attack them and attempted to take the City by besieging it quite round Yet notwithstanding that they one after another both day and night without intermission some of them rear'd Ladders against the Walls and others threw fire against the Gates the besieged made a good defence against that storm because they well hoped that the Macedonians could neither any longer endure the sharpness of the Winter in the open air nor that the King would have so much respite from the Roman War as to be able to stay But when they saw the Galleries come near and Towers set up their resolution was defeated For besides that they were not equal in point of strength there was not a sufficient quantity of Corn or any other Provisions within they having been surpriz'd by that Siege Wherefore when there was no hope of making resistance C. Carvilius Spoletinus and C. Afranius were sent from the Roman Garison to demand of Perseus first that he would let the Souldiers depart with Bag and Baggage and secondly if they could not obtain that that they would accept of a solemn promise of life only and their liberty This was more freely promised by Perseus than 't was perform'd For when he had order'd them to depart with Bag and Baggage he first took from them their Arms. But when these men were departed the City the Regiment of Illyrians in number five hundred and the Vscanians surrender'd themselves and the City Perseus having put a Garison into Vscana led the whole Body of those that were surrender'd which was almost in number equal to his Army to Stubera where after the Romans who were in all four thousand men besides the chief Officers were distributed to secure the several Cities having sold the Vscanians and Illyrians he led his Army back to reduce the Town of Oeneum which as it is otherwise commodiously situated is also an Avenue into the Labeatian Dominions whereof Gentius was then King But as he passed by a Castle called Daudracum certain persons that well knew that part of the Country told him that he needed not to take Oeneum unless he made Daudracum also his own for that was seated more advantagiously for all purposes Whereupon when he approached with his Army to that place they all immediately surrender'd themselves By which surrender that was made much sooner than he could hope for he was so animated that when he observ'd how great the terrour of his Army was he reduced eleven other Castles by help of the same consternation For the taking of some very few he was constrain'd to use force but the rest were voluntarily surrender'd and in them were retaken fifteen hundred Roman Souldiers who were distributed through the several Garisons Carvilius Spoletinus was of great use in his Parleys with them by saying that there was no severity used against them After this he came to Oeneum which could not be taken without a formal Siege that being a Town not only guarded by a somewhat greater number of younger men than the rest but also well-fortified with Walls besides that on one hand the River Artatus and on the other an exceeding high inaccessible Mountain compassed it round These things gave the Townsmen courage to make resistance Perseus therefore when he made a Line quite round
ROMVLVS REX NVMA REX L. IVNIVS BRVTVS FAB MAXIMVS P. C. SCIPIO AFR HANNIBAL C. MARIVS L. C. SVLLA M. T. CICERO CN POMPEIVS MAGNVS C. IVLIVS CAESAR M.I. BRVTVS AVGVSTVS CAESAR M. ANTONIVS MARCELLVS AVG N. ex Imaginibus Fulvij Vrsini THE ROMAN HISTORY Written in LATINE BY TITUS LIVIUS WITH THE SUPPLEMENTS Of the LEARNED John Freinshemius and John Dujatius From the Foundation of Rome to the middle of the Reign of Augustus Faithfully done into English T. LIVIVS PATAVINVS LONDON Printed for Awnsham Churchill at the Black Swan in Ave-Mary-Lane near Paternoster-Row MDCLXXXVI THE Translators Preface I Intend not to enter into a large Discourse of the Excellency and Usefulness of History That Province has been undertaken by a thousand abler hands Tully's short Character is just and very significant when he calls it Times Witness Truths Light The Life of Memory The Herald of Antiquity and the Mistress of Life But as amongst all prophane Histories none can for Greatness of Action prudence of Counsels and Heroick Examples of all sorts of Vertue compare with That of the Commonwealth of Rome so of all Roman Historians Titus Livius both for Copiousness and Elegance for Accuracy and unblemish'd Fidelity is justly preferr'd Whose Excellent Works as far as Extant with Supplements for all that is wanting we undertake to present you with in English and the business of this Preface is to give 1. Some Memoirs of the Authors Life and Writings 2. An Account of this present Translation Titus Livius was born at Padua whence his common Addition is Patavinus a City of Italy renowned for its Antiquity said to be built by Antenor four hundred Years before Rome as well as for its strength having been able to bring into the Field one hundred thousand Combatants and from which as Venice was but a Colony so it still belongs to that Illustrious Republick such being the fate of Towns as well as Persons that sometimes the Mother is forc'd to depend on the Daughter and remains to this day a place famous for Learned Men being honour'd with an University renowned especially for the study of the Noble Art of Medicine He was born about the Year 694. after the building of Rome that is according to the best Chronologers in the Year of the World 3906. and fifty six years before the Incarnation of our Blessed Saviour How he spent his younger years though no Authors particularly mention yet we may easily guess at the Tillage by the Crop and conclude him then laboriously and no less successfully employ'd in the Studies of Literature and Eloquence whereof he gave an early Specimen in certain Philosophical Dialogues mention'd by Seneca Epist 100. which 't is likely he might present to Augustus and thereby first attract the Esteem of that most Illustrious Prince and grand Patron of Learned men For 't is certain our Author was not only well known to him but so much in his Favour that though afterwards he gave him a very free Account of the Civil Wars and spoke so honourably of the Republican Party that the Emperour Caesar jocularly called him Pompeianus one of Pompey's Faction yet that Generous Prince did not for all that refuse him his Friendship as is attested by Tacitus in the fourth Book of his Annals but made choice of him of all the Famous men then at Rome to be Tutor to his Grand-Son Claudius afterwards Emperour Thus he flourisht under the Reign of Augustus and began to write this History after the thirteenth and before the eighteenth year of that Emperour as we may gather from those words in his first Book Since Numa 's time Janus 's Temple has twice been shut once when T. Manlius was Consul after the first Punick War ended and again the Gods vouchsafed the same favour to our Times when after the Actian War the Emperour Augustus Caesar had obtain'd Peace both by Land and Sea Now 't is well known that Janus's Temple was thrice shut up by Augustus First after his Victory over Mark Anthony and Cleopatra at Actium here mentioned which was in his fifth Consulship And again when he had subdued the Calabrians in his tenth Consulship and the third time in the Year of the City 748. within two years after which our Blessed Lord was born of the Virgin Since therefore Livy mentions it to have been then only twice shut 't is plain that he wrote at least that first Part of his History before Augustus's second Closure thereof 'T is likely that he repaired very young to Rome and spent there most of his time For as in that Imperial City he had the best Advantages of Books and all the Records of Antiquity to furnish him with Matter so he had also the best Company both to inform his Judgment and improve his Stile And in this respect never was Author more happy as living in an Age when Letters were at the highest pitch both of Perfection in themselves and Estimation from others For 't is not improbable but he might have seen heard and been acquainted with Cicero that great Master of the Latine Eloquence for he was twenty years old at his death with the most Learned and in Roman Antiquities incomparably skilful Varro with that ingenious Parent of Lyrick Elegance Catullus with Virgil the Prince of Poets and Salust the most excellent at least till this our Livy out-vy'd him of Historians with Cornelius Nepos and Diodorus Siculus both no contemptible Authors in History Certain it is that he was Contemporary not only with those most famous Poets Ovid Horace Propertius and Tibullus but also with Seneca the Declaimer and Vitruvius the Architect and Dionysius Halicarnasseus who wrote the Roman Story most exactly in Greek Nor was he much elder than Strabo the Grecian Geographer than Valerius Maximus and Velleius Paterculus none of the least considerable Roman Historians In a dark Night Glow-worms may shine and Sporad's in the Suns absence cast a glimmering lustre but for a Star to appear in open Day-light is almost miraculous Amongst such a Crowd of Excellent men in the most polite Age that the World can boast of for Wit Learning and Eloquence that our Author should come behind none of them and in his Historical Province outstrip all as in the Judgment of the literate World he has done is certainly an Argument of a most happy Genius and Accomplishments altogether extraordinary Nor is it easie to determine whether his Industry or his Sufficiency were the greater for he wrote the whole History as well Civil as Military of the People of Rome for the space of seven hundred forty five years viz. from the Foundation of that City till the Death of Drusus that is until within eight years of our Saviour's Incarnation This mighty Undertaking which by what hath been said appears to have taken him up at least above twenty years time he performed in one hundred and forty Books or as Petrarch and others think one hundred and forty two which were
rest of the entertainment when the Entrals were eaten and thence it became a rule as long as the race of the Pinarij continued that they should not eat of the holy Entrals The Potitij taught by Evander were the chief Priests in that Solemnity for many Ages till all the whole stock of the Potitij was decaied and the ministerial function of their Family conferr'd upon publick Servants And these holy foreign rites above all others did Romulus then undertake to perform being even at that time a great admirer of Immortality gained by Vertue and Courage to which his very Destiny led him Having performed the holy Rites according to order and called the multitude to council who could not be united into one body by any means except Laws he made several which he supposed would be the better observed if he made himself venerable by some ensigns or badges of Kingly power and therefore as he appear'd more agust in his other habit so also and most especially he did in that he chose twelve Lictors or Sergeants to go with rods and axes before him Some say he made use of that number from the number of birds that in the Augury had portended his being King But I am willing to be of their opinion who say that Apparitors or Serjeants and that sort of officers came from the Etrurians that were a neighbouring Nation from whence also they derive the Sella Curulis or Chair of State the Toga praetexta a white Gown that Children wore guarded with purple and this very number and that the Etrurians had just so many because their King being chosen out of twelve several sorts of People each of them chose one Lictor or Sergeant In the mean time the City increased in fortifications in that they went still farther and farther with their works more out of hopes of a multitude to come than for the safeguard of those men they then had And then lest the City should have been made so big to no purpose He according to the ancient rule of all those that ever built Cities who when they had gathered into their walls an obscure and mean rabble of People pretended their inhabitants were born out of the Earth set open the Asylum a place which is now hedg'd in with thick brambles between two Groves and into that from the neighbouring Nations all the rabble ran as being greedy of novelties without distinction or being questioned whether they were Free-men or Slaves And that was the first step towards the greatness of his strength When he thought himself strong enough he prepared a Council to manage that strength to which end he makes an hundred Senators either because that number was sufficient or because there were but one hundred only that could be created Patres i. e. Fathers or grave Senators Now they no question were called Patres i. e. Fathers out of respect and honour and their descendants Patricij i. e. such as were of a Senatorian Family By this time Rome was grown so strong that it was able to cope with any of the neighbouring Cities but for want of Women its Grandeur was like to continue no longer than a Mans age because they neither had hopes of Children at home nor intermarried with their Neighbours Then by advice of the Senate Romulus sent Embassadours to the adjacent Countries to desire an Alliance and Nuptial Engagements between his and their People and to tell them That Cities like other things rose from small beginnings and then that such as their own Virtue and the Gods advance gain to themselves great power and renown as also that they knew very well not only that the Gods were assistant in the production of Rome but likewise that no Virtue would be wanting in that Nation wherefore they should not think it any degradation to them as Men to mingle bloud and contract an intimate relation with those who were Men as well as themselves But this Embassy was no where kindly received so much they all despised and fear'd so great a power that was then growing up among them not only in respect to themselves but their posterity Many dismissed them with this question Whether they had opened any Asylum for Women too for that would make their Marriages just and equal The Roman youth took that in great dudgeon and had a great inclination to use violence for which that Romulus might give a good opportunity he counterfeited himself out of humor and ordered Games to be solemnly kept in honour of Neptunus Equestris purposely i. e. The God of Horsemanship which he call'd Consualia Whereupon he commanded that the adjacent Countries should have notice given them of a Show that was to be made and with as much preparation as they possibly could they set things out that they might do something that was extraordinary and answer Peoples expectations A great many people met together not only upon that account but likewise out of curiosity to see the new City especially all the neighbouring People as the Caeninenses the Crustumini and the Antemnates Thither also came all the Sabines with their Wives and Children who being invited very hospitably from house to house and seeing the situation the walls and all the City so full of houses admir'd that Rome was grown so great in so short a time When the time for the Show was come and their minds and eyes were all intent upon it then by consent they made the attack and giving the signal the Roman youth ran up and down to ravish or seize their Virgins of whom great part were forced away at a venture as each man litt upon them though some great beauties design'd for the Chiefs of the Senate were carried to their houses by inferior persons imployed for that purpose They tell you that one much handsomer than all the rest was carried away by the retinue of one Talassius of whom when many people enquired to whom they were carrying her the parties that had her in custody cried out by way of answer lest any one should take her from them she is going to Talassius from whence that became a Nuptial word The sport being all spoiled by the fear that people conceived the sad parents of the Maids ran away as fast as they could accusing the Romans for violating the laws of Hospitality and calling upon that God to whose Solemnity and Games they came and were deceived even after a religious promise of the contrary Nor had the Maids that were taken any better hopes of themselves or less indignation within them but Romulus went all about and told them that what they suffered was for the pride of their Fathers who had denied to contract any Marriage with their neighbours but that however they should be Married and bear a part not only in all their fortunes but be free of their City and than which nothing is more dear to Mankind share in the procreation of Children That they would do well to remit their fury
the Spoils of the Curiatij set up in that place which is now called Pila Horatia or Horatius's Trophies Can you said he O Romans endure to see this youth whom you so lately beheld adorned with Victory and march triumphantly before you bound whipped and tortured under a Gallows when even the eyes of the Albans could hardly bear so horrid a spectacle Go Officer bind those hands which not long since were armed to gain an Empire for the Roman People Go veil the head of him that freed this City Hang him up drub him even within the Walls so it be near those Trophies and Spoils he took from the Enemy or without the City so it be within view of those Sepulchres where the Curiatij lie buried For whither can you lead this youth where his own brave Actions will not rescue him from the Dishonour of such a base kind of Punishment the People were sorry to see his Fathers tears and that he himself should shew so little concern in all that danger wherefore they acquitted him more out of admiration of his Courage than for the justice of his cause But that the manifest Murther might be attoned for by some means or other 't was ordered that his Father should expiate his Sons guilt by a publick expence He therefore having performed some propitiatory Sacrifices which were afterwards transmitted to the Family of the Horatij made a Gallows cross the way and ordered his Son to pass under it as Soldiers do when they are sold for Slaves And that Gallows is still kept in repair at the publick charge even to this day being called Sororium Tigillum or the Gallows set up on the account of a Sister The Sepulchre of the Maid that was killed was built in the place where she fell of square Stone But the Peace with Alba did not long continue for the Envy of the Common People who took it ill that the publick fortune of their Country should be committed to three Soldiers only corrupted the vain disposition of their Dictators and seeing that good Counsels had not succeeded well he endeavoured to reconcile the minds of his Country-men by ill means To which end as before in time of War he had desired Peace so now in time of Peace he desired War But because he saw their City had much more courage than strength to declare and wage an open War he instigated other people thereunto reserving the treacherous part to be acted by his own Country-men under a shew of alliance and friendship The People of Fidenae who were a Roman Colony having taken advice with the Veientes were moved to make War and take up Arms upon condition that the Albans would revolt to their party When Fidenae was in open Rebellion Tullus sent for Metius and his Army from Alba whom he led against the Enemy and having past the River Anien he pitched his Camp at the meeting of the two Rivers Between that place and Fidenae the Army of the Veientes got over the Tiber and were posted in the right wing near the River whilest those of Fidenae stood in the left more near to the Mountains Tullus led his men against the Veian Enemy and planted the Albans over against the Legion of the Fidenates The Albans had no more courage than honesty and therefore not daring either to stand or move with any confidence crept by degrees to the Mountains Where when they thought themselves safe enough they set their whole Army in array but being in doubt what to do and willing to delay time they took a great deal of pains to range their men Their design was which way soever Fortune should incline that way to bend their forces The Romans who stood next to them began to wonder at first when they saw themselves deserted by the going off of their Allies and immediatly a Trooper galloping away went and told the King that the Albans were gone At which Tullus was put into such a consternation that he made twelve Salij or Priests of Mars and dedicated Temples to Pallor and Pavor i. e. to Paleness and Fear wherewithal he chid the Trooper so loud that the Enemy might hear him and bid him return into the Battel telling him They had no need to fear in that the Alban Army had wheeled about by his order to surprize the Fidenates in their unguarded Reer He likewise commanded the same Person to bid all the Horse advance their Javelins which Action of theirs intercepted the sight of the Alban Army marching off from a great part of the Roman Foot but those who saw them supposing it to be as they had heard the King say fell on the more eagerly The Enemies were terrified for they heard what the King so loudly said and many of the Fidenates as being a Colony belonging to the Romans understood Latin Wherefore last on a sudden they should have been blocked up by the descent of the Albans from the Hills and hindered of regaining the Town they turned their backs Tullus pursued them and having routed the wing of the Fidenates he returned more fiercely upon the Veians who were struck with a strange dread Nor could they endure the shock but running hastily away were driven to a River that was behind them to which when they were come some of them shamefully threw away their Arms and ran headlong into the water the rest staying on the banks and doubting whether they should sly or fight were all slain nor was there ever before that time a bloudier Battel fought by the Romans Then the Alban Army who had been Spectators of the Fight was led down into the plains and Metius congratulated Tullus his conquest over his Enemies in answer whereunto Tullus spoke very kindly to Metius and told him He hoped it would be for both their advantages if the Alban and the Roman Camp were both united into one wherefore he gave order it should be so and against the next day prepared a Sacrifice to purifie the Army Next morning as soon as it was day when all things were ready He as the custom is commanded both Armies to meet in one Assembly The criers began at the end and cited the Albans first who being concerned at the novelty of the thing as much as at any thing else that they might hear what the Roman King said stood next to him A Roman Legion all in Arms was ordered to enclose them and the Centurions were imployed to put their orders in execution without any delay Then Tullus thus began Romans If ever you had reason in any Battel before this time first to thank the immortal Gods and then congratulate your own valour it was for yesterdays atchievement For you fought not with Enemies more than which is the most difficult and dangerous engagement with the treachery and perfidiousness of your Allies For to undeceive you the Albans went into the Mountains without my knowledg nor was it my command but my stratagem and only the pretence of a command which
I then made use of to the end that neither you who knew nothing of your being deserted might be discouraged from fighting and the Enemy supposing themselves to be circumvented in their reer might be terrrified and tempted to fly But that fault which I now find is not to be charged upon all the Albans they followed their leader as you also would have done if I had been to have drawn you off to any other Post That same Metius was the Ring-Leader in that Treachery That Metius who was the contriver of this War That Metius who broke the League betwixt the Romans and the Albans Let some other hereafter dare to do the like if I do not make him a signal example to all mankind The Centurions stood about him while the King went on as he began I have a design O ye Albans which I hope will prove an happiness not only to the Romans in general but to me and you also that is to translate all the People of Alba to Rome to make the Commonalty free of the City and to chuse the Noblemen into the Senate to make them one City and one Commonwealth to the end that as the Alban State was heretofore divided into two People so now it may revert into one again At that the Alban youth being themselves unarmed but surrounded with Soldiers all in Arms were in twenty minds though common fear compelled them to hold their tongues Then Tullus went on Metius Suffetius said he If thou couldest learn to keep thy word and not to break Leagues thou shouldest live and I would teach thee how to do so But now seeing thy disposition is incurable do thou by thy punishment instruct mankind to believe those things sacred which thou hast violated As therefore thou didst lately shew thy self a Neuter and that thy mind was divided between the Fidenate and the Roman interest so now shall thy body be Having so said he caused two Wagons to be placed near each other and tyed Metius with his body distended to the bodies of them which being done the Horses were driven contrary ways and carried his torn body upon each Wagon to which his limbs were fastened The Company all turned away their eyes from such a cruel sight That was the first and last Punishment among the Romans that was an instance of Inhumanity for in all others they may very well boast that no Nation was ever satisfied with easier penalties At this time there was a party of Horse already sent to Alba to bring the multitude over to Rome and after them the Legions were carried thither to demolish the City who when they entered the City there was not that tumult nor consternation as usually is in Cities that are taken when the Gates are broken open the Walls battered down or a Castle stormed and when the noise of the Enemy and the fury of the Soldiers over all the Town mingles every thing with Fire and Sword but a sad silence and a dumb sorrow put all their minds into such a malancholy posture that they through fear forgetting what they left behind and what they carried with them not knowing what to do and enquiring of one another stood sometimes at their doors and other whiles ran distractedly about their Houses which that was the last time they ever were like to see But when the clamour of the Soldiers who bid them be gone was very urgent upon them they heard the crash of the Houses that were pulling down in the remotest parts of the City and the dust that arose from places distant covered all the Air as with a Cloud each man in hast took what he could away being he was to march off and leave his Native home his houshold-Gods and that habitation where he was born and bred And now the whole troop of these departing Inhabitants having filled the streets the sight of each other renewed their tears out of mutual commiseration besides the lamentable cries that werre heard especially of the Women when they passed by the stately Temples which were encompassed with Soldiers and left their Gods as it were in captivity The Albans having quitted their City the Romans made all buildings both publick and private even with the ground and one hour ruined and destroyed the work of those four hundred years that Alba had been standing But they with-held their hands from the Temples of the Gods because the King had so commanded In the mean time Rome grew out of the Ruines of Alba and the number of the Citizens was doubled The Mount called Coelius was added to the City and to draw the more Inhabitants thither Tullus had a Palace there and dwelt upon it from that time forward He chose the Nobility of the Albans into the Senate that that part also of the Commonwealth might be augmented that is to say the Tullij Servitij Quintij Geganei Curiatij and the Claelij and made a Temple to the Court for that order which he himself had augmented which was called Hostilia even to our Fathers days And that he might make some addition out of this new People to the strength of every order of men he chose ten Troops of Horse out of the Albans He also supplied the old Legions with the same number and likewise raised new ones In confidence of this his strength Tullus declared War against the Sabines a Nation at that time more opulent than any other except the Etrurians both for Men and Arms. There were injuries done on both sides and Goods in vain demanded back Tullus complained that the Roman Merchants were seized on at a great Fair kept near the Temple of Feronia the Sabines that theirs fled first into the Grove and were detained at Rome which actions are said to be the cause of the War The Sabines well remembring not only that part of their strength was carried to Rome by Tatius but likewise that of late also the Roman State was augmented by the addition of the Albans began themselves to look out for foreign assistance Etruria was near them and next to the Etrurians the Veians from whence through their remaining animosities which very much inclined them to a revolt they had a great many Voluntiers besides that their pay also prevailed upon some Vagrants among the poor People They had no publick assistance for the Veians amongst whom it was a greater wonder than for any of the rest to do so kept the Truce which they had made with Romulus When they had made very great preparations for the War on both sides and the whole stress of the business seemed to lie in this which of them should make the first onset Tullus marched first into the Sabines Territories They had a bloudy Battel hard by a Wood called Sylva Malitiosa where the Roman Army was very successful not only through the strength of their Foot but of their Horse too which was so lately augmented For by the Horse which rushed in suddenly upon them the Sabine ranks
all the Imposts and Taxes which were formerly paid by the whole City in general upon the Nobility only and that he made a Rate or Estimate of every mans Estate to make the fortunes of rich men only more visible to the eye of Envy and that he might have them ready to bestow upon Beggars whenever he pleased As he was making this Speech Servius came in who being much concerned at the frightful News immediately at his entrance into the Court cryed out aloud Tarquinius What meanest thou How darest thou Convene the Senate whilest I am alive or sit in my Throne To which Tarquinius as briskly answered That he was then in the Throne of his Father and much fitter to be Heir of the Kingdom being the Son of a King than any Slave could be that he had too long licentiously insulted over those who were by right his Masters Upon that there was a great Shout made by such as were favourers of both Parties and the People thronged into the Court where it appeared that he was most likely to Reign that was the stronger Then Tarquinius who was now forced of meer necessity to make his last effort being much stronger both for his Age and Constitution caught Servius by the middle and carrying him out of the Court threw him down Stairs to the very bottom Then he went back into the Court to reduce the Senate at whose return the Kings Officers and Retinue fled all away and the King himself who was almost dead going homeward with his Attendants who were themselves half dead when he came to the upper end of the Street call'd Vicus Cyprius was overtaken and murthered by certain Persons whom Tarquinius had sent to pursue him It is believed that this was done by the advice of Tullia because it is so like her other Villanous Actions but this is certain and very well known that she rode upon a Chariot into the Forum and not at all fearing the Concourse of so many People called her Husband out of the Court being the first who saluted him by the Name of King But he desiring her to be gone out of that great Tumult as she was going home when she came to the upper end of the Street called Vicus Ciprius where the Image of Diana lately stood as they were turning up the side of the Hill called Clivus Virbius to go into the Esquiliae the Charioteer stopt as if he had been frightned and check'd the Reins of his Horses to shew his Lady the Body of Servius who lay there slain in the Street Whereupon they tell you of a Barbarous and Inhuman Action which she then did and the place it self is a Monument of it for they call that Street Vicus Sceleratus i. e. Villains Street in which Tullia instigated by the fury of her Sister and her Husband drove over the Body of her Father and that she carried part of his Blood upon her Chariot being her self also contaminated and besprinkled with it to the Houshold-gods of her and her Husband who being displeased at it the latter end of her Husbands Reign was full as mischievous as the beginning Servius Tullius Reigned four and forty years with such prudence that even a good and a moderate Successor would have found it an hard task to have been equal to him But this also was an addition to his Glory that with him all Just and Lawful Reigns came to an end Yet his so mild and moderate Government because it was in the hands of one only some Authors say he had a mind to lay down had not that Domestick Villany intervened and spoiled all his Designs of setting his Country at Liberty Then Lucius Tarquinius began his Reign whose Actions gave him the Name of Superbus because he denied his Father-in-law the Common Rites of Burial saying That Romulus also was never Buried after his Death and killed all the chief Men of the Senate whom he thought favourers of Servius Afterwards being conscious that he got the Kingdom by ill means and that he himself might afford an example of the like Injustice even against himself he got a Guard about him for he had no pretension to the Kingdom besides force in that he Reigned neither by Order of the People nor Approbation of the Senate Wherefore his only refuge was since he could repose no Trust in the love of the Citizens to secure his Reign by Fear with which that he might possess the minds of most People he himself in Person took cognizance of all Capital Causes without any Advice or Assistance and by that means could put to Death Banish or Fine People at his Pleasure not only those whom he suspected or hated but even them also from whom he could hope for nothing else but a Prey He likewise contracted the number of the Senate especially resolving to choose none into that Dignity that by their being the fewer their Order might grow the more contemptible and they might be the less concerned that nothing was transacted by them For he was the first King that abrogated the old custom of consulting the Senate in all cases and governing the Commonwealth by private Councils he himself alone made War and Peace Entered into and Dissolved all Leagues and Alliances with whomsoever he pleased without the consent of the People and Senate But above all others he made the Latins his Friends that he might be the more secure at home even in the strength of Foreign Allies nor did he only engage the Chief of Hospitality and common Friendship but in Affinity also For he gave his Daughter in Marriage to Octavus Mamilius Tusculanus who was the greatest Man among all the Latins descended if we may believe common Fame from Ulysses and the Goddess Circe by which Marriage he obliged a great many of his Friends and Kindred By this time Tarquinius's Authority among the Latin Nobility was very great when on a certain day he ordered them to meet at a Place called Lucus Ferentinâ—e i. e. the Grove of Ferentina telling them that he had semething to say concerning publick Affairs Accordingly they met in a great Number assoon as 't was day and Tarquinius himself indeed observed the day but came a little before Sun-setting only though all day long there were many and various Disputes in that Assembly Turnus Herdonius who came from Aricia inveighed very severely against Tarquinius who was then absent saying It was no wonder that the Romans called him Tarquinius Superbus i. e. Tarquinius the Proud for so they now though privately yet generally called him for can any thing be a greater sign of pride than thus to slight the whole Nobility of the Latins For him who appointed this Assembly of so many Nobles that are come so far from home not to be here himself that he did it to try their patience and to find out how much he could impose on them if they would submit to his yoke For who did not plainly see that he affected Dominion
Banishment Proclaimed whilest the rejoycing Camp received Brutus as the Deliverer of the City expelling thence the Kings Children of whom two followed their Father and went into Banishment to Caere a Town in Etruria Sextus Tarquinius going to Gabii as into his own Kingdom was killed by certain men who had a mind to revenge the ancient quarrels which he himself by Slaughter and Rapine had been the Author of L. Tarquinius Superbus Reigned five and twenty years and the Reign of Kings of Rome from the time the City was built to the deliverance of it continued two hundred and forty four years at which time two Consuls were Created in the Assembly called Comitia Centuriata or an Assembly wherein every man gave his suffrage vivâ voce in the Century that he belonged to by the Prefect of the City according to the method that Servius Tullius had prescribed whose names were L. Junius Brutus and L. Tarquinius Collatinus DECADE I. BOOK II. EPITOME 1. Brutus obliged the People by an Oath not to suffer any of the Tarquins to Reign at Rome 2. He suspected his Colleague Collatinus by reason of the Affinity that was between him and the Tarquins and therefore compelled him not only to lay down his Consulship but quit the City too 5. He ordered the Kings Family to be plundered and Consecrated that Field to Mars which was called Campus Martius or the Field of Mars He Beheaded several Noble Youth among which were some even of his own and his Sisters Sons for Conspiring to bring in Kings again giving his Slave whose Name was Vindicius his Liberty for Discovering it from whose Name the word Vindicta made use of in the manumission or frecing of a Slave was derived 6. Having led an Army against the Royal Party who had raised the Veians and the Tarquinians to make a War he died in the Field at the same time with Aruns the Son of Superbus and the Matrons mourned for him a whole year 7 8. P. Valerius being Consul he made a Law concerning an Appeal to the People The Capital was Dedicated 9 10. Porsena King of Clusium having undertaken a War in the Defence of the Tarquinii and come as far as Janiculum the Southwark of Rome was hindered from passing the Tiber by the Valour of Horatius Cocles who whilest others cut down the Wooden Bridg alone endured the shock of the Etrurians and when the Bridg was broken throwing himself all Armed into the River swam over to his Party 12. There was another example of great constancy shewn by Mucius who having entered the Enemies Camp with a Design to kill Porsena but murthering a Secretary whom he mistook for the King and being laid hold on laid his hand upon an Altar where they had just sacrificed and held it there 'till 't was burnt off saying that there were three hundred Conspirators in a Design to murther the King At which Porsena was so amazed that his fear forced him to make conditions of Peace to lay down his Arms and receive Hostages 13. Amongst whom one Cloelia a Virgin having stollen from her Keepers swam over the Tiber to the Romans and being brought back again to Porsena was honourably sent home and graced with a Statue of her self on Horseback 16. Ap. Claudius fled from the Sabines to Rome and thence came the Tribe called Tribus Claudia The number of the Tribes was enlarged so as to make them one and twenty 19 20. A. Postumius the Dictator sought with success near the Lake called Lacus Regillus against Tarquinius Superbus who made War with an Army of the Latins 23 c. The Common People who had separated themselves into the Mount called Mons Sacer for the sake of some who were in Prison for Debt were recalled from their Sedition by the Counsel of Menenius Agrippa The same Agrippa when he died was by reason of his poverty buried at the publick Charge 33. Five Tribunes of the People were Created A Town belonging to the Volsci called Corioli was taken by the Valour and Conduct of C. Marcius who for that reason was called Coriolanus 36. Tib Atinias a mean man having been admonished by an Apparition to advise the Senate concerning certain Religious Duties but neglected the same lost his Son and grew a Cripple but being carried to the Senate in a Litter and having told them what he had to say recovered the use of his feet and walked home 39 40. When C. Marcius Corâ—olanus who had been Banished was made General of the Volsci and had brought an Army of the Enemies near to the City of Rome there were Embassadors first sent to him after whom when the Priests had in vain desired of him not to make War against his Country Veturia his Mother and Volumnia his Wife obtained the favour of him to retire 41. The Law called Lex Agraria i. e. concerning the Division of Lands was first made Sp Cassiùs a Consuls fellow was Condemned for Treason and put to Death 42. Oppia a Vestal Virgin was buried alive for Incest 46 c. When their Neighbouring Foes the Veians became more troublesome than intolerable the Family of the Fabii desired to have the management of that War and sent to it three hundred and six Soldiers who were every one of them killed by the Enemy at Cremera having left at home only one Lad who was not then of Age. 58. Ap. Claudius being Consul and having through the Contumacy of his Army lost a Battel against Volsci knocked every tenth Man of his own Soldiers on the head with a Club. 60 c. Shews the Transactions against the Volsci the Aequi and the Veians together with the Seditions between the Senate and the People I Come now to shew you what the Roman People who from this time were at Liberty did both in Peace and War together with their Annual Magistrates and the force of their Laws which were more powerful than any strength of Men. Which Liberty of theirs grew the more pleasant by their reflection on the pride of their last King For the former Kings governed so that they deserved successively to be reckoned as Founders of the several parts of that new City which they themselves added by way of augmentation to it for their encreasing Multitude to dwell in nor is it to be doubted but that same Brutus who won so much Glory by expelling King Superbus would have done the Publick the greatest mischief imaginable if through a too hasty desire of Liberty he had extorted the Scepter from any of the former Kings For what was like to come of it if that crowd of Shepherds and Strangers that came thither from their own Countries having gained either their Liberty or at least impunity under the refuge of an inviolable Sanctuary and being freed from the fear of Kings had then been moved and instigated by the Seditious Tribunes of the People and in a strange City had begun to sow strife between the People and the Senate before the endearments
of Wives and Children and the love of that soil to which by Tract of time Men grow accustomed had united their affections For the State of things which was but in its infancy would have been ruined by Discord which yet the calm moderation of Government cherished and by due nursing of it brought to that pass that they now come to their full strength could well bear the stronger nutriment of Liberty But you may reckon the original of that Liberty more from the Consulships being made and Annual Government than that any thing was diminished from Kingly Power For the first Consuls reteined all the Prerogatives and all the Badges of Royal State only this one thing they were cautious of not to have both of them Fasces or bundles of Rods carried before them lest the terror of the People might be doubled Brutus by the consent of his Colleague had first the Fasces and did not with more earnestness regain than he afterwards preserved their Liberty In the first place he made the People more covetous of their new Liberty lest they should afterwards be persuaded by the entreaties or corrupted by the gifts of the late King to swear that they would never suffer any one to Reign as King of Rome Whereupon that he might make the Senate stronger by making their order more numerous which had been lessened by those many slaughters which the King had made amongst them he chose all the chief of the Gradus Equestris or Knightly Order into them which made their number up three hundred and thence they say came the custom and form of calling them into the Senate by distinct appellations of Patres and Conscripti i. e. such as had been Senators before as that were newly chosen in for such as were then Elected into the Senate were called Conscripti i. e. whose Names were written in the same Catalogue with the former 'T is very strange to tell how that conduced to the Concord of the City and to unite the Peoples affections to the Senate After that they regulated things Divine and because some publick Holy Rites were used to be performed by the Kings themselves lest the People should desire a King again to satisfie them in the Name they made a Religious Minister called Rex Sacrificulus or the Petit King of the Sacrifices but made him subject to the Pontifex lest his having Honour proportionable to his Name might detract something from the publick Liberty to which they at that time had the greatest regard And indeed I cannot tell whether by their extraordinary care to confirm it even in the most inconsiderable respects they did not exceed the bounds of prudence for when nothing else offended them the very Name of one of the Consuls was hateful to the whole City For they said That the Tarquins had been too long possessed of that Kingdom of whom Priscus was the first and that though after him Servius Tullius was King yet Tarquinius Superbus did not forget himself in the mean time or lay down his pretensions to the Crown as if it were the right of another but by force and ill means sought to regain it as being the inheritance of his Family That now since they had expelled Superbus the Sovereign Power remained in Collatinus who was also a Tarquin That the Tarquins could not endure to live a private life That they hated the very name inasmuch as it was dangerous to their Liberty This kind of Discourse was spred by degrees all over the City to try how People stood affected and Brutus seeing the People so full of suspicion summoned them to an Assembly In which he first of all recited the Oath which the People had taken that they would suffer no man to Reign or be at Rome who should endanger their Liberty For that was to be their chiefest care nor could any thing be contemptible that conduced thereunto That he was unwilling to speak in the mans behalf nor would he have spoken unless his love to the Commonwealth had strongly induced him That the Roman People did not believe they had intirely recovered their Liberty because there was some of the Kings Family and of the Kings name not only in the City but likewise in supreme Authority which they thought was a diminution and an obstacle to their Liberty L. Tarquinius said he do you voluntarily remove this fear from them We remember we must confess you expelled the Kings Now therefore to perfect your kindness to the City take hence the very name of the King your fellow Citizens will not only deliver you what is your own and that by my persuasion but if you lack any thing will very munificâ—ntly augment your Estate Depart then as a friend and ease the City of their jealousie though perchance it be groundless for they are verily persuaded that with the Family of the Tarquins the Government of Kings will leave this City The Consul was at first so much surprised at that new and sudden Proposal that he had no power to speak But soon after when he began to utter himself the Nobility of the City stood about him and earnestly desired of him the same thing But indeed all others did not much move him till Sp. Lucretius to whose Age and Authority he owed a deference and who besides that was his Father-in-law began to treat with him after a different manner sometimes desiring and sometimes persuading him that he would suffer himself to be overcome by the consent of the whole City the Consul fearing lest afterwards when he was a private Man the same things might happen to him with loss of Goods and other Ignominy to boot he withdrew himself from the Consulship and having removed all his Goods to Lavinium left the City Brutus by Order of the Senate prescribed a Law to the People that all of the Tarquinian Family should be banished and made P. Valerius Colleague in the Comitia Centuriata by whose assistance he had expelled the Kings When every body believed that the Tarquinii were going to Levy War it happened indeed somewhat later than any body expected but what they did not fear their Liberty was almost lost through fraud and treachery There were among the Roman Youth some young Men of good Families whose manners had been more dissolute and debauched than ordinary in the time of the King they being of the same Age and Companions with the young Tarquins and used to live like Princes they therefore at that time when all People had the same priviledges expecting the same freedom complained among themselves that the Liberty of others became their Slavery and said That the King was a Man of whom you might seek for redress in a dispute concerning right and wrong that in him there was room for favour and kindness that he could be angry or pleased to pardon as knowing the difference between a friend and an Enemy But that the Laws were deaf inexorable and more for the advantage of a
instant the crash of the falling Bridg and the noise that the Romans made for joy that the work was done struck such a sudden terror into the Enemies that it restrained their violence Then Cocles cryed out Great Father Tiberinus I beseech thy Deity propitiously to receive these Arms and this Soldier into thy River With that being all in Armour he leaped into the Tiber through which though many Darts were thrown upon him he swam very safe over to his Party having done an Exploit that will be more talked of than believed by all Posterity The City was very grateful to him for so great an Atchievement and therefore his Statue was set up near the Comitium or place of publick Assembly and he had as much Land given him as he could mark round with a Plough in one day The Affections also of private men were very eminent amidst his publick honours for when he was in great necessity there was no body but gave him something towards House-keeping though they wanted it themselves Porsena being repulsed in his first Attempt and therefore changing all his measures from a design of Storming to besieging the City when he had placed a Guard in Janiculum himself pitched his Camp in the Plain and upon the Banks of Tiber. He likewise sent for Ships from all parts both as a Guard to hinder any Corn from being carried to Rome and for the convenience of passing his Soldiers over the River in several places to forage as occasion should serve By which means in a short time he so infested all the Country about Rome that not only other things but even all their Sheep too were driven out of the Fields into the City neither durst any one drive them without the Gates But this so great liberty was granted to the Etrurians not so much of fear as policy For Valerius the Consul being intent on the opportunity of surprizing a great many straglers at once seemed negligent to revenge small injuries because he kept himself for some greater Action He therefore to draw in the Foragers commands his Soldiers that the next day they should drive out a great many Sheep at the Gate called Porta Esquelina which was most remote from the Enemy supposing that the Enemy would come to know of it because in that time of Siege and Famin several faithless Slaves had fled the City And so indeed they did by the Information of a Renegado upon which a great many more of them in hopes to have all the Prey pass'd the River In the mean time P. Valerius ordered Herminius with a small Party to make an Ambuscade at the second Stone i. e. two Miles off in the way that leads to Gabii and Sp. Lartius to stand with the nimble young men at the Gate called Porta Collina till the Enemy came by and then to block them up that they might not return to the River The other Consul Titus Lucretius marched out at the Gate called Porta Naevia with some few Companies whilest Valerius himself led a choice Party down from the Mount called Mons Coelius who were the first that appeared to the Enemy Herminius when he heard the tumult made haste from his Ambuscade and fell upon the Etrurians Rere whilest their Van was engaged with Valerius There was a shout set up and returned both from the right hand and the left that is to say from the Gate called Porta Collina on the one side and that called Naevia on the other So the Foragers were slain in the middle of the Romans being neither strong enough to cope with them nor having any way to escape and that was the last time that the Etrurians stragled so disorderly into the Roman Territories But nevertheless the Siege continued Corn being very scarce and very dear and Porsena had some hopes that by continuing there he should at last take the City 'till Caius Mucius a Noble Youth who thought it a disgrace that the Roman People who though they were Slaves while they lived under Kingly Government yet were never Besieged in any War nor by any Enemy that the same People now they were free should be Besieged by those very Etrurians whose Armies they had so often Routed he was incensed and thinking that he ought to revenge that indignity by some great and bold exploit he first resolved of his own accord to force his way into the Enemies Camp but fearing lest if he should go without the consent of the Consuls or the knowledg of any body else he might possibly be taken by the Roman Centinels and be brought back as a Run-away in which case the present state of the City would make his Accusation the more probable wherefore he went to the Senate Fathers said he I have a mind to pass the Tiber and get if I can into the Enemies Camp not as a Robber nor to revenge that havock which they have made amongst us but if the Gods will give me leave I design to do a greater exploit The Senators approved of his proposal and therefore with a Sword hidden under his Garment he went upon his Enterprize When he came thither he stood in a great crowd near to the Kings Tribunal where seeing the Souldiers came to receive their Pay and that the Secretary who sate by the King in an habit very like him was mighty busie with the Soldiers thronging about him he fearing to ask which was Porsena lest by not knowing the King he might discover who he was as fortune unluckily would have it he stabbed the Secretary instead of the King Then walking off as far as he could make way through the affrighted Crowd with his Bloody Weapon in his hand the People flocked together upon the noise of it and the Kings Guards laying hold on him brought him back Then being placed before the Kings Tribunal he even at that time amidst so many menaces of fortune like one to be feared rather than fearing any thing himself cryed out I am a Roman Citizen and they call me Caius Mucius wherefore as an Enemy I had a mind to kill my Enemy nor do I desire to avoid my own death any more than I did to miss killing him 'T is like a Roman both to do and to suffer great things Nor was I the only Person that bore that spleen to thee I have a long Train behind me of such who desire to do the same glorious Act. Wherefore prepare thy self if thou pleasest against this danger that thou mayest be ready every hour to fight for thy life and see thou have both Arms and Men continually at the entrance of thy Palace We the Roman Youth declare this War against thee Thou needest not fear any formed Army nor any pitched Battel for we shall engage with thee only and that hand to hand At which the King being at once enraged and frighted at the danger commanded in his fury that a Fire should be made round about him unless he would declare presently what snares those were
any place that wanted a Voluntier for Sedition but they ran in whole Troops through all the Streets with Clamors into the Market-place where some of the Senators that happened to be there were in great danger of the Multitude Nor had they escaped if the Consuls P. Servilius and Ap. Claudius had not come speedily in to repress the Tumult But the Multitude turned even upon them also and shewing their Bonds with their other Deformities said Those were all that they had deserved upbraiding them with the several services which they had done in the Wars Which having done they required them with Menaces rather than like Petitioners to call a Senate and they themselves who were resolved to be Judges and Moderators of that publick Council stood round about the Court Some very few of the Senators that came that way by chance were got about the Consuls but the rest fear kept not only from the Court but from the Forum also so that nothing could be done because the number of the Senators was so small With that the Multitude thought they were derided and put off with idle delays and that the Senators who were absent did not stay away by chance or for fear but to obstruct the present affair yea the Consuls themselves prevaricated nor did they question but their miseries pleased them And now the very Majesty of the Consuls could hardly restrain the fury of the People when being uncertain whether by staying or coming they should incur most danger at length they came into the Senate and in a full Assembly had a long Debate not only between the Senators but even the Consuls themselves Appius a man of a violent Spirit thought the matter might be best composed by the Absolute Authority of the Consuls and that if one or two of them were laid hold on the rest would be quiet But Servilius who was more inclined to use gentle Remedies supposed it more secure as well as more easie to bend than to break their stubborn mind Amidst this Tumult another far greater terror surprized them for the Latin Horse came with a frightful Message that the Volsci were a coming with a great Army to Attack the City Which News so far had Discord divided the City into two instead of one made an impression upon the Senators to what it did upon the People For the People leaped for joy and said That the gods were come to revenge the pride of the Senators In which one of them confirmed another with persuasions Not to list themselves for the War but to die with the whole City rather than perish alone to let the Senators fight and take up Arms that they might undergo the dangers of War who had the reward of it In the mean time the Senate being much concerned and trembling for fear as well of their own Citizens as of the Enemy desired Servilius the Consul who was of a more popular disposition to free the Commonwealth from those Terrors with which it was now circumvented Then the Consul having dismissed the Senate came forth into the Assembly of the People where he shewed them What care the Senate had taken of the Peoples welfare but that amidst their deliberation concerning that which was indeed the greatest part though but a part of the City they were surprized with fear upon the account of the whole Commonwealth nor could they when the Enemy was so near their Gates think of any thing before a War nor if they should give the People any relief would it either become them to refuse the taking up Arms for their Country because they did not first receive their reward or would it agree with the honour of the Senate to be forced by fear to remedy the Calamities of their fellow Citizens so much as afterwards it would upon their own free will Then by an Edict he put an end to the Assembly by which Edict he commanded That no man should keep a Roman Citizen in Bonds or Restraint so as to hinder him from giving his Name to the Consul That no one should take or sell the Goods of any Soldier so long as he was in the Camp or detein his Children or Grand-children This Edict being Proclaimed not only those Debtors who were present immediately gave their Names but they flocked from all private corners of the City now that their Creditors had now Power to detein them into the Forum to take the Military Oath And indeed they made a great Party nor was the Valour and Industry of any other besides these more eminent in the War against the Volsci Wherefore the Consul drew forth his Forces and pitched his Camp at a small distance from them The next night the Volsci relying upon the Roman Discord attacked the Camp to try if any of them would come over or betray it to them in the night time The Sentinels perceived them coming and gave notice to the Army who were presently Alarmed so that the Attempt of the Volsci was to no purpose The rest of the night both sides lay still but the next morning assoon as 't was morning the Volsci having filled the Trenches Invaded the Rampier And now they were pulling down the Fortifications on every side when the Consul though all the Army and the Debtors especially called out upon him to give the Signal delayed for some small time to try the Soldiers Inclinations but when he saw they were mighty eager upon it at last having made a sign for them to Sally forth he sent them out with violent appetites to the Battel The Enemies were Defeated upon the first Attack and as they ran away their Rere was cut in pieces as far as the Foot could follow them but the Horse drove the frighted Creatures even to their Camp Thereupon the Camp it self being surrounded with the Legions now that the fear had driven the Volsci from thence also was taken and Plundered The next day the Legions were drawn to Suessa Pometia whither the Enemies were fled which Town within a few days was taken and given to the Soldiers as free Plunder By that means the needy Soldiers were in some measure recruited and the Consul to his great Honour led his Victorious Army back to Rome In his March home the Embassadors of the Ecetrani a People dwelling in a famous City of the Volsci fearing their own circumstances now that Pomotia was taken made application to him and had a Peace granted them by order of the Senate but part of their Land was taken from them Immediately after that the Sabines put the Romans into some small fear for that was a Tumult more properly than a War News came by night into the City that the Sabine Army was come and had Pillaged the Country as far as the River Anien and that all the Villages thereabouts were Plundered and Burnt Upon which A. Postumius who had been Dictator in the Latin War was presently sent thither with all the Horse and Consul Servilius followed him with
employment Having adjourned the Senate the Consuls went up to the Tribunal where they called over all the younger men by their Names but no body answered for the Multitude standing round in the nature of an Assembly cryed out They could no longer be deceived nor should the Consuls ever have one Soldier unless they performed their publick promise They must give every man his Liberty before they should force any Arms upon him that they might fight for their Country and their fellow Citizens not for their Lords and Masters The Consuls saw what the Senate had enjoyned them but discovered never a one of those who were so brisk within the Walls of the Court to stand by them there and partake of the envy which they lay under wherefore they were like to have a cruel tug with the People For that reason before they tryed the extremity they resolved once more to consult the Senate upon which all the younger part of the Senators ran up to the Consuls Seats commanding them to lay down their Office and quit their Authority which they wanted Courage to maintain The Consuls having tryed both the Senate and the People at last they told them Fathers that you may not deny our proposals we must inform you that there is a great tumult and therefore we desire that those who blame us most of all for our slothfulness would be our Assistants while we make the Levy then since you will have it so we will be very industrious to please each one of you With that they returned to the Tribunal and ordered a certain Person that stood there in view to be Cited by his Name on purpose who standing silent with a crowd of men about him to keep him from being seized on the Consuls sent an Officer to him who being repulsed the Senators that were there assisting the Consuls cryed out it was a shame and immediately ran down from the Tribunal to help the Officer who being only kept off from laying hold upon the fellow who was Cited and did not answer the Peoples fury was all turned upon the Senators but by the interposition of the Consuls the Tumult was appeased in which there being no Weapons used there was more noise and wrangling than there was hurt done Upon that the Senate was tumultuously summoned whose Consultations were much more tumultuous for those who were affronted by the People desired satisfaction and being each of them in a very great heat gave their Voices not quietly as wise men should have done but with Noise and Clamor At length when their heat was abated the Consuls upbraided them saying There was as little Prudence and Sobriety in the Senate-house as in the Forum and then they began to give their Opinions regularly and in order of which there were three P. Virginius did not think fit that they should be all dealt with in the same manner but that they ought to consider such only as laid claim to the promise which the Consul P. Servilius had made upon the account of their having been Soldiers in the Volscian Auruncian and Sabine Wars T. Largius said That was not a fit time to reward those only who had deserved well since all the People in general were in Debt nor could the Sedition be remedied unless they consulted the good of all for if the circumstances of some were better than those of others their Discord was like rather to be heightened than allayed Ap. Claudius who was naturally of a violent and fierce disposition fomented on the one hand by his hatred to the People and on the other hand by the commendations of the Senate told them That great disturbance arose not from their miseries but licentiousness and that the People were rather too much indulged than inclined to mutiny That the present mischief sprang from the Liberty of Appealing for if all those who had offended might Appeal the Consuls instead of Authority would have nothing but Menaces Come then said he let us create a Dictator from whom there is no Appeal then this fury that now puts all things into a flame will certainly abate Then let him who knows that the power over his Body and Life is in one man abuse my Officer and violate that one mans Authority The Opinion of Appius was dreadful and severe as many thought while those again of Virginius and Largius were of ill consequence especially that of Largius which destroyed the credit of the whole City so that Virginius's Counsel seemed to be most moderate and to proceed in a middle way betwixt both But through Faction and Respect to private ends which always have done and always will obstruct publick Councils Appius prevailed and had like to have been made Dictator himsell Which if he had it had certainly disobliged the People even at the most dangerous juncture when the Volsci the Aequi and the Sabines happened to be at the same time in Arms. But the Consuls and the graver Senators took care that that Office which carried such absolute Authority in its own style should be bestowed upon a Person of a more gentle disposition and therefore they chose Manius Valerius the Son of Volesius The Common People though they saw a Dictator made in opposition to them yet because they had their Appeal granted by a Law which his Brother made they feared no mischief nor tyranny from that Family In which Opinion an Edict set forth by him after he was Dictator confirmed them it being almost of the same tenour with that which Consul Servilius had formerly made wherefore supposing that they might trust not only the man but his Authority too they ceased to Mutiny and gave in their Names By which means there were ten Legions raised such an Army as they had never had before of which the Consuls had three apiece and the Dictator four Nor could the War be now deferred for the Aequi had invaded the Latin Dominions and Envoys sent from the Latins desired of the Senate That they would either send them aid or permit them to defend themselves Upon which the Senate thought it more secure for them to defend the Latins who were now naked than to suffer them any more to take up Arms. So they sent Consul Veturius who put an end to that Ravage which the Enemy had made while the Aequi leaving the Plains and relying more upon the circumstance of place than the strength of their Arms secured themselves upon the tops of the Mountains In the mean time the other Consul Marching against the Volsci and designing to save time provoked the Enemy to bring their Camp nearer and fight him by Pillaging their Country as much as he could Each Army stood in the Plain between their Camps and before their out-works all in Battalia but the Volsci somewhat out-did them in number Wherefore they joyned Battel without any Order and with Contempt The Roman Consul neither permitted his Army to stir nor suffered them to hollow but commanded them to stand
the Corn out of our Fields as they did three years ago Let them enjoy and make use of such Provisions as by their fury they have made I dare be bold to say that they themselves will be so tamed by this Calamity that they will rather chase to Till the Ground than take up Arms and separating themselves prohibit the Manuring of it It could scare the so easily said whether they ought to have done it or no as it might I suppose have been in the power of the Senate by making Provisions cheap not only to remove the Power of the Tribunes but all those new inconveniences which were imposed upon them This Opinion seemed not only very severe to the Senate but fury likewise almost armed the People who said That they were now treated with famin like Enemies being defrauded of their very food and that the Corn which came from foreign Countries by meer fortune to be their only sustenance must now be snatched from their mouths unless the Tribunes were delivered up in Bonds to C. Marcius unless he wreeked his revenge upon the Bodies of the Roman People That he was risen up to be a new Executioner to them and to force them either to be Slaves or die As he was going out of the Court they had set upon him if the Tribune had not very seasonably given him notice to appear before them such a day for by that means their fury was supprest since every one of them saw himself made Judg and Master of the life and death of his Enemy Marcius at first heard the Tribunes Menaces with contempt and told them that their Office was to assist the People not to punish their betters in that they were the Tribunes of the People not of the Senate But the People rose with that violence that the Senate were forced to allow of one mans punishment in order to avoid the present imminent danger Nevertheless they made resistance whatever the Tribunes could do and used not only each man his own but the Authority even of the whole Order And first they tryed by disposing of their Clients into such and such parts of the City whether they could Defeat the Designs by deterring and keeping single Persons from Cabals and Consults After which they went all together in which case you may well say all the Senators there were Guilty beseeching the People to deliver up to them one of their fellow Citizens one Senator if they would not acquit him as Innocent under the Notion of an Offender He not appearing at the day appointed they persevered in their fury whereupon he was Condemned though absent and went as a Banished Person into the Country of the Volsci with Menaces to his Country and a mind now filled with Hostility The Volsci received him very kindly and their kindness encreased more and more every day which made the hatred of the Romans the more conspicuous from whom there were sent very frequently one while complaints and other-whiles Menaces He lived with one Attius Tullus who was at that time the greatest man of all the Volsci and a perpetual Enemy to the Romans They two therefore the one upon the account of an old grudg and the other for a late indignity consulted together how they should make a War against the Romans But they did not think it an easie matter to persuade that People to take up Arms since they so often had such ill success For having lost most of their young men very lately by Pestilence and in many Wars before they supposed that now their Spirits being broken they must use some Art and find out a new occasion of instigating their fury seeing the old quarrel was now by Tract of time quite worn out and forgot The Games called Ludi Magni were then a going to be Celebrated a new and the reason of it was this On the day that the Games were to be Celebrated in the Morning before they began a certain Housholder had driven his Slave through the middle of the Circus and caused him to carry a small Gallows upon his neck whilest all the way he was whipped along Which notwithstanding the Games were begun as if that Action did not at all concern Religion But not long after one Tib. Atinias a mean Person dreamed that Jupiter came to him and told him The man that led the Dance in the Games that day did not please him and that if they were not magnificently renewed the City would be in great danger bidding him go and tell the Consuls the same Now though the man was not altogether void of Religion yet his modesty and the Reverence he had for the Majesty of those great Officers over-powered his fear of the Deity besides that he was afraid the People would jear him for it But his delay cost him dear for in a few days he lost his Son of which sudden misfortune to make the cause plain as he lay discontented but asleep the same Vision appeared to him and seemed to ask him Whether he had Reward enough for his Contempt of a Deity And told him That there was a greater now at hand unless he made haste and told the Consuls This made a greater Impression upon him yet still he delayed and protracted the time 'till a grievous Disease and a sudden feebleness seized upon him Then the anger of the gods had sufficiently admonished him wherefore being tired with his past and present Calamities he advised with his Neighbours to whom having related what he had seen and heard and how Jupiter appeared to him so often in his sleep together with the Menaces and the Misfortunes which he had afflicted him with they all consented immediately that he should be carried in a Litter into the Forum to the Consuls By whose Order being carried thence into the Senate-house and having to their great admiration told the smae Story there behold another Miracle for he who being Lame of all his Limbs was carryed thither they say having done his Duty returned home a foot Whereupon the Senate Decreed that the Games should be Celebrated with all the Magnificence imaginable Now to those Games there came by the advice of Attius Tullus a great number of thâ— Volsci and before they began Tullus according to a compact which he had made at home with Marcius came to the Consuls and told them that he had something to say to them in private which concerned the Commonwealth The Company being removed said he I am unwilling to say any thing that is ill of my Country-men nor do I come to accuse them of any thing which they have done but to take care that they be not guilty of any Misdemeanour I must confess our People are much more fickle than I could wish they were That we have found by frequent blood-shed who owe our safety not to our own merit but your patience There are here now a great number of the Volsci your Games are beginning and the whole City will
be intent upon the Shew I remember what the young Sabines did in this City upon the like occasion I am in great fear lest they should do any thing that were rash or unadvised but this I thought good Consuls to tell you before-hand upon my own as well as your account For my part I am resolved immediately to go home lest staying here I be infected with the Contagion of any mans deeds or words Having so said he went his way The Consuls having related the matter to the Senate which though it were doubtful in it self came from a certain Author the Person as it is usual moved them more than the thing to an unnecessary Caution they therefore made an Order that the Volsci should depart the City and sent their Officers to bid them all be gone before night Whereupon the Volsci were at first possessed with great terror and ran to their Lodgings to pack up their Goods but as they went away they were very much incensed that they should be forced to quit the City at that Festival time when the Games were Celebrated and amidst a Concourse as if it were both of men and gods like so many Villains As they were going almost all in a Body Tullus who was got before them to the head of the Ferentine River as each of them came up to him applied himself to the chief of them enquiring what the matter was and seeming very angry by which means they listening diligently to what he said which was enough be sure to move their spleen he drew not only them but the rest of the Multitude into the Plain near the way where ranging them into the form of an Assembly he made this Speech said he Though yon have forget the former Injuries and Massacres which the Roman People have been guilty of with all their other abuses offered to the Nation of the Volsci yet how can you bear this days affront from them who have begun their pastimes so much to our dishonour Are you not sensible that they have Triumphed over you this day and that you by coming away are made the scorn of all their Citizens all strangers and neighbouring People What do you imagin they thought who saw you come away or they that met you coming in such an ignominious Troop but that our Nation is guilty of some great crime whereby if we were present at the Shews we should pollute their Games and need an expiation for which reason we were forced away from the Society and Convention of all good men What then Can we be satisfied that we live because we made haste to come away But indeed this is not coming but running away And can you think this City is not your Enemies where if you had stayed but one day you must all have died for it In short by this they have proclaimed a War against you but much to the disadvantage of those that did it if you are men With that they being themselves before enraged but farther incited by what he said went to their several homes where each of them instigating their Neighbours they caused the whole Nation of Volsci to Revolt The Generals that were chosen for that War by universal consent were Attius Tullus and C. Marcius a Banished Roman in whom they reposed more hope than ordinary Nor did he any ways frustrate that hope to make it easily appear that the Roman State was strengthened more-by their Commanders than their Army He therefore went to Circaei from whence he first drove out the Roman Colony and delivered that City free into the hands of the Volsci and thence crossing over into the Road called Via Latina took from the Romans Satricum Longula Rolusca and Corioli their new Conquests From thence he went and took Lavinium Corbio Vitellia Trebia Labici and Pedum lastly from Pedum he marched toward the City and at the Ditches called Fossae Cluiliae which are five thousand paces from it having pitched his Camp fell a pillaging the Roman Dominions But he sent amongst the Pillagers a Party of Soldiers to save the Lands of the Patricii or such as were of the Senatorian Order from being Ravaged either because he hateâ— the common People most or thereby to create a Discord between the Senate and them And so indeed it had certainly been the Tribunes did so much incense the People who were themselves enraged by accusing the Nobility had not the fear of a foreign Enemy united them in the strictest bonds of Concord yea though they suspected and hated one another But this one thing only they did not like that the Senate and the Consuls placed all their hopes in Arms for the People desired any thing rather than War Sp. Nautius and Sext. Furius were now Consuls who whilest they were calling over the Legions and distributing their men upon the Walls and in other places where they thought fit to set Guards and Sentinels they were startled with the Seditious Clamor of a great Multitude who cryed out for Peace and then forced them to call a Senate and to propose the sending of Embassadors to C. Marcius The Senate accepted the Proposal when they saw the People were discouraged and sent several Agents to Marcius to Treat for Peace but they brought back a sharp Answer which was this If the Volsci had their Land again they might possibly hear of Peace but if the Romans would enjoy the spoil of War whilest they themselves lived at ease he remembred what injuries his Countrymen had done him as well as what kindness he had received from the Volsci and therefore would endeavour to make it appear that Banishment did but provoke much less subdue his Spirit Soon after the same Persons were sent a second time but were not admitted into the Camp whereupon they say that the Priests also went in their Robes as Petitioners to the Enemies Camp but prevailed no more than the Embassadors had done before them Then the Matrons flocked in great numbers to Veturia Coriolanus his Mother and Volumnia his Wife though I do not find whether that were done by publick advice or were the effect of female fear but this is certain they so far prevailed that not only Veturia who was an ancient Woman but Volumnia also carrying along with her two little Boys whom she had by Marcius went into the Enemies Camp and defended that City by their Prayers and Tears as Women which they could not protect with Arms as Men. When they came to the Camp and Coriolanus was told that there was a great Troop of Women come from Rome he who had not been concerned either at publick Majesty in the Embassadors or at the sight or thoughts of any Religious thing when the Priests came was at first much more obstinate to the Womens tears 'till one of his Familiars who discovered Veturia standing between her Daughter-in-law and her Grand-children with greater shew of sorrow than any of the rest told him if my eyes do not deceive me yonder
's your Mother your Wife and your Children At which Coriolanus was so surprized and almost distracted that he leaped from his Seat and going to embrace his Mother who was then coming toward him she changed her Prayers into Expostulations and said Before I admit of your embrace let me know whether I am come to a Son or to on Enemy whether I am your Mother or your Captive in your Camp Was my long life and my unhappy Age protracted only for this end that I might see thee Banished and after that an Enemy Couldest thou pillage this Country which brought thee forth and fed thee Did not thy anger abate when thou camest into these Confines though thou wert never so revengeful and resolute before Did it not come into thy mind when thou wast in fight of Rome to say with thy self within those Walls is my Family and Houshold-gods My Mother my Wife and my Children So then if I had never born thee had not Rome been Attacked If I had never had a Son might I have died free and in a free Country but now I can suffer nothing that is either more dishonourable to thee or more afflicting to me though let me be as miserable as I can be I shall not long be so all that I beg of you is to take care of these poor Creatures who if you go on must needs expect either an untimely death or tedious Captivity Then his Wife and Children embraced him whilest the whole Crowd of Women by their Tears and Lamentations both for themselves and their Country with much ado at last prevailed upon him With that embracing his Children he dismissed them and streight removed his Camp back from the City Having led the Legions out of the Roman Territories some say he died by the malicious contrivance of those that hated him for what he had done though others say he died by other means and Fabius who is the most ancient Author of them all tells us that he lived till he was very old with this remark upon him that he often used to say when he grew Aged 'T is a miserable thing for an old man to be Banished The men of Rome did not envy the Women their due commendations so far they were from diminishing that glory which others had won but besides that Built a Temple which was Dedicated to Fortuna Muliebris or the Fortune of Women to be a Monument of what they had done After that the Volsci and the Aequi together came again into the Roman Dominions but the Aequi could no longer endure to have Attius Tullus for their General wherefore upon the Debate whether the Volsci or the Aequi should find a General for that Confederate Army there happened first a Mutiny and then a sharp Engagement in which the fortune of the Roman People destroyed two Armies of their Enemies in a Conflict which was as fatal as it was resolute T. Sicinius and C. Aquilius were then Consuls to the former of which fell the Province U. C. 265 of the Volsci and to the latter that of the Hernici who were then also in Arms for the Hernici were that Year quite subdued though the Volscians came off at first upon equal terms Then Sp. Cassius and Proculus Virginius were made Consuls in whose time there was a League made with the Hernici and two parts of their Possessions taken from them of which Consul Cassius resolved to give the one half to the Latins and the other to the common People to which Present he added some part of that Land which being publick he found fault should be in the possession of private men That put many of the Senators who were themselves in possession of such Lands into a fear upon their own account but besides that they were likewise sollicitous lest by his Bounty the Consul should make the People so rich as to endanger the publick Liberty That therefore was the first time the Lex Agraria was promulgated concerning which there never was afterwards any Debate from that time to this without great Tumults In the mean time the other Consul resisted the largess by the consent of the Senate and not against the mind of all the People who at first began to take it ill that the present should be made common to their Allies as well as themselves and then they often heard the Consul Virginius also at publick Assemblies as if he had Prophesied say His Collegues bounty would be of very ill consequence that those Lands would bring them into Slavery who received them for by that means he made way for Kingly Government to what other end were their Associates and all the Latins taken in What was the reason that the third part of the Land which was taken should be given to the Hernici who were so lately their Enemies unless it were that those People might take Cassius their General instead of Coriolanus He therefore dissuaded the People against the Lex Agraria i. e. the Law for Division of Lands From that time both the Consuls strove who should most indulge the People Virginius said he would agree that the Lands should be assigned so they were assigned to none but Romans and Cassius because he had been extravagant in distribution of the Lands to their Allies whereby he became the cheaper to the Citizens endeavouring to reconcile them to him another way proposed That the Mony which had been received for the Corn sent out of Sicily should be repayed to the People But that the People refused as if it had been an earnest to make him King for they had a natural suspicion that every great man was ambitious of Reigning alone and therefore as if they had enough of every thing they all refused his offers who assoon as he went out of his Office was Condemned and put to Death Some say that his Father was the cause of his Punishment and that he having examined the cause in his own House first beat him and then killed him nor only so but Consecrated his Sons Estate to Ceres of which he set up a Monument with this Inscription Ex Cassiâ Familiâ Datum i. e. Given By The Family Of The Cassii I find in some Authors and that more credible that he was tryed for Treason by the Quaestors Caeso Fabius and L. Valerius and being Condemned by the Judgment of the People that his House was publickly Demolished which stood in the Court which now is before the Temple of Tellus But whether it were a private or a publick Judgment Condemned he was U. C. 267 when Ser. Cornelius and Q. Fabius were Consuls The fury of the People did not continue long against Cassius the very sweetness of the Agrarian Law did naturally insinuate it self into their minds now that the Author of it was taken off And their desire was the more inflamed by the severity of the Senate who when they had Conquered the Volsci and the Aequi that Year defrauded the Soldiers of the Plunder for
it by whose blood and sweat it was purchased The Senate slighted the proposal and some of them complained That through too much glory that once vivid Soul of Caeso was grown luxuriant and effeminate but after that time there were no more factions in the City In the mean while the Latins were teazed with the Incursions of the Aequi against whom Caeso was sent with an Army and plundered all their Country whilst they themselves fled into their Towns and were secured within the Walls nor was there any memorable Battel then fought But the Veians slew a great many Romans through the inadvertency of the other Consul and the whole Army had perished if Caeso Fabius had not come in time to relieve them From that time they had neither Peace nor War with the Veians but were to one another like so many Robbers The Veians one while gave ground before the Roman Legions and removed into their City but then again when they saw the Legions drawn off made incursions into the Roman Territories by which means War and Quietness did interchangeably succeed each other nor could the dispute be either omitted or made an end of Besides other Wars either at the present lay upon them as from the Aequi and the Volsci who were never quiet any longer than they smarted for some late Conflict or it was manifest that the Sabines who were always their Enemies would shortly rise against them together with the whole Country of Etruria But the Veians who were their more constant than vexatious Foes disturbed them more by contumely than any danger which they apprehended because they could not be either at any time neglected nor would they give them leave to turn their Arms upon any other People Whereupon the Fabian Family went to the Senate before whom the Consul spake in behalf of the rest The War said he grave Fathers against the Veians lacks a constant rather than a great supply as you your selves can tell Do you therefore take care of other Wars and commit this against them to the Conduct of the Fabii we 'll promise you the Roman honour shall be secure being resolved to carry on that War at the peculiar cost and expence of our own Family Nor shall the Commonwealth be concerned either in raising or paying the Soldiers The Senate gave them hearty thanks and the Consul going out of the Court with a company of Fabii following him who stood at the door to hear what the Senate determined returned home and then the Souldiers being first ordered to come the next day to the Consuls House went to their several Houses This news ran through the whole City who extolled the Fabii up to the skies That one Family should undertake the burden of the whole City that the Veian War was become a private concern and menaged by private Arms that if there were two more Families in the City of the same strength let the Volsci and the Aequi demand what they would all the neighbouring Nations might be subdued whilst the Roman People were at ease The next day the Fabii armed themselves and met where they were ordered The Consul coming forth into his Portal in a Military habit saw all his Family in Battalia and being received into the midst of them commanded the Ensigns to move nor did there ever any Army either less in number or more renowned and admired march through the City For they were three hundred and six of them all Patricians and of the same Family each one of which was fit to make a General upon any occasion even in the opinion of the grave Senate and these men went with the united forces of their Family protesting they would be a plague to the Veians but after them there followed a great number which was made up partly of their friends and acquaintance who proposed to themselves no ordinary matters no hopes nor cares but the most glorious things imaginable and partly of such as were concerned for the publick good standing amazed to see them and bidding them go on with courage go on with success and make the issue of it equal to their enterprize then they might hope for Consulships and Triumphs with all other rewards and honours that were in their disposal As they passed by the Capitol the Castle and other Temples they made their supplications to all the gods that they either saw or thought of to prosper that Army with good success and bring them back to their Parents as well as to their Country with speed and safety But they prayed to no purpose for going out at that unlucky Gate called Porta Carmentalis near the Temple of Janus which stands on the right hand of it they came to the River Cremera where they thought fit to make a Garrison At that time L. Aemilius and C. Servilius were made Consuls U. C. 274 And as long as the Plunder lasted the Fabii were not only strong enough to defend their Garrison but also secured the whole Country that borders upon Etruria with ease to themselves but annoyance to the Enemy having free ingress into both Confines After that there was some respit between their Ravages in which time the Veians with an Army that they got out of Etruria attacked the Garrison of Cremera and the Roman Legions led by the Consul L. Aemilius fought hand to hand with the Etrurians in a pitched Battel though the Veians had scarce time enough to marshal their men by reason that upon the first motion whilst the Army advanced after the Ensigns and were setling their Body of Reserves a wing of Roman Horse came suddenly upon them and deprived them not only of conveniency to begin the Fight but even of ranging their Forces Whereupon being routed and driven back as far as the Saxa Rubra or red Rocks where their Camp was they humbly petitioned for Peace but repented of it through their innate levity before the Garrison of the Romans marched from Cremera The Veians had another Conflict with the Fabii without any greater preparations than before nor did they only make Incursions into the Country with sudden Inroads but several times fought in the Plains and at a small distance from each other in which Battels one Family of Romans won many Victories from the richest City in Etruria as things then stood That seemed at first very severe and dishonourable in the opinion of the Veians and thence arose their design of laying an Ambuscade for their proud Foes besides that they were very glad to see the Fabii grow so audacious and insolent by their success For which reason also they drove Sheep into their way sometimes as if it had been by chance when they were plundering the Country nor only so but the Country People ran away and let the Land lie waste whilst the supplies that were sent to hinder such Devastations fled back again more out of a pretended than any real fear By this time the Fabii so far conâ—emned the Enemy that
of the crowd still crying out I appeal to and implore the patronage of the People aid me my fellow-citizens aid me my fellow-soldiers 't is in vain to exspect the Tribunes who themselves lack your assistance With which the People were so much incited that they prepared as for a Battel for they thought themselves in great danger and that nothing in which they had either a publick or private Interest would from that time be secure from violence The Consuls having exposed themselves to this mighty Tempest were quickly persuaded that Majesty and Authority can never be safe without strength for their Lictors were abused the Fasces or Rods broken and they driven out of the Forum into the Senate-house being uncertain how far Volero would pursue his Victory But when the tumult was allayed and they had ordered the Senate to be called they complained of the injuries they had received the violence of the Commons and Volero 's audacity Upon which occasion having said many sharp things at last the Seniors carried it who did not think fit to oppose the Senats anger against the temerity of the Common People For this reason the People had so great a love for Volero that they chose him Tribune for the next Year in which L. Pinarius and P. Furius were Consuls But contrary to all mens expectations who believed he would permit the Tribunes to teaze the Consuls of the last Year he preferred the publick good before his own private injury and saying not one word against the Consuls brought in a Bill before the People for the chusing of Plebeian Magistrates in the Assembly called Comitia Tributa i. e. an Assembly of the several Tribes of Rome Which though it was a matter of great moment because it lookt very well at first view was passed whereby the Senate were deprived of all the power which formerly they had of makeing who they pleased Tribunes by the Votes of their Clients Which action though it were very grateful to the People the Senate opposed with all their might but the Consuls and the Nobility being not able to persuade any one of the Tribunes which was their only way to make resistance to interpose in the affair yet notwithstanding the case being very important U. C. 281 in it self was protracted with great debates for a whole Year together Then the People chose Volero Tribune again upon which the Senate supposing that they must fight for it made Ap. Claudius the Son of Appius whom for his Fathers sake the People so much hated Consul and T. Quintius was his Collegue In the very beginning of whose Year they treated first of all concerning Volero's Law of which as he was the Inventor so alâ—o was Laetorius his Collegue not only a later but a more earnest asserter of it For his great glory that he had got in the Wars made him undaunted and bold for that there was scarce one man of that age who was more active than he He therefore whilst Volero talked of nothing but his Law refraining from Invectives against both the Consuls began to accuse Appius who came of a proud Generation that were extremely cruel to the Roman People but striving to prove that the Senate had chosen not a Consul but an Executioner to vex and butcher the People his tongue could not utter what he had in his heart wherefore for want of more words he told them Romans because I cannot tell any thing so easily as I can perform what I say come hither to morrow and I will either die in your sight or have the Law passed The next day the Tribunes took possession of the Temple whilst the Consuls and the Nobility assembled to obstruct the Law Laetorius ordered all those to be put out who had no Voices though the young Noble-men stood still and would not stir though the Officer spoke to them for which reason Laetorius commanded some of them to be laid hold on But the Consul Appius said a Tribune had nothing to do with any one but a Commoner for he was not a Magistrate in respect to the People in general but only to the common People nor could he lawfully command any one to depart according to the ancient usage because the form and method was to say Romans if you think fit depart hence It was easie for him by talking of Law with contempt to put Laetorius into a great huff and so he did whereupon the Tribune enflamed with anger sent a Messenger to the Consul and the Consul a Lictor to him saying that he was a private Person without any Authority without any Office at which time the Tribune had been very roughly dealt withal had not the whole Assembly risen up in his defence against the Consul and a concourse happened of the affrighted multitude who ran into the Forum from all parts of the City Yet Appius by his resolution endured the Storm though they had certainly engaged in a bloody Battel if the other Consul Quintius who had imployed several Consular men to get his Collegue by force if they could not by any other means out of the Forum had not mollisied the tumultuous People with fair and gentle words if he had not desired the Tribunes to dismiss the Assembly to give them time to cool and told him that time would nor diminish their strength but would add policy to their strength for the Senate would in time be at the disposal of the People and the Consuls in the power of the Senate With much ado Quintius appeased the People but the Senate had more trouble with the other Consul 'till at last when the assembly of the People was dismissed the Consuls called a Senate in which now that fear and anger had mutually changed their minds the longer time they had to deliberate the farther they were from quarrelling so that they gave Quintius thanks for that by his means the discord was composed desiring of Appius that he would not wish the Consular Authority to be any greater than it might well be in a peaceful City for whilst the Tribunes and the Consuls each of them would draw all things to themselves there was no strength left between them that the Commonwealth was distracted and torn apieces by its Magistrates it being inquired more in whose hands it was than whether it were secure Appius on the other hand protested before God and man that the Commonwealth was betrayed and deserted through fear that the Consuls were not wanting to the Senate but the Senate to the Consuls and that they submitted to Laws more grievous than those that were made in the Sacred Mount But being overcome by the consent of the Senate he said no more so that the Law was passed whilst he and his Party held their tongues That was the first time that the Tribunes were Created in an Assembly called Comitia Tributa and had three added to their number being but two before as Piso tells us who also sets down their names
shower they say a great flock of Birds came and partly carried it away before it fell to the ground whilst what escaped them lay scattered for some days without any alteration in thâ— smell of it Whereupon the Sybils Books were consulted by the Duumviri who had the keeping of them out of which were foretold the danger that should happen from the coming of strangers into the City lest any violence or slaughter should be committed in the chief parts thereof and among other things it was advised that they should abstein from Sedition This the Tribunes said was done on purpose to hinder their Law from being passed and a great bustle there was Mean while behold to bring each Year about in the same course the Hernici brought them intelligence That the Volsci and the Aequi though very much disabled were fitting out their Armies again that their head Quarters was at Antium that at Ecetra the Antian Colony held publick Councils that being the chief place of meeting where all their great Designs for the War were laid When this news was told in the Senate they presently ordered a Levy to be made the Consuls being commanded to share the management of the War between them the one to have the Volsci and the other the Aequi for his Province With that the Tribunes cryed out in the Forum That the Volscian War was a story of their own contriving that the Hernici were always ready to assist them in such lies and that now the Liberty of Rome was not so much endangered by any foreign force as eluded by art for the Aequi and the Volsci who were almost utterly ruined and destroyed could not possibly be thought at that time of day to make a voluntary War that they sought for new Enemies that a faithful neighbouring Colony was scandalized that the Antians who were innocent had the War proclaimed against them though it were really intended against the People of Rome whom they would load with Arms and turn them headlong in that posture out of the City revenging themselves of the Tribunes by the exile and expulsion of the Citizens By this means that they might see the design of it the Law would be evaluated unless they took great care whilst they had power enough whilst they were at home and continued Romans not to be put out of possession of the City lest they should be made slaves If they had courage they could not want assistance for that the Tribunes were all of opinion there was no cause of fear from without nor any danger at all and that the gods took care the Year before that they might safely defend their Liberty Thus the Tribunes On the other side the Consuls sitting at some little distance made the Levy in their sight Wherefore the Tribunes ran to them with all the Assembly at their heels and upon that after some few were cited or called for an experiment as it were what they would do a Tumult presently arose in which whomsoever the Lictor by order of the Consul laid hold of the Tribune commanded him to let go Nor was there any equity or reason in what they did but each of them strove to gain their ends by force upon the confidence they had in their own strength As therefore the Tribunes behaved themselves in obstructing the Levy so did the Senators in impeding their Law which was proposed every Comitial or Assembly day The beginning of the quarrel was when the Tribunes had ordered the People to depart that the Senators would not stir But indeed there were scarce any of the Seniors there because in that case there was not so much occasion for advice and management as for temerity and boldness The Consuls also were very cautious lest in such a confusion they might bring any dishonour upon their dignity Among the rest there was one Caeso Quintius a brisk young Man not only upon the account of his Birth but his bulk and strength of Body to which endowments from the gods he himself had also adâ—ed many warlike Ornaments together with Eloquence upon civil occasions insomuch that no Man was reckoned more nimble either of his tongue or hands through the whole City He therefore standing amidst the throng of Senators much higher than the rest as if he had born all Consulates and Dictatorships in his sole voice and strength alone susteined the shock of the Tribunes and all the popular Storms For by his Conduct the Tribunes were often beaten out of the Forum and the People routed Whomsoever he met he sent away with some punishment and stript insomuch that if that were the way of proceeding all the World might see the Law was at an end Mean time though all the other Tribunes were much affrighted A. Virginius one of the Collegues gave Caeso warning to appear on such a day to be tryed for his Life by which he rather enflamed than terrified that furious Man for he upon that account was the more industrious to hinder the Law to vex the People and persecute the Tribunes as it were with a just War The Accuser let him run on that by his Crimes he might increase the flame and fewel of envy preferring the Law in the mean time not so much out of any hopes he had to carry it as to provoke Caeso's rashness Thereupon many things that were said and done by the young men unadvisedly were laid to the charge of Caeso only yet notwithstanding the Law was put off Then A. Virginius oft-times asked the People Are you satisfied now Romans that you cannot have Caeso to continue one of your fellow Citizens and at the same time obtain the Law that you desire But what do I talk of a Law He withstands their Liberty out-doing all the Tarquins in Pride and Tyranny stay 'till you see him made Dictator or Consul whom now you see though he be a private Person already reigning in his own strength and audacity Many of the hearers assented to him and complaining that they were abused incited the Tribune to go through with what he had undertaken And now the Day of Tryal was come when all men generally believed their Liberty depended upon the Condemnation of Caeso who being at last forced to it went about to desire the Peoples favour though with much regret of mind attended by his Relations and the best men in the City T. Quintius Capitolinus who had been three times Consul relating many honourable things of himself and his Family affirmed That there never was either in the Quintian Family or the whole City of Rome so great a Wit or a Person of such early Courage That he was his Soldier first of all and that he saw him oftentimes engage the Enemy Sp. Furius said That Quintius Capitolinus sent Caeso to him to relieve and assist him when he was in great danger which he did and that there never was any man before by whose means the Commonwealth was more supported L. Lucretius who had
been Consul the Year before shining with fresh glory was pleased to let Caeso partake in his praises by remembring the Eights recounting the noble exploits which they had done sometimes in Skirmishes and other-whiles in pitched Battels persuading and telling them He was a brave Youth full fraught with all the gifts both of nature and fortune and would be the greatest support of any City where-ever he came though he wished to be a Citizen of Rome rather than of any other place As to what was offensive in him his heat and audacity age daily took off that and what was lacking in him prudence was every day increasing his vices growing old and his virtues coming to maturity wherefore they ought to let such a great Man live in their City 'till he was an old Man Among the rest his Father L. Quintius Surnamed Cincinnatus though he did not think fit to repeat his Commendations lest that might heap more envy upon him begging Pardon for his error and youthful carriage desired them that they would pardon his Son for his sake who had never offended any Man living either by word or action But some of them would not hear his intreaties either out of modesty or fear whilst others complaining that they and theirs were mulcted and abused by him gave him a cross answer and resolved to go on with the Tryal But there was one crime besides the common envy of the People that lay very hard upon him and that was that M. Volscius Fictor who some years before had been Tribune of the People came in as a Witness against him That he not long after the Plague was in the City came and caught the young Men playing their mad pranks in the street called Subura where the Whores dwelt that there a Quarrel arose and his elder Brother who was not yet very well recovered of his Distemper was knocked down by Caeso who hit him such a blow with his fist that he lay for dead whereupon they carried him home and thought he thereby got his bane But he could not prosecute Caeso for the Fact because of the Consuls that had been for some years last past When Volscius declared this the People were so netled that they had like to have murthered Caeso upon the place but Virginius ordered him to be laid hold on and put in Prison whilst in the mean time the Patricians opposed force with force T. Quintius cryed out Whereas they had given warning of a Capital Tryal the Man they designed so soon to pass Sentence upon ought not to be so roughly used before he was Convicted or had spoken for himself The Tribune on the other hand said He would not punish a Person uncondemned but yet he would keep him in Bonds 'till the day of Tryal that the Roman People might fairly revenge themselves of him for killing one of their Fellow Citizens Nevertheless the Tribunes being appealed to all together thought fit to mitigate the rigour of their Authority by a moderate Decree between the two extremes so they ordered him not to be put in Prison yet that he should appear at the day appointed and if he did not should engage to pay so much mony to the People though they had some dispute what the sum should be and therefore referred it to the Senate he remaining in Custody whilst they were consulted They therefore ordered him to give Bail one of whom they bound in a Recognizance of 3000 l. but how many should be bound for him was left to the Tribunes who pitching upon ten the Accuser let him go upon their security He was the first that ever gave publick Bail When by this means he was dismissed out of the Forum the next night without the knowledg of the Consuls he banished himself into Tuscany Wherefore upon the day of Tryal when they excused or essoigned him by saying he had fled his Country and was gone into Banishment the rest of the Tribunes being Appealed to though Virginius called it dismissed the Council But the Mony was cruelly exacted from his Father insomuch that when all he had was sold to raise it he was fain to live beyond the Tiber for some time like one Exiled in a pitiful little Cottage This Tryal and the Law being promulged found the City something to do for they were not engaged in any Foreign War When therefore the Tribunes like Conquerors now that the Senate was so terrified by the Banishment of Caeso supposed the Law was as good as passed and that all the Seniors of the Senate had withdrawn themselves from publick business the Juniors especially all that were Caeso's friends were more incensed against the People so far they were from abating in their animosities but that which proved their greatest advantage was that they kept their passion within bounds For when after Caeso's Banishment the Law was first proposed though they were ready prepared with an Army of Clients yet they attacked the Tribunes assoon as by offering any violence to them they gave them cause in such a manner that never an one of them gained more credit or envy by it but the People complained They had got a thousand Caesoes instead of one Though upon other days when the Tribunes did not stickle for their Law there were no Men more civil and quiet than those Juniors were for they would speak kindly and familiarly to the Commonalty invite them to their Houses be in the Forum and permit the Tribunes to hold other Assemblies without any disturbance nor ever look stern or be rough with any Man either in publick or private save when they talked of that Law for in other cases those young Men were popular enough Nor did the Tribunes manage other matters only without any disturbance but being also continued for the Year following had not so much as an ill word given them so far were the young Senators from offering any violence to them For their main design was to sooth and win upon the People so much as to reconcile them and by those Arts the Law was eluded for a whole Year Then C. Claudius the Son Appius and P. Valerius Poplicola being made Consuls found the City much quiter than it had been nor had the new Year brought forth any new accident U. C. 292 for the City was wholly taken up with the thoughts of preferring and the fear of passing that Law But the more the Junior Senators insinuated themselves into the People so much the more industrious the Tribunes were to make the People suspect them saving There was a Conspiracy among them for Caeso was at Rome and that they designed to kill the Tribunes and murther the People that the Senior Senators employed the Juniors to extirpate the Power of the Tribunes out of the Commonwealth and to reduce the City into the same fâ—â—m as it was of before they possessed themselves of the Holy Mount Besides this they were afraid of that constant and almost annual War from the
is his Daughter and all of us implore both Gods and Men to vindicate her quarrel nor shalt thou ever repeat that Decree without first killing of me I desire thee Appius to consider well what thou art going to do And let Virginius when he comes take care what he does concerning his Daughter only let him know this that if he does not vindicate her he must get her another Husband But in the mean time I 'll lose my life in asserting my Mistrisses Liberty rather than my honour by deserting her With that the Multitude was much incensed and a tumult like to arise but the Lictors stood about Icilius and so it proceeded no farther than hard words upon which Appius began and said Virginius was not defended by Icilius but a turbulent Man who even at that time had a great desire to be a Tribune sought an occasion to move Sedition though he 'd give him no reason at that time Yet that he might know he did not refrain upon the score of his petulance but for the sake of Virginius who was absent out of respect to the name of a Father and the care he had to preserve every ones Liberty though he would not pass sentence that day nor make any Decree but would desire of M. Claudius to quit his right in some measure and let the Girl be vindicated next day yet if her Father did not then appear he assured Icilius and others like him that his Law should not want an asserter nor a Decemvirs constancy Not that he would call together his Collegues Lictors to correct the Authors of sedition but would be content with his own Wherefore the time of Tryal being put off and the Girls Advocates being gone away they thought good first of all that Icilius 's Brother and Numitorius 's Son two active young Lads should go immediately and fetch Virginius with all speed out of the Camp for thereupon depended the Girls Life that the vindicator of the injury done to her should be present in Court next day at the time appointed They therefore went as they were ordered and being on Horseback Galloped the sooner to carry Virginius the news In the mean time he that challenged the Girl being very urgent to have Security for her appearance which Icilius said he was seeking as fast as he could as being mighty industrious to delay the time 'till the Messengers were got to the Camp the Multitude all round him held up their hands and thereby shewed they were ready each man of them to be security for Icilius. To whom he replied I thank you to morrow I 'll make use of you at present I have Security enough So Virginia was vindicated by the Security which her Relations gave Appius having staid there some little time lest he should seem to have sate upon that account only and seeing that all the People neglected their own affairs out of the care and concern they had upon them for that single Damsel so that no Body applied themselves to him he went home and wrote to his Collegues in the Camp That they should not give Virginius any furlow or leave to come away from his Colours but more than that to keep him in safe Custody Which wicked advice was as it ought to have been too late for Virginius having got leave was come away at the first Watch about the edg of night and the Letter for his detainment came to no purpose the next morning Assoon as it was day the whole City stood in the Forum full of expectation 'till Virginius clad in sordid Apparel as Mourners use to be led his Daughter who was in the like attire down into the Forum being accompanied with several Matrons and a great number of Advocates There going about to get the Peoples savour he did not beg of them but challenged their assistance as his due saying That he stood every day in the Army for their Wives and Children nor was there any other Man that had more strenuous and brisk actions to brag of What good did it do him though the City were safe if his Children must suffer all the extremities of captivity Thus he went about talking to the People as if he had been in a manner at a publick Assembly Icilius also said the like but the Women that went along with them moved the People much more with their silent tears than they did with all they said Against all which Appius was very obstinate so great is the force of madness rather than love and went up into the Tribunal where the Plaintiff beginning to complain that he was hindered by popular ambition from having justice done him the day before before either he could make an end of his request or Virginius be admitted to speak Appius prevented and interrupted them What he said before his Decree though perchance old Authors have told us true enough yet because I find nothing probable to be said in the case of such an unworthy Decree I think fit to give you that which is certain just barely as it lies That he Decreed she should be a slave Whereupon all People were at first amazed with admiration to see so heinous a thing done but then were for some time silent After which as M. Claudius amidst all the Matrons went to seize the Maid being received with a lamentable moan which they made Virginius offering to strike Appius told him I have betrothed my Daughter to Icilius not to thee and have bred her up to make a Wife not a Whore on Wouldst thou like Beasts make use promiscuously of any bedfellow I cannot tell whether these People can endure it but I hope they will not that have Arms about them With that he that challenged the Maid being repelled by the crowd of Women and Advocates that stood about her the Cryer commanded silence Then the Decemvir having his mind abandoned to lust said He could prove not only by Icilius 's railing and Virginius 's violence whereof the Roman People were his witness but by certain evidence also that there were Cabals in the City all night long for raising of Sedition For which reason he who knew their Design came thither attended with Men in Arms not to hurt any Man that was quiet but by his Authority to restrain such as disturbed the Peace of the City therefore it had been better for them to have been quiet Go Lictor said he put by the crowd and make way for the Master to seize his Slave Assoon as he had so said with a thundring voice and full of rage the Multitude removed of their own accord and the deserted Maid stood there as a prey to injustice Then Virginius seeing he had no manner of assistance by him said I beseech you Appius first to pardon a Fathers grief if I have said any thing too severe against thee and then suffer the nurse here in the presence of the Maid to inquire what the matter really is to the end that if I am falsly
that he frustrated the ambition of his Collegues was equally caressed both by the Senate and the Commons and laid down his Office The new Tribunes in the choice of their Collegues submitted to the will of the Senate and U. C. 306 chose two Patricians of Consular rank to wit Sp. Tarpeius and A. Haterius The Consuls that were created were Lar. Herminius and T. Virginius Caelimontanus who being no greater favourers of either the Senate or the People enjoyed their ease both at home and abroad L. Trebonius a Tribune of the People who was no friend to the Senate because he said he was deceived by them and betrayed by his Collegues in the choice of the Tribunes preferred a Bill that whoever went about to Petition the Roman People for the making of Tribunes should not exceed the number of ten and bore his Tribuneship so as that he continually inveighed against U. C. 307 the Senate for which reason he was Surnamed Asper Rough. Then M. Geganius Macerinus and C. Julius were made Consuls who appeased the differences between the Tribunes and the young Nobility without diminishing either the Power of the one or the Honour of the other and keeping the People in fear of a Levy for a War against the Volsci and the Aequi cleared the City from all Seditions They said that if the City were quiet all things else would be so abroad for that by their civil Discords they increased the insolence of Foreigners by which means their care of Peace in general became the cause of intestine Unity at home But the one order of Men was always vexatious to the others modesty for the young Noble Senators began to molest the quiet Commons Whereupon though the Tribunes were assistant to the meaner sort it did at first but little good Yea they themselves were soon after abused especially in their last Months by the Nobility when all their strength began to languish and the Commons thought they might repose some hopes in the Tribuneship if they had Tribunes like Icilius for they had only Titular Tribunes the last ten Years On the other hand the Senior Senators as they were of opinion that their young Men were too fierce so they desired that if any excess were to be made it might rather appear in the Courage of their Party than their Adversaries so hard it is to preserve a moderation in the defence of Liberty whilst every Man pretending to wish that all things were adjusted extols himself so far as to depress another and by taking too great care that others may not live in fear makes himself dreadful so that we throw an injury which we keep off from our selves upon another as if it were necessary either to do or suffer it Then T. Quintius Capitolinus the fourth time and Agrippa Furius being made Consuls had no Sedition at home or War abroad though both were like to befall them For now U. C. 308 no longer could the Discord of the People be repressed the Tribunes and the Commons too being incited against the Senate and new heats every day arising in their Assemblies upon the account of a certain Nobleman being summoned to his Tryal At the first noise of which as it were by a signal the Aequi and the Volsci were Alarmed besides that their Leaders who were desirous of a Plunder persuaded them that the Levy which was ordered to be made two years before could not be had now that the Commons resisted the Authority of the Senate for that reason there were no Armies sent against them that the manner of making War was dissolved by their licentiousness nor did they look upon Rome as their common Country that whatsoever quarrels or feuds they had with Foreigners were all turned upon themselves and that those Wolves of Rome being blinded with intestine rage gave them a good occasion to destroy them They therefore joyning their Forces together first ravaged the Latin Territories where since they met with no opposition they followed their exulting Leaders even to the Walls of Rome pillaging all the Country 'till they came near the Gate called Porta Esquilina to shew the City what havock they made in despight of them From whence when they were returned without molestation but with a vast Booty in a Body back to Corbio Quintius the Consul called the People to an Assembly where I am told he spoke to this purpose Romans though I am not conscious of any crime yet I came into this Assembly with the greatest shame that could be that you should know and that Posterity should one day hear that the Aequi and the Volsci who were of late scarce equal to the Hernici should come to the Walls of Rome when T. Quintius was in his fourth Consulate all in Arms without any resistance made against them This ignominy though we have lived so this great while and such is the present state of Affairs that I foresee no good that can befall us if I had known it had been destined for this Year above any other I would have avoided either with Exile or Death if there had been no other way to escape being Consul Is it so then that if Men had been Masters of those Arms which were at our Gates Rome might have been taken when I was Consul Then I had enjoyed my Estate and lived long enough nay should have died when I was in my third Consulate Whom I pray did the most Slothful and Cowardly of the Enemies contemn Us Consuls or you Romans if the fault be on our side take away the Authority from Men that are so undeserving of it yea if that be too little inflict what punishment you will upon us but if it be on your side Romans I wish no God or Man may punish you for your offences though I would have you repent of them They did not contemn your Sloth nor were they confident of their own Courage for having been so often Routed and Defeated forced out of their Camp deprived of their Country and sold for Slaves they knew both themselves and you The Discord of the several Orders of Men is the bane of this City The differences between the Senate and the Commons whilst we have no certain bounds set to our Authority nor you to your Liberty whilst you are aweary of the Patrician and we of the Plebeian Magistrates have raised your Spirits For Gods sake what would you have You desired Tribunes of the People and we for quietness sake granted your request you desired Decemviri and we suffered them too to be created you were aweary of the Decemviri we made them lay down their Office yea whilst your animosity continued against them as private persons we permitted the noblest and most honourable Men some of them in the whole City to undergo Death and Banishment for your satisfaction You would create Tribunes of the People again you did so You would have the Consuls be of your Party though we saw it was quite contrary to the
that his Men should make way for those new Footmen of the Enemies 'till such time as they were carried in so far among them as to be cut off from their own Army Which being accordingly done they were enclosed and could not get back the same way they came because the Enemy had doubled their Files upon them to obstruct their return The Consul therefore and the Roman Legions having lost the sight of those who were so lately the defence of the whole Army lest the Enemy should destroy so many brave fellows by so enclosing them ventured into any danger Whereupon the Volsci being divided several ways to receive the Consul with the Legions on the one hand and on the other to press upon Tempanius with the Horsemen who seeing though they had made several attempts they could not break through to their own Party got upon a small Bank and defended themselves in a circular posture nor were unrevenged of the Enemy the Fight continued 'till night For the Consul following his blow on all sides as long as there was any day-light kept the Enemy in play 'till night parted them upon an even lay each Army being in such a taking to think of the uncertain event of the Battel that leaving their wounded Men and great part of their Carriages both of them fled as though they had been Conquered into the adjacent Mountains But yet the Bank was surrounded 'till after midnight though when the news was brought to them that sate about it that their Camp was deserted they fancying their Army to be Conquered themselves ran which way soever their fear in the dark carried them Tempanius for fear of a wile kept his Men there 'till day and then going himself with a few after him to see how things stood he understanding by the wounded Persons belonging to the Enemy that the Volscian Camp was deserted called the rest of his Men with joy down from the Bank and went quite through into the Roman Camp Where when he saw all things lying waste and forsaken as he found it in the Enemies Camp before the Volsci knew their error and came back he taking as many of the wounded as he could along with him as being ignorant which way the Consul was gone marched the nearest way toward the City The report of their ill success and of the Camps being deserted was brought to Town before-hand and above all the Horsemen were lamented not with private more than publick grief Fabius the Consul for the City too was in a great fear kept a Guard before the Gates who when they saw the Horsemen at a distance not knowing who they were at first were terrified but soon after discovering them to be friends turned their fear into so much joy that a shout ran through the whole City congratulating the safe and Victorious return of the Horsemen and instead of mourning in their Houses as they had done a little before when they gave them up for lost the People ran out into the Streets yea their fearful Mothers and Wives forgetting the Rules of decency through their excess of joy ran to meet the Troop embracing them not only with their Bodies but their very Souls also so almost mad they were for joy The Tribunes of the People therefore who had assigned a day for the Tryal of M. Postumius and T. Quintius for that by their means the Battel was lost at Veii took an occasion by this fresh quarrel against Sempronius the Consul to renew their former grudg against them Wherefore calling an Assembly when they had declared aloud That the Commonwealth was betrayed at Veii by the then Generals and that because they scaped unpunished the Army was likewise betrayed in the Volscian Territories by the Consul and the stout Horsemen being delivered up to be butchered and the Camp basely deserted C. Julius one of the Tribunes commanded Tempanius the Horseman to be called and before them said Sext. Tempanius I desire to know of you whether you think that C. Sempronius the Consul did either enter into the Battel in time or fortifie the Army with reserves yea that he did any good office belonging to a good Consul and whether you your self did not when the Roman Legions were defeated make your Horsemen alight by that means recovering the fight Then when you were shut out from the rest of our Army whether the Consul either himself came or sent any body else to assist you In fine whether the next day you had any succours at all or whether you and your Men did not by pure Courage break through into their Camp whether you find any Consul or e'er an Army there or whether you found the Camp deserted and the wounded Soldiers left behind This you must tell us at this time upon your faith and the reputation of that Courage to which alone the Commonwealth in this War owes its preservation Besides which we must know where C. Sempronius and our Legions are whether you were deserted or did desert the Consul and the Army and lastly Whether we are Conquered or Conquerors In answer hereunto Tempanius they say made indeed a rough Speech but it was grave as became a Soldier and neither stuffed with his own praises nor swelled with accusations against others For he told them It was not for a private Soldier to judg what the abilities of C. Sempronius his General were in point of Military Discipline but the Roman People should have look'd to that when they in their Assembly chose him Consul Wherefore he begged of them that they would not expect to know of him what his Commanders designs were or what measures Consuls ought to take those being weighty matters to be considered by Men of great Parts and Understanding but what he saw he could tell them He saw the Consul before he himself was inclosed by the Foe fighting in the Front of the Battel encouraging the Men amidst the Roman Ensigns and the Enemies Arms and that afterward when he was out of sight of his own Country-men yet by the noise and shouts that they made he perceived that the Battel was continued 'till night nor did he believe it possible for them to break through so far as the Bank where he lay for the vast multitude of the Enemy That he did not know where the Army was but he supposed that as he when his circumstances were so bad had secured himself in a well guarded Post so the Consul to preserve his Army had taken some safer place to encamp in Nor did he believe that the Volsci were in any better condition than the Romans but that the night put them all under the same mistake with that desiring that they would not detain him any longer as being tired and faint with the fatigue of the War and his wounds that he had received he was dismissed with no less commendation for his Moderation than his Courage Whilst these things were transacted at Rome the Consul was now got in the Rode
as fast as they came from City to City By which means the Youth of all those Towns being gathered to Antium they pitched their Camp there and waited for the Enemy Which being told at Rome with much more noise than the thing deserved the Senate presently as in difficult circumstances it was their last refuge to do ordered a Dictator to be appointed At which Julius and Cornelius they say were vexed and that the business was carried with great heat of mind Whereupon when the chief of the Senate in vain complaining that the Tribunes Military were not in the Senates disposal at last also appealed to the Tribunes of the People and said that the Consuls had been forced by their Authority upon such an occasion ere that time the Tribunes of the People who were glad to see the Senate at variance made answer by way of Irony That they could never assist them who were not fit to be reckoned in the number of Citizens or so much as Men if their honours ever became promiscuous or the Commonwealth were shared among them then they would take care that the Orders of Senate should not be evacuated by the pride of any Magistrates but in the mean time the Patricicians who were void of all respect to Law or Magistracy might assume the Tribunes Power also if they pleased and act as they would themselves for them This contention had seized upon the thoughts of Men at a very unseasonable time when they had such a War upon their hands till Julius and Cornelius having long alternately discoursed That it was not just the honour conferred upon them should be taken from them by the People Ahala Servilius a Tribune of the Soldiers said He had held his tongue so long not because he was not resolved in his opinion for what good Citizen could divide his own interest or designs from the publick but because he had more mind that his Collegues should yield to the Senates Authority on their own accord than suffer the Tribunes of the Peoples aid to be implored against them yea at that time also if the thing would have permitted him he would willingly have given them time to recede from his resolute opinion but since the necessities for a War would not bear any humane deliberations he valued the Commonwealth more than the good will of his Collegues if the Senate continued in the same mind he would declare a Dictator that night and if any one interposed to hinder any legal Decree of Senate from being made yet he would be satisfied with their Authority and approbation By which having gained a great deal of just commendations and good will among all People he declared P. Cornelius Dictator and was himself by him made Master of the Horse He therefore was an example to his Collegues and all others that took notice of him that favour and honour sometimes are found to court those Men who are not ambitious of it But this War was not very memorable the Enemies being slain at Antium in one slight Conflict After which the Army being Victorious pillaged the Volscian Territories stormed the Castle that stood upon the Lake Fucinus and in it took three thousand Prisoners forcing the rest of the Volsci into their Walls because they could not defend their Country Then the Dictator having so managed the War as that he seemed only to attend upon fortune returned into the City with more felicity than glory and laid down his Office The Tribunes of the Soldiers seeing there was no talk of a Consular Assembly I suppose out of anger which they conceived upon the score of making a Dictator appointed an Assembly for chusing of Tribunes Military Whereupon the Senate was much more concerned observing that their Cause was betrayed by their own Party and therefore as the Year before they had made even worthy Men odious by being competitors with the most rascally of the Plebeians so at that time preparing all the chief of the Senate with splendour and favour to stand for it they got all the places so that no Plebeian could be admitted At which time the four that were chosen were all Men that had before born the same U. C. 348 Offices and their names L. Furius Medullinus C. Valerius Potitus Numerius Fabius Vibulanus and C. Servilius Ahala which last of them was made again and continued in his Office as for his other vertues so also through the late favour which he only by his moderation gain'd That Year because the time of the Truce with the Veians was out they began to demand things back by their Embassadors and Heralds who coming to the Frontiers of that Country the Veians Embassadors met them desiring That they would not go to Veii before they themselves had been with the Roman Senate The Senate upon their Petition granted that seeing the Veians were under some intestine discontents there should be no demands made of any thing back again so far they were from taking the advantage of other Peoples misfortunes for their own ends Then they received a Defeat in the Volscian Territories by losing the Garrison of Verrugo where there was so much importance as to time that though they could have succoured the Soldiers who were there besieged by the Volsci and begged their assistance if they had hastened the Army that was sent as supplies to them came up at such a juncture that finding all the Enemy stragling about the Country for Plunder after their late slaughter they overthrew them In this case the Senate were the occasion of their slowness more than the Tribunes who because they heard the Garrison made a brave defence thought nothing could be too hard for them for indeed they were stout fellows nor were they unrevenged of their Foes either whilst they lived or even after death The Year following U. C. 349 P. and Cn. Cornelius Cossus Numerius Fabius Ambustus and L. Valerius Potitus being Tribunes of the Soldiery with Consular Authority the Romans made War upon the Veians for a proud answer made by the Veian Senate to their Embassadors when they came to demand a reprisal which was That if they did not get them gone as fast as they could out of their City and Country they would serve them as Lar. Tolumnius had formerly done some of their Predecessors in that employment Which answer of their the Senate took so ill that they decreed the Tribunes of the Soldiery should propose to the People the declaring of a War against the Veians assoon as possible Which when it was first offered the young Men began to murmur and said They had not yet done with the Volsci that two Garrisons of theirs were lately quite disabled and still kept with great hazard that no Year passed in which they had not some Battel and now as if they were sorry they had no more work for them they must needs prepare for a new War with a People that were their most powerful Neighbours and like to engage all
whereinto the Romans took occasion to break as the Enemy who were all forced into the City were sallying forth and besides the Castle taking all other places for a crowd of Armed Men got up into that which was naturally fortified and defended it though a great many Men were killed and taken under it Then next they besieged the Castle but could not take it either by storm because for the bigness of it it was well manned nor had any hopes of a surrender since all the Corn was carried into the Castle before the City was taken insomuch that they had been forced after a long fatigue to retire thence if a Slave had not betrayed it to the Romans For the Soldiers being let in by that fellow at a steep place took it by whom the Sentinels being first killed the rest of the multitude were in such a sudden consternation that they submitted to a surrender When therefore they had demolished the City and Castle of Artena they led the Legions back out of the Country of the Volsci and all the Roman force was turned against Veii The Traytor besides his Liberty had for a reward the Goods of two Families being afterward called Servius Romanus i. e. the Roman Servant There are some who think that this City of Artena belonged to the Veians and not to the Volsci which error was occasioned by there being a Town of the same name between Caere and Veii but that the Roman Kings demolished And besides that belonged to the Caerians not to the Veians this other of the same name of the sacking whereof I have just now spoken being in the Volscian Territories DECADE I. BOOK V. EPITOME 2. At the Siege of Veii there were Winter Quarters prepared for the Soldiers which being a new thing offended the Tribunes of the People who complained that the People had no respite for War even in the Winter season 7. The Knights began then first of all to serve in the Wars upon their own Horses 15. There having happened an Inundation of the Albane Lake they took a Prophet from the Enemy to interpret the meaning of that accident 21. Furius Camillus the Dictator took Veii after it had been besieged ten years 22. He carried the Image of Juno from thence to Rome 23. He sent the tenth part of the Booty to Apollo at Delphi 27. He also being Tribune of the Soldiers whilst he besieged the Falisci a People of Tuscany sent back certain Children that were betrayed into his hands to their Parents whereupon they immediately surrendred the City by his Justice thus Conquering the Falisci 31. C. Julius one of the Censors being dead M. Cornelius was put in his place But that was not done any more afterward because in that Lustrum space of five years Rome was taken by the Gauls 32. Furius Camillus being summoned to his Tryal by L. Apuleius Tribune of the People went into banishment 36 c. When the Gauls called Senones were besieging Clusium and the Embassadors sent by the Senate to make a Peace between them and the Clusians stood and fought in the Clusian Army against the Gauls the Senones were so enraged at this action of theirs that they attacked the City with a mighty Army and having routed the Romans at the River Allia took the City all but the Capitol into which the Youth had gotten They killed all the old People as they sate in the Porches of their Houses with the badges of those honours about them that each of them had born and when they had got up on the back-side to the top of the Capitol they were betrayed by the gagling of Geese and forced down again by M. Manlius 48. After that when the Romans were reduced to such a streight by famin that they were fain to give 1000 l. of Gold and with that purchase the raising of the Siege 49. Furius Camillus being created Dictator in his absence came with an Army as they were weighing the Gold and after six Months time drove them out of the City and killed them 50. There was a Temple built to Aius Loquutius in the place where before the City was taken a voice was heard to say The Gauls are a coming 'T was said they must remove to Veii by reason that the City was burnt and ruined 51. Which design was defeated by the advice of Camillus 55. The People were likewise concerned at what a certain Centurion said who coming into the Forum had said to his Men Stand fellow Soldiers it will be best for us to stay here HAVING made Peace with all others the Romans and the Veians were in Arms with so much spite and rage that it was evident that side which happened to be Conquered U. C. 352 would be totally destroyed The Assembly for chusing Magistrates of both those People was managed at a quite different rate to what it had been For the Romans increased the number of their Tribunes Military who had Consular Power and made them eight more than ever before they had been whose names were Manius Aemilius Mamercinus a second time L. Valerius Potitus a third time Ap. Claudius Crassus M. Quintilius Varus L. Julius Julus M. Postumius M. Furius Camillus and M. Postumius Albinus The Veians on the other side being weary of their annual canvassing which was sometimes the occasions of discords among them chose a King Which thing offended the minds of the Etrurians who hated not a Monarchy more than the Person of that King For he had formerly been very grievous to that Nation through his wealth and pride in that he had violently disturbed their solemn sports which it was a sin to intermit when for madness that he was repulsed and another Priest chosen before him by the suffrage of those twelve People he took away the Artists of whom great part were his own Servants from the midst of the Action Wherefore that Nation above all others being so much the more given to Religion in that they knew best how to perform Holy Duties Decreed That they would not lend the Veians any aid as long as they were under a King Which Decree was not much spoken of at Veii for fear of the King who look'd upon every Man that he heard should say any such thing as the ring-leader of a Sedition and not the Author of a vain story The Romans though they heard of no disturbance like to come out of Etruria yet since news was brought them that that affair was debated in all their publick Assemblies made Lines of Circumvallation and Contravallation the former toward the City and against the Sallies of the Townsmen and the latter toward Etruria as a bar to any succours that might possibly come from thence Now seeing the Roman Commanders had more hopes in a Siege than an Assault they began to build Winter Hutts which was a thing altogether new to the Roman Soldiers and designed to continue the War by quartering there all the Winter Which when it was told to the
Volsius For which reasons all the Commons wondered that they had gained so great a point and not only he that was created who was a Man that had never born any honourable Office but was only an ancient Senator and very old Nor is it well known why he was first chosen and look'd upon as the fittest Person to receive that new honour Some think he was pitched upon for the sake of his Brother Cn. Cornelius who had a Tribune Military Year before and given the Horsemen treble Pay others that he made a seasonable Speech about the union of the several Orders which pleased both the Senate and the People Now the Tribunes of the People were so over-joyed at this their Victory in the Assembly that they to the great damage of the Commonwealth remitted somewhat of the Tax but the rest was paid very obediently and sent to the Army Anxur in the Volscians Country was soon retaken when the Watches upon an Holy day neglected the defence of it This Year was remarkable for a very cold and snowy Winter insomuch that the Roads were dammed up and the Tiber become unnavigable But the price of Provisions by reason of the stores which before were bought in did not rise at all And because P. Licinius as he had got the Office of a Tribune without any tumult so also bore it with greater joy to the Commons than indignation in the Senate the People had a desire at the next Choice of Tribunes Military to put in Plebeians And accordingly U. C. 256 M. Veturius was the only Patrician of all the Candidates that got a place but most of the Centuries Voted for Plebeians to be the other Tribunes of the Soldiers whose names were L. Titinius P. Menenius P. Acilius Cn. Genutius and L. Racilius That severe Winter either through the ill temper of the air that changed on a sudden for the contrary or for some other reason was attended by a Summer which was as hurtful and Pestilent to all sorts of Animals Of which uncurable Distemper seeing they could not find either the Reason or Cure the Sybils Books were by Order of the Senate consulted and the Duumviri appointed to do Sacrifice having then first prepared an Holy Feast in the City of Rome for eight days together appeased Apollo Latona Diana Hercules Mercury and Neptune upon three Beds made in a Temple and set out as splendidly as possibly they then might be That sacred Feast was also kept privately too for they say the whole City setting open their doors and making all things common entertained all Persons whether friends or strangers that came to their Houses that they laid all quarrels and debates aside and talk'd very courteously and kindly even with their Enemies that against those days those that were in Prison had their Bonds taken off and that it was afterward look'd upon as an horrid crime to imprison them whom the Gods had in that manner released In the mean time their dread at Veii was become manifold since three Wars were united into one For in the same manner as before now that the Capenates and Faliscans were come to relieve that place they were fain to fight both forward and backward about their Fortifications against three Armies at once That which did them most good was the remembrance of Sergius and Virginius's Condemnation wherefore a Party brought about in a short space from the bigger Camp whence before they had no succour attacked the Capenates who charged upon the Roman Bullwark in the Rere Thence therefore the Fight began and terrified the Faliscans who were opportunely forced back in a consternation by a Sally out of the Camp whereupon the Conquerors pursuing made a great slaughter among them Nor was it long before the Pillagers of the Capenian Territories who were now stragling about and met them as it were by accident destroyed those that were left at the Fight besides that many of the Veians who fled back into their City were slain at the Gates whilst the foremost for fear lest the Romans should get in along with their Men shut up the passes and kept out the hindmost of their own Party These things were transacted that Year And now the Assembly for chusing Tribunes Military was come for which the Senate were full as much concerned as for the War because they saw the chief Authority not only communicated to the Commons but now almost quite lost Wherefore though they had prepared the most eminent in the City on purpose to stand for that Office whom they thought the People would be ashamed to refuse yet they themselves as if they had been all Candidates tryed all manner of means and drew over not only Men but even the Gods too to their Party making the Assemblies of the last two Years a matter of Religious considoration For they said That the Year before they had an intolerable Winter which was terrible in many Divine Prodigies and that the Year next to that they had not Prodigies indeed but the event of them viz. a Pestilence raging all over their Country and City which was no question the effect of the Gods wrath upon them whom to appease in order to remove that Plague it was found expedient in their fatal Books That at an Assembly which was held by the direction of the Soethsayers the Gods thought it an undecent thing that honours should be prostituted to the vulgar and the differences of Families confounded Hereupon the People were so astonished not only at the Majesty of the Candidates but with Religious awe too that they chose Tribunes Military with Consular Power who were all Patricians and those most part of them the most honourable U. C. 357 Persons as L. Valerius Potitus a fifth time M. Valerius Maximus M. Furius Camillus a third time L. Furius Medullinus a third time Q. Servilius Fidenas a second time and Q. Sulpicius Camerinus a second time Whilst these Men were Tribunes there was nothing memorable done at Veii for all their force was imployed in pillaging The two chief Officers brought away vast Booties Potitus from Falerii and Camillus from Capena leaving nothing entire that could be injured by Fire or Sword In the mean time there were many Prodigies spoken of whereof most were disbelieved and slighted not only because they had but one Author but also because the Etrurians being their Enemies they had no Soothsayers to atone for them Wherefore all their care was imployed upon one only which was that the Lake in the Alban Grove without any rain or any other apparent cause to make it less than a Miracle swelled to an unusual height There upon there were Deputies sent to the Oracle at Delphi to enquire what the Gods foretold by that Prodigy but a nearer Interpreter was by Destiny prepared for it being an old Man of Veii who amidst the Roman and Etrurian Soldiers who were wrangling in their Stations and upon their Watches said like a Prophet That the Romans should never take
them for that their Munification The Gold being received from every one of them and valued they thought fit to buy a Golden Cap to be carried to Delphos and presented to Apollo As soon as they were free from the Vow the Tribunes of the Commons blow up Sedition anew The Multitude rise up against the Nobility especially Camillus Those that were absent cry out that by Collations and Vows they have brought the Veientan Prey to nothing those that were present are now modest because the Senators offered themselves voluntarily to their anger and when they saw the matter almost at an end for that Year they make the same Tribunes Legislators for the other and the Senate endeavoured to make the same Intercessors who were to give a Negative Voice for that the same Tribunes were for the most part made again At the Assembly for chusing Military Tribunes the Senators made it plain that M. Furius Camillus ought to be created one by reason of the Wars in hand they made as though 't was U. C. 361 better to make a General but there was a stop like to be set to the passing that Bill for the Tribunes However with Camillus L. Furius Medullinus being in that Office six times C. Aemilius L. Valerius Poplicola J. Postumius P. Cornelius twice in that Office were created Tribunes all Men of Consular Power The Tribunes of the Commons did not stir the beginning of the Year till M. F. Camillus was gone against Falisci against whom his Commission was directed and even then by delays the matter cooled and Camillus whom they were most afraid of became glorious at Falisca For first the Enemies kept themselves within their Walls thinking that the safest course but when they saw their Fields wasted and their Villages burned they come out of the City about a Mile being afraid to adventure farther and then they pitch their Camp relying upon nothing more than the baseness of the way to them and the roughness and cragginess of those high Rocks and Mountains that were about them But Camillus getting a Captive for his Guide and removing his Camp late at night till break of day shews himself upon the Hills The Romans made their Fences three manner of ways the other Army stood ready for Battel and as they endeavoured to hinder their Fortifications Camillus routs them and puts them to flight Whereupon the Falisci were so greatly afraid that breaking out of their Camp which was pretty nigh they ran as fast as they could to the City Many were killed and wounded before they could get within the Gates The Camp is taken and the Prey brought to the Treasurers not without great grumbling among the Soldiers but being forced to submit to the severity of the Command they did as well admire as dislike the Power that commanded it Then they besieged the City and thereupon the Soldiers and Townsmen would sally out against the Roman stations and â—â—ise little skirmishes spending the time without much hope on either side For the besieged had more plenty of Corn and other Provisions before laid in than the besiegers and truly the Siege in all probability had been as long and laborious as that of Veii had not fortune put the Roman General in remembrance of his Valour and Experience in Warlike affairs and so given him a seasonable Victory 'T was customary among the Falerians that their Childrens Schoolmasters should be their Companion too and many Boys which custom continues still in Greece were committed to the care of one Master and he that appeared to be the greatest Scholar was made choice of to instruct the Nobility Now the Schoolmaster of this Town being used in the times of Peace to lead his Lads out to play he left not this custom in the time of War but one day he drew them a little way another day somewhat farther from the Gate At last by variety of Play and Discourse he drill'd them on farther than ever and having opportunity he goes with them among the Roman Guards from thence to the Camp afterwards he leads them even to Camillus's Pavilion and there he makes a Speech more horrid than the baseness of the Fact That he had forsooth delivered the Falerians into the hands of the Romans in giving those Children into their Power whose Parents were in all things the Heads and Governours of the Place Which when Camillus heard Thou art come O base fellow with thy abominable Present to a People and General not like thy self We never had any Alliance with the Falerians by Human League or Treaty but what nature has implanted in us does and shall continue between both There are Laws in War as well as Peace which we know how to execute with Justice as well as Courage We draw not our Swords against that Age which we spare even upon our taking Cities but against our Soldiers and those very Men who without any provocation or injury offered them opposed the Roman Camp at Veii Thou as much as lay in thy Power hast conquered them by a new sort of wickedness but as for my part I will conquer by the Roman Arts and Stratagems by Arms and Valour After this when he strip'd him he tied his hands behind him he delivered him to his Boyes to bring him back to the Falerians and gave them Rods to lash the Traytor into the Town whereupon the People ran out wondring at such a strange sight and the Magistrates were assembled upon this unheard of occasion their minds being so suddenly changed that whereas they were before for being utterly destroyed rather yielding themselves up upon terms of Peace the whole City were now for desiring Peace and publickly Celebrating the Roman Fidelity and the Justice of their General in the Court and Forum And by the Counsel of all they sent Embassadors to Camillus into the Camp and by his permission to the Senate at Rome to tell them that the Falerians freely yielded up themselves when they were admitted to the Senate 't is reported they said thus We O Senators being conquered by such a Victory which neither Gods nor Men can envy do here give up our selves to you being persuaded we shall live better under your Government than which there is nothing in the World more honourable than our own Laws The event of this War has produced two examples beneficial to Mankind you prefer Fidelity in War before present Victory and we being thereupon encouraged have yielded up our selves Send men to take our Arms our Pledges our Cities the Gates being open to receive them neither shall you ever repent of your Fidelity or we of being under your Government The Enemies as well as the Citizens gave thanks to Camillus The Falerians were commanded to pay the Soldiers for that Year to ease the Roman People Peace was granted and the Army brought back 〈◊〉 Rome When Camillus being thus signalized for his Justice and Fidelity returned he went through the City with far greater praise than
when he was a little before drawn through it with white Horses in Triumph and the Senate to free him from his Vow did with all speed send a Golden Cup as a present to Apollo at Delphos The Messengers were L. Valerius L. Sergius and A. Manlius who being sent in a Galley not far from the Sicilian Sea were taken by the Lyparensian Pyrates and carried to Lyparae In which City they used to divide the Prey as in a common warfare The chief Magistrate in that City for that Year was by chance one Tâ—masitheus a Man more like the Romans than his own People who himself bearing some Reverence to the name of the Messengers their Present the reason of sending it and the God to whom it was sent satisfied the Multitude that are always for bearing sway of the Justice and Religion of it and after a publick Treat made them he Guarded them with a Fleet to Delphos and brought them back safe to Rome And there by an Order of the Senate he is entertained and Presents are given in publick The same Year they had Wars with Aequi but so various and uncertain that neither the Armies themselves nor the Romans could well tell whether they were the Conquering or Conquered Party C. Aemilius and Spurius Posthumius Military Tribunes were the Roman Generals They first joyned their Forces together and when they had routed the Enemy Aemilius was pleased to go with a Guard to Verrugo and Posthumius to destroy the bordering Places and as he was marching on somewhat carelesly by reason of his success with a disordered Army the Aequi set upon him and put his Soldiers into such a fright that they were driven among the next Hills nay their fear carried them to Verrugo where the other Guards were Posthumius when he had received all in safety calls them in together and chides them for their fear and cowardise telling them that they were discomfited by a Lazy and Cowardly Enemy the whole Army made answer that they deserved to be told of it and they that did confessed they had committed a great fault but they would mend it neither should the Enemies joy continue long desiring him to lead them to the Enemies Camp which was in sight upon the Plain immediately refusing no punishment no not the Conquering it even before night whereupon he commended them bidding them refresh themselves and be ready at the fourth Watch And the Enemies being there about to hinder the Romans that were among the Hills from flying by night to Verrugo they met them and the Moon shining all night they joyned Battel before day and fought as well as if it had been by day but the noise of this being carried to Verrugo they thought the Roman Camp had been set upon and were so much afraid that notwithstanding all the endeavours and entreaties of Aemilius they were dispersed and fled to Tusculum from thence a report fled to Rome that Postumius and his Army were slain who when day had removed all fear of dangers that might proceed from those that followed in abundance upon them and when he had rid through the Army repeating his promises inspired them with so great courage that the Aequi were not able to sustain the first brunt Hence it came to pass that the slaughter of those that fled away being such as proceeded more from Anger than Valour was to the destruction of the Enemy and a Laureate Letter sent by Postumius followed the sad news from Tusculum a City frighted for nothing and gave them to understand that the Victory was the Romans and that the Army of the Aequi were utterly routed The Proceedings of the Tribunes for the Commons finding yet no end the Commons endeavoured to continue the Tribuneship to the Legislators and the Senate to make new Intercessors to have a negative Voice when Bills were proposed but the Commons were too hard for them Which grievance the Senate redressed by making an Order that Consuls a sort of Magistracy never liked by the Commons should be created After 15 years Cessation L. Lucretius Flavus and Servilius Sulp. Camerinus were made Consuls At the beginning of the Year the Tribunes of the Commons because none of their Society was about to withstand them joyning briskly their forces to carry on a Law and the Consuls as briskly resisting them the whole City being quite taken up about that one affair the Aequi beat the Vitellian Colony of Romans out of their Territories and the greatest part of them in regard the Town was treacherously taken by night safely fled through the back parts of the City and got to Rome The management of which affair fell to L. Lucretius Consul who went with an Army and overcame the Enemy in Battel returning Conqueror to Rome to a Contention somewhat greater the day was set for A. Virginius and Q. Pomponius Tribunes of the Commons for the two last Years whom the whole Senate was obliged to defend neither could any Man accuse them of any other crime either in their lives or Magistracy than that to gratifie the Fathers they withstood the Bill for continuing Tribunes but the fierceness of the Commons baulked the favour intended them by the Senate so that the innocent Men were fined in 10000 l. of Mony payable by weight a bad example sure which the Father 's resented ill Camillus accused them publickly of their wickedness telling them That by setting themselves against their own Officers they did not consider that by wicked Judgment they took away from the Tribunes the priviledg of their negative Voices and by taking away that they destroyed their Power And whereas they thought the Senators would order that rudeness and licentiousness which the Tribunes took they were mistaken If Tribunes force could not be repelled by the assistance of Tribunes the Senate would find out another way telling them of Consuls and no longer suffer those Tribunes who stood up for their authority to miss of the favour of the publick and hold their peace Thus he every day made Speeches publickly whereby he increased their anger neither did leave off stirring up the Senate against that Law telling them That they should not come into the Forum when the day came for making the Law upon any other terms than as Men keeping in memory that they ought to fight for their Religion the Temples of their Gods and the Land of their Nativity As for his own private concerns if 't were fit to have respect to his own glory amidst those scuffles of his Country 't was Honour enough to him that frequent mention was made of the City which he had took that he took pleasure every day in that monument of his Glory and that he had always before his eyes that City for which he triumphed that all People trod in the footsteps of his praises But he accounted it a wicked thing to inhabit a City forsaken by its Gods or that the Romans should live in a place which they had taken or
Appenine towards the lower Sea and forwards on the other side having sent as many Colonies as were requisite to impeople the Country And these had all places beyond the River Padus to the Alps in their Possession except that corner of the Venetians who inhabit a Bay of the Sea And without question they were the original of the Alpin Nations especially the Rhaetians whom the very places having made so barbarous that they retain nothing of their ancient Language besides the sound of it and that too not without corruption Concerning the Galls passage into Italy I have been thus informed In the Reign of Tarquinius Priscus the sole management of Celtae which is one third of Gallia did belong to the Biturigians who gave them a King this King was Ambigatus a Man virtuous and rich in himself and his People For that part of Gallia under his Command did so abound with Men and Plenty that he had enough to do to govern them Being therefore honourably born and desiring to rid his Kingdom of some of the Multitude he declares that he will send Bellovesus and Sigovesus his Sisters Sons two smart young Men into whatever seats the Gods by Auguries would allot them and that they should raise as many Men as they pleased that no Nation might be able to repel them The Hercinian Forrests fell to Sigovesus's share and the Gods gave Bellovesus a far pleasanter Journey into Italy Who because he was over-stock'd with People when he had raised the Biturigians the Arvernians the Senonians the Heduans the Ambarruans the Carnutians and the Aulercians he went with great Forces of Horse and Foot against the Tricastinians Then the Alps were between them and Italy which seemed insuperable and truly I do not wonder at it since there was no way as 't is still unless we 'll believe the Stories about Hercules Then when the Gauls were as it were hedged in by the height of the Mountains and they look'd about to see which way they might pass into another Country over tops as high as Heaven they had some scruple upon them because they heard that some strangers seeking some places of abode were opposed by the Salian Nation these were the Marsilians going in Ships from Phocii The Gauls supposing this to be the Omen of their fortune resolved to fortifie with Woods whatever place they came first to They post over the pathless Alps to that Taurinian Forrest and when they had routed the Tuscans and heard that the Plot of ground where they then were being not far from the River Ficinus was called the Insubrian Ground after the name of the Insubrians they followed the Omen of the place and built a City called Mediolanum Afterwards another company of the Caenomani followed the steps of the former under the Conduct of Elitovius through the same Forrest by the favour of Bellovesus and sate down when they had passed the Alps at Brixia and Verona which places were possessed by the Libuans After these came in the Salluvians and made their abode near the ancient Nations of the Laevians and Ligurians Afterwards when all places were taken up between Po and the Alps the Lingonians came in and Boating over the River Po they drive not only the Etrurians but the Umbrians also out of their Territories keeping themselves within the Apennine Then fresh Senonians came in and enlarged their Borders from the River Utente to Aesis and from thence I find they came to Clusium and Voma but 't is uncertain whether they did this of themselves or by the assistance of all the Gauls on this side the Alps. The Inhabitants of Clusium being frighted at the sight of their numbers their monstrous bigness and their unusual Weapons and at the news of their Conquering all places on this side the Po and farther and routing the Etrurian Legions sent Embassadors to Rome desiring aid of the Senate though they had no alliance or acquaintance with them unless it was that they did not defend the Men of Veii their Kindred against the Roman People No aid was granted but the three Sons of M. Fabius Ambustus were sent Embassadors to treat with the Gauls in the name of the Senate and Roman People telling them that they ought not to oppose the Allies and Friends of the Romans from whom they had received no injury and that if there were necessity they should be assisted by them but 't were better if possible to forbear fighting and that the Gauls a new Nation should be known to them rather by Peace than War A mild Embassie had it not been carried by Embassadors more like Gauls than Romans Who after they had delivered their Message in the Council of the Gauls received this Answer That though the Roman Name was new to them yet they believed them to be valiant because the Men of Clusium implored their aid in their trembling condition And because they offered in their Embassie rather to stand up for them than their Allies they did not disregard their Overtures of Peace if so be the Men of Clusium would give them part of their Borders which the Gauls stood in need of otherwise no Peace was to be granted In which particular they would receive an answer in the presence of the Romans and if Grounds were denied them they would fight in the presence of the same Romans that they might tell at home how much the Gauls excelled other Men in Valour What sort of Right was this either to require the Possessors Lands or threaten them And when the Romans asked what the Gauls had to do in Etruria they fiercely answered that they carried their Right in their Arms and that Valiant Men had a Title to all things whereupon both sides were exasperated and to Battel they went At that time the Fates being displeased with the Roman City the Embassadors take up Arms against the Law of Nations neither could it be privatly done since the Noblest and Valiantest of the Roman Youth fought before the Etrurian Colours The Valour also of the Foreigners was as conspicuous But at last Q. Fabius prancing on Horseback on the outside of the Army thrust the General of the Gauls through the side with a Javelin as he was briskly making up to the Etrurian Colours and killed him but as he was dispoiling him he was discovered by the Gauls who gave the word through the whole Army that it was the Roman Embassador whereupon their anger abating towards the Clusians they sound a retreat and threaten the Romans Some were for going presently to Rome but the Seniors ordered Embassadors to be sent first to complain of their injuries and to require the delivery up of the Fabii according to the Law of Nations by them violated When the Embassadors from the Gauls had delivered their Message the Senate were not well pleased with what the Fabii had done the Barbarians seemed to require that they might have Right done them but their ambition hindered them from Decreeing Justice
which would have made up the matter upon such Noble Men. Therefore that the blame might not be upon themselves they acquaint the People with the misfortune the Gauls had received and with their demands throwing the business upon them But the Fabii were more in favour with them for what they had done and they who should have been punished were created Military Tribunes of Consular Power for the ensuing Year Whereupon the Gauls being angry as they had reason threatned open War and returned Q. Sulp. Longus Q. Servilius four times in that Office and Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis were with the three Fabii created Military Tribunes Upon the approach of so great a calamity so much does Fortune blind Mens minds when she is unwilling they should withstand her Power that City which had made use of all helps against the Fidenates and Veientians and other neighbouring People and had oftentimes made Dictators had at this time no extraordinary Assistance or Commander though they were challanged by an unusual and unheard of Enemy that came from the Ocean and the farthest Coast of Gallia The Tribunes by whose rashness the War was hastened had the sole management of all things neither were they more careful in their proparations than they were before in common Wars still making as though 't was nothing In the mean time when the Gauls had understood that the violaters of human Right were advanced to high places and their Embassie disregarded being accordingly enraged as that Nation is very passionate they presently flourish their Colours and set themselves upon a March And when the Cities as they passed by were afraid of their noise and tumult and began to stand upon their defence the Country fellows in the mean time betaking themselves to their Heels they told them with a loud voice that they were going to Rome taking up as they went a vast deal of ground with their Men and Horses But the speed of the Enemy made them terribly afraid at Rome especially when Fame was the Harbinger and Messengers were sent from Clusium and many other places to give them notice of their coming For they met with an Army led in haste and confusion but about eleven Miles out of the City where the River Allia that rises out of the Crustuminian Mountains runs not much below the way into the River Tiber. Now the Enemy was before them and every where about them a Nation given to tumult and hubbub that filled all places with extravagant singing and balling with horrid shouts and clamours There the Military Tribunes put their Army in Order without ever making choice of a place before-hand for their Camp or fortifying it with a Trench or consulting either Gods or Men by Augury or Sacrifice and divided into Wings that it might not be surrounded by the number of Enemies but could not make the Vaunt Guards even though they drew their Men so far asunder that the middle of their Army was infirm and thin There was a little way from them on the right hand a pretty high place which they stocked with Subsidiaries which as it was the occasion of their fear and running away so 't was their only refuge when they fled For Brennus the Commander of the Gauls fearing some trick in the small number of Enemies and supposing that they chose that high place for no other reason but that they might set upon the Gauls overthwart them and flying off from them Marches up to the Subsidiaries not at all questioning if he could displace them to conquer the rest easily in the open plain Thus not only Fortune but Reason also was on the Barbarians side In the other Army neither the Officers nor Soldiers did behave themselves like Romans Trembling and flying was in their minds and the men so much forgot themselves that more of them fled to Veii their Enemies City from which Tiber kept them than the streight way to Rome to their Wives and Children This place is not very well defended by the Subsidiaries In the other part of their Army they that were farthest off hear shouting behind them and they that were nearest hear it close by them and every Man of them ran before they were touched nay almost before they had seen the Enemy not only without striking a blow but without returning so much as a shout so that there was no blood spilt among them that fought As they strove to run away the backs of those that hindered their flight in the throng were bruised About the banks of Tiber whither all the left Wing fled throwing away their Arms there was a great slaughter and many that were not skilled in swimming or were weak being tired with their Helmets and other Armour were swallowed up in Whirlpools But the greatest part of them got safe to Veii from whence they did not only send no Garrison but not so much as the news of this Discomsiture to Rome As for the right Wing that were not next to the River but more under the Hill they every Man of them got to Rome and fled into the Tower not so much as shutting the Gates of the City after them The Gauls being as it were amazed at such a miraculous and sudden Victory stood at first like Men frighted and ignorant at what had happened afterwards they began to suspect that there were some in Ambush and after that to strip off the spoil from the slain and according to their custom to pile up their Armour But last of all when they saw nothing like an Enemy they set themselves upon the March and got to Rome a little before Sun-set Now when the Horsemen that were sent before brought them word back that the Gates were not shut neither was there any Guard or Watch before them they were as much taken up with wonder as before and fearing they should be benighted and being not at all acquainted with the situation on of the City they sate down between Rome and Anien not without sending their spies about the Walls and Gates to hearken what the Enemy intended in such desperate circumstances The Romans not thinking that any of the Army were alive but those that fled back to Rome whereas more of them got to Veii than Rome set themselves a bewailing the sad condition of those that were alive as well as dead and so filled the whole City with Lamentations Then the fear of the publick stifled their private griefs as soon as ever they heard that the Enemies were present A little after their ears were filled with howling and confused singing which came from the Barbarians that scampered about the Walls in Companies From which time they were so much in suspence 'till the next day that they expected they would enter the City with violence at their first coming to it concluding that they would have staid at Allia had not this been their intention Afterwards about Sun-set they supposed they would enter in regard they had but little day-light to do their
first day they did not burn much of the City because perhaps all of them had not a mind to it or because the chief of the Gauls thought it best only to burn some few Houses thereby to terrifie those that had shut themselves up to yield freely and to engage them upon hopes of enjoying what was left When the Romans from the Tower saw the whole City full of Enemies and running up and down every Street when they saw fresh murthers in one place or other continually they were not only almost distracted in their minds but they were also not able to fix either their ears or eyes upon any one Object for the shouts of the Enemies the lamentations of Women and Children the crackling of the fire and the noise of Houses falling every-where did turn away their trembling minds their eyes and faces from what before they reflected on Thus they were placed by fortune to behold the fall of their Country having nothing left them to defend but their own bodies labouring under a far greater misery than ever any besieged Persons did because they saw all they had in the hands of the Enemy Neither did a quieter night succeed that fatal day but even the night and the day after and every minute they beheld fresh spectacles of Rapine and Murther Yet notwithstanding they were thus laden and overwhelmed with calamities did their courage sink but though they saw all places levelled by flames and ruins they were resolved to defend their liberty to the last and the little Hill which was all that was left to them For now the like mischiefs happening every day they were accustomed to miseries and laying by all thoughts of their own concerns they trusted only to their Arms and Swords which they beheld with pleasure in their own right hands accounting them the only Relicks of their hopes When the Gauls who for some days spared the Houses saw nothing remaining among the ruins of the Captive City but Armed Men and those not at all terrified by these misfortunes nor inclinable to yield up themselves unless they were assaulted they resolve to try the utmost and assaulted the Tower At break of day at the sound of the Trumpet they meet and are put in order in the Forum Then giving a shout and having made a Fence to keep the Fire-balls and stones from them they march under the Tower Against whom the Romans did nothing rashly nor fearfully but having fortified all their passages with Guards and knowing the steeper the Hill was the easier they could beat them down they let them climb up to the middle of it and then from a Place somewhat higher which was as it were for the purpose they set upon the Gauls and throwing them down made a great slaughter Insomuch that no part of them nor all of them together ever after attempted to get up again Being therefore quite out of all hopes of taking the Tower by Force they lay Siege against it which they never thought of till that time having themselves burnt all the Corn in the City and that which was in the Fields was carried thence to Veii The Army then being divided some of them pillaged the neighbouring People others kept Siege at the Tower receiving supplies of Provision from the Foragers But as the Gauls went from the City to try the Valour of the Romans even fortune herself led them to Ardea where Camillus was banished who being there in greater sorrow for the calamities of the Publick than his own blaming both Gods and Men and with indignation wondring what was become of those Men who with him took Veii and Falisci who in other Wars came off with greater Courage than success on a sudden hears that the Army of the Gauls are coming and when the trembling Ardeatians asked him What they should do Though before he kept from the publick Councils he then goes into the middle of the Assembly and as if he had been inspired said thus My old friends of Ardea who are now also my fellow Citizens since not only your kindness has so contrived it but my fortune too has put me into these circumstances I hope none of you think that I was forgetful of my condition in coming hither but the affair in hand and the common danger forces every one to contribute what they can in this case now that the Garrison is in such a consternation And indeed when should I return my acknowledgments for your great favours to me if I omit this opportunity Or where can you make use of me if not in War Upon the reputation of this skill in Military affairs I lived in my own Country but though I were conquered in War yet in peace I was banished by my ungrateful fellow Citizens Now you Ardeans have an occasion offered to you not only of requiting the Romans for all their extraordinary kindnesses that you your selves well remember nor is it any reproach to say so since you know 't is true but of making this your City very glorious for its warlike actions against a common Enemy The Nation that is a coming against you are such a sort of Men to whom nature has given rather great than strong bodies and therefore they bring to every combat more dread than force Take the Roman miscarriage for an instance of it They took the City when it lay open to them but were beaten off from the Castle and the Capitol with a small Party Now being quite tired with the fatigue of a Siege they march off and straggle like Vagabonds about the Country where they are filled with Meat and Wine that they get by thieving When night comes on they lay themselves down by the Rivers sides without any Fortification without any formed Camp and without any Watches all over the Fields like so many wild Beasts being now since their prosperity grown much more careless than ever If you therefore resolve to defend your Walls and not to suffer your whole Country to be turned into Gaul stand to your Arms in a full body at the first watch and follow me to kill not to fight and if I do not give you an opportunity whilst they are asleep to kill them like beasts I am content to undergo the same fate at Ardea as I have met with at Rome Now every body both Friends and Enemies wore before convinced that there was never such a Man in the World at that time for Warlike affairs so that the Assembly being dismissed they refreshed themselves and then waited very diligently till the signal should be given Which being given they met Camillus assoon as it was night at the Gates and when they were got a little way from the City as he had foretold them they came to the Camp of the Gauls which was unguarded and neglected on every side which they with a great shout invaded Nor had they any need to fight but slew all before them killing their naked bodies which were dissolved and
of themselves more inclined to take that advise That therefore was the cause why after his Triumph he laid not down his Dictatorship since the Senate desired him not to leave the Commonwealth in an uncertain state First of all as he was a most devout Person in point of Religion he took care of those things that related to the Immortal Gods and procured an Order of Senat That all the Temples for that the Enemy had been possessed of them should be repaired bounded and purified and that the manner of their purification should be sought for in the Books by the Duumviri That they should make a friendly and publick alliance with the Caeretes for that they had entertained the holy things belonging to the Roman People together with their Priests and that through the kindness of that People the honour due to the Immortal Gods was not intermitted That the Games called Ludi Capitolini should be set forth upon the account that Jupiter had defended the Capitol his own Seat and the Castle of the Roman People in time of danger and that M. Furius the Dictator should appoint such a body of Artists for that purpose out of those that dwelt in the Capitol and the Castle There was likewise mention made about expiating that voice in the night time which was heard though neglected when it foretold their defeat before the Gallick War and order given That there should be a Temple built to Aius Locutius The Gold that was taken from the Gauls and that which amidst their confusion was brought out of other Temples into that of Jupiter since they had forgot whither it ought to be returned was all judged to be sacred and ordered to be laid under Jupiters shrine Now the Religion of the City had formerly appeared in this that when they wanted Gold in the publick stock to make up the sum which they were to give the Gauls they had had the rest raised by the Matrons that they might not meddle with the holy Gold The Matrons therefore had thanks given them and a new honour bestowed upon them viz. that they as well as their Husbands should have a laudatory Oration made in praise of them after their deaths When all those things were performed that related to the Gods and could be done by the Senate then he at last seeing the Tribunes importuned the common People with daily harangues to leave those ruins and remove to the City of Veii which was ready to receive them came into the Assembly with all the Senate attending on him and made this Speech Romans the contests I have had with the Tribunes of the People are so vexatious to me that I had no other comfort in my severe exile all the while I lived at Ardea than in being removed from these debates nor would I upon this very score have ever come back had you not recalled me by an Order of Senate and the consent of the People Nor was it the alteration of my mind at this time but your fortune that induced me to return For their great design was that our Country should remain upon its old bottom not that I should be in it And truly I should not only be now quiet but hold my tongue very willingly were there not any such occasion as this to fight for my Country which to refuse as long as life lasts is dishonourable in all other Men but in Camillus a sin For what do we contend for Why did we deliver it when besieged out of the Enemies hands if now 't is recovered we our selves desert it And when though the whole City were taken by the Conquering Gauls the Gods and People of Rome still kept and inhabited the Castle and the Capitol shall that same Castle and Capitol now that the Romans are victorious and have recovered their City be quite forsaken Shall our good fortune make more waste in this City than our bad did Truly if we had no religious Rites injoyned and delivered down to us along with the City yet there was the hand of Heaven so evident in the late management of the Roman affairs that I suppose Men can never hereafter neglect the Divine Worship For do but consider either our good or our bad success for some years past and you shall find that all things went well with those that worshiped the Gods and ill with those that despised them First of all How many years and with what difficulty was the Veian War carried on There was no end of it before by Command from the Gods the Water was let out of the Albane Lake What say you to the new defeat of this our City Did it happen before that despised voice was sent from Heaven concerning the arrival of the Gauls before the Law of Nations was violated by our Embassadors or before that was through the same neglect of the Gods omitted when it ought to have been revenged We therefore in being conquered taken and redeemed suffered so much from the Gods and Men too as to make us an example to the whole World Then our ill circumstances put us in mind of Religion for we ran into the Capitol to the Gods to Jupiters shrine and amidst our confusions hid some of our holy things in the earth removing others into the adjacent Cities out of the Enemies sight nor did we though deserted both by Gods and Men omit the worship of the Gods They therefore restored to us our Country Victory and our ancient glory in War which we had lost turning all the terror defeat and slaughter upon our Enemies who blinded with avarice broke their contract and their word in the weight of the Gold Now since you see such instances in Humane affairs of what attends the Worship or neglect of the Deity are you not sensible Romans how great a crime we before we are well got clear of the Shipwreck of our former fault and misfortune are about to commit We have a City built by advice and direction of the Soothsayers and Augurs nor is there any place in it but what is full of Religion and Gods besides that there are set places as well as days for the performance of our solemn Sacrifices and will you Romans forsake all these Gods both publick and private How agreeable is this act of yours to that which during the late Siege was done by that brave Youth C. Fabius to the astonishment of the Enemy as well as you when going down from the Castle amidst all the Gallick Darts he performed the solemnity of the Fabian Family upon the Hill Quirinalis Now therefore will you who would not have the Holy Rites of a private Family neglected even in time of War have the publick Rites and Roman Gods forsaken in time of Peace or allow the Priests and Flamens to be more negligent of the publick Worship than a private person was in the solemn Sacrifice of his own Family But some one perhaps will say that we will either sacrifice at Veii or
send Priests from thence hither to do so neither of which can be done with safety to our Ceremonies And that I may not run through all the Holy Rites or speak of all the Gods in particular at Jupiters Feast can the bed that he is to lie upon be set in any place but the Capitol Why should I talk of the eternal fire of Vesta or that Image which is kept in her Temple as a pledg of Dominion Why should I talk of your Ancilia i. e. holy Shields Mars Gradicus and thou Father Romulus Would you have all these holy things left in a prophane place which are as old as the City and some too older than the Original of it Do but consider what difference there is between us and our Fore-Fathers they delivered to us certain Rites to be performed in the Albane Mount and at Lavinium Was it a Religious act to translate these holy Rites from the Cities of our Enemies to Rome and shall we carry them hence to our City of Veii without committing the greatest offence imaginable Pray call to mind how often the holy Rites have been performed anew when any thing of ancient usage has been by negligence or chance omitted What was it of late after the prodigy of the Albane Lake but the renewing of the holy Rites and repeating the auspicies that healed the Commonwealth when it was sick of the Veian War But besides this we as being mindful of the ancient Worship have not only translated strange Gods to Rome but set up new ones How signal and memorable a day upon the score of the Matrons extraordinary zeal was Queen Juno brought over from Veii and lately dedicated in the Aventine We ordered a Temple to be built to Aius Locutius in the new Street upon the account of that heavenly voice that was heard we added the Ludi Capitolini Games in honour of Jupiter to other Solemnities and built a new College for that purpose by order of the Senates What needed we to have taken all this care if we were resolved to leave the City of Rome together with the Gauls If we did not stay in the Capitol so many Months whilst the Siege lasted of our own free will If we were kept from our Enemies by fear But we talk now of holy Rites and Temples what have we at last to say of the Priests Don't you consider what a crime 't is for them to vary from their ancient Customs The Vestals for example have one sole place of Residence from which nothing ever remov'd them but the taking of the City And for the Flamen Dialis Jupiter ' s chief Priest to stay one night without the City is a great offence Now wou'd you make these persons Veian instead of Roman Priests Shall thy Vestals Vesta leave thee or shall the Flamen by dwelling abroad contract each night so much guilt not only to him but the Common-wealth too What shou'd I mention other things which we do by direction of the Soothsayers most of them within the limits of the City neither forgetting nor neglecting any part of them The curiate Assemblies that manage the Millitary affairs and the centuriate Assemblies at which you choose Consuls and Tribunes Military where can they be held as they ought to be but where they use to be Shall we transfer all these things to Veii or shall the people meet to hold the Assemblies with so much inconvenience to them in this City which is deserted both by Gods and Men But the thing it self some will say compells us to leave this City which is laid wast with fire and ruine and go to Veii where all things are entire nor vex the poor commonalty here with Building No Romans this reason I suppose though I should not tell you so you know to be rather given out than real you that remember how before the coming of the Gauls when our Buildings both private and publick were all safe and the City standing this same business was in agitation about our going to Veii Now see Tribunes how much difference there is between mine and your opinion You think that though it were not fit so to do at that time yet now it may be and I on the contrary do not wonder at it before you hear what 't is am of opinion that though at that time we might have removed when our City was standing yet we ought not now to leave these ruins For then the reason of our removing into a City which we had taken might have been our Victory which would have been glorious to us and our Posterity but now this removal will look sneaking and dishonourable in us but glorious to the Gauls for we shall seem not to have left our Country with Victory but to have been defeated and lost it Did our flight at Allia the taking of our City or the besieging of the Capitol lay such a necessity upon us that we should desert our native Soil and Banish our selves or run away from that place which we could not defend And could the Gauls destroy Rome which the Romans seem not able to rebuild What remains but that they now come with new Forces for 't is well known they are an incredible multitude and settle by your permission in this City which they took and you desert Yea what if not the Gauls but your old Enemies the Aequi and the Volsci shou'd do this that is come to Rome Wou'd you have them be called Romans and you Veians Or wou'd you rather that this place shou'd be your solitude than your Enemies City Truly I cannot see what is a greater crime Are you willing to commit these offences because you are loth to build and had rather suffer so much disgrace If there cou'd be no better or larger House built in the whole City than yonder Hovel where my Builder works had we not better live in Hovels like Shepherds and Country people among our our own holy things and houshold Gods than to go publickly and banish our selves Did our Fore-Fathers who came hither out of several Countrys and were Shepherds when there was nothing in these places but Woods and Fens build a new City in so short a time and shall we think it difficult though the Capitol and the Castle are safe and the Temples of our Gods standing to rebuild a City that 's burnt Or shall we all together refuse to do that in the case of a publick conflagration which we should each of us have done if our own single Houses had been burnt What pray' if either by treachery or misfortune there shou'd happen a fire at Veii and the flames as it may chance being diffused by the wind shou'd consume great part of the City shall we remove thence to Fidenae Gabii or any other City Has that native Soil no influence upon you at all Nor this Earth which we call Mother Does the love we bear to our Country only affect the outside and the rafters of the Building Truly
the Senate and People had a Peace very seasonably offered them from abroad the People for that they being not call'd away by any levy had hopes now they had so potent a Leader to rout the Usurers and the Senate in that their minds were not diverted by any foreign terror from healing their Domestick evils Wherefore since both sides were now become more brisk they were ready to join in the contest besides that Manlius having summon'd the People to his House treated with the chief of them both night and day concerning the methods of innovation being now somewhat fuller of animosity and fury than before For that late disgrace had kindled anger in his mind who was not used to suffer contumely and he was the more encouraged for that the Dictator had not dar'd to do that to him which Quintius Cincinnatus had done to Sp. Maelius as also that not only the Dictator had escaped the envy of his imprisonment by laying down his Dictatorship but neither could the Senate themselves have born it He therefore being at once puffed up and vex'd upon these accounts incensed the minds of the People who were already enflamed saying How long for Heavens sake will you be ignorant of your own strength of which nature would not have even brute Beasts to be ignorant Reckon at least how many you are and how many Adversaries you have If you were to engage one to one yet I am confident you would fight with more vehemency for your Liberty than they for Dominion for look how many Clients have you been about each Patron so many will you now be against one Enemy Do but let them see that you are ready to take up Arms and you 'll have Peace Let them see that you are prepared for force and they 'll soon give you back your right We must all attempt something or each of us suffer all things How long will ye stand gazing round about on me I for my part will not be wanting to assist any one of you therefore take you a care that my Fortune miscarry not I my self who am your vindicator when our Enemies thought fit was on a sudden made no body at all Yea all of you saw him who had kept each of you from Bondage dragg'd into Prison What have I to hope for if my Enemies should dare to do any thing more against me May I expect the fate of Cassius and Maelius You do well to abominate any such thoughts No the Gods will hinder that but they 'll never come down from Heaven for my sake They should give you the courage to hinder this as they did me in Arms and in my Gown too to defend you from barbarous Enemies and your tyrannical fellow Citizens Has this great People so little a Soul that you can alwaies think it sufficient to have assistance against your Enemies Nor will you maintain all conflict with the Senate unless it be to determine how far you are willing to be commanded Nor is this by nature planted in you but you are Slaves by use For why do you bear such a spight against Foreigners as to think it just for you to command them Because you have used to contend with them for Dominion but against these persons to attempt rather than defend your liberty But what kind of Generals soever yâ—u have had what sort of men soever you your selves were you have gained all that you armed at how great soever either by your force or Fortune Wherefore 't is now time to try even at greater matters Do but only venture upon your own success and me who I hope have had very happy experience you will with more ease set up one to Command the Senators than you did one to resist them in their Commands Dictatorships and Consulships are to be laid level with the ground that the Roman Commonalty may lift up their heads Wherefore stand to it and forbid any Judgment to pass touching Debts I profess my self Patron of the Commons a name which my care and fidelity has laid upon me But if you will call your Leader by any other more Illustrious Title of Honour or Command you shall find him more Potent to obtain those things that you desire Thereupon t is said they began to discourse of setting up a King but it is not plainly signified either with whom they treated or to what end their counsels came On the other side the Senate held a consultation touching the Peoples retiring into a private House which was as it happen d in the Castle too a place very dangerous to their liberty Great part of the Citizens cry'd out They had need of Servilius Ahala who would not provoke a publick Enemy by ordering men to be haled to Prison but with the loss of one Citizen would put an end to a Civil War Thence they fell to a saying which is lighter in words but had the same force viz. That the Magistrates should take care that M. Manlius ' s Commonwealth received no detriment Then the Tribunes who had Consular Power and the Tribunes of the People for since they saw that there would be the same end of their power as of the universal Liberty they had now submitted themselves to the Senates Authority altogether consulted what was necessary to be done And when they found that nothing but violence and slaughter could ensue and that that must cost them a mighty conflict then M. Maenius and Q. Publilius Tribunes of the People said Why do we make that the Controversie of the Senate and the Commons which ought to be the quarrel of the whole City against one pestilent fellow Why do we attack him and the People together whom it is safer for us to set upon with the Peoples Arms that he may fall even by his own strength We intend to summon him to his Tryal nothing is less Popular than the design of setting up a Kingdom Assoon as the multitude see that we do not contend with them they will not only of Advocates become Judges but Accusers also instead of the Commonalty and look upon their Patrician as the party accused the Crime in dispute between him and them to be a design to reduce the Commonwealth into a Kingdom and consequently favour no person or thing more than their own liberty The whole Assembly approving of what they said they summon'd Manlius to Tryal which when they had done the People were at first disturb'd that is to say when they saw him in his sordid cloaths such as persons Accused used to wear and no man with him not only of the Senators but not so much as any of his Relations no not his very Brothers A. and T. Manlius which was a thing that till then had never been used that in such a dangerous case the Relations of the party did not change their Garb. For it was known that when Appius Claudius was put into Bonds C. Claudius though his Enemy and all the Claudian Family were in
things both in War and Peace at home and abroad were done by the same Authority who knows not Who then had the care of the Auspicies committed to them according to the usage of our Ancestors Why the Senate had For no Plebeian Magistrate is created with that Ceremony Yea so peculiar are the Auspicies to us that the People must not only create what Patrician Magistrates they do create according as the Soothsayer directs but we also our selves without the Vote of the People can duly declare an Interrex and have Auspicies in private which they have not even among their Magistrates What then does he do less than take away the Auspicies who by making Plebeians Consuls takes them from the Senate who are the only persons that can have them Let them now laugh at Religious Rites for what matter is' t if the Chickens will not feed if they go but slowly out of the Coop if a Bird bode ill luck These are small matters but yet our Ancestors made this the greatest State in the World by not contemning these small things We on the contrary in our Age as though we needed not the favour of the Gods pollute all Ceremonies Then let Priests Soothsayers and the chief Sacrificers be chosen out of the dregs of the People let us put Jupiter ' s Priest's Mitre upon any Bodies head so he be but a Man and let us deliver the Ancilia sacred Shields the Temples the Gods and the care of them to Villains let no Laws be made nor Magistrates created with any due Ceremony nor the Senate give Authority to the Centuriate Assemblies but let Sextius and Licinius like Romulus and Tatius Reign in the City of Rome because they give away other mens moneys and other mens Lands such a sweetness there is in preying upon other peoples Estates Nor do you consider that by the one of your Laws there are vast Deserts like to be made in the Country by driving the right owners out of their Possessions and that by the other their credit is ruined with which all human Society is destroyed Now upon all these accounts I think you ought to reject and throw out these Bills Whate'r you do I pray the Gods may prosper This Speech of Appius's so far prevailed upon them that the time of passing the Bills was deferred and the same Tribunes Sextius and Licinius were chosen again who pass'd a Law for the Electing of the Decemvirs who took care of the holy Rites half out of the Commonalty So there were five chosen out of the Senate and five out of the Commons and by that step they thought they now made some progress toward the Consulship The People being content with this Victory gave way to the Senate and omitting any mention of Consuls for the present let Tribunes Military be chosen The persons U. C. 388 chosen were A. and M. Cornelius a second time M. Geganius P. Manlius L. Veturius and P. Valerius a sixth time But now when besides the siege of Velitrae a thing whereof the issue was more slow than doubtful the Roman affairs were all quiet abroad a sudden report of a Gallick War forced the City to make M. Furius a fifth time Dictator and he chose T. Quintius Pennus Master of the Horse Claudius says that they fought with the Gauls that year about the River Anien and that there was a famous Combat upon a Bridge between T. Manlius and a Gaul that challenged him hand to hand in the sight of the two Armies in which Manlius kill'd the Gaul and brought off a Gold Chain But I am more inclin'd by most Authors to believe that these things were done no less than ten years after and that this year they engaged the Gauls M. Furius being Dictator in the Albane Territories The Victory was neither doubtful nor difficult to the Romans tho' the Gauls had put them into a great fright through their remembrance of their former defeat but there were many thousands of Barbarians slain in the field many after their Camp was taken The rest straggled and going most of them toward Apulia what by their long flight and their being through dread and terror scattered all over the Country defended themselves from the Enemy The Dictator by consent of the Senate and People had a Triumph Decreed him But he had no sooner made an end of that War than a more bloody Sedition received him at home and through great contests the Dictator and the Senate were forced to accept the Tribunes Bills besides that there was a Consular Assembly held against the will of the Nobility at which L. Sextius was the first man that ever was made Consul of the Commons But even that was not the end of their contentions For because the Patricians said they would not consent to it the thing had like to have come to a Secession of the Commons and other dreadful approaches of Civil Broils But these discords were appeas'd by the Dictator upon conditions allowance being granted by the Nobility to the People that the Plebeian Consul should continue in his Office and by the People to the Nobility that there should be one Praetor who should do justice in the City and be chosen out of the Senate By this means the two Orders being at last reduced out of their long Animosities into Concord the Senate was of opinion that then if ever they should do well and would willingly in honour of the immortal Gods cause the grand Games to be set forth adding one day to the former three But the Aediles of the People refusing that Office the Patrician Young men cry'd out That they would willingly do that honour to the immortal Gods so that they might be made Aediles For which they were thank'd by the whole Senate and an Order was made That the Dictator should propose to the People the making of two men Aediles out of the Senate and that the Senate should give Authority to all the Assemblies of that Year DECADE I. BOOK VII EPITOME 1. THere were two new Offices added the Pretorship and the Curule Aedileship 2. The City was Afflicted with a Plague which was Signal for the Death of Camillus the remedy and end whereof being by new Ceremonies inquired into Stage-playes were then first Acted 4 5. When a day of Tryal was appointed for L. Manlius by M Pomponius Tribune of the People upon the score of his severity in the Levy and his banishing T. Manlius his Son without any reason the Youth himself whose banishment was laid to his Fathers charge came into the Tribunes-Bed-Chamber and with his Sword drawn forced him to Swear that he would not go on with his accusation 6. Then all pretious things were thrown into a gaping Gulf in the City of Rome whereinto Curtius being Arm'd threw himself headlong off his Horse and it was closed 10. T. Manlius the Youth that freed his Father from the Tribunes vexation fought a Duel with a Gaul that Challenged any Roman Soldier
which were afterward thence called Exodia or Musical Entertainments at the end of the Play and consisted cheifly of Atellane Interludes so called from the City Atella which kind divertisements they had and retained from the Oscians nor suffer'd it to be vitiated by the Players And therefore the Law is that such Actors of Atellane Interludes shall not be disfranchis'd but shall serve in the Wars as though they did not Practise any such lulicrous Art Among the small beginnings of other things I thought fit to tell you the Rise of Plays too that it might appear from what a sober Original that matter grew up to the present Extravagancy and Madness which is hardly to be endured even in the most Opulent Kingdoms Yet this original of Plays which were instituted to appease the Gods did not ease either mens minds of the Superstitious fear they were in or their Bodies of their Distempers but on the contrary seeing the Tiber overflow'd the Circus in the midst of all their Sports it made the People believe the Gods were a verse to their endeavours and would not accept of U. C. 392 any atonements which put them into a mighty consternation Wherefore in the Year that Cn. Genucius and L. Aemilius Mamercus were the Second time Consuls when the difficulty of finding out atonements afflicted their minds more than the Disease their Bodies they say the Elder People called to mind and told the rest that there was a Pestilence formerly Cur'd by the Dictators driving of a Naile The Senate being induced by that Religious consideration order'd a Dictator to be Chosen to drive a Naile and accordingly L. Manlius Imperiosus was pitch'd upon who made L. Pinacius Master of the Horse There is an old Law written in old Characters and old Words that he who is Cheif Praetor shall drive a Naile on the Ides of September This Naile therefore was driven on the right-side of Jupiters Temple where Minervas is That Naile they say because writing was in those Days very rare was a mark for the Number of Years and that it was done in Minervas Temple because she was the Inventress of Number And Cincius who was a diligent searcher into such Monuments affirms that there were Nailes driven at Volsinii too in the Temple of Nortia an Etrurian Goddess to shew the Number of their Years M. Horatius when he was Consul drove the first Naile by that Law in the Temple of Jupiter the Year after the Kings were banish'd but this Solemnity of driving the Nail was afterward Transferr'd from the Consuls to the Dictators because theirs was the greater Dignity And in time after the Custom had been intermitted this business seemed to be of it self worth the making of a Dictator Upon which score L. Manlius was created who as if he had been created to do some great publick matter and not to appease the Gods affecting to have a War with the Hernicans plagued the young People with a severe Levy and at last seeing all the Tribunes of the People were against him he being overcome either by Force or Shame laid down his Dictatorship Yet for all that at the beginning of the next Year when Q. Servilius Ahala and U. C. 393 L. Genucius were the second time Consuls Manlius was Summon'd to a Tryal by M. Pomponius Tribune of the People For his severity at the Levy which he exercised not only to the damage of the Citizens Estates but the torturing of their Bodies too whipping some who had not answer d to their Names and Imprisoning others was very odious But above all his stern disposition was in it self hateful and his Surname of Imperiosus which he took upon him was ungrateful to that free City because it carryed Cruelty and Tyranny in its very sound which he indeed shew'd not only to Strangers but even to his own Relations and nearest Kindred And therefore the Tribune made this one part of his Accusation Thot he kept his own Son who was a Young Man though he were Convicted of no manner of Offence like one that 's banish'd out of the City from his House hoe Household-gods out of the Forum from seeing the Light and from the Conversation of his Equalls putting him to Slavish-work almost into a Prison and a Bridewel where the Noble Youth who was Son to the greatest man in Rome even the Dictator himself by daily hardship should learn that he was Born of a truly Imperious Father But for what reason pray why because forsooth he was not so Eloquent as he should have been and had an Impediment in his speech Which defect in Nature whether he as a Father ought not if he had any humanity in him to have been tender of but rather punished and by his Tyranny exposed was the Question That even dumb Beasts did not refuse to cherish and preserve any of their Offspring which were any way deficient But L. Manlius encreased one misfortune of his Sons with another imposing still more and more upon the dullness of his Witt and if there were any little natural vigour in it destroy'd what there was by a Country Life and rustick conversation among Brutes All People were more concern'd at these accusations than the young man himself who on the contrary taking it to Heart that he should be the cause of Envy and such Charges against his Father to the end that all the Gods and Men too might see that he had rather assist his Father than his Enemies he took a course which shewed indeed his rude and Country Breeding but though it were not like a Gentleman was yet commendable for the Piety of it He went unknown to any Body with a Knife about him in the Morning into the City and from the Gate directly home to M. Pomponius the Tribune's House When he came thither he told the Porter He must needs speak with his Master and bad him say he was T. Manlius the Son of Lucius Being immediately introduced for the Tribune hoped that being inflamed with Anger against his Father he had either some new Crime to Charge him with or had found out some new Method ro accomplish the business after they had mutually saluted each other he told him he had some private business with him which admitted of no Company to be by whilst they discourse it Whereupon all others being orderd to avoid the Room he puld out his Knife and standing upon the Bed with it ready in his Hand threaten'd that if he did not Swear as he should direct him viz. That he would never hold an Assembly of the Commons to accuse his Father he would presently Stab him The frighted Tribune seeing the Knife glitter before his Eyes himself alone unarmed and him a stout Young Man and which was more to be fear'd Fool-hardy upon the score of his strength Swore what he was forced to and afterward professed that he was by that means forced to desist from his Design Nor were the People so much concerned that the Son
a mild and gentle Victory The Tarquinians were more sharply chastiz'd abundance of them being slain in the field and of a vast number taken Prisoners three hundred fifty and eight of the Noblest and greatest Gentlemen were drawn out and sent to Rome and all the rest of the Common sort put to the Sword nor sped they better at the Peoples hands that were carried to Rome for being led into the midst of the Forum they were all first severally Scourged with Rods and then Beheaded that Execution being done upon them in Retaliation for the 307 Romans not long before Sacrificed in the Market-place of the Tarquinians This good success of the Romans Arms caused the Samnites to Court their Friendship to whose Ambassadors the Senate return'd a courteous Answer and a firm Allyance was concluded But the Commons sped not so well at home in the City as abroad in the Campaign for tho they were eas'd of the paying excessive Interest yet the poorer sort were not able to discharge the Principal and consequently were liable to be seized for Slaves by their Creditors Therefore in reguard of their private streights they the less troubled their heads with the Choice of Consuls or other publick Affairs so that the Office continued in the hands of the Nobles the Consuls for the next year being C. Sulpicius Paeticus the 4th time and M. Valerius Poplicola the second Whilst the City was now designing a War against the Tuscans because 't was reported that the People of Caere one of their Towns took part with their Kinsmen the Tarquinians Anbassadors arriving from the Latins diverted all mens thoughts to another point for they brought advice that the Volscans had Levyed and Arm'd a great Army which was already upon the borders and would presently enter into and lay wast the Roman Territories The Senate therefore decreed that neither of these Affairs should be neglected but that to both places certain Legions should be appointed and the Consuls to cast Lots which Province should fall to each Mans charge But afterwards they found the Tuscan War required the greater care being advertised by Letters from Sulpicius the Consul who happened to have the managment of the War against the Tarquinians that the Enemy had Forraged all the Country as far as the Roman Salinae or Salt-pits and that part of the Booty was carried into the possession of the Caerites and that the youth of that People were undoubtedly amongst the Plunderers Whereupon the Senate thought fit to recall the other Consul Valerius who was advanced against the Volscians and Encamped on the Marshes of Tusculum and ordered him to Create a Dictator who nominated T. Manlius the Son of Lucius who having appointed A. Cornelius Cossus his General of Horse contenting himself with his Consular Army by the authority of the Senate and Command of the People Proclaim'd War against the Caerites Then first of all the Caerites began to dread a War in earnest as if there had been a greater force in their Enemies words to signifie it than in their own deeds which had provoked the Romans to it and now also they plainly saw how unable they were to manage it and therefore repented them of their Spoils and Curs'd the Tarquinians as the Authors of their defection nor did one of them take Arms or make any preparations for their defence but every man labour'd what he could that Ambassadors might be sent to mediate for Peace and beg Pardon for the Offence they had given Who addressing themselves to the Senate they were by them turn'd over to the People for Audience whereupon they besought the Gods whose sacred Images in the Gallick War they had devoutly receiv'd and entertain'd that the Romans now in their flourishing Estate might take that pity and compassion of them as they in times past had of the Romans in their Calamity and distress And then turning to the Chappels of the Goddess Vesta they invok'd the Hospitality of the Flamens and Vestal Virgins whom they had so chastly and Religiously Treated when heretofore they were their Guests Could any man said they believe that we had deserv'd such usage to be all on a sudden declared Enemies without any just cause Administred on our part Or suppose we had Committed any thing that might look like Hostility must it needs be Interpreted to be done maliciously and on purpose and not rather unwillingly and by a mistake Or can it be imagined that we would sully the Merit of our Ancient good Offices and those too conferr'd upon so grateful a People by an accession of new Injuries Is it likely that we should make Choice to have the Romans now flourishing and Victorious for our Enemies whose friendship we embraced in the lowest ebb of their Fortune We beseech you account not that voluntarily and advisedly done which ought rather to be call'd the effects of necessity and force the Tarquinians marching through our Country with a formidable Army desiring nothing but meerly a passage drew along with them a few of our Peasants and made them Associates in their Plundering which now is so heavily charged upon us as if it had been the Act of our State the Persons that were thus guilty if you please to have delivered up we are ready to surrender them or if you would have them punished they shall suffer accordingly But still let our City Caere once the Sanctuary of the People of Rome the harbour and place of shelter for your Priests and Holy Reliques remain free from the violence of your Arms if not for our own sakes yet at least for the sake of that Hospitality which we shew'd to the sacred Vestals and the devout Honour paid to your Gods The Justice and Equity of the present Quarrel sway'd not so much with the People of Rome as the ancient Merits of the Suppliants so that they were willing to forget rather the Injury than the Benefit and accordingly granted Peace to the Caerites it being agreed that a Truce should be Concluded for 100 years and Registred amongst the Acts of the Senate And now the whole strength of the War is turn'd upon the Faliscans but the Enemy was not to be found therefore having Forrag'd all over their Country it was not thought fit to spend time in Attacquing their Cities but the Legions were ordered back to Rome the rest of the year being spent in repairing the Walls Towers and Fortifications Also the Temple of Appolo was dedicated At the end of the year the Contention between the Patricians and the Commoners brake of the Election of Consuls the Tribunes refusing to suffer any Assembly for that purpose to be held unless the proceedings therein might be according to the Licinian Law by which one Consul was to be of the Commoners On the other side the Dictator was as obstinately bent to abolish wholly the Consulary Office out of the Common-wealth rather than to admit it to be promiscuous to the Commons as well as the Nobility Therefore
Tears with what trembling expectations do the Senate and whole People of Capua our Wives and our Children attend our Return Assured I am that the whole Multitude are thronging about the Gates with their eyes fixt on the Road that leads from hence impatiently waiting to know what News what Answer you will be pleased by us to return them in this doubtful Juncture and Perplexity One word if favourable is able to present them with Safety Victory Life and Liberty But if otherwise I dread to presage the Consequences wherefore to conclude determine of us either as of those that shall and will ever be your Confederates and faithful Allies or else such as must presently be the most forlorn People upon Earth and worse than nothing The Ambassadors being commanded to withdraw the Senate having debated the matter tho the greater part acknowledged that a City so very great and opulent with a Country both the most fertile of all Italy and conveniently situate near the Sea which might serve the Romans as a Granary or Store-house when ever scarcity of Corn and Victuals should happen would be of great Emolument to them Yet they resolved to prefer the keeping of their Faith before all advantages And the Consul was ordered to return this Answer The Senate O Campanians conceives you very worthy of assistance But it is fit that we so entertain your Amity as not to violate any of our former Alliancies the Samnites you must know are in League with us therefore we must deny your request of taking Arms against them since that were first to fight with the Gods by a breach of our Oaths and what success can we then expect in our unjust Encounters against men But we will do for you as much as we can in Justice and Honour viz. send Ambassadors to our Confederates and Allies to intreat them not to offer you any violence or injury Whereunto the principal Ambassador according to the instructions they had brought from home replied thus Altho you are not pleased with just force to defend what is ours against unjust violence and outrage yet sure you will maintain that which is your own Behold therefore Conscript Fathers Here we freely surrender into your hands and into the Dominion of the People of Rome the whole Nation of the Campanians the City of Capua with our Lands the sacred Temples of the Gods and all other things sacred and prophane resolved that whatever henceforwards we may suffer we will suffer in the quality of your Subjects and voluntarily devoted Vassals Saying which they all held up their hands to the Consul in a suppliant posture and orewhelm'd with Tears fell down on their Knees at the entrance of the Senate-House The Fathers sensibly touch'd with the Consideration of the uncertainty of humane Fortunes to see a People so abounding in Wealth and famous for Luxury Superfluous Magnificence and State to whom their Neighbours but t'other day had sought for Aid be now so dispirited as to Resign themselves and all they hold in the World into the power and dispose of others concluded now that it was a duty Incumbent on their Trust and Honour not to abandon those that were become their Subjects or see them betray'd into Ruine and that the Samnites if they should Invade those Territories to which the Romans were now lawfully Intituled should therein act unjustly and Infringe the Peace and therefore decreed that Ambassadors should forthwith be sent thither with instructions to represent at large to the Samnites the request of the Campanians the Senates Answer mindful of the Alliance they had with the Samnites and lastly how the Surrender was made and then to desire and request them by all the Ties of mutual Freindship to forbear their Vassals and not with Hostile Arms invade those Territories which were become part of the Roman Dominions with further Order that if they found these gentle Entreaties did not prevail then they should solemnly in the name of the Senate and People of Rome denounce and Charge the Samnites not to meddle with the City Capua or any part of that Country But when the Ambassadors came to deliver their Message in the Council of the Samnites they received not only this fierce and haughty Answer That they would still proceed in the War but their Magistrates going out of the Council Chamber even in the presence of the Roman Ambassadors called for the Captains of their Troops and with aloud Voice Commanded them To March forthwith into the Country of Campania to forrage there and make all the spoil they could Which being reported by the Ambassadors at their return The Senate laying aside the Care of all other Affairs sent to demand Restitution and that being denied solemnly proclaimed War decreeing likewise that this matter should at the first opportunity be propounded to the People by whose Order the two Consuls took the Field Valerius into Campania Cornelius into Samnium the former pitch'd his Tents at the foot of the Hill Gaurus the latter at Saticula The Samnite Legions first advanced towards Valerius for that way they thought the Brunt of the War would lye and the rather to be reveng'd on the Campanians that had been so ready first to yeild their own and now call in other Auxiliary Forces against them No sooner had they descri'd the Romans Camp but in all hast they every own for his own part called lustily to their Commanders for the Signal of Battel assuring themselves and saying plainly That the Romans should speed just as well in their assisting the Campanians as the Campanians had done before them in Aiding the Sidicins Valerius after he had amused the Enemy for some few days with light skirmishes and picqueerings to try their Mettal resolved at last to Fight them but first Encouraged his Men in a short Speech to this purpose That this new War or new Enemy ought not in the least to terrifie them For always the further off from the City they bore Arms the more weak and cowardly People they had to cope with That they ought not to count the Samnites stout and valiant because they had defeated the Sidicins or Campanians for in all Engagements one side or other must of necessity be worsted That undoubtedly the Campanians were overcome by their own excess of Luxury and effeminate softness more than by the courage of their Enemies However what were two prosperous Battels of the Samnites in so many Ages if set in competition with so many Honourable Victories of the People of Rome who could almost number more Triumphs than years since the Foundation of their City who have with their Swords in their hands subdued all the Nations round them as the Sabines the Hetrurians the Latins Hernicks Aequians Volscians and Auruncans And after having cut to pieces the Gauls in so many Battels have at last made them glad to get away by Sea in a shameful flight and disorder Besides as every one ought to go into the Field animated
therefore if they thought good he would instantly raise all the Youth of the Latine and Volscian Nations and return with a fresh and formidable Army to Capua where he did not doubt by his unexpected Arrival to surprize and defeat the Romans that dream'd of nothing less than a second Battel So by dispatching Sham-Letters through all the Latine and Volscian Territories which those that were not present at the Fight were too apt rashly to credit he had quickly levyed and drawn together a Tumultuary Army But Torquatus the Consul met with them at Tifanum a place between Sinuessa and Minturnae before they were Encamp'd Therefore both Parties bestowing their Baggage in heaps out of the way as well as they could presently fell to Fighting and concluded the War For the strength of the Enemy was there so shattered that the Consul advancing with his Army to Forrage their Country all the Latines yielded and surrendred up themselves and their Country at Discretion and the Campanians did the like both Latium and Capua were punish'd with the Forfeiture of all their Lands those of the Latines together with the Country of the Privernates and the Falerii a People of Campania as far as the River Vulturnus being divided amongst the Commons of Rome two Acres a man being alotted them in Latium and if there were not Land enough three fourth parts of the Privernates Ground should go to make it up And three Acres and a quarter to a Man in the Territories of the Falerii because that lay further off But the Inhabitants of Laurentum in Latium and the Campanian Cavalry escaped this punishment because they had never revolted Therefore the old League with the Laurentines was Ratified and thenceforwards yearly renewed after the tenth day of the Latine Holy-days which always began the 27. of April And the Campanian Horse were made free Denizons of Rome for a Monument whereof they set up a Brazen Table there in the Temple of Castor And for their Maintainance the people of Capua were enjoyned to pay every one of them and they were One thousand and six hundred in all the sum of Four hundred and fifty Denarii which is almost fifteen pounds apiece and for the whole 24000 l. sterling per annum But some Copies read only 45 Denarii which is not full thirty shillings a Man sterling and the whole but 2400. l. a year which seems more probable for those times The War being thus happily dispatch'd and Rewards bestowed and Punishments inflicted according to every Mans merit T. Manlius returns to Rome But 't is certain only the Old People went forth to meet and congratulate him for the Youth both then and all his Life long hated and cursed him for his Cruelty to his Son The Antiates made Incursions into the Territories of Hostia Ardea and Solonae The Consul Manlius being disabled by Sickness to manage that War nominated L. Papirius Crassus who was then Praetor to be Dictator who chose L. Papirius Cursor his General of the Horse This Dictator kept the Field and had his Summers Quarters for some Months in the Antiates Country but no remarkable Action happened After this Year renowned as well for the Victory over so many potent Nations as for the noble Death of one of the Consuls and the memorable though rigorous Government of the other there succeeded in the Consulship T. Aemilius Mamercinus and Q. Publilius Philo who as they met not with so active a Scene of Grand Affairs so they seem'd more intent upon their own private Interests and Factions in the Commonwealth than solicitous to advance the Publick State of their Country Yet they routed the Latines in the Plains of Fenecta and drove them out of their Camp when for madness at the loss of their Lands they fell into Rebellion And Publilius by whose Conduct that Victory was obtain'd remaining there a while to receive the Submissions of the Latines Aemilius advanc'd with the Army against Pedum whose Inhabitants were buoy'd up by the assistance of the Tiburtines Praenestines and Veliternians as also some Auxiliaries from Lavinium and Antium where though the Romans had the better on 't in several Skirmishes and that the whole Service was now reduced to the taking in of the City Pedum it self and the Camp of the Confederates which sheltered is self under the Walls yet the Consul hearing that a Triumph was Decreed for his Colleague all on a sudden gave over the War unfinish'd hastens to Rome and importunately demanded a Triumphs before he had compleated his Victory Which the Senate justly offended with his unseasonable Ambition flatly denyed unless he first either took Pedum by Storm or forc'd it to a Surrender Aemilius hereupon took such a Spleen against the Senators that thence-forwards he behaved himself more like a seditious Tribune than a Consul For as long as he continued in Office he never ceased to accuse the Nobles before the People pretending they had not justly and fairly distributed the before-mentioned Latian and Falernian Lands wherein it could not be expected his Partner should oppose him since he was himself a Commoner The Senate desirous to shorten the Consuls Government Decreed That a Dictator should be Created against the Latine Rebels but Aemilius was too cunning for them for happening according to his Turn to have the Fasces or Ensigns of Government in his hands he declared his Brother Consul Dictator who chose Junius Brutus Master of the Horse This Dictatorship was altogether suited to the humour of the Mobile and full of Invectives against the Senate During which these three Laws were establish'd in favour of the Commons and very much to the prejudice of the Nobility 1. That whatever Ordinances pass'd the Commons should bind all the Quirites or Citizens of Rome 2. That when Laws were proposed to be Enacted in the Comitial Centuries the Senate should pass them first before the Scrutiny begin and the Suffrages be gathered Laws that pass'd in the Comitia or Guild-Hall Assemblies of the People before this time were not Authentick till the Senate had approv'd them But now the Senate was to give their Sentiment first and the last Decision of Ratifying or Rejecting was to be in the People 3. That whereas they had already obtained That both the Censors might be of the Commons Now one Censor at the least should always be a Commoner of necessity So that in the opinion of the Nobles the Majesty of the State was much more impaired this Year at home by these Consuls and Dictator than it was augmented by their Victory or War-like Atchievements abroad The Year following L. Furius Camillus and C. Maenius being Consuls That Aemilius the late Consul might more notably be reproach'd and exposed for his negligence the Senate insisted That the City Pedum should by all means possible be attack'd and utterly destroyed and razed to the Cround so that the new Consuls being forced to postpone all others Affairs advanced thither with all Expedition The Latines were
now reduced to that odd pass that they could neither endure War nor Peace To maintain the former they wanted Forces and yet disdain'd to hear of the latter ever since their Lands were taken from them So they resolved to hold a middle Course viz. To contain themselves within their own Garisons that the Romans might take no occasion to quarrel with them and if they receiv'd Intelligence of any Towns being Beleaguered that all the Confederates should endeavor to Relieve it yet the Inhabitants found assistance but from very few The Tiburtines and Praenestines whose Countries lay nearest did indeed come up thither But as for the Aricins Lavinians and Veliternians although they had joyn'd their Forces with the Antiates and Volscians yet being unexpectedly encountred by Maenius on the Banks of the River Astura they were all defeated and scatter'd Nor did Camillus with less success though with more difficulty as having to do with a stouter and more formidable Enemy engage the Pedans and Tiburtines For the Townsmen making a brisk Sally in the heat of the Fight put him into some pain and hazard but in the end he not only beat them back but the same day having vanquish'd both them and their Auxiliaries scaled the Walls and took the Town This Encouragement and some fresh Recruits spurr'd the two Consuls on to march their Army quite through the Latine Territories nor did they rest till they had either taken by Force or compell'd to a Surrender all its Principal Towns and intirely subdued the whole Country wherein having placed necessary Garrisons they return'd to Rome worthy in all mens esteem of a Triumph To which for greater Honor was added by the Senate That their Statues on Horse-back a rare thing in those days should be set up in the Forum the Publick Market-place or Hall wherein the Courts of Judicature were held Before the time came for choosing of Consuls for the ensuing Year Camillus made a motion to the Senate touching the Latines and Discoursed them to this effect My Lords What was to be done in Latium by Arms is now by the favor of the Gods and the valour of your Soldiers accomplished The Enemies Armies at Pedum and Astura are cut off All the Latine Towns and strong Holds storm'd or yielded as also Antium a City of the Volscians and are now possest by your Garisons But since they daily give us trouble by fresh Rebellions it remains now only to Consider of some proper Expedient whereby we may keep them in continual Peace For resolving which Question the Gods have left it wholly in your hands whether or no Latium shall any longer be a Nation So that you may at your pleasure secure your selves of an Eternal Peace from them either by rooting them utterly out or by Pardoning and Indulging them Will ye take harsh Measures against those that have yielded themselves and whom you have Vanquish'd You may indeed blot out the Memory of Latium from the face of the Earth and lay all those Regions solitary and waste whence you were wont to raise brave social Armies in all your greatest Wars Or will ye rather imitating your Ancestors augment the Roman Republick by receiving those you have Conquer'd into the number of your Citizens This will afford you an encrease both of Strength and Glory For certainly that Government is most secure and durable where Subjects obey willingly and with delight Whatever you resolve on Expedition is absolutely necessary you hold divers Nations suspended between Hopes and Fears 'T is fit you should discharge your selves as soon as you can of that Care they put you to and whil'st their minds are yet amused with Expectation prevent them either by Obligations or Severity from taking new Measures 'T was our Work and Duty as your Servants to bring Affairs to that pass that you might dispose of them as you please It is now your Business to determine what may be best for your selves and the Common-weal The chief of the Senate commended what the Consul had proposed but because some of the Peeple concern'd were under very different Circumstances from others it was thought good that each might have right done to determine of them one by one and by Name Whereupon it was Decreed 1. That the Lavinians should be Enfranchised or made free Citizens of Rome and enjoy their own Religion and Ceremonies with this Proviso That the Temple and Grove of Juno the Hospitable be common to the Burgesses of Lavinium and People of Rome Secondly That the Aricins Nomentanes and Pedans shall be accepted for Citizens and enjoy the same Priviledges as the Lavinians Thirdly That the Tusculanes should still retain their Freedom which they now enjoy'd and the Crime of Rebellion be charg'd only on some of the prime Ring-leaders without endamaging the whole Community Fourthly The Veliternians being Ancient Roman Citizens and so oft guilty of Revolts and Rebellion were more severely to be chastiz'd their City was dismantled their Senators banish'd and confin'd to dwell beyond the Tyber upon Penalty That if any of them were found on this side the Water it might be lawful for any Man to seize and hold him to the Ransom of 1000 Asses and to detain him in Irons till he paid the mony And into the Lands of these Senators there were Colonies Tenents or Farmers sent who being setled Velitre seem'd as Populous as ever it was Fifthly The People of Antium were made Free of Rome but had all their principal Ships taken away and were forbidden to use the Sea A new Colony waâ— also sent thither but the Inhabitants had leave if they pleased to Enroll themselves to continue there Sixthly The Tibertines and Praenestines had their Lands taken from them not so much for this new Rebellion common with the rest of the Latines but because to shake off the Roman Government they had heretofore associated themselves with that fierce and cruel Nation the Gauls Seventhly From the rest of the Latine Cities and States they took away the priviledge of Marrying of Commerce and of holding of Councils by themselves without License first obtain'd Eighthly The Campain Gentlemen that serv'd on Horse-back because they scorn'd to joyn in the Revolt and the Inhabitants of Fundum and Formiae because they always allow'd the Romans free and safe passage through their Countries had the Honor to be made Free Denizons of Rome but without Right of Voicing And lastly The People of Cumae and Suessula were to remain in the same state and condition as those of Capua The Ships taken from Antium were some of them laid up in the Docks at Rome and the rest of them burnt and with their Stems or Brazen Beaks it was thought fit to adorn the Publick Pulpits or Pleading-place in the Forum which thence was called Rostra In the Consulship of C. Sulpicius Longus and P. Aelius Paetus whil'st all things were in a desirable Peace to which the late kindness and beneficence of the Romans had contributed no less
it with Reserves and all kind of Warlike skill and policy But the Soldiers went on coldly and on purpose hindered the Victory to discredit their General yet many of the Samnites were slain and not a few of the Romans wounded The Dictator like a prudent and experienced Commander easily perceived where the matter stuck and found it necessary to moderate the harshness of his temper and allay that Severity with a mixture of Courtesie therefore taking with him the Commissary-Generals he himself went to visit the Wounded Men thrusting his Head into their Tents asking them severally how they did and charging the Commissaries Tribâ—nes and Prefects to take particular care of every one of them by Name this being a thing in is self Popular he manag'd so dexterously that by curing their Bodies he also healed the rancour of their Minds and won their Hearts Nor did any thing contribute more to the speedy Recovery of their Health than the pleasure they took to see his care and diligence to procure it Having thus refresh'd his Army he once again encountred the Enemy with an assured hope both in himself and his Soldiers to Vanquish them which he perform'd so effectually that the same was the last day they durst look him in the Face Thenceforwards he march'd his Victorious Army which way soever the hopes of Booty invited and as they over-ran all the Enemies Country met with no Resistence neither of open Force nor yet so much as any attempt by Ambuscade The more to encourage the Soldiers the Dictator had ordered all the Plunder to be divided amongst them so that private Advantage spurr'd them on as well as the publick Quarrel At last the Samnites were so cow'd and brought down that they became Suppliants to the Dictator for Peace offering to new Cloath all his Soldiers and give them a Years pay but being referred to the Senate answered That they would follow him and submit their Cause wholly to his Vertue and Goodness to do with and for them as he thought fit The Dictator entred the City in Triumph and before he laid down his Office by the Order of the Senate Created new Consuls C. Sulpicius Longus the second time and Q. Aemilius Caeretanus The Samnites had not yet concluded Peace for the Articles were still under Debate but had obtained a Truce from Year to Year which yet they did not honestly observe for when they heard that Papirius was out of Command their fingers itch'd to be again in Arms. But besides their playing fast and loose a War broke out with the Apulians the management of which latter fell to the share of Aemilius as that against the Samnites to Sulpicius There are some Authors who write That the War was not against the Apulians but in defence of some of their Allies that were Invaded by the Samnites But the low Condition of the Samnites at that time scarce able to defend themselves makes it more probable that they did not Attack the Apulians but rather the Romans quarrel'd with both the Nations at the same time because they had Confederated with each other against them However there happened no remarkable Action The Country of Apulia and Samnium Forraged but no Enemy either here or there to be met with At Rome there happened one Night a strange and unaccountable Pannick fear which on a sudden raised the whole City out of their Beds so that the Capitol the Castle the Walls and the Gates were fill'd with Armed Men And after there had been every wher evast concourse of People and a general Cry Arm Arm at Break of Day no Author or cause of all this Fear and Distraction could be discovered This Year the Inhabitants of Tusculum were proceeded against upon the prosecution of M. Flavius Tribune of the Commons who proposed That they might be punish'd for having by their Counsel and Assistance excited the Veliternians and Privernates to War against the Romans The People of Tusculum with their Wives and Children resorted to Rome and having changed their Apparel in despicable habit like Prisoners at the Bar went about from Tribe to Tribe before they gave their Suffrages falling down to every Man on their knees to beg favour whereby Pity prevail'd more to Pardon them than the goodness of their Cause to purge their Guilt Insomuch that all the Tribes except that called Pollia Voted to repeal the Law that had been preferr'd against them But the Sentence of the Pollian Tribe was That all the Men of fourteen Years of Age or upwards should be scourg'd and put to death And their Wives and Children by Martial Law to be sold for Slaves Which cruel Doom has stuck in the stomack of the Tusculanians even to the last Age and so great an Antipathy they have always had to the Authors thereof and their Posterity That scarce ever any Man of the Tribe Pollia when he stood Candidate for an Office could get the Voices of the Tribe Papiria into which the Tusculans were cast but in regard of this old Fewd they would right or wrong oppose his Pretensions The Year following Q. Fabius and L. Fulvius Consuls A. Cornelius Arvina Dictator and M. Fabius Ambustus General of the Horse upon apprehensions of a smarter War in Samnium because they were reported to have hired Auxiliaries from the Neighboring Nations there was a greater Levy of Soldiers than ordinary and a gallant Army advanc'd thither but encamp'd carelesly in the Enemies Country as if no Enemy had been near them When on a sudden the Samnites Legions came on so bravely that they carryed up their Trenches to the Romans Out-guards and if not hindred by the approach of Night would have fallen upon their Camp which they resolved to Attack early next Morning The Dictator seeing he was like to be oblig'd to a Battel sooner than he expected lest the disadvantage of the Ground should baulk the Courage of his Men leaving Fires thick burning in his Camp to amuse the Enemy silently dis-lodges and draws off his Troops but being so very near could not avoid being discovered The Horse presently pursued him in the Rere and press'd hard upon the Army in their March yet so as they would not Fight before it was Light nor indeed did the Foot advance out of their Camp till Break of day But then the Horse began to charge upon the Romans and what with Skirmishing continually with the Rere and falling sometimes upon their Flanks in streight and disadvantegeous Passes hindred their March till their own Foot came up so as now the Samnites with all their Forces were ready to Attack them The Dictator seeing he could not March on without great loss and hazard Commanded his Men to fortifie the Ground they stood on but the Enemies Light-Horse were skirting round about upon them so that they could not go out to provide Stakes for a Palizade nor with any safety begin their Trenches When therefore he found that he could neither go on nor abide there without
a Wound receiv'd without a Battel without a Sword drawn who were beat and routed and yet never could get near our Adversary who wore Arms only to surrender them up peaceably to our Mortal Enemies who had strength in vain and courage to no purpose but to render us more pungently sensible of our dishonor Whil'st they were bawling out these Complaints the fatal Hour of their Reproach was come which really rendred all Circumstances more grievous and intolerable than they had been able to form them before in their Imaginations Now were they commanded to march out of their Entrenchments unarm'd and having on but each Man one single Garment And first the Hostages were delivered and led away in Custody Then the Consuls dismiss'd their Lictors from attending them and their own rich Robes of State being pull'd off their shoulders raised such compassion even in those who but just before were cursing and banning them and voting them worthy to be torn to pieces that every one forgetting his own sad condition was much more affected with theirs and turn'd away his eyes from that disfigurement of Majesty as from a spectacle of the greatest Impiety and Horror First and formost the Consuls almost half naked were put under the Gallows and after them every one according to his Quality and Decree was preferr'd to the like Ignominy and then the Legions one after another the Enemy brisk and gay in their Armor encompassing them and upbraiding and jeering them as they pass'd Many had Swords set to their Breasts not a few wounded and some kill'd out-right whose stern Countenances or grim Looks fill'd with Indignation offended the insulting Conqueror Thus were they dragg'd under the Gallows and which rendered it more grievous than the thing it self in the sight too of all their Enemies when they were got out of the fatal hollow Way as if they had been pluck'd out of Infernal Darkness they then first of all seemed to behold the Light and yet the Light it self was worse to them than any kind of Death when it shewed them the Ill-favored prospect of their wretched Army Therefore though they could have got to Capua before Night yet being doubtful of the Fidelity of their Allies after such a Misfortune and besides asham'd to be seen in such a pickle they took up their Quarters not far from that City on the bare ground utterly destitute of all Provisions and Accommodations News whereof arriving at Capua a just compassion of their Friends and Confederates out-ballanc'd the Pride which is almost natural to those People so that forthwith they courteously sent the Consuls the Insignia Robes and Ornaments belonging to their Quality Rods Lictors Arms Horses and plentifully furnish'd the Common Soldiers with Cloaths and Victuals And when they came to Capua the whole Senate and People went forth to meet them and welcom'd them with all the kind offices of Friendship and Hospitality publick and private Yet could not this Civility of their Friends their kind Looks and obliging Discourses draw a Word from them nay scarce would they lift up their Eyes to behold them so much did shame more than grief make them shun all Conversation and Society So that next day when several of the young Nobility that had been to bring them going on their march as far as their Territories extended came back and were call'd into the Court and ask'd by the Grave Seniors How the Romans behav'd themselves they told them That they now seem'd more dejected than ever so silently did the Army march as if it had been altogether composed of Mutes That the noble Roman Bravery was now cow'd and dash'd and their Spirits lost with their Arms That they were not able to return them a Salute That not one of them durst open his mouth for fear but look'd as sneakingly as if the Yoak under which they pass'd were still over their Heads That the Samnites had got not only an eminent Victory but one that was perpetual for though they had not taken Rome as once the Gauls did yet they had done what was much more Noble and Warlike subdued for ever the Roman Courage and Fierceness Whil'st these things were affirm'd and Audience given thereunto so far that most even in that Council of their Allies began to look upon the Roman Name as desperate and their former Glories past Recovery one Ofilius Calavius the Son of Ovius is reported to have told them That there was a quite different Judgment to be made of the matter for that obstinate Silence those down-cast Looks Ears deaf to all Questions and shame of beholding the Light did but argue the grand Emotions they felt within and how deeply their Desires and Resolutions of Revenge were fix'd in their Souls so that they had no leisure to attend any other thoughts That either he was a stranger to the Natural Genius of the Romans or this odd stubborn silence would e're long cost the Samnites many a mournful Out-cry and loud Groans That remembrance of this Caudine Treaty would be a great deal more dolesom to the Samnites than to the Romans For as for the latter they would quickly find their old Courage again whenever they came to Engage but the Samnites would not every where meet with the Caudian Straights for their purpose By this time news of this shameful Disaster arriv'd at Rome They had before received Intelligence of their being surrounded by the Enemy but these Tidings of their scandalous accord and escape were more grievous than the report of their Danger Upon the Rumor of their being hem'd in a new Levy of Soldiers was begun but all preparations of Auxiliaries to relieve them laid aside as soon as 't was understood what a dishonorable Submission they had made and presently without any Command from Authority the whole City put it self into Mourning and omitted nothing that might express the greatness of their general Grief The Shops round the Great Market-place were all shut up The Courts of Justice adjourn'd and all Proceedings at Law ceased of their own accord before Proclamation made for that purpose The Purple and Scarlet Robes and Rich Embroideries were left off by the Senators The Ladies laid by their Gold Rings and the City every where appeared no less afflicted than the Army it self Nor were the People only enraged against the Chief Officers and Undertakers for the Peace but mad with the poor innocent Soldiers too and said They deserv'd not to be suffered to come into the City or be allow'd any Quarters But these Heats the first arrival of the Army did quite allay and turn'd their Anger into Pity for they came not as Soldiers returning into their Country unexpectedly escap'd safe from an eminent danger but with the garb and countenance of Captives late at Night they march'd into the City and every one stole home and so hid up themselves in their own Houses that on the Morrow and for some Days after not one of them was to be seen
abroad in the Streets The Consuls themselves kept in like private Men and would exercise no Function of their Office but what they were forc'd unto by an Act of the Senate namely To nominate a Dictator to preside at the Election of the next Consuls so they appointed Q. Fabius Ambustus Dictator and P. Aelius Paetus General of the Horse But there being some defect in the Ceremonies of their Creation M. Aemilius Papus and L. Valerius Flaccus were nominated in their Rooms but neither did they hold the Assemblies for Election for the People being out of conceit with all the Magistrates of that Year as unlucky the business came to an Inter-Regency And Inter-Regents there were Q. Fabius Maximus and M. Valerius Corvus which latter created Consuls Q. Publius Philo and L. Papirius Cursor the second time A Choice highly approved by the whole City there being not two braver Generals in that Age. The very Day they were Created they entred upon their Office for so the Senate had expresly ordered and after the solemn and ordinary Acts touching Religion were pass'd according to Custom They proposed the matter of the Caudine Agreement to be taken into Consideration And Publius who had the chief Authority that day commanded Spurius Posthumius to speak to that Point who rising up with looks altogether as sad and dejected as when he went under the Gallows I am not ignorant said he O ye Consuls that t is not for Honor-sake but for greater Ignominy that I am called forth and that I am commanded to speak at this time not as a Senator but as a Criminal guilty both of an unfortunate ill-manag'd War and a most unworthy dishonorable Peace But since you have not been pleased to put the Question touching either our Guilt or Punishment I shall omit all Apology and Defence which yet it were not difficult to make before Persons that are not ignorant of Humane Chances the variable Accidents of War and those Necessities whereunto men are often driven rather by their Destinies than Default Waving all that I say I shall briefly declare my Opinion in the matter by you propos'd which I hope will shew whether it was for my own sake or to preserve your Legions that I obliged my self in that Stipulation call it either base or necessary which you please sure I am 't is such as being made without the privity or order of the People the State of Rome is thereby no ways bound Nor is there any thing from thence due to the Samnites but only the Bodies of us who were the Sponsors therein let us naked and in chains be delivered up to them by the Heralds let us discharge the People of those Religious ties if in any we have intangled them that so without the least violation of any Law Divine or Humane the War may be begun afresh In the mean time let the Consuls Levy Arm and Muster an Army but not enter a step into the Enemies Country till all the Ceremonies of our Rendition be legally performed And you O Immortal Gods I beseech and implore that if it were your pleasure not to grant the Consuls Sp. Posthumius and T. Veturius success against the Samnites yet at least you would be satisfied to have seen us dragg'd under the Gallows to have seen us obliged in an Infamous Sponsion and for the same to have beheld us delivered strip'd and bound into the hands of the Enemy ready to receive upon our Heads even with the loss of our Lives all their rage and spight Be pleased to accept this as a sufficient Expiation and vouchsafe to grant That the new Consuls and Roman Legions under their Conduct may so manage the present War against the Samnites as all other Wars against them were wont to be managed before our unhappy Consulship This generous Speech raised at once so great an Admiration and Compassion in the Breasts of all the Senators That they could scarce believe it to be the same Sp. Posthumius who had been the Promoter of so dishonorable a Treaty and then they were sensibly touch'd with pity that so brave a man should suffer extraordinary Tortures above others at the Enemies hands for perswading the Reversal of that Peace for the Cities Honor which he made for its Safety However all applauded him and approved of his Motion only there was a little opposition made by L. Livius and Q. Maelius the Tribunes of the Commons who alledged That neither could the People be absolv'd from the Religious Obligations of that Treaty unless all were restored to the Samnites and every thing put into the same state as at Caudium Nor yet could they acknowledge that by consenting to an Agreement which preserved a whole Army of Romans they had incurr'd any Crime or deserv'd any Punishment And lastly since their Persons by virtue of their Office were Sacred and Inviolable could not by Law be given up to the Enemy or exposed to any Out-rage Posthumius replyed In the mean time surrender us the Prophane whom without injuring Religion ye may and afterwards deliver these Sacred Gentlemen as soon as ever they are out of their Office But if you will be rul'd by me let them first be soundly scourged here publickly in the Common-Hall that they may pay some Interest for this delay of their Punishment As for their denying that our Rendition will discharge the People who is so ignorant in the Heralds-Law as not to see that they do it rather to save their own Bacon than that they themselves can believe it so to be I do not deny Grave Fathers that bare Promises and Stipulations as well as Leagues are to be accounted Sacred and observ'd by all that have any regard to Faith towards Men or Piety towards the Gods But this I resolutely deny That any thing done without the Peoples consent is Obligatory to them Suppose the Samnites in the same fit of Pride whereby they extorted from us this Promise had insisted and compell'd us to pronounce the solemn Form of Words which those use who surrender up the Propriety and Dominion of Cities would you My Lords the Tribunes yield the People of Rome were thereby become Vassals and this City its Temples Chappels Bounds and Waters presently vested in the Samnites But to wave speaking of a Surrender since 't is only a Stipulation that is here in question What I pray if we had undertook and promised that the People of Rome should forsake and abandon this City or set Fire to it or no longer to have Magistrates Senate or Laws or to be again Govern'd by Kings God forbid that say you Well but pray then observe 't is not the Indignity of things that discharges the Obligation of a Promise If the People without their own consent can be bound to one thing they may be bound to all nor does that which perhaps some may think material at all alter the case whether it be the Consul or the Dictator or the Praetor that enters into
all hopes of recovering it but every one shifts for himself the Gates by people scarce half Armed and not quite awake are broke open to make their escape at one of which the Roman Ambuscade rushes in with a mighty shout and kill all they meet with Thus was Sora taken and the Consuls arriving in the Morning those that were left alive yielded up themselves at discretion of whom 225 that were by general consent declared Guilty of Contriving and promoting both the Revolt of the Town and the murther of the Colony were carryed in Chains to Rome the rest of the Inhabitants were suffered to continue there under a Garison All those sent to Rome were first whip'd in the Market-place and then had their Heads cut off to the great joy of the People whose especial Interest it was to have those secured who were sent out into remote Colonies The Consuls removing from Sora carryed the War into the Territories of the Ausonians for upon the advance of the Samnites and the Battel at Lantulae Conspiracies were set on foot throughout all Campania nor was Capua guiltless nay in Rome it self ill Blood was breeding and a wary eye kept upon some persons of the first Quality but the whole Nation of the Ausonians were easily reduced their chief Towns being betrayed as Sora was by some of their own that is to say The Cities of Ausona Minturnae and Vescia from whence there came twelve young Noblemen to the Consuls acquainting them How those places had long wish'd for the Samnites coming and that as soon as they heard of the Battel at Lantulae they reckoned the Romans beaten and had assisted the Samnites both with Men and Arms but since the Samnites were routed they made shew of living in Peace which they would continue no longer than they had an opportunity to break it That indeed they had not shut their Gates upon the Romans for fear of bringing a War upon their own Heads but that they were resolved to shut them if any Army should approach towards them And that in this wavering posture they might easily be surprized Upon this Advice the Army marched nearer and at one and the same time particular parties were dispatch'd towards all the three Cities some in Armor to lye in Ambuscade near the Walls others with Swords hid under their Cloaths who at break of day as soon as the Gates were open went into the City and at once fell upon the Watch and gave the signal to the rest to come up and so seizing the Ports made themselves masters of all the three Towns at one and the same hour But by reason of the Consuls being absent there was no moderation observ'd in the Slaughter so that almost the whole Ausonian Nation upon but a bare suspicion of a design to Revolt was cut to pieces and destroyed as fiercely as if they had been in the most open and desperate Rebellion The same Year Luceria fell into the Samnites hands the Roman Garison being betray'd but the Traitors went not long without their reward for the Roman Army was near and the City lying in a Plain was recovered by them upon the very first assault The Lucerines and Samnites were every Mothers child slain and so enraged the Senate was that when they came to debate touching sending a new Colony thither many were for having the City utterly destroy'd and demolish'd For besides the hatred they had against a place that had twice Revolted they could not but abhor sending of Citizens so far off to live as in Banishment amongst those cruel and barbarous Nations However in the end it was concluded That a Colony should be sent and 2500 persons were dispatch'd accordingly That Year whil'st the Romans met with nothing but Treachery and Falshood on all sides discovery was made of a Conspiracy at Capua carried on by some of the chief of that City The Senate being consulted considered it as a thing by no means to be neglected and not only ordered That the persons suspected should be put to the Question or tortured to find out the truth but also that a Dictator should be created to take the Examinations C. Maenius was the Man pitch'd upon for that Office who appointed M. Foslius his General of the Horse Great was the terror of that Magistracy and therefore whether it were for dread thereof or out of consciousness of their own guilt the principal Conspirators viz. The Calavii and Ovius and Novius before they were cited to appear before the Dictator made away themselves and by their Death prevented his Judgment By which means all occasion for executing his Commission of Inquiry at Capua being removed the same was by Interpretation transferred to Rome saying That he had good warrant to proceed by way of Inquisition against all such as not only at Capua but any where else had held secret Meetings or plotted against the State and that all Conventicles and indirect Courses for obtaining of Honors and Offices were directly against the Commonwealth So that the Commission enlarged both in respect of Persons and Crimes the Dictator not refusing to take cognizance of any Offence whatsoever Divers of the Nobility being accused appealed to the Tribunes but they declined to interpose in their favor and so the Presentment was taken against them Whereupon the Nobles not only those that were particularly charged but all of them in general Declared That it was not the true ancient Nobility indeed that was concerned in these Crimes since if it were not for indirect courses they would have easie and open access unto Places of Dignity and Preferment but they were a company of Upstarts and Gentlemen of the first Head who used these sinister practices to get themselves into Offices wherein the Dictator and Master of the Horse were as guilty as any and so they should be made to know as soon as they were out of their Places This made Maenius bestir himself who regarding his Reputation more than his High Dignity went up into the common Assembly before all the People and spake as follows Although the knowledge which you all Worthy Citizens of Rome have had of the whole course of my Life past as well as the Honor now lately conferr'd upon me may be a sufficient evidence of my Innocence For 't was not here as often it has happened when the Affairs of the State so required That he that was the best Soldier or the greatest Captain but such an one as has ever been most free from ambitious Intrigues and unlawful Cabals was the man most fit to be chosen Dictator for managing these Inquisitions yet since some of the Nobility for what Reasons it will be more proper for you to guess than for me being a Magistrate to speak without certain proof have with all their might and main endeavored first to set aside the Inquisitions altogether and when they were not able to do that chose though they were Patricians to fly for shelter to their old
Law was made Appius answered That this Question of the Tribunes was impertinent for although the Aemilian Law might oblige those Censors in whose time it was made yet since the People after that Law did create Censors and in their Choice using the solemn Words Optimo Jure or with the Highest Right did thereby Invest them with as full Power as any former Censors had And since that is good Law which the People have last done and ordained it follows That neither I nor any others created Censors after that Law could or ought to be bound thereby Whil'st Appius thus cavill'd upon a Quirk of Law and no Man took his part or assented to his odd Interpretation Sempronius thus proceeded Behold Worthy Citizens the right Progeny of that Appius who having got to be Decemvir for one Year Elected himself again the next and the third Year though neither chosen by himself nor any body else yet continued the place and all the Ensigns of Authority belonging to it nor would he part with it till such his ill-got ill-manag'd and ill-continued Government broke his own neck and utterly ruin'd him This Gentlemen is the same Family by whose violence and oppressions you were forc'd like People banish'd to abandon your native City and retire to the Holy Mount the very same against whose Injuries you were glad to shelter your selves under the help and protection of Tribunes the very same who put you upon the necessity of securing your selves with two Armies on the Aventine Hill the same Lineage that always withstood the Statutes devised against excessive Usury always opposed the good Laws for dividing waste and conquered Lands amongst the People that interrupted so long all Inter-marriages between the Nobles and the Commoners and so long excluded the Commons from bearing any Dignities of the Chair and Offices of State in fine this is that House whose Name is more pernicious to your Liberties than that of the Tarquins And is it so at last O Appius Claudius That in all these hundred Years space since Mamercus Aemilius the Dictator wherein there have been so many most noble and valiant Gentlemen enjoying the Office of Censors no one of them ever read the twelve Tables No one of them was so skilful as to know that to be Law which the People last establishes Yes verily they all knew it very well and therefore knew also that it was their duty to obey the Aemilian Law rather than the old Ordinances whereby the Censors Office was erected because this was later than they and that where-ever there are two contrary Laws the new one abrogates the old Is it this you say O Appius that the People are not bound by the Law Aemilia or rather that they are obliged but your good self alone exempt from all Law sure I am the Aemilian Law was able to bridle those haughty and violent Censors C. Furius and M. Geganius who were themselves sufficient instances how prejudicial that Magistracy if not duly regulated might prove to the Commonweal when for madness that their term was shortned they disfranchized the said Aemilius the bravest Man of that Age both for War and Peace and made him uncapable of giving his Vote at any Election or receiving any pay from the State The same Law was obeyed by all the succeeding Censors for an hundred years and is now submitted unto by your Colleague C. Plautius who was created with the same solemn Ceremonies and Words altogether as ample as your self Did not the People I pray when they Created him use the common formal Words That he should be Censor Optimo Jure with as good a Right and with as full and large Authority as any Censor could or ought to be Are not the same Words used of course in divers other Offices Are you the only priviledg'd Person to whom this singular pre-eminence belongs When you Create the King-Sacrificer shall he having got the Title of a King and with those very extensive Words take upon him in earnest to be King of Rome and challenge all the Prerogatives of her antient ejected Monarchs At this rate who would be content with a Dictatorship of six Months or an Inter-regency of five days and no more Whom shall we venture to trust with the Dictatorship for driving the Spike or regulating the Races What Sots and Drones not understanding their own Rites would you represent all those gallant Men who having in less then twenty days finish'd most glorious Wars have presently withdrawn and quitted the Dictature Or who upon some defect in the Ceremonies of their Creator though the Words Optimo Jure were not forgot have voluntarily resign'd it What need I recite old presidents of late even within these ten Years C. Maenius the Dictator exercising his Commission of Enquiry more severely than stood with the safety of some Grandees and thereupon being himself charged by his Enemies with the same Crimes he was taxing in them that he might in a private capacity take a Trial and purge himself he frankly renounced his Office I as little desire as expect this modesty in you That you may not seem to degenerate from your most haughty and imperious Race part not with your place one day one hour before you needs must but see withal you exceed not the time limited by Law at least one would think it might be enough to add a day or a month or so to your Censorship A month What tell you me of a month crys he I will hold my Censorship three Years and six months longer than I ought in spight of the Aemilian Law nay and I will hold and exercise it single all alone by my self too Bravely spoken and much as if he were already setled in the Throne of Royalty and had quite subdued our Commonwealth and all its Laws But perhaps you will substitute to your self a Colleague in the room of the other How can that be when even such substitution or new choice to supply the Place is not lawful even where one of the Censors is taken off by Death but the Survivers Office immediately ceaseth and two new ones must be Elected You think it not enough it seems such a Religious Censor you are that you have prophaned that most ancient Sacred Solemnity instituted by no less than that God to whom it is celebrated by conferring the Function of his most Noble Chaplains upon Slaves and Varlets not enough that along of you and your Censorship a Family more antient than the Foundations of this City and reverend for their Hospitality to the Immortal Gods is wholly cut off and extinct unless you also involve the whole State in an Impiety the consequences whereof I tremble to Presage Nor are our Apprehensions groundless 't is well known this City of Rome was taken by the Gauls in that very Lustrum or term of five Years wherein the Censor L. Papirius Cursor that he might not go out of his Place upon the decease of his Partner C. Julius
resolv'd to run all hazards and extremities rather than offend the Roman name Therefore they did humbly request the Fathers to take them into Protection and to defend them from the force and outrages of the Samnites That though their standing out a War with the Samnites had already laid them under a necessity of being true and firmly Loyal to the Romans yet they were further ready if it should be required to give Hostages for their Fidelity The Senate after a short debate unanimously resolv'd to continue their League with the Lucanians and send Heralds to the Samnites to demand satisfaction and require them to depart and withdraw their Arms out of the Territories of the Lucanians Allies and Confederates of the People of Rome But as they were on their way Messengers from the Samnites met them declaring That if they offered to address themselves to any of the Samnites Councils or Assemblies they should not expect to depart again in safety and therefore let them proceed at their peril This was no sooner heard at Rome but the Senate Voted and the People Decreed a War against the Samnites The Consuls divided the Provinces Tuscany fell to Scipio's share and the Samnites to Fulvius and each of them departed to his Charge Scipio expected a slow lingering Work on 't like last Years Campaign but on the contrary the Enemy in Battel-array meets him near Volaterrae where they fought the better part of the Day with great slaughter on both sides and Night parted them before either could tell which had the best on 't but next Day declared the Victory and which Party was vanquish'd for the Tuscans taking the advantage of the Night were march'd off The Romans being drawn up and perceiving that the Victory was yielded them by the Enemies retreat advance to their Camp and find it though empty of Men yet not of Booty for they had quitted it in such fear at to leave much of their Baggage behind them Then he retired with his Army into the Faliscan Territories and leaving his Carriages at Falerii with a competent Guard marches with a flying Army to Forrage the Country and destroy it with Fire and Sword vast Booties are got from all Parts and he left not only their Fields wast and desart but burnt down their Castles and Borough-Towns As for the greater and better fortified Cities into which fear had driven the Tuscans by heaps he did not stand to Invest them because he would not lose so much time as the Formalities of so many Sieges would require The other Consul Fulvius fought a gallant Battel with the Samnites near Bovianum wherein he was Conqueror beyond dispute after which he attack'd Bovianum first and then Ausidena and took them both by Storm The same Year a Colony was carryed to Carseoli to have an Eye over the Territories of the Aequicolae Fulvius the Consul Triumphs over the Samnites About the time of Elections Intelligence arriv'd That the Tuscans and Samnites were making mighty Levies That in all their Diets or Councils the Chiefs of the Tuscans were reproved for not engaging the Gauls in the War whatever it had cost them Nor were the Magistrates of the Samnites less blam'd for exposing to the fury of the Romans that Army which they had provided against the Lucanians whom they ought first to have cut off whereas now the Romans having their Assistance as well as their own Forces would be so much the harder to be dealt with Now though there were several other gallant Persons put in for the Consulship yet this new Alarm turned all the Peoples eyes upon Q. Fabius Maximus so far from ambitioning that Honor that as soon as he perceived their Inclinations he openly refused it asking What they meant to trouble him that was now an old Man and had already gone through both all sorts of Labors and Fatigues for the Publick and also all the Honors and glorious Rewards which are wont to sweeten those toils and dangers to Youthful minds That the vigor either of the Body or Mind could not always continue the same and besides he had jealous apprehensions of Fortune her self lest some of the Gods should think her too partial and more constantly kind to him than the common course and necessary vicissitudes of Humane Affairs will allow of That he was now grown up equal to the glories of his Ancestors and should gladly behold others aspiring and mounting up to the same Illustrious Height That as Rome had always sufficient Encouragements and Honors for brave and valiant Men so she never wanted excellent Persons fit for the greatest Charges and Preferments This modesty added a greater edge to their Desires which he thinking to rebate by the Authority of the Law caused that Ordinance to be read which Provides That no Man that has served Consul shall within the space of ten Years after be chosen again to the same Office But the same could scarce be heard for the noise of the People and the Tribunes of the Commons cryed out That should be no Impediment for they would presently prefer a Bill That he should be exempted and dispensed with Yet still he persisted in his refusal demanding To what purpose is it then to make Laws when they shall be eluded by those very Persons that make them This is not to be rul'd by Laws but to over-rule and govern the Laws themselves at our pleasure However the People proceeded to a Scrutiny and as every Ward was called in they all gave their Suffrages without any Hesitation for Fabius Then overcome with this general Consent of the whole City May the Gods quoth he approve O Quirites what you do and are about but since you will dispose of me as you please I hope you will not deny me the favor of nominating my Colleague and therefore make it my Request that you would please to chuse for the other Consul P. Decius a Man that I have try'd and born Office with already very lovingly and a Person worthy of your regards and that incomparable Father from whom he is descended This was readily granted and Q. Fabius and P. Decius created Consuls by a general consent The same Year abundance of Persons were prosecuted by the Aediles for holding greater quantities of Land than they ought to do by Law and generally they were found guilty and punish'd whereby their immoderate Avarice was for the present very much restrain'd Whil'st the new Consuls Q. Fabius Maximus the fourth time and P. Decius Mus the third were concerting their Affairs that one should attack the Samnites the other the Tuscans what Forces would be sufficient for each Province and which of them would be most proper to manage each War Ambassadors from Sutrium Nepete and Falerii advertise them That the States of Tuscany were now consulting in their Diets about a Treaty of Peace Whereupon they turned the whole bulk of the War upon the Samnites For the readier provision of Grain and Victuals and that the Enemy might
be the more to seek where the Tempest would first fall upon them the Consuls led their Legions into Samnium two different ways Fabius through the Territories of Sora and Decius along by the Sidicins Being come up to the Enemies Consines both of them immediately spread their Forces to Forrage the Country yet warily sent out their Scouts before them by whom they had advice That the Enemy lay in readiness about a blind Valley or untoward Pass near Tifernum designing as soon as the Romans should be got into it to set upon them from the higher Grounds Fabius having disposed of his Baggage in a place of safety under a small Guard and given his Soldiers notice That a Battel was towards marches in good order directly to the aforesaid Ambuscade the Samnites then despairing to do any good by surprize since their Design was discovered and seeing the matter must once at length come to an open dispute and decision were themselves pretty willing to venture a pitch'd Field and so descended into the Plain and committed themselves to Fortune with greater courage than hopes Whether it were that they had there amass'd together the utmost strength they could make from all parts or whether the consideration that all was at stake inspired them with an unusual Valor certain it is that even in fair fighting they held the Romans hard to it and put them into no small fright Insomuch that Fabius seeing he could not make them flinch in any part commanded two Colonels M. Fulvius and M. Valerius that were with him in the Front to go to the Horse and tell them That if ever the Commonwealth were to be assisted by the Service of the Cavalry they should this day strive to render the glory of their Order invincible and eternal for now the Enemy had stood the utmost shocks of the Infantry and no hopes left but in a brisk Charge from the Horse and withal he encouraged these two young Gentlemen by name both with commendations and large promises of Reward But when neither this attempt of the Horse could make any Impression concluding That Artifice must effect what down-right Force could not accomplish he orders Scipio a Commissary General to retreat out of the Front with the Hastati or Javelyneers of the first Legion and march them round about as secretly as possibly he could to the top of the next Hills and from thence on a sudden to fall upon the back of the Enemy The Horse led by the two Colonels advancing before the Standards unexpectedly disordered their own Men as much as they did the Samnites who received them gallantly and repulsed them so that they were forced to fall back again behind the Ensigns and troop'd out of the Battel This encouraged the Enemy nor had the Fore-front been able after so tedious a Conflict to sustain their Violence still encreasing upon confidence of a Victory had it not been reinforc'd by the Consuls command with the second Battalions coming up and relieving them who being fresh put a stop to the braving Samnites and at the same time the Ensigns opportunely appearing on the Hill behind and a shout from thence did not only terrifie them with a just apprehension of danger but the same was made far greater by a mistake For both the Consul Fabius cryed out That his Colleague Decius was come and all the Soldiers repeated the same Note with the highest Joy O the other Consul the other Legions are yonder at hand An happy error to the Romans but fatal to the Samnites causing them to be surprized with a Fright and to run away as fast as they could lest they should be hem'd in and by these fresh Forces cut to pieces now they were already weary and over-toil'd The slaughter was not so great as might be expected from such a Victory because they dispersed themselves every way in their flight there being only 3400 of them slain and almost 330 taken Prisoners together with Three and twenty Colours The Apulians had join'd the Samnites before this Battel if the other Consul Decius had not intercepted and routed them at Maleventum There too there was more flying than killing for there were not above two thousand of them slain and Decius making no reckoning of that Enemy advanc'd into Samnium where the two Consular Armies marching several ways over-run the Country and laid all wast before them for five whole months together Decius encamp'd at no fewer than five and forty and the other Consul at Eighty six several places in Samnium during that Expedition leaving behind them not only the Monuments of their Rampires and Ditches but other more notable marks of Desolation throughout those Regions Fabius likewise took the City Cimetra where there were taken Two thousand four hundred armed Men and slain Four hundred and thirty or near thereabouts Thence by reason of the approaching Elections he hastned back to Rome and when at first all the Wards chose him the said Q. Fabius to be again Consul for the next year Appius Claudius a Person of Consular Dignity and one of the Candidates but a Man hot and ambitious not so much for his own Honor as that the Patricians might recover into their hands both the Places of the Consulship endeavored with all his own Interest and that of the whole Nobility That he might be Elected the other Consul with Fabius When Fabius at first began to excuse himself with such kind of Arguments as he used last Year the Nobles flock'd about his Chair in a full Body intreating him That he would pluck out the Consular Dignity from the Plebeian dirt and restore the antient Majesty both to the Office it self and the Patrician Families to whom of right it appertain'd Fabius after silence made with a kind of trimming Oration qualified their Heats telling them That he would endeavor the People should accept of the Names of two Patricians if they would pitch upon some other Man besides himself for he would not now suffer himself to be put in Nomination since the same being against the Laws would be of very pernicious Example to after Times So Lucius Volumnius a Commoner was chosen Consul with Appius Claudius who serv'd the same Office together before But the Nobles ceased not to reproach Fabius for refusing to accept for his Colleague App. Claudius a Person for Eloquence and dexterity in managing Civil Affairs scarce to be parallel'd The Elections thus over the old Consuls were ordered to carry on the War in Samnium their Commands being continued for six months longer so that P. Decius in Quality of Pro-Consul proceeded to spoil and harrass all parts so long till at last he drove the Samnite Army quite out of their Country who made for Tuscany and thinking they might in such a Troop of armed Men by intreaties intermix'd with threats obtain what by so many Embassies they had desired in vain did demand to have a Diet or General Council of the chief Men of Etruria to be
Consuls from the prosecution of the War a Viceroy was set up This Viceroy L. Posthumius Megellus is declar'd Consul in those Assemblies he call'd himself a thing without a former Precedent except that of Appius Claudius which no honest Men approv'd But Posthumius manag'd his Office with as great insolence as he took it upon him For being vainly arrogant A. U. 462 both for his birth and his now third Consulship he formerly contemn'd his Colleague C. Junius Brutus a Plebeian by birth as one much his inferiour But as soon as they began to consider about the Provinces he would neitheâ— divide nor cast Lots with Brutus for them demanding the manage of the Samnite War out of course as his due because he said he had done such great exploits against that Enemy in his two former Consulships The business being canvassed in the Senate with great debate when C. Junius saw that being an upstart he could not obtain his right against the Interest and Power of his Colleague lest the variance of the Consuls should incommode the Public he declar'd at last that he yielded of his own accord to his Colleague The Pestilence as yet rag'd terribly in the City and the Country which now after three years could not be abated by any divine or humane remedy whatsoever though Men had try'd all Therefore either by the command of the Books of the Sybils or the Counsel of the Delphic Oracle for this is likewise said ten Ambassadours were sent to fetch Aesculapius from Epidaurus which was esteem'd his native place to Rome For though the Oracle was dark enough and the Senate could not foresee the event yet they were resolv'd to obey the gods making account that they would themselves reveal their own destinies and the order they were to proceed in Hereupon a very strange thing insu'd and manifestly true both from many faithful Historians and also from the building of the Temple dedicated in the Isle of Tyber When the Roman Ambassadours had deliver'd their Commands to the Epidaurians they were civilly receiv'd but because they knew not what might be given 'em to carry away that might be most for their advantage they were brought into the Temple of Aesculapius In most parts of Greece the Temples of this Deity are built in high and open places The Epidaurians also had a Temple five miles distant from the Town which was then very famous and richly furnish'd with the Offerings of those who thought they had recover'd their health there Being got in hither whilst they admire a huge Shrine made by that famous Artist Thrasymedes the Parian a great Snake sliding of a sudden from the Adytum surpriz'd 'em all For the Priests in a devout posture said that the Deity shrowded it self in this form and that when he appear'd in this guise it was look'd on as a happy Omen The Snake was seen for two days in the Temple and afterwards disappear'd again But the third day he went straight through the midst of the croud which gaz'd on and worship'd to the Port where the Roman Galley stood entring into which he lay down in the Cabin of Q. Ogulnius the chief Ambassadour winding himself round in several solds There goes an old Story that the same Aesculapius appearing in the form of a Serpent was drawn by Mules from Sicyon to Epidaurus one Nicagoras the Wife of Echetimus attending him The Romans therefore rejoycing at this sight as much as if they carry'd with 'em the god himself set sail and in few days crossing the Sea arriv'd safely at Antium and afterwards to Rome but whilst they lay here by reason of a storm at Sea the Snake which had not stirr'd all the while creeping out of the Ship slides into the Porch of a Temple the most magnificent in the whole Town and there continuing three days the Ambassadours being sore afraid that he could not be got from thence because all that time he did not return to meals until at last coming aboard again they carry'd him very joyfully to Rome The whole City came out to see this wondrous thing and along the River side where it was brought up Altars were built Incense burnt and Sacrifices offer'd When they were come up as far as the Isle of Tyber the Snake swam over to that Island which was afterwards call'd Aesculapius's Isle and since was never seen The Senate concluding this to be the place chosen by the god decreed that a Temple should be built for Aesculapius there The Sickness whether by that means or because 't was otherwise like to do so ceased The Temple grew famous for rich Offerings and for several persons saying they had been cur'd by that Deity L. Posthumius treated his Colleague with the same insolence in the Province as he had done in the City For when Fabius Gurges who had been Consul the year before by order of the Senate manag'd the Affairs in Samnium instead of the Consul Posthumius wrote to him saucily commanding him to depart out of his Province for that he was able of himself to manage that War Fabius pleads to this the Commands of the Senate that he could not quit a charge the Senate had laid upon him When the news came to Rome they were afraid lest the Commonwealth should suffer by the difference of the Consuls Wherefore 't was determin'd that Ambassadours should be sent to the Consul to require him in the Senates name to let Fabius act as General in Samnium To this they say that as his answer was impudent and saucy so it had one expression that imply'd an extraordinary churlishness in the Man namely that as long as he was Consul he ought not to obey the Senate but the Senate him and that he might not seem more insolent in words than in fact he dismisses the Ambassadours presently and marches with his Army to Cominium which Fabius besieg'd then intending if he could not otherwise remove his Competitor to fight with him What a shameful sight would the Roman Army have afforded to the Enemy had Fabius resisted as senselesly as he was urg'd But Fabius being a more moderate Man both in his temper and by reason of his Fathers counsels declaring beforehand that he quitted his right not for fear of the Consul but for the Commonwealths-sake departed the Province Cominium in few days was taken by Posthumius who from thence march'd against Venusia and having taken it carry'd the War about to other Towns whereof he won very many partly by force and partly upon surrender Of the Enemies in that Expedition ten thousand were slain six thousand and two hundred delivering their Arms yielded upon discretion The Actions of the Consul in this War were indeed very considerable had not his haughty behaviour reflected a great blemish upon 'em insomuch that when he wrote to the Senate and advertis'd 'em that the City Venusia and the Country thereabout would be a most fit place for a Colony The thing it self was lik'd 't
him he had put to death Having given this Man a Guard of Soldiers he return'd with the rest of his Forces being eight thousand Foot and five hundred Horse into his own Kingdom now in the sixth year after he had come from thence In the mean while when the Centuriate assemblies were held at Rome and that it was thought Pyrrhus would renew the War they determined to make Curius Consul the second time because he of all Men had managed the business most handsomly against that King and therefore seem'd a Person of the greatest stroak and fortune to go through with the rest of the War Of the Nobility Ser. Cornelius Merenda was made Consul his late Atchievements and glory advancing him and also the recommendation of his Kinsman under whom he had bore Arms in the last Campagne These Consuls bent the effort of their Arms against the Lucanians Samnites and Brutians who defended themselves rather by strength of places than by Arms so that no Action could be perform'd comparable to the rest Yet this did not in the least impair Curius's glory whilst all were of Opinion that the warlike King would not onely be affraid for the blow he had receiv'd but also because Curius would be made General again to fight against him Therefore the whole honour of ending this War and routing Pyrrhus out of Italy ought to be ascribed to this Great Man The next year after Curius's third Consulship the first Embassy came from the Kings of Alexandria with A. U. 480 Presents to Rome in the Consulship of C. Corso and C. Claud. Canina Ptolomy surnam'd Philadelphus upon intelligence of Pyrrhus's flight sent to congratulate the Romans and to desire an Alliance with them The Senators thought it highly honourable and a great happiness thus to be courted by Kings so potent and remote of their own accord for their Alliance therefore they received the Ambassadours civilly and enter'd into Alliance with Ptolomy Moreover they nominated persons of the greatest Quality to go Ambassadours to the King to ratifie the Alliance and to return the Complement namely Q. Fabius Gurges a Consular Person and with him Caius Fabius Pictor Numerius Fabius Pictor and Q. Ogulnius When these were gone the Consuls fought with good success against those Italian Nations who out of necessity and despair continued yet in Arms but that the actions of one of the Consuls exceeded the others may be collected from the Triumph of C. Claudius Canina had over the Samnites Lucanians and Brutians in his Consulship at the Feast Romulus But these Joys for successes abroad were somewhat disturbed by Sextilia a Vestal Virgin convicted of Incest and thought to have incens'd the Gods against the City by her Irreligion but the anger of the Gods was appeas'd by Sacrifices and Atonements and the Nun suffering the punishment due to so great a Crime was buried alive at the Collatine Gate The same year Colonies were brought to Cosa of the Volscians and Paestum in Lucania called by the Greeks Possidonia This place the Lucanians had taken from the Sybarites and now it was newly subjected to the Romans The year following was more remarkable wherein not only the War against the Samnites and others but also against the Tarentines was ended L. Papirius Cursor and Sp. Carvilius Consuls the second time having the Lucanians Brutians Samnites and Tarentines for their Provinces by their great Exploits and undertakings answer'd the expectations they A. U. 481 had rais'd being both chosen on purpose in hopes to conclude the War that year and the Samnites being totally subdued by Carvilius after a War of seventy one years now with more fidelity than before imbrac'd the conditions of Peace impos'd upon them by the Romans L. Papirius forc'd the Brutians and Lucanians after great slaughters made of them to sue for Peace But as it happens in a War against several bordering People Papirius was also ingag'd with the Samnites and Carvilius with the Brutians and Lucanians and both with the Tarentines nor were the Forces of the Tarentines onely defeated but the City it self was taken which whole affair I shall more particularly relate as containing not only the Conquest of this famous City but also the death of King Pyrrhus with the false dealings of the Carthaginians and the source of that Rupture between them and the Romans Pyrrhus two years before had so departed from Italy as by his Garison left behind at Tarentum to give People hopes of his return which soon after being much increas'd by the late successes of that King in Macedonia kept up the spirits of the Italians in their present sufferings for being a Man of an active Spirit who could not long rest he had made War against Antigonus for not aiding him in the business of Italy and having defeated him almost dispossess'd him of his whole Dominions Whence the Romans were theâ— continually affraid lest returning with more Forces into Italy he should raise a greater War than the former But the sudden death of Pyrrhus destroy'd the hopes and remov'd the fears of all People For Pyrrhus insatiably coveting to inlarge his Dominions to the utmost under pretence of re-instating Cleonymus in the Kingdom of Sparta who then had difference with Areus entring Peloponnesus resolv'd to make himself Master thereof likewise and he annoy'd the Lacedaemonians very much though he had in vain attacked their City In the mean time at Argos there were two contrary Parties headed by Aristippus and Aristias the first of which sends for Antigonus the latter for Pyrrhus to help to pull down their Enemies For Antigonus also was come to Peloponnesus to assist the Lacedaemonians against the common Enemy So that the same Night the Forces of both Kings were receiv'd through several Gates into the Town Pyrrhus understanding that his men were press'd hard by the Enemies entring himself likewise into the City when he saw at break of day a figure of a Wolf and a Bull in Brass representing them fighting with one another was astonished at this Omen of his imminent danger For there was an ancient Oracle which said that the place where Aeacides should see a Bull and a Wolf fighting should be fatal to him Therefore he design'd to draw back with his Forces and to retire out of the Town but his Son Helenus meeting him with the reserves and Elephants had stop'd his way and the one endeavouring to get out of the Town and the others to enter in whilst the Enemies bore hardly upon the multitude retiring and the Argives Epirots and Macedonians together with the Spartans and Cretians belonging to Areus and some Elephants were in those narrow streets crouded together and trampled upon one another all was in a hurry and confusion Mean while Pyrrhus whilst he does all he can by his directions exhortations and valour to repel the Enemy and defend his own men receiv'd a light Wound with a Launce from an Argive Youth whose Mother being a poor old Woman was there among
such things whereby men that are like to be conversant in State Affairs may be no less instructed towards the attaining of happiness by Vertue than by Military Actions and Counsels In the Sabine War when there had been so much booty taken that the Historiographer Fabius imagines that the Romans then first of all had the tast of Riches Curius out of such a wealthy Victory assuming to himself nothing but the Credit and Satisfaction of the Performance continu'd in his former austere way of living being both a competent Example and also a severe exactor of publick Abstinence For when the greatest part of the Land taken from the Enemy had been confiscated he allotted not above fourteen Acres to every private mans share and when the Senate would have assign'd him a greater share he was content with the same quantity of ground as the rest had saying that he was an ill Citizen who could not be satisfied with the same as others had Afterwards in this place stood the Villa of Curius among the Sabines in which by chance as he was boyling Rapes the Samnites being newly conquer'd came to him and presented him with a great sum of Gold unto whom he said I had rather have these things in my earthen Vessels and command those men who have Gold Cato the elder possessing some Lands near this Villa came thither often and contemplating upon that small Cottage and spot of ground which that great Man had dig'd with his own hands after three Triumphs remembring also his life led with the greatest abstinence that could be he form'd his Mind to a like generosity in imitation of that Primitive Integrity and simplicity of Curius And in truth they were the fittest Persons to lay the firm foundations of an Empire which might bear up the superstructure and not onely withstand forein Assaults but also scarcely be shaken with its own domestick Vices DECADE II. BOOK XV. Florus his Epitome of the Fifteenth Book of Livy Both Peace and Liberty is granted to the vanquish'd Tarentines The Campanian Legion that treacherously seized Rhegium is besieg'd and upon surrender all Beheaded Some unruly young Noblemen happening to affront the Ambassadours which the Apolloniats sent to the Senate they were all delivered into the Apolloniats hands to be punish'd at discretion Peace granted to the conquer'd Picenes and a Colony planted at Ariminum in that Country and another at Beneventum in Samnium Now and not before the Romans began to use Silver Coin for their Money The Umbrians and Salentines subdued and their submissions accepted The number of Quaestors increased to Eight ALL these Potent Enemies being conquer'd after many Battels and a Peace made in Italy the Lords of the Senate fell now to consider how they might improve their Victories to the best advantage They resolved that all those who had taken Arms against them should forfeit part of their Territories reserving a severe revenge for the Tarentines because their Crime was greater whom they commanded to deliver up their Arms and Shipping and also razed their Walls and impos'd a Tribute upon them but yet they had Liberty and Peace given them Afterwards they judged nothing more necessary than to punish the treachery of that Legion which having circumvented the Rhegians possess'd that Town now for the space of ten years These People foreseeing that the Romans being every day more and more successful their wickedness should not go unaveng'd diligently applied themselves to fortifie their Town and to secure themselves against danger well knowing that what they had got by fraud and rapine was to be maintain'd by the same practices Besides their inbred insolence they trusted in their Alliance with the Mamertines and their success against the Carthaginians and against Pyrrhus whereby they had try'd the courage of their People having soon forc'd the Enemies to quit their attempts of besieging them So that the Rebels and desertors were grown so bold that they took Croton by treachery kill'd the Roman Garison and destroy'd the Town L. Genucius therefore who bore the Consulship with C. Quinctius that year was order'd to do justice upon these matters who having forc'd the Traitors within their Walls besieg'd the Town But whilst they made great resistance with their own Forces and those of the Mamertines the Consul after considerable losses was streightned also for Provision until Hiero King of Syracuse supply'd him with Men and Victuals for he being an Enemy to the Mamertines hated also their Allies of Rhegium He was also induc'd hereunto by the consideration of the Roman greatness whom he thought to make his Friends against future occasions by obliging them first Thus at last the Town being forc'd to surrender it self the Consul dismiss'd the Mamertines obliging them to certain Conditions and punish'd the Thieves and Desertors that had got to Rhegium as to a Sanctuary but he carried the Legionary Soldiers to Rome that the Senate might take a course with them Hereupon a great Example of the Roman Discipline follow'd The Senate first of all commanded that all those who had been brought by the Consul should be imprison'd and from thence be brought to Execution Afterwards when a Tribune of the Commons had remonstrated against this act of the Senate declaring That the lives of Roman Citizens should not be taken away contrary to the Laws and Customs of their Ancestors the clamours of the Tribunes were contemned by the resolute Senators and the Malefactors punish'd but to take away the invidiousness of such a sad action lest the People should regret to see such a company of men suffer death together they brought them out by fifty in a day and after they had scourg'd them strook off their Heads The Senate order'd that their Bodies should not be buried nor any mourning made for them D. Jubellius who had liv'd blind till that time that he might die with greater torment kill'd himself in Prison Following most Authors in the Point I have related that the whole Legion consisting of four thouand men was beheaded But I hold that a more true account which is given by Polybius namely that they had taken alive no more than three hundred of that Legion the rest chusing by manful resistance to die by the Sword when the City was taken as knowing that after such enormous Crimes nothing else could be expected from a surrender of themselves but greater tortures and a more infamous death The Town of Rhegium was restor'd to the former Inhabitants as many of them as could be found out and they enjoy'd their Liberty and Laws as before This act of Justice mightily encreas'd the reputation of the Roman Commonwealth and the Italians and neighbouring Nations lov'd them no less for this action than they fear'd them for their Arms. Afterwards when Genucius and Cornelius were Consuls they had War with the Sarsinates a Race of Vmbrians inhabiting the Appennine but upon what cause these took Arms and upon what confidence they durst oppose a Power so
coming from Epirus in their Towns and Ports But the commodiousness of the Haven of Brundusium which with the Wind blowing from the same Point receives and sends forth Vessels together with the easie passage into Dalmatia and Albania from thence as also the convenience of having their Dominions terminated by the bounds of Italy were deemed the most important reasons of the War Both the Consuls triumph'd over these people in one day being the 20th of February The Sallentines being overcome they took Brundusium the most eminent Town in that quarter and atchiev'd other matters very prosperously being assisted as they gave out by Pales the Goddess of Shepherds said to have requested for reward of the Victory a Chappel to be consecrated for her A. U. 487 at Rome The greater part of the Sallentines being subdued by these men the Consuls of the year following compleated the Victory their names were Numerius Fabius C.F.M.N. and Decius Junius D. F.D by these the Vmbrians and Sallentines also were subjected to the Roman Yoke Thus Italy being conquer'd where it is bounded by the Seas and the Po the Roman Power immediately began to be magnify'd by the hopes of some and fear of others in the neighbouring Islands and the Continent lying to the Ionian and Adriatic Seas For those who desir'd to aggrandize themselves by oppressing others were affraid to be hinder'd in their designs by the Romans whilst others on the contrary imbrac'd their aid as sent from Heaven against the outrages of their Adversaries The Apollonians first of all desired by their Ambassadours to be admitted into an Alliance with the Romans The Town of Apollonia is distant from the Sea sixty furlongs being built by the Corinthians and Corcyreans it has a commodious Harbour and the shortest passage from Brundusium into Greece lies that way the Illyrians and Macedonians inhabit about it therefore the people can hardly maintain their ground against their ambitious and potent Neighbours The Embassie was graciously received by the Senate not regarding so much the Wealth and Power of that People being but small as future hopes and opportunity open'd for greater matters in reversion whence the punishment taken upon some young Noblemen for beating the Ambassadours in a scuffle was the greater for neither could the dignity of his Office for he was Edile nor the nobleness of his Extract rescue Q. Fabius from being deliver'd up to the Apollonians for that misdemeanour Q. Apronius likewise an Edile and an Accomplice in the same Crime was surrendered to the Apollonians for the Senate decreed that these should be deliver'd by the Heralds to the Apollonian Ambassadours and that a Questor should go along with them to Brundusium lest the Relations of the persons surrendred should offer any injury to the Ambassadours in their Journey This was a signal demonstration both of the justice of the State and of their prudence too for whilst by an Opinion of honesty they desir'd to attract the minds of forein Nations to an Amity with them it nearly concern'd them in some signal manner to revenge the Affronts offer'd to those who first came to propose an Alliance with them for nothing could have prov'd more prejudicial to their Interest than to let matters come to such a pass that the Apollonians should have cause to repent of their action and others for their Example And hence in after-times it went for a constant Rule that those who had beaten the Ambassadours of a free People should be delivered into the hands of those to whom the Ambassadours belonged The Apollonians however when these persons were brought to them wisely considering that they should reap more good by their Humanity than Revenge sent them home safe This year both the Consuls triumph'd twice D. Junius before the 27th of September and Numerius Fabius before the 5th of October over the Sarsinates a people of Vmbria Fabius also the first of February and Junius the 5th triumph'd over the Sallentini and some Messapians assistants to then Neighbours the Sallentini This yeâ—r was made an end of the Italian Wars for the War which was wâ—g'd the year following Q. A. U. 488 Fabius Gurges being the third time Consul having for his Colleague L. Manilius Vitulus was not against a just Enemy but onely a Revenge taken upon recreant Villains in behalf of Allies The Volsinians a powerful People of Hetruria implor'd the protection of the Romans against their quoudam Slaves for whether it were in hopes to recruit their strength impair'd by former Wars or to indulge themselves in ease shunning the toil of War they imprudently permitted their Slaves being made Freemen to bear Arms and afterwards communicating Honours to them chose some of thâ—m for Senators and some for other Offices in the State so that these in a short time over-topping the ancient Citizens and wresting the Power into their own hands most impudently exercised their liberty against those men to whom they were indebted for it So that now it became their common Trade to ravâ—sh the hâ—nourable Dames and Virgins to answer the complaints of Parents and Husbands for these injuries with mockery and reproaches instead of redress and correction of the Offenders and to plunder destroy and harrass all things as they pleas'd themselves And not to pass by a signal demonstration of thâ—t brutish impudence to which servile Spirits may arrive when they have power on their side they published a Law whereby the Libertines were authoriz'd to ravish the Wives and Daughters of their Pations and that every Maid that was to many a Freeman should first be deflâ—wr'd by one that had been a Slave Now the old Volsinians being neither able to endure these miseries nor yet to remove them with their own strength entring into private consult determin'd to send Ambassadours to Rome who by addresses underhand prevail'd to have the Senate assembled in a private House for they foresaw that the thing if it should be discover'd would undo them declared in a lamentable harangue the calamities of their City whereat the Senate being moved promised to assist that distressed people in order to the recovering of their ancient rights and priviledges But whilst these matters were thought to have been transacted Incognito they were discovered by a certain Samnite to those very men against whom all the complaint was made This Fellow being a Guest to the Master of that House when the Senate assembled lay ill and being forgotten stay'd behind in that place whereby he over-heard and betray'd the whole matter The Ambassadours therefore being returned from Rome were put to the torture and the business being found out both they and the chief Men of the City were barbarously murthered This gave a juster pretence for making a War and Q Fabius was sent with an Army against them who defeated them in Battel and slew a great number of them in the pursuit and as for those who betook themselves into their fortresses he resolved to attack them by storm but whilst they
neglecting to arm themselves against casualties This happen'd at that time to the Carthaginians who not content to have repuls'd the Enemy from their Camp must needs pursue him and sally out of their Lines and Works fondly imagining that it was their Valour and not the strength of their fortifications which had beaten the Romans But when they had got out of that Streight wherein they were secur'd the fortune of the Battel alter'd with the place and a great number of them was slain the rest fled away some into the Camp and some as they could shift best for themselves into the circumjacent Towns Nor durst they thenceforwards stir abroad out of their Post during Claudius's stay at Messana The Consul likewise by reason of the difficulty of the place and its uneasie access concluding it unadvisable to fight again not to lose any more time there makes an inroad into the borders of the Syracusans and the Allies leaving a Garison at Messina and when he had wasted the Country without any opposition he was so encouraged thereby as to venture with his Army forwards and advance towards Syracuse it self There they fought with variable fortune and the Consul himself was once in great danger and had been incompass'd by the Enemies unless he had prevented it in time by sending to Hiero one of his Confidents to treat with him Hiero likewise sent one of his Friends And so the Parley being begun and prolong'd on purpose the Consul insensibly got out of this dangerous difficulty into a place of greater security The Syracusans coming after held several Conferences with the Romans touching a Peace and the thing had been concluded if Hiero would have approv'd it The best part of that year was spun out in these Treaties and then the Consul return'd to Messana and from thence having left some Squadrons of men to defend the Mamertines passed over with the rest to Rhegium soon after he departed thence to his Triumph at Rome which he celebrated with universal applause for conquering Hiero and the Carthaginians because that it was the first Triumph which was obtain'd for the Conquest of transmarine Nations This was the first time the Romans attempted any action by Sea and this was the success of their Arms in Sicily But yet these transactions as also those that follow'd have been mis-represented through the prejudice of the Historians whilst the chief of them Philinus the Agrigentine and Fabius Pictor the Roman the one favouring the Carthaginians the other his own Countrymen preserv'd neither faith nor sincerity in their Histories These mens levity is justly taxed by Polybius For if it be counted an execrable thing by a false evidence to trepan and circumvent a private Person in matters of lesser moment how much more heinous is an Historians fault think you thus to corrupt and falsifie the Actions of States and Princes who ought in duty to prefer nothing not life it self before the truth being the more inexcusable because he cannot have any pretence to tell a lye who if upon any account he is barr'd from speaking truth to the best of his knowledg might then certainly have held his peace But now whilst Claudius conquer'd Hiero and the Carthaginians M. Fulvius the other Consul ended the Siege of the Volscinians and by starving them reduc'd a People that would have been unconquerable by force because of their desperation Upon the surrender of the place those insolent ungrateful Libertines were tortur'd to death the City it self was demolish'd and the rest of the Volscinians with such Slaves as had been obedient to their Masters went to those places of settlement which were assign'd to them This War was likewise thought worthy of a Triumph which the Consul celebrated as if it had been over the Volscinians the first day of November The same year Cn. Cornelius and C. Marcius the Censors perform'd the Lustration 29224 Citizens were polled a great number and almost incredible to one that considers how many men were lost in the Wars which from the first foundation of Rome hardly ever ceased as also what multitudes of people were swept away by the Plague and other malignant distempers which caus'd as great mortality as the Wars But yet by communicating the freedoms of their City to Strangers a Policy constantly practis'd ever since the time of Romulus the Author thereof the Commonwealth was render'd insuperable by any losses or calamities whatsoever For neither could the foils and damages it receiv'd from Pyrrhus nor the many Shipwracks in the first Punic War nor could Thrasymen and Caunae dash and weaken its strength but after its losses it reviv'd and flourish'd more gloriously than before Whereas in Greece those great Masters of Military Affairs and not inferiour to the Romans the Lacedaemonians by reason of their prohibiting all Commerce with Strangers could neither long maintain the Empire they had acquir'd nor preserve their private liberty always but when one thousand and no more Spartans fell in the Battel of Leuctra the whole power of the City was broken by this one blow Again when at Sellasia six thousand of the Spartans had been kill'd thâ—ir whole liberty was lost also But the Argives Inhabitants of the same Peloponnesus imparting the piviledges of their community to all their Neighbours and uniting them to their own selves erected a glorious well-form'd Republick a Republick that would have lasted it out for many years had not the madness of some few Hot-headed Fellows provok'd the Romans who were then extending their Empire on every side to the ruin of themselves and their Country too Such diversities of events must needs follow from such different counsels and practices for as it naturally follows that a body refresh'd by wholesom nourishment to a just measure proves stronger and more long-liv'd than the same would have been if content barely with its inward moisture it had refus'd all kind of aliment from without so those Cities have ever been more flourishing which knew how to make any thing their own which was excellent and praise-worthy whatever Climate it was to be found in than if they had follow'd the Manners of those people who through an over-weening conceit of themselves despise what is not of their own Countries growth and thereby rob themselves of several fair supports and advantages both for the acquiring and the maintaining of their Power The same year first gave birth to a very barbarous Custom afterwards immoderately practis'd for to spill humane blood for the gratifying of any whiffling Fellow that was a looker on arrived to be a publick pastime and divertisement The Authors of which inhumane butchery were M. and D. Junius Brutus who to adorn and solemnize their deceased Fathers funerals with some strange and unheard of Rites and Devotions set out a Match or Prize of Gladiators which took mightily with the People But the Pestilence reveng'd this injury done to Humanity raging most violently for two years after which upon consulting the Sibyls Books
the Senate order'd that some Ceremonies used for the expiating of Prodigies should be perform'd because that in Monte Albano A. U. 496 and many other places and even in the City it self it had rain'd Stones as thick as Hail It was order'd that the Latine Holy-days should be renew'd and a Dictator chosen for that end Q. Ogulneius Gallus was the Dictator and M. Letorius Plancianus his Deputy C. Atilius who commanded the Fleet arriving at Tyndaris in Sicily destroy'd the Punic Navy sailing by in a disorderly manner and resolv'd to aâ—tack â—t and accordingly having order'd the rest of the Fleet to follow him he with ten Galleys which could be first fitted advances against the Carthaginians who were got pretty far before by the help of their Oars and Sails which they ply'd with all their might and main Hamilcar was then in that Fleet a great Commander who seeing but few Ships near him and others scarce yet got out of the Haven and that the greatest part yet lay at Anchor tack'd about and with his whole Fleet encompass'd C. Atilius and his Ships Nine Galleys were sunk presently being over-pour'd by the numbers of the Enemy after they had fought it stoutly But the Admiral by the help of her Oars and the Rowers being encourag'd by the presence of the Consul forc'd its way through and sav'd her self For now there were other Galleys of the Romans come up which chang'd the fortune of the Battel and then there were eight Galleys of the Carthaginians sunk ten with their Rowers taken the rest steer'd their course towards the Liparean Isles These were their Actions at Sea Their Land-forces acted more slowly having attack'd Lipara in vain but they wreck'd their fury upon such places as were open laying them wast and the same Calamity reach'd the Island of Malta not far distant For these Atchievemâ—nts C. Atilius the Consul had a Naval Triumph for his Victory over the Carthaginians The same year Atilius triumph'd over the Carthaginians in Sicily the 19th of January Thus prosperously did the Roman Affairs succeed so that they now being superiour at Sea as well as at Land began to consult not onely about Sicily and the adjacent Isles the Conquest of which they made sure of but also of invading Affrica and carrying the terrour of the War to the very Gates of Carthage DECADE II. BOOK XVIII Florus his Epitome of the Eighteenth Book of Livy Atilius Regulus being Consul overthrows the Carthaginians in a Sea-fight invades Affrick and there kills a Serpent of a prodigious bigness not without a great slaughter of his Soldiers He having fought several Battels with the Carthaginians with advantage and the Senate by reason of his success continuing him in his Command he himself by his Letters complains thereof and desires a Successâ—r assiâ—ning amâ—ngst other things this reason for it because the Farm his Family liv'd upon lay untill'd being deserted by his Bailiffs and Husbandmen After this Fortune being willing to shew an Eminent Example in this Gentleman of a glorious Adversity as well as a great Prosperity he is overthrown and taken Prisoner by one Zantippus a Lacedaemonian whom the Carthaginians had entertain'd for their General The Roman Navies suffer'd grievous Shipwrecks which eclips'd the Glory of all their former successes either at Sea or Land Tib. Caruncanus Created High Priest the first Commoner that ever enjoy'd that dignity P. Sempronius Sophus and Manius Valerius Maximus the Censors calling over the Senate turn'd out thirteen Members fâ—r misdemeanours And held a survey of the whole City and registred to the number of 297797 Heads Regulus is sent by the Carthaginians to the Senate to treat for a Peace or if that could not be obtain'd for exchaâ— of Prisoners Vpon his Parole to return again if the same were not granted But he himself persâ—aded the Senate to deny both and to discharge his Promise goes back where he is put to death by the Carthaginians with most exquisite Tortures THE Consuls next were L. Manilius surnamed Longus and Q. Ceditius who dying in his Office was succeeded by M. Atilius Regulus second time Consul Affrica having hitherto been exempt A. U. 497 from all acts of Hostility first felt the War this year the Romans entring the Country after a signal Victory gain'd by them over the Carthaginian Fleet. All which Affairs as they happen'd as also Regulus his adverse and prosperous fortune and undeserv'd death we shall describe in this Book The year before C. Atilius being Consul the Carthaginians notwithstanding in a Sea-fight they first retreated with the loss of many of their Ships yet look'd upon themselves not inferiour to their Enemies because they had sunk some of their Galleys also whilst the Romans reckon'd themselves to have gain'd a signal Victory Hence the two Nations with equal Courage and Emulation apply'd themselves to Maritime Affairs And in pursuance hereof the Consuls being order'd to transfer the War into Affrica arrived at Messina with three hundred and thirty sail of Ships under their Command and from thence leaving Sicily on the right hand pass'd by Paclinyus to take in some Foot-Companies then quarter'd about the Hill Ecnomus and Hamilcar the Carthaginian General and Hanno the Admiral with three hundred and sixty sail put over from Carthage to Lilybeum and from thence taking their course to Heraclea Minoa posted themselves in that Port watching the Enemies motions and intending to stop their passage to Affrica The Consuls inform'd hereof prepar'd themselves diligently to encounter either danger so that whether they should come to a tryal of skill by Sea or make any descent into the Country they might not be at a loss when the matter came to the push Having therefore mann'd their Ships with the best and most couragious Soldiers they divided their whole Fleet into four Squadrons the first Squadron being composed of the first Legion the second and third of the two other Legions and the fourth of the Triarii The Forces were ordered in this manner Every Ship carried three hundred Seamen and one hundred and twenty Soldiers so that the whole Fleet made about one hundred and forty thousand men which number was somewhat exceeded by the Carthaginians having aboard their Navy one hundred and fifty thousand men but for all that the Consuls looked on the Carthaginian Soldiery no ways comparable to their own but seeing they were to fight upon the main Sea where the swiftest Saylors and the most skilful Seamen have the advantage their chiefest care was to range their Fleet in such an order as might best incounter this danger At last they rang'd their Fleet in this manner the two Galleys wherein the Consuls were they placed in the front to both which they joyn'd the first and second Squadron in two Lines one directly opposite to the other the Ships standing with their Prows outward the two Admirals rode almost side by side but those Ships next to them stood at a greater distance asunder which still
to put off the Affrican Expedition Nor did the Carthaginians oppose them though they had once resolved among themselves to stop them in their Voyage But Hanno hastening before to fortifie Carthage Hamilcar durst not stir but kept at Heraclea whilst the Roman Fleet were neither incommoded by the Enemy nor the weather in their Voyage There were those that fear'd this long Expedition and trembled at the very name of Affrica and Mannius a Colonel was one of those who refus'd to obey the Orders of the Consul but Regulus being highly inrag'd against the man threatned to take off his head if he would not submit Thus at length the Consul was obey'd a nearer and greater terrour expelling all fears of the Journey There is a Promontory called Hermeum which from the Bay of Carthage runs out far into the Sicilian Sea The foremost of the Roman Galleys arrived upon that Coast and there staying a while till the whole Fleet had come up the Consuls passing by the Affrican shore came to the Town Here the Legions first landed and the Ships being hal'd ashore some works were made to defend them the City was invested because it would not surrender at first and being either deliver'd up or quitted by the affrighted Inhabitants for both is reported fell into the hands of the Romans And now though the Carthaginians labour'd under great distresses yet they were very glad that things had fallen out better to them than they expected For they feared hearing the success of their men at Sea that the Romans would have marched out-right to the Walls of Carthage upon which taking heart again they applied themselves to raise Forces and to defend the City and the Territories belonging to it The Consuls in the mean while having dispatch'd a Message to Rome both to inform the Senate of what was already done and also to consult them upon the present juncture of Affairs fortifie Clupea intending it for their Head-quarters and having placed a Garison in it for the defence of the Town and the Country marched on with the rest of their forces wasting that fertile and well-cultivated Country which had not seen an Enemy since the time of Agathocles they destroyed likewise many stately Palaces and carried away abundance of plunder besides above twenty thousand men none daring to oppose them They likewise took several Towns by storm and surrender wherein they found some desertors and set at liberty great numbers of Roman Citizens taken in the last Wars among whom I take Cn. Cornelius to have been who was again made Consul two years after In the mean while those that had been sent by the Consuls to Rome returned with the Senates Commands whereby One of the Consuls was order'd to stay in Affrica with such a part of their Forces as they should judg necessary to keep there without prejudice to the Commonwealth and the other to bring the rest of the Fleet and Forces to Rome So now Winter approaching M. Regulus remained behind with near fifteen thousand Foot five hundred Horse and forty Galleys the rest of the Fleet under the conduct of L. Manlius who safely pass'd the Coasts of Sicily returned to Rome laden with abundance of spoils and Slaves We find there were twenty thousand Slaves brought to Rome by Manlius and that a A. U. 498 Naval Triumph was decreed to him After this Ser. Fulvius Paetinus Nobilior and M. Aemilius Paulus were made Consuls to these Sicily and the Fleet were assign'd in charge They were unwilling to call Regulus home in the midst of his Victories and successes in Affrica and therefore he was commanded to manage the War in Affrica with the Character of Proconsul This Decree of the Senate none dislik'd so much as that very Person in honour of whom it was made who therefore complain'd in a Letter to the Senate among others giving this reason for his desiring one to be sent in his room that by the death of his Steward who was intrusted with the tilling of a little Field of his of seven acres in Pupinia a hir'd servant of his had taken this opportunity to run away carrying with him his Houshold-stuff wherefore his presence was requisite lest his Farm being neglected his Wife and Children should be starv'd upon which the Senate decreed that M. Regulus his Land should be till'd at the Public charge the Goods he had lost restor'd him and maintenance given to his Wife and Children These were the manners of those golden days But as oft as I read or write of such things I cannot but reflect with my self how much more lasting is the reward that accrues to men by Valour and Virtue than by Riches for the glory of M. Regulus survives so many Ages after him while the vastest Wealth perishes with and often before its Owners The Carthaginians mean while having constituted two Generals Asdrubal the Son of Hanno and Bostar call'd for a third Hamilcar out of Sicily who came speedily from Heraclea to Carthage with five thousand Foot and five hundred Horse These having held consultation together determined that their Army should be kept no longer within Walls as they had done till then and that the Romans were not to be suffered to act as they did at pleasure Then fir'd with eager resolutions to fight they led out their Army while Regulus over-running all the Country around came at last to the River Bagrada and when he was incamped there a sudden disaster befell his Army which was attended with some damage and greater terrour For a Serpent of prodigious Size set upon the Soldiers going for Water and the men being astonished and in vain resisting the Serpent swallowed up some of them in her jaws and bruised others twisting her self round about and lashing them with her Tail some also were destroyed by the venomous scent of this Monsters breath nay Regulus was so pester'd by it that he was forced with all his Army to come and fight for the possession of the River But seeing that he lost many men and yet could neither wound nor conquer the Serpent being arm'd with such thick scales as defended her from the Darts they threw at her he order'd Engines to be planted and thus with battering Rams they were forced to storm the Enemy like to some Castle After some shot made in vain a huge stone broke her Chine and so cool'd the impetuousness and fierceness of this formidable Monster and at last with much ado the Serpent was kill'd which had occasion'd so great terrour to the Legions and Cohorts that Regulus protested he had rather storm Carthage than have the same to do again with such another Monster But the Romans could incamp no longer there for the noisomness of this Serpents Carcass which corrupted the water with gore and infected the Country round with the scent And here Humane pride may blush at its own folly whilst it fancies nothing able to withstand its power This is certain that one Serpent alive engag'd the
Friend and shar'd with them in their g eâ—tâ—â—â— Victory He came to Rome to see certain Games that were design'd to be celebrated the year following For the third Secular Games according to some Authors were celebrated during the Consulships of P. Cornelius Lentulus Caudinus and C. Licinius Varus as we have hinted before M. Aemilius and Livius Salinator were appointed as Stewards to prepare all things for the setting out of these Games In the mean time the Princes of the Boii being back'd and strengthen'd with numerous Troops of Auxiliaries A. U. 517 of the Transalpine Gauls sent to the Consuls to demand That the Town and Territory of Ariminum should be restored to them for to these places they pretended an indisputable Right and Title which if not comply'd with they threatned the Romans with a bloody and most destructive War The Consuls had not as yet got their Forces together so that fearing to expose a handful of Men to so much hazard and yet unable to grant the Gauls their demands they made Answer That if they had any business they should send their Ambassadours to the Senate The Gauls lik'd this Proposition well enough and a cessation of Arms was concluded betwixt both till the Ambassadours were return'd When the Ambassadours came to Rome the Senate gave them an Answer contrary to their expectations and withal made great preparations to oppose this inundation which afterwards came to nothing Fortune alone baffling them without the effusion of any Roman blood For whilst the Ambassadours were going homewards the Boii and the Transalpine Gauls quarrell'd among themselves upon this account The Transalpine Army unknown to the Boii marched to Ariminum which it was suspected they did with a design to possess themselves of that place and hereupon they fell out and having kill'd Ates and Galatus their Kings laying treachery to their charge they endeavoured by force of Arms to expel these Aliens out of their Country Hereupon they fought very desperately and when they had weaken'd and broken one another sufficiently the Transalpine Gauls return'd home and the Romans granted Peace to the Boii having first taken some part of their Country from them This War being so soon ended the Consuls departed into Liguria where P. Lentulus defeated all the Enemies Forces that met him and marching with his Army through their Country took some Castles by storm and others upon surrender And now C. Licinus designing to cross over into Corsica and being not provided with Ships enough to carry over the whole Army at once sent M. Claudius Glycias with part of the Forces before who seeing the Corsi terrified at his arrival and forgetting his Character and place and the duty he owed to his Consul makes a Composition with the Corsi in his own name upon certain Articles intending to ingross to himself all the honour of having reduc'd the Island but Varus arriving with the rest of the Army though the Corsi appeal'd to their Peace made with Claudius never ceas'd his Attacks upon them till he had quite subdued them The Senate to free their people from the reproach of having falsify'd their faith sentenc'd the Author of that dishonourable Peace to be deliver'd up to the Corsi and when he was not receiv'd by them they order'd that he should be executed in Prison L. Cornelius Lentulus Caudinus and Q. Lutatius Cerco were Censors that year but they did not perform the Lustration because Q. Cerco died in his Office Though M. Claudius had been offer'd to be deliver'd to the Corsi and had been afterwards punish'd yet these Barbarians could not be satisfied that the Romans had any just cause afterwards to invade them Wherefore this People who were still uneasie and discontented for these injuries were ready enough to rise again in Arms when they saw their Neighbours the Sardi leading them the way For some secret Promises of the Carthaginians had wheedled the Sardi to raise a Rebellion those Barbarians being prone enough to do so who neither hated their old Masters nor lov'd their new ones over-much When this news came to Rome it filled all people with fear and indignation not for the loss of Sardinia which they valued not so much but because a War with Carthage was like to break out again But because they thought it would prove the easier the sooner it was begun whilst the Carthaginians as yet had not recovered fully their former strength since the late Wars they determined to fall to the business roundly and immediately to declare War with Carthage But the Carthaginians who at this juncture were willing to submit to any terms rather than quarrel with the Romans were so terrified at this news that they dispatch'd several Ambassadours to Rome to treat for a continuation of the Peace but these not prevailing in the business they sent ten of their principal Men to beg in terms of the greatest submission that they might enjoy the Peace which was before concluded But nothing would prevail with this angry and jealous People till one Hanno the youngest of the Ambassadours a person of an undaunted Spirit and a bold Addressor spake thus Ye Romans if you are resolved not to grant us that Peace which we did not buy at your hands for one or two years but for ever restore us again Sardinia and Sicily the price thereof for in private Contracts when a bargain is broken no honest Man will require his Commodities again without restoring the Money paid for the same At which the Romans for shame lest they might A. U. 518 seem to make War upon unjust grounds dismissed the Ambassadours with a better Answer So that now C. Atilius Bulbus one of the Consuls who bore this Office a second time continued in Italy but Tit. Manlius Torquatus to whose lot Sardinia fell went to his Province where having at several times defeated the Enemy he reduced the whole Island and subdued the Sardi for which Victories he triumph'd before the sixth or the Ides of March. These things done and no Enemy appearing the Romans had repose from Arms which occasioned the shutting of Janus his Temple an unusual Spectacle to the warlike City for this sign of Peace had not been seen since Numa's days very near four hundred and forty years before For which reason I think the Romans very unhappy because that after such toils and labours they could never reap the fruits of them for whereas wise Men wage War onely for the sake of Peace this City after so many Wars ended successfully could not often obtain Peace and could never keep it long And now within a few months afte they were alarm'd again and forc'd to part with that Peace the benefits whereof they had but just tasted for both the newly conquer'd Sardi began to shake off the yoak and some like designs of the Corsi were descover'd and at the same time in Italy it self the Ligurians made an insurrection Hereupon L. Posthumius Albinus and Sp. Carvilius Maximus the Consuls were
in that matter because of the old Fewds between his Father and my self yet I must avow That as I rejoiced when Amilcar dyed for this very reason Because if he had lived we had before this time been involv'd in Wars with the Romans so looking upon this Youth an Imp of his as the very Fury and Fire-brand of such a War I cannot but hate and detest him and rather than that should happen do not only think him fit to be surrendred to them to expiate the breach of the League but if no body demanded him to be Transported as far as there is Sea or Land and to be eternally Banish'd to some place so remote as his name might never hereafter reach our Ears nor his turbulent Genius have any influence to disturb the Repose of our State 'T is therefore my judgment That we presently send away Ambassadors to Rome to give the Senate satisfaction and others to Annibal commanding him forthwith to withdraw the Army from Saguntum and to deliver up the said Annibal himself to the Romans according to the League and that a third Ambassy be dispatch'd to the Saguntines to make them reparation for the Injuries they have sustained When Hanno had concluded his Speech there was none thought it necessary to answer him and bandy the matter with words so intirely prepossessed was almost the whole Senate in Annibals favor only they told Hanno That he had made a virulent Harangue and talk'd more like an Enemy than Flaccus Valerius himself the Roman Ambassador To whom afterwards this Answer was return'd That it was not Annibal but the Saguntines themselves that begun the War and that the People of Rome would deal unjustly If they should prefer the new Amity of the Saguntines before that of the Carthaginians who were their most antient Allies Whil'st the Romans thus spend time in Ambassies Annibal finding his Soldiers wearyed with continual Skirmishes and toil in the Works gave them a few days refreshment setting Guards to defend his Galleries and Engines of Battery and in the mean time endeavors to raise the Spirits of his Men sometimes provoking them against the Enemy and sometimes encouraging them with hopes of Booty But when one day he told them They should have the whole Pillage of the City they were so enflam'd and eager that if he had presently led them on no force seem'd able to resist them The Saguntines as they were quiet this while from fighting being neither assaulted by the Enemy nor yet making any Sallies so they ceased not night or day from Fortifying themselves and making a new Retrenchment behind the Breach But after this short Calm the Storm was more furious than ever nor could they tell so various were the Attacks Shouts and Alarms on every side where they should first apply themselves to make Defence Annibal himself was present in Person to hearten on his Soldiers that were driving up a Tower upon Rowlers so high that it over-look'd all the Fortifications of the City which approaching near the Walls well furnish'd in every Story with Catapulta and Balistae two sorts of Engines the first of which shot whole shoals of great Arrows Darts and the like Weapons the other discharg'd showers of great and small Stones they therewith beat off the Defendants and Annibal taking that opportunity sent about Five hundred African Pioneers to undermine the Wall near the bottom nor was it hard to be done being built after the old fashion with Loam instead of Chalk so that it quickly came all tumbling down much further than they had weakned it and through those large Breaches whole Troops of armed Men entred at once into the Town and withal possess'd themselves of a little Hillock and got thither all their Engines and raised a Wall about it so that they might have within the City it self a Bastilion of their own that like a Castle might command all parts on the other hand the Saguntines ran up a Counter-mure to secure that part of the City that was not yet taken Thus both sides fortifie and fight with the utmost diligence and courage yet though they dispute the ground by Inches the City daily grows less and less they still defending stoutly so much as was left until at last scarcity of all Necessaries by reason of the long Siege encreasing and their expectations of relief as fast diminishing the Romans their only hope being so far off and round about them nothing but Enemies they seem'd almost ready to despair yet then for a while their Spirits were bouy'd up by some disturbances amongst the Oretanes and Carpetanes which obliged Annibal himself to repair thither For those People discontented at too rigorous Levies of Soldiers that had been made amongst them had seized some of the Muster-Masters and threatned to revolt but by Annibals sudden arrival in those Parts were quell'd and glad to lay down their Arms. The Siege of Saguntum in the mean time was nothing slackned for Maharbal the Son of Himilco whom Annibal had left Commander in Chief so bestirred himself That neither his own Soldiers nor the Townsmen found any miss of the General This Maharbal had made some fortunate Attacks and with three Rams shattered several parts of the Wall and shewed Annibal at his return every place full of fresh Ruins whereupon the Body of the Army is presently brought up to storm the Castle or main Cittadel it self where a most desperate and bloody Fight was maintain'd with great multitudes slaughtered on each side but in conclusion one part of the said Fortress taken Things being in this extremity there were some small hopes of Peace by the mediation of two Persons Alcon a Saguntine and Alorcus a Spaniard Alcon supposing he could prevail somewhat by way of Entreaty unknown to the Saguntines got by night to Annibal but after he saw all his Lamentations would do no good and that nothing but severe Conditions were propounded as from an incensed Conqueror instead of an Envoy he resolved to turn a Fugitive and so continued with the Enemy alledging That whoever should offer to move his Country-men to a Peace on such terms they would certainly kill him Which terms were these That they should make restitution and satisfaction to the Turditanes for all losses and damages surrender up whatever Gold or Silver they had and departing out of the City but with one suit of Apparel apiece dwell at such place as the Carthaginians should appoint Alcon affirming That the Saguntines would never accept of those Conditions Alorcus replyed Where all things fail the stoutest Courages will fail and be glad to submit to Fortune withal offering himself to carry those Articles and use his endeavors to compass a Peace He was at that time a Soldier in Annibal's Army but publickly profess'd a kindness for the Saguntines with whom he had formerly sojourn'd and been kindly entertained Who having openly surrendred his Arms to the outmost Sentinels pass'd over their Works and was carryed as he
had it been a matter to be determined by Reasoning 't was plain on their side for the League with Asdrubal was not in the same Tenor nor to be compared with that concluded by Lutatius since that of Lutatius had an express Clause that it should hold good and firm If the People of Rome should approve it but in Asdrubals there was no such Exception and besides as by tacite consent for so many years during his Life it was approved of so neither after his Death had they desired to have it altered Yet still put case they should stand wholly to the first Treaty the Saguntines were therein sufficiently comprehended under those general Words The Allies of both Parties excepted For neither was it said The Allies that then were nor that none afterwards should be received into Alliance Since therefore they might by the Treaty assume new Associates who can imagine it just or reasonable either That none should be received into Amity for any merits whatsoever or that being once received they should not be Defended Provided That no Allies of the Carthaginians should be solicited to break with them or having of their own accord revolted from them should be entertain'd into Friendship by the Romans The Roman Ambassadors according to their Instructions went from Carthage into Spain to visit the several Cities there to endeavor to draw them to their Confederacy or alienate them from the Carthaginians They addressed themselves first to the Bargusians by whom being courteously received as weary of the Punick Government they excited several petty Nations beyond Iberus to a desire of Innovations Then they came to the Volscians whose shrewd Answer reported through all Spain wholly averted the rest of the People from joining with the Romans For thus the eldest of their Council accosted them With what face can you Romans desire we should prefer your Amity before that of the Carthaginians Since when the Saguntines had so done they were by you their Allies more cruelly betrayed than by their Enemies the Carthaginians destroy'd For my part I conceive you must go and seek you Confederates where the Calamities of Saguntum were never heard of To the People of Spain the yet smoaking Ruines of that miserable City are as a dolesome Example so an illustrious Warning That none ever hereafter repose confidence on Roman Faith or trust to their Protection Immediately they were commanded to depart the Volscian Territories nor did they afterwards meet with any kinder Language in any Diet or Council in all Spain so that having in vain traversed that Country they went their ways into France There they thought it a new and terrible sight to see them all repair to Council in their Armor for such was the mode of the Country But when extolling the Valor and Glory of the People of Rome and the Grandeur of their Empire the Ambassadors desired They would not allow the Carthaginians who were about to Invade Italy a passage through their Dominions such a laughter and shout was set up as could scarce be appeased by the Magistrates and Graver sort so silly and impudent a request it seem'd to them to think that the French would be such Coxcombs as rather than suffer the War to pass into Italy to turn it upon themselves and expose their own Country to be harassed and ruined for the sake of Strangers But at length the noise being quallified this Answer was returned to the Ambassadors That neither the Romans had deserved so well nor the Carthaginians so ill at their hands that they should embroil themselves or take Arms for the one or against the other But rather on the contrary they had receiv'd Intelligence That the People of their Nation were by the Romans driven out of their antient Possessions in Italy forced to pay Tribute and treated with all sorts of Outrages and Indignities The same or such like Answers they met with in the rest of the French Assemblies nor received any kind Entertainment or friendly Language till they came to Marseilles from whom being their Old Allies and who had narrowly pry'd into all Intrigues they understood That Annibal had already prepossessed the French but withal That they were not like long to continue in good Terms with him they were a People of such a fierce and untractable temper unless continually he fed their Grandees with Gold of which that Nation is most greedy and covetous Having thus pass'd through and amongst the several People of Spain and France the Ambassadors return home to Rome quickly after the Consuls were gone into their respective Provinces and found the Eyes of the whole City altogether intent upon the fortune of the War it being credibly related That the Carthaginians had already pass'd the River Iberus Annibal after the taking of Saguntum being retired to New Carthage for Winter-Quarters and advertised of all that pass'd both at Rome and Carthage and that he was look'd upon not only as the General but the Promoter too and sole cause of the War so soon as he had divided and sold the rest of the Pillage that remained thought good now no longer to conceal his Intentions but assembled the Soldiers of the Spanish Nations and thus discoursed them I believe even you your selves Fellow Soldiers cannot but see that having now reduc'd all the States of Spain to Obedience and Peace we must either lay down our Arms and disband our selves or transfer the War into other Lands for so shall these Nations flourish not only with the advantages of Peace but reap the fruits of War and Victory if we shall bravely endeavor to acquire both Riches and Glory from others Since therefore our Campaign is like shortly to lie at a further distance and it is uncertain when you may again have an opportunity to visit your own homes and what there is dear to every one therefore to such of you as desire to go see your Families and Friends I am willing to give free Pass-ports but withal strictly charge you to be back again here at the Rendezvous early in the Spring That then the Gods being our Assistants we may go in hand with a War that cannot fail to yield us a plentiful Harvest of Wealth and Glory There was not one in a manner to whom this free leave of visiting their Native Homes was not very welcome because they had already a longing to see their Relations which was encreased by the thoughts of being removed to a greater distance from them This rest all Winter between the Labors past and those they were to undergo refresh'd as well their Minds as their Bodies and prepared them to endure all fatigues as briskly as ever In the very beginning of the Spring according to the aforeseid Edict they came again to a Rendezvous and Annibal having taken a Muster of all the Auxiliaries sent from the several Nations Marching to Cadiz there paid his old Vows to Hercules and obliged himself in new ones If the rest of his Undertakings should
succeed prosperously And now dividing his Cares as well for a defensive as offensive War lest whil'st he with a tedious March by Land through Spain and France went to Invade Italy Africk should lie naked and exposed to the Romans who easily from Sicily might cross the Seas and make a descent upon the main Continent he thought fit therefore to secure home by sending thither a grand Detachment and in lieu thereof desired Recruits from Africk especially of Archers and Javelineers lightly Armed That as interchangable Pledges of Fidelity the Africans might serve in Spain and the Spaniards in Africk both like to prove the better Soldiers by being far from their own Countries He sent into Africk One thousand three hundred eighty five Foot armed with short Targets and Eight hundred and seventy Slingers of the Balearean Isles and of Horse mix'd of several Nations One thousand and two hundred All which he ordered partly for a Garison for Carthage and the rest to be distributed through Africk as occasion should require Likewise he deputed Commissioners into the several Cities to press Soldiers of whom Four thousand select Youths of the best Quality were carryed to Carthage both to strengthen the Garison and remain as Hostages Nor was Spain in the mean time to be neglected especially because he was not ignorant that the Roman Ambassadors had gone their Circuit amongst them to tamper with the Chief Persons and solicit them to a Revolt he therefore committed the charge of that Province to his Brother Asdrubal a Person diligent and stout and furnish'd him with considerable Forces for the most part transported out of Africk viz. Eleven thousand eight hundred and fifty African Foot Three hundred Ligurians Five hundred Balearians or Slingers from the Isles Majorca and Minorca To which Infantry was added the following Horse viz. Three hundred Lybiphoenicians a mungril People partly sprung from the Carthaginians who were of Phoenician Extract add partly from the old Inhabitants of Libia or Africk and of Numidians and Moors dwelling on the Sea-coast One thousand eight hundred with a few small Troops amounting to about Two hundred from the Illergetes in Spain and that nothing for Land-Service might be wanting he also accommodated him with Fourteen Elephants Furthermore considering that 't was probable the Romans would again chuse to make use of that sort of War viz. Marine whereby in the former Contest they chiefly got the Victory he ordered him a Fleet to guard the Coasts consisting of Fifty Gallies of five banks of Oars apiece two of four and five of three rows of Oars but only the five last and Thirty two of the first sort were Man'd and fitted out From Cadiz the Army returned to their old Winter-Quarters at New Carthage and from thence along by the City Etovissa to Iberus and the Sea-coast There 't is reported Annibal saw in a Dream a young Man for shape and beauty Divine rather than Humane who said he was sent by Jupiter to be his Guide into Italy and therefore bid him follow him without ever looking behind him or turning his eyes to one side or t'other Which accordingly he did for a while never looking either back or besides him but at last that Curiosity natural to Man wondering much and inquisitive to know what it might be behind him which he was so strictly forbidden to behold prevailed with him so far that he could not forbear turning his eyes that way where he saw a Serpent of a wonderful size all the way as it went bearing down vast Woods and Groves before it and immediatly followed a great storm with dreadful Thunder-claps and when he ask'd the meaning of this confusion and prodigious sight he was told 'T was the desolation of Italy That therefore he should go on in his Expedition and inquire no further but suffer the Destinies to remain unveloped in their Natural obscurity Overjoy'd with this Vision he Fords his Army over the River Iberus divided into three Bodies consisting in all of Ninety thousand Foot and Twelve thousand Horse sending some before who with Presents might conciliate the favor of the Gauls amongst whom he was to pass and also to discover the Passages of the Alps. Then he over-run the Illergetes Bargusians and Ausetanians and the Province of Lacetania now the Bishoprick of Barcellona which lies at the foot of the Pyrenaean Mountains Over all which Tract he made Hanno Governor that he might have at his Devotion those Passes and Streights which join France to Spain allowing him Ten thousand Foot and a thousand Horse to keep them in subjection Whil'st now the Army was begun to be drawn into the Pyrenaean Thickets and Hills and the report ran more certainly current amongst the Barbarous Auxiliaries that 't was the Romans they were designed to fight against Three thousand Foot of the Carpetanes deserted the Service not so much terrified with the War as at the tediousness of the Journy and the insuperable passage of the Alps Annibal being loth either to force them back or retain them against their Wills lest thereby he should provoke the rest that were as fierce and savage as they to a mutiny did of his own accord send home above Seven thousand more whom he perceived to be weary and have no stomach to the Service pretending that the said Carpetanes were also dismiss'd with his free consent But lest lingering and idleness should likewise debauch the Courage of the rest he presently passes the Pyrenaean Hills and Encamps before the Town Illiberis The French although they were told the War was designed only against Italy yet because there was a report that the Spaniards on the other side of the Pyrenaean Mountains were set upon and conquered by Force and great Garisons imposed upon them therefore the Heads of several Nations for fear of being Enslav'd betook themselves to Arms and Rendezvous'd at Rousillon Of which Annibal having advice apprehending more the stop and loss of time than their Arms sent Messengers to their several Princes and Chiefs That he in Person would have a Friendly Conference with them and that the Meeting might be the more easie They should either advance nearer to Illeberis or he go on further towards Rousillon For as he was ready with Joy to receive them into his Camp so he would make no difficulty to venture himself amongst them since he came a Guest not an Enemy into France and was resolv'd if they would but permit him not to draw a Sword until he was entred Italy This pass'd by Curriers between both Parties but presently after the French Chiefs remov'd towards Illeberis and came willingly enough to Annibal as being before brib'd by his large Presents and so gave him free leave to march his Army through their Territories under the Walls of Rousillon In Italy all this while they had no further News than only that Annibal was pass'd beyond Iberus which tidings was brought to Rome by the Envoys from Marseilles yet as if he had
it As for diverting the Presages of the rest of these Prodigies the Decemvirs were ordered to consult the Sibylline Books But for its raining Stones in Picenum a Nine-days Solemn Festival was appointed and for diverting the other ill Omens the whole City was almost continually employed Now above all other things the City was solemnly purged greater Sacrifices than ordinary Offered to the particular Gods whom the Decemvirs reported were to be appeased a Present of Forty Pounds weight in Gold One thousand four hundred and forty sterling sent to Juno's Temple at Lanuvium a Statue of Brass dedicated to Juno in Aventinum At Caere where the Lots were diminished a Lectistern or grand Ptocession appointed and Supplications to the Goddess Fortune in Algidum At Rome too there was a Lectistern Solemnized in Honor of the Goddess of Youth and publick Prayers at the Temple of Hercules Express commandment given to all People to frequent all sorts of Shrines with their Devotions and four Sacrifices of the greater kind Offered to the God Genius and besides all this C. Attilius Seranus the Praetor was ordered to pronounce a Solemn Vow if the Common-wealth should for the space of ten years continue in a good condition By these Expiations deriv'd from the Books of the Sibyls the minds of the Mobile were pretty well eased of their Superstitious fears Flaminius one of the Consuls Elect to whom the Command of those Forces that Quartered at Placentia fell by Lot sent an Edict and Command to the present Consul That the said Army should Rendezvous at Rimini on the fifteenth of March His design being to enter upon his Consulship in the Province remembring the old Brangles he had had with the Nobles both when he was Tribune of the Commons and afterwards when he was Consul as well about the Consulship of which they would have deprived him as afterwards concerning his Triumph which they denyed him but especially the Senate regarded him with an ill Eye for a late Law which Q. Claudius a Tribune of the Commons had unjustly carryed against them only by the help of this Flaminius himself a Senator viz. That no Senator or Senators Father should have any Ship at Sea bearing above Three hundred Amphores or about eight Tuns Burthen for such were thought sufficient to bring the Fruits and Commodities arising out of their Lands and Country Farms up to Rome and as for Gain by Traffick 't was look'd upon unbecoming Persons of their Quality The matter having long been bandied with great Contention contracted not a little Envy from the Nobles on the Proposer but no less Favor from the Commons and indeed it was upon that score that they now chose him the second time Consul Therefore suspecting the Senate would endeavor to keep him at home under colour of unlucky Auspices or for holding the Latine Holy-days or some such pretences he giving out as if he would only take a Country Journy whil'st yet he was a private Person departed secretly to his Province When this was discovered it exasperated the Senate more than ever 'T is not said they now with the Senate that C. Flaminius quarrels but with the Immortal Gods when he was before made Consul without due Auspices and both the Gods and Men recalled him out of the Field he would not obey and now conscious of his former Miscarriages has avoided going to the Capitol and making the Solemn Vows merely that he may not on the Day he should enter on his Office visit the Temple of Almighty Jupiter That he may not see and consult with the Senate who justly are offended with him and whom he alone cannot endure That he may not proclaim the Latine Festivals and perform the solemn Rites to Jupiter Latialis on the Albane Mount nor would he after he had luckily offered up his Orisons in the Capitol set forwards in his Robes of State towards his Province but is gone away like some Scoundrel that follows the Camp without any Ensigns of his Authority or Lictors and Officers to attend him crept away privately and by stealth no otherwise than if he had been forc'd to leave his Country and were sent to Banishment rather than employed in an Office of Trust and Honor as if forsooth he thought it more for the Honor of the Commonwealth to enter into his Magistracy at Rimini than at Rome and to put on his Consular Robes in a paltry common Inn than in his own House and the presence of his Domestick Gods In short they all agreed That he should be recall'd and compell'd first to dispatch all the Rites and Ceremonies due to the Gods and Civil State before he should take upon him the Command of the Army and depart into his Province On this Ambassy for under that Character they thought fit to send were employed Q. Terentius and M. Antistius but could no more prevail with him than the Senates Letters did in his former Consulship For a few days after he entred upon his Office and whil'st he was making his Oblations a Calf after he was stuck got out of the Sacrificers hands and not only sprinkled many of the standers by with his Blood but caused those that stood behind and knew not what the matter was to take their heels and run away as in a fright which many People look'd upon as an ill Omen presaging some great Consternation or Calamity Having soon after received two Legions from Sempronius last years Consul and two more from C. Attilius the Praetor he began to march his Army cross over the Appennine into Tuscany DECADE III. BOOK II. EPITOME 2 3. ANnibal comes into Tuscany but in his way thither marching for four days and three nights together through the Marishes or Fens without any sleep lost one of his Eyes by a Defluxion of Rheume 3 4 c. The Consul C. Flaminius a rash inconsiderate Man venturing to fight against several ill Auspices as That the Field-Ensigns could not be pluck'd out of the Ground by the Standard-Bearers which therefore he caused to be dug up and a violent fall from his Horse head-long as soon as he Mounted soon after surrounded by Annibal in an Ambuscade near the Lake called Thrasymenus is kill'd and his Army defeated 6. Six thousand Romans which there broke through afterwards surrendring their Arms upon Maharbabs promise They should march away freely are by Annibals perfidiousness kept Prisoners 7. In the general lamentation at Rome for this Overthrow two Matrons dyed for very joy at the unexpected sight of their Sons whom they supposed to have been kill'd 10. In regard of the said Defeat by the directions of the Sibyls Books there was Vowed a Sacred Spring viz. That all the Cattel then brought forth should be Dedicated to the Gods 12. After this Q Fabius Maximus being sent Dictator against Annibal declines to fight as loth to put the Soldiers daunted with their late ill Fortune so soon upon the hazard of a Battel against an Enemy flush'd with so many
and a Battel Nay quoth he let us sit still eternally under the Walls of Arretium this belike is our Habitation and all the Native Country we regard Let Annibal escape our hands and lay all Italy desolate as he lists Let him over-run and utterly destroy all before him with Fire and Sword up to the very Walls of Rome and let us not budge till the affrighted Senate send for C. Flaminius as of old they did for Camillus from Veii to their rescue As thus he reproach'd them he at the same time commanded the Standards forthwith to advance and in a Fury mounts himself but his Horse presently happened to stumble and threw him with his Head formost on the ground Whil'st all that were about him were terrified with this Accident looking upon it as an ill Omen at the beginning of his Enterprize word was brought that one of the Ensigns could not be pluck'd out of the Ground by all the strength and endeavors the Standard-bearer could use whereupon turning to the Messenger What says he hast thou brought me Letters too from the Senate to forbid me serving the Publick Go tell them they must dig it out if their hands are so benum'd with fear that they are not able to pluck it up which being accordingly done he began his March The chief Officers which gave contrary advice being now more disheartened with this double Prodigy but the common Soldiers over-joyed at the forwardness and animosity of their General were full of hopes without considering what Grounds they had for such their confidence Annibal had wasted the whole Country between the City Cortona and the Lake Thrasymenus with all manner of Hostility that he might the more provoke the Enemy to revenge these Injuries done to their Allies He was now come to a place that seem'd framed by Nature merely for an Ambuscade just where the Lake Thrasymenus flows up nearest to the foot of the Hills of Cortona for there lies between only a very strait and narrow Passage as if there had been left that space of Ground for such a purpose and nothing else beyond it the Plains open wider and so you come to the brow of the Hills Annibal in the open ground pitch'd his Camp for himself his Africans and Spaniards but his Slingers and other Light-arm'd Soldiers he led round about behind the Mountains His Horse he Posts near the Mouth of the Pass behind certain rising Grounds that very conveniently sheltered and kept them out of sight that so as soon as the Romans were entred the Cavalry clapping behind them they should all be shut up between the Lake and the Mountain Flaminius being come to the Lake over-night about Sun-setting early the next Morning before it was full day-light without ever sending out according to the custom of War any Scouts before to discover the Coasts and posture of the Enemy pass'd the aforesaid Streight but no sooner did he begin to spread his Army on the open Plain but he might perceive the Enemy I mean that part of them only which were before him for those behind and over his head did not yet shew themselves Annibal having now got the Enemy into the Toil and every way surrounded quickly gives the Signal for them all to fall on who rushing down every Man the nearest way he could that which made the matter appear the more surprizing to the Romans was that a Fog rising from the Lake was much thicker on the Plain where they were than on the Hills so that the Carthaginians could see one another from their several Posts and the better Charge them all at once But the Romans perceived not themselves entrapped till they heard the shout quite round them and were forced to fight both in the Front and on the Flank before they could draw into Battalia and indeed before they could fit their Arms or almost draw their Swords In this general Consternation the Consul alone shewed himself nothing daunted he set in order as much as the time would give him leave the Ranks which were apt to be confused by their turning themselves every way as they heard the several clamors and where-ever he came or could be heard encouraged and commanded them to stand to it and fight stoutly telling them That 't was not making of Vows and lazily imploring the help of the Gods but their own manly Courage and Arms that must bring them off That they must cut their way with their Swords througb the midst of their Enemies thickest Battalions and that where there is least fear there is generally least danger But for the noise and tumult neither his Advice nor his Commands could be heard and so far were his Soldiers in this distraction from knowing their proper Colours Ranks and Places that they had scarce understanding and resolution enough left to take their Arms and put them on as they should do for a Battel so that some of them were surprized and beat down rather oppressed and clogg'd with their Armor than defended by it and so thick was the Mist that their Ears were of more use to them than their Eyes yet at the groans of their wounded Fellows and resounding strokes on their Bodies and Arms and the shouts of the Valiant intermix'd with the shrieks of the timerous they could not but be continually turning their Faces and casting their Eyes every way about them Some as they were flying light into an heap of those that were fighting and forc'd to joyn with them because they could get no further some having recollected their spirits returning to Charge the Enemy were stop'd and driven backwards by heaps of their own Men that were running away At last having attempted every way in vain to get forth and seeing plainly that as they were thus shut up on one side by the Lake on the other by the Mountain and both in the Front and Rear by the Enemy there was no possible hopes or means to escape but by fighting their way through then every one became a Captain and encouraged himself to fight manfully Thus was the Battel renewed not in that order as they were wont first by the Principes then by the Hastati and at last by the Triarii nor some before the Standards others after and every Soldier in his particular Regiment Company and File but hickle-de-pickledy as Fortune jumbled them together to it they went Pel-mel and as every mans heart serv'd him so he marshal'd himself to fight either before or behind nay so eager and intent they were and all the faculties both of Body and Soul so intirely taken up with fighting that although at that very instant there happened a most dreadful Earth-quake which threw down a great part of many Cities in Italy turn'd the Courses of great Rivers out of their antient Channels forced the Sea up a long way into fresh Rivers overturned Mountains with mighty falls and levell'd Vallies and Hills yet there was not one Man in this Battel that in the least
for no great difference there was either in numbers or kinds of the Souldiers but in their Courage and Resolution there was abundance of odds for the Romans though they fought far from their Country yet were easily perswaded by their Officers That it was for no less a prize than Italy and the City of Rome it self that they were that day to contend therefore as if all their hopes of ever seeing their Country again depended on this one Battel they had fix'd their minds either to conquer or die Nothing so resolute were the Souldiers of the other side being for the most part Spaniards willing rather to be overcome at home than with Victory to be drawn into Italy therefore at the very first push almost before there was a Dart thrown their main Battel retreated and being then so much the more fiercely press'd upon by the Romans plainly ran away however in both Wings the service was hot enough the Carthaginians on the one side and the Africans on the other charg'd the Romans briskly and had them in a manner enclosed but the Roman Army being rallied altogether in the middle of them was strong enough to keep off both Wings for facing several ways they maintain'd the fight in two places at once but both in one and the other having before routed the Enemies main body were superiour in numbers as well as Courage a power of men were kill'd that day and if the Spaniards had not fled so fast before the Battle was well begun there had very few of the whole Army escap'd The Horse were not at all engag'd to speak of for as soon as the Numidians saw their main Battel shrink they presently fled as fast as they could driving the Elephants before them and left the Flanks naked Asdrubal himself maintain'd the Fight till he plainly saw all was lost and then accompanied with a very few got away out of the midst of the slaughter his Camp the Romans took and plunder'd and if any people of Spain stood Neuters before the success of this day turn'd the Scale and brought them over to the Romans and so far was Asdrubal from pursuing his march to Italy that he had no hopes to continue long with safety in Spain The two Scipio's sending Intelligence of this action to Rome the whole City was overjoy'd not so much for the Victory it self though very considerable but because Asdrubal was prevented from coming into Italy Whilst this was doing in Spain Petelia a City of the Bruttii after several months Siege was taken by Himilco one of Annibals Captains yet it cost him dear many of his men being kill'd or wounded nor was it his Force abroad so much as Famine within that subdued the Town for having eaten up all their Provisions of Corn and flesh of what Creatures soever they liv'd at last upon Shoomakers-Leather Weeds Roots the Inward Barks of Trees tops of Briars and Brambles and the like nor did they submit as long as they were able to stand on their Legs or wield their Swords After the taking of this Town the same Party of Carthaginians marcht to Consentia which made nothing so brave a Defence but surrendred in few days About the same time an Army of the Bruttii sat down before Croton a City built and inhabited by the Greeks heretofore rich and potent but now so weakned by several losses and disasters that there were not in it twenty thousand Souls of all sorts so that for want of men to defend it the Enemy easily got possession of the City but some that fled to the Castle held out still The Locrians also by the treachery of some of their Grandees revolted to the Bruttii and Carthaginians and only the Rhegines of all that Country continued true to the Romans and had the good luck to preserve all along their own liberty nay this deserting humour like an infection spread into Sicily nor was the Family of King Hiero free from the Contagion for his eldest Son Gelo contemning both the old Age of his Father and also after the defeat at Cannae the Friendship of the Romans turned unto the Carthaginians and had no doubt made a great alteration in Sicily had he not been taken off by Death so very opportunely just in the nick when he was arming the multitude and soliciting the Allies to Rebellion that his own Father did not escape some Censures as if he had hastned his end These were the remarkable Actions that happen'd in Italy Afric Sicily and Spain that year towards the end of which Q. Fabius Maximus desired leave of the Senate to dedicate that Temple which he had vow'd to Venus Erycina when he was Dictator Accordingly it was decreed that T. Sempronius the Consul Elect as soon as he came into his Office should move the people to create Duumvirs for that affair In honour of Aemilius Lepidus lately deceased who had twice been both Consul and Augur his three Sons Lucius Marcus and Quintus exhibited certain Funeral Games and caused two and twenty couple of Fencers to play at sharps for three dayes space in the publick Market place The Aediles of the Chair C. Laetorius and Tib Sempronius Gracchus Consul Elect who during his Aedileship had been General of the Horse celebrated for three dayes together the Roman Games and the like was done for the Commons by M. Aurelius Cotta and M. Claudius Marcellus At the end of the third year of the Punick War Tib. Sempronius the Consul entred upon his Magistracy on the fifteenth of March. The Praetors were Q Fulvius Flaccus for the City and M. Valerius Laevinus for the Foreigners Ap. Claudius Pulcher for Sicily and Q. Mucius Scaevola for Sardinia M. Marcellus was by the people continued in his Command as Vice-Consul as being the only General that since the loss at Cannae had fought the Enemy with success The first day the Senate met in the Capitol it was resolv'd That a double Tax should this year be levied the first to be immediately collected for paying all Arrears to the Souldiers except those that were at Cannae Then concerning the Aâ—mies it was ordered That the Consul Sempronius should appoint a day for the two City Legions to Rendevous at Cales That six Legions should be conducted to the Camp of Claudius above Suessula and the Legions that were at present there being for the most part the Cannian Army should be carried over into Sicily by Ap. Claudius the Praetor and those that were now in Sicily brought home to Rome To the Army appointed to Muster at Cales M. Claudius Marcellus was sent and commanded to lead the Detachment of the City Legions from thence to the Camp of Claudius and lastly to receive the charge of the old Army and conduct it into Sicily T Metilius Croto was dispatcht by Ap. Claudius People silently expected when the Consul should appoint the Elections for chusing him a Partner and when they saw Marcellus whom they pitcht upon for that place in reward of
should presently be a League concluded on terms indifferent for both Parties But that promise was not very well perform'd because Amilcar charg'd them with having fraudulently dismiss'd and suffer'd the Romans to escape which the Locrians endeavour'd to excuse by alledging that they ran away and they could not help it And a Party of Horse was sent to pursue them if by chance either the Tide might cause any of the Vessels to stay in the Current of the streight or drive them on shore but though they did not overtake them yet they had sight of other Ships crossing from Messina to Rhegium being Roman Forces sent by Claudius the Praetor to secure that City with a Garrison whereupon the Enemy presently withdrew from before Rhegium The Terms allow'd the Locrians by Annibal's Command were these That they should live under their own Laws and Customs That the City should be free for the Carthaginians to come into but the Locrians should have the Command of the Port and on either side they should mutually assist each other both in Peace and War So the Carthaginians retired from the Streights the Bruttians being much discontented that they had left untoucht Rhegium and Locri both which Cities they design'd to have had the plunder of Therefore soon after they by themselves arm fifteen thousand of their own men and march to assault Croton which was also a City inhabited by Greeks and a Sea-Port imagining they should not a little encrease their wealth and power by being Masters of a well-fortified City so conveniently situate on the Sea-side But still they were pinch'd with a shrewd Dilemma if they did not invite the Carthaginians to join with them in this Expedition it might be counted an affront and breach of the social League between them If they did and they should again act the part rather of Arbitrators of Peace than Assistants in the War then they should fight against the Liberty of the Crotonians as they had done against the Locrians to no purpose and get nothing for their pains Therefore the best expedient they thought was to send Agents to Annibal and obtain his promise that Croton when taken should belong to the Bruttii But Annibal told them That those present on the place could best advise of that matter and referr'd them to Hanno who never would give them any positive Answer for neither were they willing that so noble and rich a City should be plunder'd and on the other side thought that the Crotonians when attacqu'd by the Bruttians seeing that the Carthaginians neither approv'd nor assisted the same might so much the sooner of their own accord revolt to them and desire the Punick assistance Nor were the people of Croton all of a mind for one and the same Disease had infected almost all the Cities of Italy and set the Nobles and the Commons at variance the Senate favouring the Romans and the Populace the Carthaginians This dissention within the City the Bruttians were made acquainted with by a Renegade That Aristomachus was the head of the popular Faction and a great stickler for yielding the City to Annibal That the City being so very vast and the Walls in several places ruinous the Guards and Watches of the Senators and those of the Commons were set at the respective breaches many times a great distance from each other and whereever the Commoners were upon duty they might enter without resistance Upon this Intelligence and with the guidance of this Fugitive the Bruttii environ'd the City round about and being let in by the Commons at the first assault became Masters of the whole City except the Castle which the Nobles held in their own hands and had well-stor'd it with all Provisions for a refuge for themselves in any such surprize Aristomachus fled thither as well as the rest as having been the Adviser to surrender the Town to the Carthaginians not to the Bruttians The Wall of this City Croton before the coming of Pyrrhus into Italy contain'd twelve Miles in compass but after the desolation made by that War scarce one half part of it was inhabited the River that formerly ran through the middle of the Town flow'd now at a great distance from any of the Streets and the Castle stood far from any Houses Six Miles from this City was a noble Temple more famous than the City it self dedicated to Juno Lacinia frequented with great Devotion by all the neighbouring Nations There was a sacred Grove enclosed with a thick under-Wood and losty Fir-Trees in the midst of it were gallant delicate Pastures wherein were fed Beasts consecrated to the Goddess of all sorts without any Keeper for as they went out to feed each kind by themselves so at night they came home every one to his Stall or Pinfold secure from any harm either by the way-layings of wild Beasts or being stoln by men great encrease therefore and profit was made by these Cattel insomuch that out of that Income a solid Pillar of gold was made and consecrated and the Temple renowned for its riches as well as its sanctity And as generally to such notable places are ascrib'd some Miracles or other the story goes That in the very Threshold of this Temple there was an Altar the ashes on which no Wind though ever so high or boisterous could blow away or so much as stir As for the Castle of Croton on the one side it stands on the Sea on the other it looks towards the Fields in old time defended only by the natural advantages of its scituation afterwards fortified with a Wall on that part where Dionysius the Tyrant of Sicily having gain'd the Cliffs behind surpriz'd and took it This Fortress strong enough as they thought to secure them was held by the Nobles as aforesaid besieg'd not only by the Bruttians but their own people too Who at last finding the same impregnable against their Forces were forc'd by necessity to desire Hanno's assistance but he endeavouring to draw them to a surrender upon Terms offers them a Colony of the Bruttii to be planted amongst them and so fill up their City again to its antient frequency of Inhabitants to which not a man would in the least hearken except it were only Aristomachus all the rest affirming That they would sooner die than being mixt with the Bruttians degenerate into Foreign Rites Manners and Laws and in time into a strange barbarous Language Aristomachus alone seeing he could neither prevail with them to surrender nor yet had any opportunity to betray the Castle as he had done the City fled away to Hanno Soon after this Embassadours from Locri by Hanno's permission came up to the Castle and were admitted in who perswaded the Gentlemen there to transport themselves to Locri rather than hazard the last Extremities to which purpose if they pleas'd to accept it they had already obtained for them Annibals pass by Embassadours sent to him on that very Errand So all the persons of note of
about our Commissions expired and our Armies fall under new Conduct But since I have said enough to admonish you what kind of men you ought to create Consuls it remains that I speak briefly of those Gentlemen on whom the Prerogative Century have bestow'd their favour As for Aemilius Regillus he is already the Flamen or High Priest to Quirinus whom we can neither spare from his sacred Ministry nor yet keep him at home to follow it without neglecting either the service of the Gods or the due care of the War I confess Otacilius married my Sisters Daughter and hath Children by her but you have merited better both at my Ancestors hands and mine than that I should prefer my private Relations before the regards I have to the publick utility Any common Sailer or Passenger can steer in fair weather but when a blustering Tempest is up and the Ship toss'd and every moment ready to be swallow'd by the raging Sea a skillful hand is requir'd at Helm We sail not now in a Calm but have been already almost cast away and on the very brink of destruction by several unlucky storms and therefore are concern'd to take the greatest care and caution imaginable whom we imploy to be our Steersman In a matter of less importance we have made trial O T. Otacilius of your knowledge and diligence nor have you yet given us any such proof thereof as should encourage us to entrust greater affairs to your management The Fleet whereof you were this year Admiral we fitted out for three purposes That it should wast the Sea Coasts of Africk secure our own Italian shores and especially to prevent any supplies of Men Money or Provisions being sent from Carthage to Annibal Now with all my heart create T. Otacilius if he perform'd all these particulars or even any one of them for the Commonwealth But if whilst you were Admiral all things pass'd to Annibal as free and secure as if we had had never a Ship out at Sea If the Coasts of Italy have this year been much more infested with Depredations than those of Africk why of all men living should we make choice of you as the only General to cope with Annibal Nay rather if you were already Consul we should judge it necessary forthwith to appoint a Dictator according to the usage of our Ancestors Nor ought you to resent it ill that in the whole City of Rome there is some one person esteem'd an abler Warriour than you The truth is 't is no particular mans Interest more than yours not to overload your shoulders with a burthen under which you needs must sink I therefore repeat my advice and earnestly intreat you my Fellow Citizens That you would in Electing Consuls this day exercise that Judgment and careful Providence as if you were standing arm'd in Battalia and were there to chuse two Generals under whose Conduct you were presently to venture your Lives for 't is to them our Children must take the Oath of Obedience 't is at their Edict they must Rendezvous and to their Care and Prudence are our Armies entrusted and all we have in the World The Lake Thrasymenus and the Plains before Cannae are sad Examples to remember I wish they may he as useful precedents to teach us to avoid the like for the future Come Cryer call the Prerogative Tribe to a new Scrutiny T. Otacilius bawling out very fiercely That Fabius 's only drift was to continue himself in the Consulship and growing troublesome to the Assembly by his Clamours the Consul commanded his Lictors to seize him and because he himself came directly out of the Country into the Field gave Order that the Axes should be openly born before him in the Field as well as the Rods to shew his Authority In the mean time the Prerogative Century gave new Suffrages and chose Q. Fabius Maximus the fourth time and M. Marcellus the third wherein the rest of the Centuries agreed with them without any hesitation One Praetor was also continued Q. Fulvius Flaccus the three others new created viz. T. Otacilius Crassus the second time Q. Fabius the Consuls Son who was then Curule Aedile and P. Cornelius Lentulus The Election of Praetors being over the Senate pass'd a Decree That the City Province should belong to Q Fulvius without putting it to the Lot and that whilst the Consuls were abroad in the Wars he should have the principal charge of the City This Year happen'd great Rains and abundance of Snow destroying many Houses Cattel and Men. In the fifth year of the Punick War Q. Fabius Maximus entring upon the Consulship the fourth time and M. Claudius Marcellus the third rais'd the minds of the City to an unusual expectation there not having been such a famous couple of Consuls for divers years past but those that were antient compar'd them with Maximus Rullus and P. Decius against the Gallick War Or as afterwards Papirius and Carvilius were declared Consuls against the conjoin'd Arms of the Samnites Bruttians Lucans and Tarentines Marcellus was created now in his absence being with the Army but Fabius present and himself holding the Election but the present Juncture necessity of the War and extream danger of the Commonwealth suffer'd none to cavil at this precedent nor to censure Fabius of Ambition or desire of Command but rather applauded the greatness of his mind who seeing there was a necessity of having the ablest Commander Rome could yield and knowing himself to be the person could so nobly slight the envy which he himself might contract and undervalue it in comparison of the service he hop'd to do for the publick The same day the Consuls entred upon their Office they assembled the Senate in the Capitol and the first thing they pass'd was a Decree That the Consuls should either cast Lots or agree between themselves which of them should stay to hold the Assemblies for chusing of Censors before he went to the Army Then all that were employ'd abroad with any Forces were continued in their respective Commands and Order'd to remain in their several Provinces Ti. Gracchus at Luceria where he was with the Army of Volunteer Slaves C. Terentius Varro in the Picene Country and Manius Pomponius in the Cisalpine Gaul That of the last years Praetors Q. Mucius in the Character of Pro-Praetor should govern Sardinia M. Valerius preside over Brundusium and the adjacent Sea Coast to observe the Motions of King Philip of Macedon The Province of Sicily was decreed to P. Cornelius Lentulus the Praetor and T. Otacilius to be Admiral of the same Fleet as he had last year against the Carthaginians This Year many Prodigies were talkt of and as simple superstitious people grew more apt to credit them there were daily more and more reported As that at Lanuvium Ravens had built Nests within the Chappel of Juno Sospita That in Apulia a green Palm-Tree was on a light fire of its own accord At Mantua a Pool or Lake sed
fiercely That they would Sacrifice the Blood of the Conspirators to the Ghost of the King But hearing often the sweet sound of their Liberties restored being in hopes a Largess would be bestow'd on them out of the Royal Treasury and that they should have better Commanders and withal amused with prodigious stories of the Tyrants lewd actions and lewder Lusts their minds were so far chang'd that they let the Corpse of their King whom but now they seem'd so fond of to lye unburied Whilst others of the Conspirators staid behind to secure the Army Theodotus and Sosis ride Post to Syracuse on the Kings Horses to surprize the Royalists before they should know any thing of the matter but not only Fame the swiftest thing in the World in such Cases but a Currier one of the Kings Servants was got before them whereupon Andronodorus had set Guards both in the Isle and the Castle and all other advantagious Posts Theodotus and Sosis in the Dusk of the Evening came riding into that Qâ—arter of the City call'd Hexapylum and exposing the Kings bloody Vest and his Crown pass'd through the street Tycha calling out to the people to take Arms and for recovery of their Liberties to Assemble in the Acradine The Rabble some ran out into the streets others stood at their Doors others looking out from the tops of their Houses and Windows inquir'd what the matter was The Town was full of Lights Flambeaus and Clamour Those that had Arms got together in open places and those that wanted pull'd down the Weapons that were hung up in the Temple of Jupiter Olympius taken from the Gauls and Illyrians and bestow'd as a Present on King Hiero by the Romans beseeching Jupiter that he would willingly and propitiously afford his sacred Arms to those that were to use them only for their Country for the Temples of the Gods and their own Liberties This multitude join'd themselves with the Guards placed in the principal places of the City and whereas in the Isles Andronodorus had amongst other things secured the publick Granaries a place enclosed round with four-square stone like a Fortress those that were appointed to keep guard there sent Messengers into the Acradine that themselves and all the Corn there should be at the disposal of the Senate By break of day all the people arm'd and unarm'd were Conven'd in the Acradine before the Altar of Concord there situate where one of the chief men of the City named Polyaenus made a Speech to them free enough and yet temper'd with a discreet moderation as follows Those that have endur'd servitude and suffer'd indignities 't is no wonder if they rise up in fury against the Authors thereof as known Evils but what the mischiefs are which attend civil discords you can only know by hearsay from your Ancestors having not hitherto been so unhappy as to have smarted under them your selves I applaud your Courage in taking up Arms so valiantly but shall more commend you if you will not make use of them till inforc'd thereunto by the last necessity At present my Advice is that we send to Andronodorus requiring him to submit himself to the Senate and People to open the Gates of the Isle and dismiss his Guards and to let him know that if under pretence of securing the Kingdom for another he shall go about to usurp it for himself we are resolv'd much more sharply to vindicate our Liberties against him than against Hieronymus Accordingly Messengers were sent and then the Senate met which as in Hiero's time it was the publick Council of the Kingdom so from the time of his Death till that very day it had scarce ever been convened or consulted with Andronodorus was not a little startled both with the unanimous Consent of the People against him and several parts of the City already seized and especially because the most fortified part of the Isle and of greatest importance was revolted but when the Messengers called him forth his Wife Demarata the Daughter of Hiero retaining still the Spirit of a Princess and the Ambition of a Woman disswaded him putting him often in mind of that common Saying of Dionysius the Tyrant That a man ought to be led leisurely on foot and not gallop on Horse-back when he is to quit his Dignity and be deposed from Power That it was an easie matter for a man when he list to relinquish the possession of a mighty Fortune but to gain such a point was rare and difficult therefore he would do well to require time to consider in a matter of such importance and in the mean time might send for the Souldiers from Leontinum to whom if he would but promise the late Kings Treasure he might rule and order all things at his pleasure These feminine Counsels Andronodorus did neither wholly slight nor for the present follow thinking it more easie to attain his Ends if he gave place a while to the humours of the people therefore he order'd the Messengers to carry back word That he would entirely submit to the Senate and People Accordingly next morning by break of day he caused the Gates of the Isle to be flung open and came into the Market-place of the Acradine and getting up on the Altar of Concord whence Polyneus the day before made his Speech he began an Oration wherein first he excused his not coming sooner telling them That he had hitherto kept the Gates shut not that he meant ever to set up any Interest of his own different from that of the whole City but when once Swords were drawn he was apprehensive where they would hold their hands or when put a stop to Execution and Slaughters Whether they would be satisfied with the Death of the Tyrant which was sufficient for regaining their Liberties or might not in a wild fury knock all those o' th head that were any way related to him by Blood or Affinity or enjoy'd any Office in the Court whereby the innocent might lose their lives for anothers Crimes But since I now perceive that those who have deliver'd their Country are willing also to preserve its Liberty and manage things by publick Council and Advice I no longer doubted to yield up my person and restore to my Country all that I had in Charge since he that committed the same to me is by his own folly and madness brought to destruction Then turning to those that kill'd the late King and calling unto Theodotus and Sosis by name You have done says he a gallant Action and worthy to be recorded but believe me your Glory is yet but begun not perfected and there is yet mighty danger behind unless by consulting the common Peace and Concord you prevent the Commonwealth now it has obtain'd its liberty from falling into licentiousness and unruly insolence With which words he laid the Keys both of the Gates and of the Kings Treasure at their feet and so the multitude was for that day dismiss'd very joyful and
went with their Wives and Children in Procession to the Shrines of all their Gods The next day they chose Praetors of whom Andronodorus was the first Created the rest for the most part were the Kings Murderers and two of them viz. Sopater and Dinomenes though they were absent Who being advertiz'd how matters pass'd at Syracuse deliver'd what Treasure of the King 's was at Leontinum to the Questors created for that purpose to carry it back to Syracuse as also that which in the Isle and in the Acradine was committed to their custody That part of the Wall which divided the Isle from the rest of the City with too strong a Fortification was order'd to be dismantled and thrown down by common Consent and every thing was transacted suitable to those inclinations they had to maintain their liberty Hippocrates and Epicides upon news of the Kings Death which Hippocrates endeavour'd to conceal so far that he kill'd the Messenger that brought the first tidings being deserted by the Souldiers return'd to Syracuse thinking that for the present to be their safest course where to prevent all suspicions of their seeking any occasion to raise disturbances they first address'd themselves to the Praetors and by their means had Audience of the whole Senate To whom they remonstrated That they were sent by Annibal to Hieronymus as his Friend and Ally and had yielded Obedience unto him according to the Instructions and Orders receiv'd from their aforesaid Commander That they now were desirous to return again to Annibal but since their Journey was not like to be with safety to their persons the Roman Forces being so frequent up and down all Sicily they requested they might be allow'd a Convoy as far as Locri in Italy which small Courtesie Annibal would take very kindly and be ready to reward the same with great thanks and favours whenever there should be an opportunity Their Suit was easily obtain'd for the Senate were very willing to be rid of several of the Kings Commanders men skilful in Arms but of desperate Fortunes and withal extremely bold and ready to engage in any Villany yet they did not hasten to put such their desires in execution so soon as they ought to have done For these Embassadours delaying their departure being themselves Martial young men and very intimate with the Souldiery sometimes to them and sometimes amongst the Renegades who for the most part were Roman Sea-men and now and then to the Rabble and meanest sort of people whisper'd lies and calumnies against the Senate and Noblemen accusing them That they secretly carried on a design under colour of renewing the League to betray Syracuse into the hands of the Romans that so their own Faction might be Lords and tyrannize over the rest By this means there flocked multitudes every day more than other to Syracuse whose ears were tickled with these stories and apt enough to give credit thereunto and consequently gave not only Hippocrates and Epicides but also Andronodorus too good hopes of changing the Government and effecting their several Designs Andronodorus's Wife was perpetually baiting him That now was the time to take upon him the Government whilst all things were in an hurry and kind of confusion by their new and yet unsetled Liberty whilst the Souldiers were at hand to assist him daily maintain'd and fed out of the Kings Exchequer and whilst these Captains sent from Annibal were here who by their acquaintance with the Souldiers might not a little assist and promote his Interest Overcome with her importunities what had hitherto been concerted only between him and Themistius that married Gelo's Daughter he soon after unadvisedly communicated to one Aristo an Actor of Tragedies whom he was wont to intrust with other Secrets This Aristo was both well descended and a man of a good Estate nor did his Profession scandalize him for amongst the Greeks no such thing is matter of dishonour who preferring his Duty to his Country before private Friendship discovers the business to the Praetors who finding by several good Evidences that the matter was no forged Information having consulted some of the most ancient Senators by their Authority planted a Guard at the door and assoon as Themistius and Andronodorus came into the Court slew them and when there began some uproar upon this Fact which seemed horrible to those that were ignorant of the Cause they commanded silence and brought forth the Discoverer into the open Court where before them all he related in order the whole Conspiracy That it took its rise from the Marriage of Harmonia Gelo 's Daughter with Themistius That divers Auxiliary Souldiers both Africans and Spaniards were prepared to murder the Praetors and other principal Citizens whose Goods were promis'd as a reward to the Assassinates That there was a Band of mercenary Souldiers that had long been at the devotion of Andronodorus appointed once more to seize the Isle and so proceeded to set before their eyes all the whole Plot by whom to be managed what Forces to be employ'd and all other Circumstances On hearing of which the Senate was satisfied That these men were no less justly put to death than Hieronymus But abroad before the Senate-house door there was a mighty Clamour of the Multitude not certainly knowing what the matter was and though they swagger'd and threatned yet at the sight of the dead Bodies of the Conspirators when thrown out into the Lobby they were affrighted and so husht that in great silence they followed the whole Body of the Commons to the Common Hall where Sopater by Order of the Senate and his Fellow-Praetors made a Speech unto them He began with Invectives against Andronodorus and Themistius as if he had been accusing them at the Bar and ripp'd up all their past life charging them with all the Injustice Oppressions Impieties and Villanies that had been acted ever since the Decease of King Hiero For alas quoth he what did Hieronymus do of his own accord Or indeed what could he do being but yet a Child It was his Officers and these his Tutors that ruled all and managed the Kingdom at their pleasure but laid all the envy and the blame upon him and therefore they well deserved to have perish'd either before Hieronymus or at least together with him But though themselves then well deserved to have been cut to pieces yet nothing deterr'd with his punishment they afterwards became more active to hatch and contrive new mischiefs first openly whilst Andronodorus shut up the Gates of the Island and pretended to usurp the Kingdom as if it were his Inheritance and what he was intrusted with during the Princes Nonage would have held in his own Right but being deserted by those in the Isle and besieged by the whole City who had possession of the Acradine seeing he could not get the Kingdom by open Force endeavours to obtain it by Address and Treachery Nor could he by any obligations of Honour or Advantage be diverted from
the Haven listning to know what heart the contrary Faction were in that favour'd the Romans those vain but specious rumours were much more credited than before insomuch that at first the multitude ran down tumultuously to keep them off from Landing In this disturbance it was thought fit to summon the People to a general Assembly where one being for one side and another for the contrary they were like to fall together by the ears amongst themselves till Apollonides a Person of the first Quality made a very wholesom and seasonable Speech to this purpose That never was there any City so near beset with hopes of Safety and fears of undoubted Ruine whereas if they would but be all of a mind and join either with the Romans or with the Carthaginians no City could be more fortunate and secure but if they continued thus distracted some for one some for another the Wars between the Punicks and Romans would not be more fierce than the feuds shortly between the Syracusians themselves where within the same Walls each Party are like to have their Forces and their Arms and their distinct Leaders and Captains Therefore the great business was to bring all to be of the same mind and unanimously close with one of these potent Nations for which of them it was best to accept of was a consideration nothing so important though yet he did conceive in making choice of Allies it would be better to follow the Authority of Hiero than of Hieronymus and safer to prefer a Friendship which they had happily tryed for fifty years before that which at present was unknown and heretofore had proved unfaithful That moreover it was a thing not a little to be regarded in this Debate That they might with fair words so decline making a Peace with the Carthaginians that yet they need not presently be at Wars with them whereas they must immediately conclude a Peace with the Romans or make ready to fight them This Spâ—ech carried with it the more authority in that it seemed not at all to proceed from self-Inâ—erest or Faction Besides the Advice of the Praetors and Senate the Martial men and chief Commanders were consulted with upon this Affair and after it had been long bandied to and fro with great heats and earnestness finding themselves not in a posture able to wage War with the Romans they thought it best to make Peace with them and sent Embassadours to ratifie the same Not many days after the Leontines sent to desire a Garrison which seemed a good opportunity to discharge Syracuse of her tumultuous Souldiery and dispatch their factious Leaders thither out of the way Hippocrates the Praetor was commanded to march thither with the Renegades and so many of the mercenary Auxiliaries followed him as made up four thousand men This Expedition was very pleasing both to the Senders and those sent for hereby the latter thought they should have the opportunity which they had long desired to make some Insurrection and the former reckon'd they had purged their City of a dangerous mass of ill humours But like Empericks they had only given ease for the present to the sick body of the State which soon after relapsed into a more dangerous distemper for Hippocrates first began to make Inroads by stealth into the Borders of the Roman Province and afterwards when Appius had sent a Garrison to secure his Allies fell upon that Guard with all his Forces and kill'd many of them Of which Marcellus having Advice presently dispatch'd Envoys to Syracuse to expostulate upon this violation of the League and roundly to tell them That there would never be wanting some occasions or other of quarrel until Hippocrates and Epicides were not only remov'd from Syracuse but banish'd Sicily Epicides also fearing lest if he staid he might be question'd for his Brothers Crime or that he might not be wanting for his own part in stirring up a new War got away into the Leontines Country and finding them forward enough against the Romans blew the coals and alienated their affections from the Syracusians by suggesting That they had capitulated in their League with the Romans That all those Nations and People that had been under the Kings shouâ—d still remain under the Dominion of their State so that they were not now content with their own liberty but would needs be domineering over others Therefore it was but fit to send them word that the Leontines thought it reasonable to enjoy their own freedoms both in regard the Tyrant was cut off within their City and that the first Cry for Liberty began there and thence proceeded to Syracuse Therefore that Clause ought to be expunged the League or a Peace not at all to be accepted on such Conditions The Mobile was easily perswaded so that when Commissioners from Syracuse complain'd to them of the killing the Roman Guard and also commanded Hippocrates and Epicides to be gone either to Locri or where else they pleas'd so they left Sicily A stout Answer was return'd That they neither gave the Syracusians Commission to treat with the Romans in their Names nor did they think themselves oblig'd by Leagues of other peoples making The Syracusians gave the Romans an Account hereof and disown'd the Leontines to be their Subjects therefore notwithstanding the League the Romans might carve out their own satisfaction upon them and they would assist them in the War provided when they were reduc'd they might be under their Government according to the Articles of the Peace Marcellus advanc'd with his whole Army against the Leontines sending also for Appius to fall upon them on the other side and so enrag'd were the Souldiers for their Comrades being basely kill'd on the Guard whilst they were on Terms of Peace that at the first Attacque they made themselves Masters of the City Hippocrates and Epicides seeing the Walls mounted and the Gates broke open betook themselves with some few others to the Fort and from thence in the night escap'd to Herbesus The Syracusians who march'd out from home eight thousand strong being come as far as the River Myla met a Messenger who acquainted them That the City was taken but mixing several Lyes with that Truth added That Souldiers and Inhabitants were promiscuously put to the Sword and he believ'd there was not one of any competent years left alive That the City was plunder'd and the Estates of all the Rich men given away At this grievous News the Army made an Halt and being much troubled the Generals who were Sosis and Dinomenes call'd a Council of War to consider what was to be done That which gave this false story some colour was the Execution of Renegades for there were scourged and beheaded near two thousand Fugitives retaken in that City but none either of the Inhabitants or Souldiers had any violence offer'd them after once the City was taken but had all their Goods restored except what were destroy'd in the first Assault However upon this bare
seconded both with Messengers from Hippocrates and Letters from Annibal affirming That now was the only time to recover Sicily with the greatest Honour imaginable and being himself present in person no ill Orator to promote the business he got them to transport these Forces in all speed to Sicliy soon after his Arrival he took Agrigentum and the other Cities that took part with the Carthaginians were so flusht with hopes of expelling the Romans out of the Island that even the besieged Syracusians took heart and thought they could defend the Town well enough with part of their Forces and so divided themselves Epicides to guard the City and Hippocrates to join Himilco and carry on the War against the Roman Consul In order thereto one night he march'd out with ten thousand Foot and five hundred Horse and pass'd unperceiv'd between the Roman Guards at places where no Sentinels were set and encamp'd near the Town Acerrae Marcellus had march'd in great haste hoping to have got to Agrigentum before the Enemy but sailing therein was now coming back that way not in the least dreaming to meet an Army of Syracusians however for fear of Himilco and his Carthaginians who were superiour to him in numbers he march'd very warily and in good order to encounter any sudden accident This care and diligence against the Punicks turn'd to good account against these Syracusians For coming upon them as they were pitching their Tents and out of Array and for the most part unarm'd the Foot were hemm'd in and cut to pieces the Horse after a small Skirmish fled with Hippocrates to Acrae This Defeat having somewhat restrain'd the Sicilians that before were all for revolting from the Romans Marcellus return'd to Syracuse and within few days Himilco having join'd Hippocrates encamp'd about eight miles from thence upon the River Anatis About the same time there arriv'd in the great Port of Syracuse Admiral Bomilcar with a Fleet of fifty five Sail from Carthage and the Roman Navy consisting of thirty Sail put on shore the first Legion at Panormus so that now the War seem'd diverted from Italy and both Nations intent only upon the gaining of Sicily This Roman Legion Himilco doubted not but to intercept in their passage to Syracuse but he mistook the way marching high up in the Land whilst they went along the shore the Navy sailing by them all the way and so came to Pachynus where App. Claudius met them with part of his Souldiers Nor did the Carthaginian Fleet continue at Syracuse for Bomilcar neither thought himself able to engage the Romans at Sea not could do his Friends any good but rather impoverish them and waste their Provisions therefore he hoised Sail back again for Africk And Hamilco having dogg'd Marcellus as far as Syracuse hoping to have met with some advantage to have fought him before he had join'd the rest of his Forces finding no such opportunity and that before Syracuse the Enemy was too strong both by their Works and their Numbers that he might not vainly spend time in looking upon his besieged Friends whom he could not help he march'd thence to see what places he could by his presence or Force withdraw from the Roman Obedience and first of all he was receiv'd at Marguntia whose Inhabitants betray'd the Roman Garrison there he got abundance of Provisions of all sorts stor'd up by the Romans This encourag'd other Towns to the like Revolt and the Roman Garrisons were every where driven out by Force or circumvented and cut off by Fraud The City Enna situate on a Hill every way very steep was not only impregnable by Nature but secur'd by a strong Garrison under a Captain not easie to be wheadled viz. L. Pinarius a sharp man and one who confided more in his own caution than the Sicilians fidelity especially since he was now every day alarm'd with so many treacherous pranks play'd round about him Therefore night and day he kept strict Guards and Watches his Souldiers were always in Arms nor durst any depart from his Post which the chief Burghers perceiving who already had bargain'd with Himilco to betray the Garrison they thought it best to play above board and by open means effect their design they therefore tell the Governour That both the City and Castle ought to be in their own hands and disposal since they entred into League with the Romans as Freemen and yielded up themselves not as Slaves and Vassals to be kept under per duress and as it were in a prison therefore they thought it but just and fit that the Keys of the Gates should be restor'd unto them Amongst good Allies there is no greater obligation than their own fidelity and the People and Senate of Rome would no doubt have the greater kindness for them when they should see them continue firm and stedfast to their Friendship not by constraint but of their own free inclinations The Governour answers That he was placed there in Garrison by his General and from him receiv'd both the Keys of the Gates and the Custody of the Castle and held the same neither at his own disposal nor at the pleasure of the Enneans but of his who committed them unto him That for a Captain to quit his Post was amongst the Romans punish'd with certain death wherein their Ancestors had been so strict as even Parents had not spared their own Children when guilty therein And seeing the Consul Marcellus was but hard by they might if they pleas'd send to him about it who only had the proper Right and Authority to gratifie them in this matter They flatly told him That they would not stand sending after Marcellus but if fair words would not prevail were resolv'd to take other measures to redeem their Liberties Pinarius replied If you think much to address your Messengers to the Consul yet do me this favour as to call a Common Hall for my satisfaction that I may know whether these Demands proceed only from some few mens humours or be the sentiments of the whole body of the City Which they granted and appointed a general Assembly on the morrow Assoon as he parted from them and was got into the Castle he calls a Council of War and thus harangues them I believe Fellow-Souldiers you have heard in how miserable a manner the Roman Garrisons abroad are of late betray'd and destroy'd by these Sicilians which Treachery you have hitherto avoided first and principally through the goodness of the Gods and in the next place by your own Valour and vigilance in standing night and day to your Arms and I wish we might as well pass the time that is to come without either suffering or acting any horrible violence We must still exercise the same Caution as we have done hitherto against their secret fraud which because it has not yet succceded they now openly and publickly demand the Keys of the Gates which we shall no sooner surrender but the Carthaginians will be Masters of
Roman Garrison were sent them Which he promised them and in order thereunto dispatcht two thousand choice men to the mouth of the River that runs from thence under the Command of Q. Naevius Crista a diligent man and excellent Souldier who having Landed his men and sent back his Ships to Oric march'd at a great distance from the River by a way not at all guarded by the Kings Forces and so in the night got into the City without being perceiv'd The next day he rested his men and spent his own time in mustering the youth of the City and surveying their Arms and the strength of the place with which being well satisfied and encouraged and withal inform'd by his Scouts how secure and negligent the Enemy was he makes a Sally in the dead of the night and with a still march entred the Enemies Camp who lay so naked and horrible careless that 't is certain above a thousand of his men were got over their Rampier before one of them took the Alarm and if they had forborn falling upon them they might have gone up to the Kings Tent before any notice taken but the killing of some near the Ports awaken'd the Enemy who were all in such a fright and consternation that not a man took Arms to oppose them nay the King himself as he started out of sleep half naked and in an habit scarce fit for a common Souldier much less a Prince fled to the River and got on board his Fleet whither his people follow'd after him in heaps There were well near three thousand in all taken and slain but the greater number taken The Camp was plundred the Apollonians got all his Capults Balists and other Battering Engines which they carried home to secure their own Walls whenever there should happen the like occasion all the rest of the Booty fell to the share of the Roman Souldiers As soon as news of this defeat came to Oric Valerius presently set Sail with his Fleet to the mouth of the River to prevent the Kings Escape by Sea whereupon Philip distrusting his power on Sea as well as on shore to be too weak to cope with the Romans sunk and burnt his Ships and so march'd by Land to Macedonia his Forces having lost all their Baggage and most part of their Arms the Roman Navy continued all Winter with Valerius at Oric Variety of Action happen'd this year in Spain for before the Romans could get over the River Iberus Mago and Asdrubal had routed a mighty Host of Spaniards so as all the further part of Spain had revolted if P. Cornelius had not with great Expedition transported his Army and seasonably come up to assure the minds of his wavering Allies He first encamp'd at a place call'd High Castle famous for the death of the great Amilcar It was a place well fortified and they had already stor'd up their Corn there yet because it was in the midst of the Enemies Quarters whose Cavalry had several times faln upon the Roman Fort and got off again clear In which Incursions they had slain at least two thousand men either loitering behind the rest or carelesly straggling about the Country it was thought fit to remove from thence into places more quiet and secure and so encamped on Mount Victoria thither came Cn. Scipio with all his Forces and also Asdrubal the Son of Gisco the third in renown and quality of all the Punick Generals with a compleat Army and both these sat down on the other side the River over against the first mentioned Camp of the Romans P. Scipio riding out with a few light Horse to take a view of the ground the Enemy discover'd him and in that open Champain Country had undoubtely cut him off but that he got to an Hill of advantage hard by where he was encompass'd for some time but by the coming up of his Brother with a Party to his Rescue got off without much loss Castulo a strong and noble City of Spain and so strictly allied to the Carthaginians that Annibal married his Wife from thence did yet notwithstanding now quit their Party and join with the Romans The Carthaginians began to assault Illiturgis where there lay a Roman Garrison whom they hoped to master the sooner because they understood they were already in great want of Provisions Cn. Scipio to relieve his Confederates and his own Souldiers that were there march'd with a Legion of Souldiers lightly arm'd between the Enemies two Camps skirmishing with them all the way not without great slaughter and so entred the City and the next day made a Sally no less fortunate For in those two Conflicts he kill'd above twelve thousand of the Enemy took more than ten thousand Prisoners with six and thirty Colours Thus was the Siege of Illiturgis raised and in the next place the Carthaginians laid Siege to Bigerra which was also in Amity with the Romans but Cn. Scipio advancing thither they quitted the same without fighting After which the Punick Camp lying at Munda the Romans followed hard at their heels where they fought a pitch'd Battel for four hours space but the Romans having much the better of the day were on a sudden call'd off by a Retreat sounded because Cn. Scipio was hurt in the Thigh with a barbed Javelin and the Souldiers about him were in some disorder fearing the wound was mortal If that accident had not stopt them 't is certain they had that day taken the Enemies Camp for they had already driven not only the Souldiers but the Elephants too up to the French and as they stood there as it were at Bay no less than thirty nine Elephants were kill'd and wounded with Darts and Javelins In this Battel likewise were kill'd by report twelve thousand almost three thousand taken Prisoners and fifty seven Colours won The Enemy retreated from thence to the City Aurinx and the Romans to give them no breathing time after their late Overthrows pursued hard after them There again Scipio though carried into the Field in an Horse-litter fought them and had the Victory clear though not half so many of the Enemy kill'd as before because there were not now so many left to fight But being amongst a people naturally addicted to Wars Mago sent forth by his Brother Asdrubal to make new Levies soon recruited the Army and then they had the heart to venture another Battel As most of their men were thus new-rais'd and the rest such as had been so often cow'd before so their success was according eight thousand kill'd not less than two thousand taken Prisoners and fifty eight Colours together with abundance of Gallick Spoils Gold Rings Chains and Bracelets likewise two Princes of the Gauls whose names were Menicapto and Civismaro lost their lives in this Battel eight Elephants taken and three kill'd And now after all these successes in Spain the Romans began to be asham'd that they had suffer'd the City of Saguntum the original Cause of the whole
years for Covetousness and Cheating had not his Fellow in the whole City except L. Pomponius Veientanus taken Prisoner last year by Hanno in the Lucans Country as aforesaid These two and some of their Confederates of the same Trade because the State was to answer all Casualties of the Seas as for any Provisions sent to the Armies feigned abundance of Shipwracks and those which they brought to account that were really cast away were occasioned by their own Fraud and Knavery not by any Accident for their Course was to lade old Weather-beaten Vessels with a few Goods of little value and when the same were sunk in the Sea having Boats in readiness to save the Mariners they would falsly pretend and crave allowance for abundance of Goods of great value as lost thereby This Fraud of theirs was discovered last year to M. Aemilius the Praetor who acquainted the Senate therewith but it was not then taken notice of or punish'd because the Fathers at that Juncture were not willing to disoblige the Publicans whom they then stood so much in need of but when 't was brought before the people they were resolved severely to chastise this horrid Cheat And the Carvilii two Praetors of the Commons justly moved with the indignity and scandalousness of the thing lay a Fine of two hundred thousand Asses about six hundred twenty five pounds sterling upon his Head And when the day came that the same should be confirmed by the people or else either increased or mitigated the Assembly of the Commons was so full that all the Court of the Capitol could scarce contain the multitude The Defendent pleaded largely for himself but his only hope seemed to be that a Kinsman of his C. Servilius Casca one of the Tribunes of the Commons would interpose in his behalf before the Tribes were called forth to give their Suffrages The Witnesses being heard the Tribunes commanded the Crowd to withdraw to a convenient distance and the Lottery-Box was brought out to determine in which Tribe the Free Latines that were in Town should give their Votes In the mean time the Publicans baited Casca that he would dissolve the Court and the people cry'd out as fast on the contrary to proceed and as it fell out Casca sat full in view the formost man on the Tribunes Bench and though he would fain have done his Relation a kindness yet he knew not how for fear and shame to appear in such a dirty business seeing no likelyhood of assistance from him the Publicans to make a disturbance and hinder the proceedings came in a forceable manner through the void space that was between the people and the Court and thrust in rudely amongst them till they got upon an high place where they fell a quarrelling and brawling with the Tribunes on one side and the people on the other insomuch that they were like to go together by the Ears whereupon Fulvius said to the Tribunes Do not you see that your Authority is contemn'd and that there is danger of a Riot and Mutiny unless you presently adjourn the Assembly Which being done a Senate is call'd to whom the Consuls represent how the common Hall was disturb'd by the impudence and violence of the Publicans That Court quoth they wherein the great M. Furius Camillus on whose banishment ensued the ruine of the City calmly suffer'd himself to be condemn'd by ungrateful Citizens wherein before him the Decemvirs by whose Laws we live to this day and many other persons of the first quality in all Ages have submitted to the Judgment of the People But now comes this Posthumius Pyrgensis and by force does wrest from the Commons the Liberty of their Votes hath subverted the Commons Judicature affronted and contemn'd the Tribunes came as in a Warlike manner against the people of Rome seiz'd a place by violence to keep the Tribunes from coming to the Commons or the Commons to their Tribunes and hinder the Tribes from being call'd to their Suffrages nor was there any thing that prevented blows and murther but the patience of the Magistrates giving way for the present to the insolence and fury of these few seditious Mutineers and suffering themselves and the people of Rome to be overcome so far That seeing the Criminals went about with Force and Arms to hinder their proceedings they dissolv'd the Court by their own Authority that there might be no occasion given to those who sought nothing so much as some colour for a combustion All good men resenting this as a very heinous offence and the Senate having declared That this violence and breach of the Peace tended to the hazard of the State and would be a precedent of most pernicious consequence if not severely punisht presently the two Carvilii the Tribunes laying aside the Debate about their Fine Indited Posthumius of Treason and commanded one of the principal Serjeants to attack him and carry him to Gaol unless he found very good Bail he did accordingly give Sureties but left them in the lurch and appear'd not at the day whereupon the Tribunes preferr'd a Bill to the people who ratified the same That if M. Posthumius should not surrender himself before the first day of May and when he was call'd on that day did not appear and answer nor any lawful excuse be alledged for his absence they adjudg'd him to be banisht his Estate to be forfeited and sold and they did forbid him fire and water or that he should lose the benefit of his Country for ever After which all the rest concern'd in stirring up the Riot and Tumult were capitally prosecuted and required to give Sureties first only those that could not get Bail were Imprison'd but afterwards those that offer'd pledges were notwithstanding secured To avoid which danger divers went voluntarily into banishment This was the upshot of these Publicans fraudulent dealings and of their impudence in defending the same After this the Assembly was held for Creation of an High Priest by M. Cornelius Cethegus a Pontiff lately Elected Three Competitors there were who vy'd all their Interests for the place viz. Q. Fulvius Flaccus the Consul who had twice before been Consul and Censor and T. Manlius Torquatus dignified also with two Consulships and a Censorship besides and P. Licinius Crassus who as yet had not serv'd Aedile yet this young man carried it from both the said antient and honourable Candidates nor had there in a hundred and twenty years before been any one except P. Cornelius Calussa made supream Pontiff till after he had been Aedile of State The Consuls finding much difficulty to compleat their Levies because there were not able men enough to be found in the Town both to furnish out the two new Legions of Citizens that were order'd and at the same time to recruit the old The Senate Order'd them to cease their trouble and commanded two Committees of Triumvirs should be Created one for places within fifty miles of the City the other
beyond whose business should be to survey all Villages thorough Fares Market-Towns and places of resort and take notice what numbers there were of men of free condition and such as they found able to bear Arms though not of lawful Age they were to press for Souldiers Also that the Tribunes of the Commons if they thought fit should present a Bill to the People That those who should List themselves under seventeen years of Age should have as good pay as if they were above In pursuance of which Decree the said Triumvirs made diligent Inquisition all over the Countreys for Free-born persons fit to serve the State and so compleated the Levies At the same time arriv'd Letters out of Sicily which were read in the Senate from M. Marcellus containing the requests of the Souldiers that serv'd under P. Lentulus This Army was the remnant of the overthrow at Cannae sent into Sicily as is before-mentioned with Orders to be confin'd to that Island and not return into Italy whilst the Carthaginians continued there These having obtained leave of Lentulus sent some of their Horsemen and Centurions of the best Quality as also certain select Foot-Souldiers as Agitators to M. Marcellus at his Winter-Quarters where being admitted to Audience one of them spake as follows We had addressed our selves to you Noble Marcellus in Italy whilst you were Consul immediately after that though not unjust certainly sad and rigorous Decree was pass'd against us in the Senate but that being order'd for this Province all in confusion by the Death of the King we well hoped we had been sent to be employed in a smart War both against the Sicilians and Punicks where with our blood and wounds we might have satisfied and appeased the displeasure which the Fathers had conceived against us As but in the last Age those who were taken by Pyrrhus at Heraclea made amends for their fault by their good service against the same Pyrrhus yet are we still ignorant O Conscript Fathers wherein we have offended or deserved your displeasure Suffer us so to speak as if they were all present for methinks I see both the Consuls and the whole Senate when I behold your face O Marcellus whom if we had had for our Consul at Cannae both the Fortune of the Commonwealth had been much better and our own Give us leave we beseech you before we sigh out our complaints for our present miserable condition to clear our selves of the Crime which we are charged with if it were neither by the special Vengeance of the Gods nor by the Decrees of Destiny on whose Laws the unavoidable Course of Humane Affairs depends but by some default that we were at Cannae overthrown Then I beseech you by whose was it the Souldiers or the Generals For my own part I remember I am a Souldier and will never speak any thing but well of my General of him especially to whom I know the Senate rendred thanks because he despaired not of the Commonwealth and who every year since his flight from Cannae has been continued in Command as also we hear the Colonels that there escaped do daily put in for and obtain Honours and Offices and even the Government of whole Provinces And can you my Lords of the Senate so easily forgive those of your own Rank and their Children and yet at the same time be so very severe against us poor Wretches of the Commonalty Or was it no dishonour for the Consul and other Chief Commanders to fly when the Case was grown desperate And were the wretched Souldiers sent into the Field on purpose that come what would they must needs die and not offer to escape At Allia almost the whole Army ran away at the Streights of Caudium without so much as venturing a Battel they surrendred their Arms to the Enemy not to mention other shameful Defeats of our Armies yet so far were those Armies from being branded with any mark of reproach that the City of Rome it self was recovered by the Forces who had fled from Allia to Veii And the Caudine Legions though they return'd home without Arms yet being arm'd and sent back subdu'd the very same Enemy and made them pass under the like shameful yoke which before they had insultingly imposed on them Nor need we these Examples for indeed who can justly tax the Army before Cannae either with Flight or Cowardise where there were above fifty thousand men slain upon the spot From whence the Consul retreated but with seventy Horse Where none survived but such as the Enemy for meer weariness could not kill When the Prisoners there taken were denied to be ransom'd we were every where cry'd up and commended for reserving our selves against another day to serve our Country for returning into Venusia to the Consul and thereby keeping up still the shew of a competent Army But now are we in a worse condition than those who in our Forefathers days suffer'd themselves to be taken Prisoners for they only had their Armour and Weapons changed for worse and were put in a more dishonourable place both on a March and in the Camp and even all this disgrace they could wipe off with one brave Service for their Country or prosperous Battel none of them was banish'd none put out of hopes of being discharged from bearing Arms after he had served his full Term by Law appointed and besides they were set to fight with some Enemy where they might once for all either put a period to their lives or their dishonour But we against whom nothing can be objected unless we be guilty in being a means that some few Roman Souldiers are yet alive after the slaughter at Cannae are not only sent like banish'd persons far from our Country and from Italy but also from all Enemies where we may grow old in Exile where we have neither hope nor opportunity of cancelling our disgrace no means to mitigate the resentments of our Fellow-Citizens against us no nor so much as any possibility left of dying with Honour 't is neither a period of our shame that we request nor a reward of our Valour all we desire is that we may have leave to make proof of our Courage and give some Specimen of our Mettle 't is toil and dangers we petition for that we may shew our selves Men and Souldiers There has all last year been War in Sicily sharply managed some Cities the Punicks some the Romans have taken by pure force both Foot and Horse have been engaged in pitch'd Battels Syracuse is attacqued as well by Sea as Land and we hear the shouts of those that are fighting and the clattering of their Arms and yet all the while are our selves kept idle and do nothing as if we had neither hands nor weapons The Legions of Bond-slaves under T. Sempronius have often already fought the Enemy with Banners display'd and for their reward have obtained first their Liberty and next their Freedom of the City Let us too if
the Roads and have their Eyes about them that no Countrymen should spy the Army on their march or be able to give notice of it therefore those they overtook they were to carry back and those they met to kill that the people might think they were a Gang of Thieves and Highway-men rather than part of an Army He himself made a long march and Encampt next Night not above fifteen miles from Tarentum and even there would not discover where his design lay only calling his Souldiers together charg'd them That not a man should straggle out of the Road or quit his rank That they should diligently wait for the words of Command but attempt nothing without Orders and in due time he would acquaint them what was to be done About the same instant news came to Tarentum That the Numidian Horse were abroad a plundering and put the Countrymen far and near into great fright and consternation yet upon this Intelligence the Roman Governour concern'd himself no further than to Order a Party of Horse to go at break of day next Morning to beat them back from Forraging but as to any preparations for his Security was altogether remiss and took this Excursion of the Numidians as an Argument that Annibal with his Army was not dislodg'd but still continued at their old Leaguer Annibal as soon as it was dark set forwards again Philemenus went before and led them loaded with his Hunting Game as he used to be the rest of the Conspirators waited their time to execute their several Charges as was before agreed amongst them which was that Philemenus carrying in his Venison at the Wicket should get in a parcel of armed men and Annibal on the other part should march up to the Gate call'd Temenis which situate on the Landside was towards the East a little within the Wall as it were in a nook when Annibal approach'd pretty near that Gate he gave a signal by a blaze of Fire which was answer'd in like manner by Nico that Commanded a Forlorn Hope and presently both extinguisht again that the City might take no notice on 't Annibal march'd up silently towards the Gate whilst Nico seizing the Watchmen unawares and killing them as they lay half asleep opens the Port Annibal enters with the Foot but Orders his Horse to stay without that on open ground they might be ready where there should be most occasion Philemenus by this time was come near the Wicket on the other side which he was wont to go in at and raising the Watchman with his usual Whistle and Voice well known bidding him make hast for they had got such a prize as they could hardly stand under it the Portal was flung open two lusty Fellows carrying in a vast Wild Boar between them himself follow'd with one of the Huntsmen lightly-arm'd and whilst the Fellow was staring upon and admiring the greatness of the Beast thrust him through with an Hunting Spear presently thirty more armed get in and cut to pieces the rest of the Watch fling open the great Gate and the whole Party enter with Banners display'd and so being silently led to the Market place join Annibal who then dividing two thousand Gauls into three Squadrons sent them to secure several parts of the City and the Tarentines and Africans to seize those streets that were most populous with Orders to kill all the Romans they met but spare the Inhabitants and that the same might be observ'd directed some of the Tarentines to go in the head of each Party to bid each of their Townsmen they should see at a distance be quiet keep out of the way and fear nothing By this time all places were full of tumult and clamour as is wont to be in a City taken but what the matter was no body certainly understood The Tarentines suspected the Romans were going to plunder their City the Romans imagin'd the Townsmen were up to cut their Throats by Treachery The Governour awaken'd at the first hubbub fled to the Haven and thence in a Skiff to the Castle That which added to the terrour was a Trumpet heard from the Theatre for it was a Roman Trumpet provided by the Conspirators for this purpose and being unskilfully sounded by a Graecian not at all used to such Instruments it was doubtful whose side it was of or what signal was thereby meant to be given but when it grew somewhat light and the Romans saw the Punick and Gallick Arms there was no more doubting in the Case and the Grecians seeing the Romans every where lie kill'd were satisfied the City was taken by Annibal After 't was grown perfect day and those Romans that surviv'd were fled into the Castle and the hurry was pretty well over Annibal Commanded the Tarentines to assemble at the Common Hall without Weapons which they did accordingly except those that accompanied the Romans to the Castle resolv'd to run the same Fortune with them Annibal made a winning Speech to the Tarentines putting them in mind how courteous he had been to their Citizens taken either at Thrasymenus or Cannae withal inveighing against the proud domineering humour and oppressions of the Romans and then required them all to depart every one to his own dwelling and write his name upon his door and that those Houses which should not be so written upon he would forthwith give his Souldiers a signal to plunder and if any should presume to write a name on any House wherein the Romans were Quarter'd which were all empty Houses he would punish them as Enemies The Assembly being dismiss'd and the Houses by that token distinguisht which were to be treated as Friends and which as Enemies the Signal was given and the Souldiers fell to plundering as fast as they could and got some parcel of Pillage Next day he march'd to attacque the Castle but seeing it so advantagiously situate defended by the Sea which washes the greatest part of it as a Peninsula and with vast high and steep Rocks and towards the City fortified with a gallant Wall and mighty Ditch and that it was neither to be won by Scalado nor Battery that he might not by securing the Tarentines lose opportunities for greater affairs nor yet leave them exposed to the Excursions of the Romans at their pleasure from the Castle he appointed a Rampier to be raised between the City and the Castle not without hopes That the Romans to hinder the same would come out and so he might have an opportunity to fight them and if they rashly adventur'd too far might by a notable slaughter so weaken the Garrison that the Tarentines themselves might thenceforwards easily defend their City against them His hopes prov'd prophetical for no sooner was the work began but out came the Romans falling full drive upon the Pioneers and the Guard set for their defence retreated on purpose that seeming success might encrease their confidence and they might follow them in greater numbers and further but upon a
Forces advanced and with a multitude of Ladders scaled the Wall a Sign being given them for that purpose by those within from the Gate Hexapylos for so far they march'd without any opposition most of the Garrison being either feasting in the Forts and already drunk and asleep or else drinking on still and so drowsie that they minded nothing and some few found in their Hutts were kill'd The Wicket at Hexapylos they began to break open with great violence and the Trumpet according to agreement founded from the Wall to let them know they were there ready to second them No longer was the matter carried closely but with open force and they made it their business to daunt and terrifie the Enemy rather than steal upon them unawares being come as far as Epipolae a place full of Watchmen and Guards and indeed terrified they were for assoon as they heard the Trumpets sounding and the shouts of those that had got possession of part of the Wall and City the Guards imagining all lost fled as hard as they could drive along the Wall or endeavour'd to leap down from it and in that fright precipitated one another But still the greater part wholly ignorant of any danger lay drown'd in wine and sleep and besides the City was of so vast an extent and scatteringly built that those in one part were not sensible of what was a doing in the other But when Marcellus came in with all his Forces he rouzed them all and every one was in an hurry to take Arms and defend if they could the City which was almost taken already Epicides made haste from the Island which they call Nasos at the Head of a Company of Souldiers making full account to drive the Enemy out again with ease as supposing they were but some few who by the negligence of the Sentinels were got over the Wall and therefore those of the Town whom he met running away in a fright he severely chid telling them They themselves increased the tumult by being afraid of Bugbears making the matter worse and more terrible than it was But when he saw all that part of the City called Epipolae was seized and full of armed men after a small Skirmish with Darts at a distance whereby he only provok'd the Enemy rather than much hurt them he march'd back into the Acradine not so much for fear of the Enemies force or numbers as lest some Treachery should happen within by occasion of his absence and in that confusion he might find the Gates of the Acradine and Island shut against him Marcellus after he was come within the Walls from the highest places took a view of the whole City one of the fairest at that time in the World at which sight 't is said that Great Conquerour could not refrain weeping whether they were tears of Joy at his having atchiev'd so mighty a Service or rather of pity condoling the uncertainty of all humane Grandeur when he call'd to mind the antient Glories of this Town how they destroyed the Athenian Fleets and cut to pieces two vast Armies of theirs together with their Generals how gallantly they waged War a long time with the Carthaginians How many rich and potent Princes had there held their Royal Courts amongst whom he could not but with a more peculiar passion remember the late King Hiero a Prince Illustrious for abundance of excellent Endowments which Fortune conferr'd upon him or his own Vertue acquir'd but for nothing more famous than his constant inviolable Friendship and repeated good Offices towards the people of Rome when all these things at once occurr'd to his mind and withal he consider'd That all that Beauty and Glory within one hours space was like to be on a light Fire and reduc'd to rubbish and ashes it could not but make strange Emotions in so generous a Breast therefore to make the overthrow as gentle as he could before he advanc'd his Ensigns against the Acradine he sent before such Syracusians as were in his Camp to perswade their Countrymen to surrender and not push on things to the last Extremity But the Gates and Walls of the Acradine were guarded for the most part by Renegades who having no hopes of saving themselves by a Treaty would not suffer any others to come near the Walls or hold any Parley therefore Marcellus seeing that overture had not success marcht back unto Euryalus which was a small Fort on the farther part of the City remote from the Sea and commanding the Highway that leads into the Fields and the very heart of the whole Island a place very convenient for the taking up of provisions The Governour of this Sconce was one Philodemus an Argive placed there by Epicides to whom Marcellus sent Sosis one of the Killers of the late Tyrant to capitulate with him touching yielding up the said place but after a long Conference could bring him to nothing but return'd word to Marcellus That he would take time to consider of it and so drill'd out the time from day to day whilst Hippocrates and Himilco were advancing with their Troops not doubting but after their Arrival they might be able to cut off the whole Roman Army being enclosed on each side within the Walls Marcellus perceiving that Eurialus was neither like to be surrendred nor easily taken Encamp'd between Neapolis and Tyche two parts of the City so named which for their bigness might pass for intire Cities of themselves fearing that if he should go into streets well inhabited his Souldiers greedy of Booty would not be kept together but be apt to straggle abroad for plunder thither came to him both from Neapolis and Tyche Agents with Olive-Branches and sacred Fillets about their Heads and Veils after the manner of Suppliants beseeching him To forbear putting the Inhabitants to the Sword or firing the City which entreaties for so they were rather than Propositions or demands being considered Proclamation was made throughout the Camp That no Souldiers should presume to offer the least violence to the persons of any people of Free born condition but for all goods whatsoever they should take them for booty Marcellus's Camp was defended on both sides with Housing as with a Wall and he bestow'd a strong Guard at the Gates thereof facing the ends of the streets lest it should be attacqu'd whilst his Souldiers were a pillaging For as soon as the Signal was given they every where broke open the Doors and fell a rummaging in every Corner filling all places with tumult and terrour but refrain'd from bloodshed nor was there any end of their rifling and ransacking till they had seiz'd and carried away every thing of value and utterly emptied the place of all those riches which the Inhabitants had so long in their prosperity been heaping together Amidst these stirs Philodemus seeing no hopes of being reliev'd upon Articles that he should march away safely to Epicides drew out his Garrison and yielded the Fort to the Romans whose
would with that Army which was at present in and about the City sufficiently defend them against his violence and outrages Between these differing Opinions P. Valerius Flaccus proposed a middle Expedient approved of by the Body of the Senate for having a due regard to the importance of both Affairs he advis'd That an Express should be sent to the Commanders that lay before Capua to acquaint them what Guards the City had already and as for the strength of Annibals Army or how many Forces would be necessary to continue the Siege of Capua they themselves could best judge and therefore if one of the Generals and part of the Army could be spared without any hazard of interrupting the Siege then Claudius and Fulvius should agree between themselves which should continue there and which should come with all Expedition to Rome to keep their Native City from being invested by the Enemy A Decree of the Senate to this purpose being brought to the Leaguer at Capua Q. Fulvius the Pro-Consul undertook the Expedition for Rome because his Collegue was not yet able to march by reason of the wound he lately received out of the three Armies he made a Draught of fifteen thousand Foot and a thousand Horse and with them pass'd the River Vulturnus And having intelligence That Annibal would march along the road call'd The Latine Street he took the other way call'd Via Appia and sent Curriers before unto Setia Sora and Lavinium which are situate near thereunto not only to provide and lay up Necessaries for him in their Towns but to cause the Country to bring in their provisions to the said road and to assemble what Forces they could into their Towns for their defence and all to be in Arms and stand upon their Guard Annibal that day he passed Vulturnus encamped not far from the River The next day arrived near Cales in the Sidicines Country where he spent one day in forraging and so led his Army along the Latine Way by Suessula Allifanum and the Territories of Casinum where he remain'd two days encamped and made great spoil in the neighbouring Country From thence leaving Interramna and Aquinum he came near Fregellae as far as the River Liris where he found the Bridge beat down by the Fregellanes to interrupt his March Fulvius was likewise stay'd at the River Vulturnus for Annibal having burnt all the Barges and Lighters he was forc'd to make Rafts and Punts to set over his men and found not a little difficulty therein by reason of the great scarcity of Wood in those parts But when he was once got over there met with no obstruction in the rest of his March but was plentifully furnish'd with all sorts of Provisions not only in the Towns but on the Road and the Souldiers were very chearful and to encourage one another would cry Come let 's mend our pace remembring that we go to defend our Country A Post from Fregellae that rode night and day arriving at Rome with the News of Annibals advance to that Town put the City into great consternation and the concourse of people adding vain fictions of their own to the News they heard made a greater hurry than the Messenger and set the whole City in an uproar The Women fill'd not only their private houses with their lamentations but you should see multitudes of Matrons running about streets with their hair about their Ears and sweeping the Altars of the Gods with their lovely Locks kneeling on the bare ground and with hands lifted up to Heaven beseeching the Divine Powers That they would vouchsafe to keep the City of Rome out of the hands of the Enemy and preserve the Roman Matrons and their Children and little ones from all violence and abuse The Body of the Senate were ready in the Common Hall to give their Advice whenever the Magistrates desired it some having receiv'd their necessary Orders depart every one to his Charge Others offer themselves to be employ'd in any Service where-ever there was occasion Guards are set in the Castle in the Capitol and upon the Walls all places about the City were well man'd the Alban Mount and Castle of Tusculum furnish'd with strong Garrisons But during this Alarm News came that Fulvius the Proconsul was upon his March with an Army from Capua and because he should not according to the common course be abridg'd of his Authority when he came into the City the Senate passed a special Vote That he should have equal Command with the Consuls themselves Annibal having most severely plunder'd and wasted the Fregellanes Country in revenge for their breaking down the Bridges march'd through the Frusinat Ferentinate and Anaguine Territories unto those of the Labici and so by Algidum advanc'd towards Tusculum but being there denied Entrance within their Walls he went a little below it on the right hand to Gabii and so into Pupinia and encamp'd within eight miles of Rome The nearer the Enemy approach'd the more dreadful havock they made and the greater slaughter of the Peasants that fled before them abundance of all Conditions and Ages being taken by his Numidian Horse who scour'd the Country before his Army In this distress and tumult Fulvius Flaccus entred Rome with his Army at the Gate Capena and march'd through the midst of the City along the street Carinae unto Port Esquiline and going forth thereat encamp'd between that and the other Gate called Collina The Aediles of the Commons conveying Provisions and the Consuls and whole body of the Senate likewise repairing thither where they sat in Council about the State of the Commonwealth And agreed it was That the Consuls should also lye encamped not far from the same Gates That C. Calpurnius Praetor of the City should be Governour of the Castle and the Capitol and the Senators be always ready in the Forum to be advised with upon any sudden Accidents In the mean time Annibal was come forwards as far as the River Anio and kept a standing Leaguer but three miles off the City whence he himself in person with two thousand Horse advanc'd up towards the Gate Collina as far as Hercules's Temple and rode all about as near as he could to take a view of the Walls and Situation of the City Flaccus could not without indignation behold him take this liberty to brave them at his pleasure and therefore sent out a body of Horse to beat off the Enemy and send them back to their Camp Whilst they were skirmishing the Consuls gave Order That a Squadron of Numidian Horse to the number of twelve hundred who some time before revolted from the Enemy and at that time lay upon the Aventine Hill should hasten through the City and out at the Esquiline to engage the Enemy as knowing that none were so fit for that Service seeing the ground where they fought was very uneven full of Banks and Vallies Garden-Houses Sepulchres and hollow Ways but when the people at a distance saw them riding
from the Castle and Capitol down the open brow of the Hill an Out-cry was set up That the Aventine was taken which caused such a general terrour and running that if the Carthaginian Tents had not been without the other side of the City the timorous multitude had undoubtedly fled clear away and abandon'd the Town but instead thereof they now betook them to their Houses and thence with weapons and stones pelted their Friends as they march'd through the streets instead of their Enemies nor was there any means to suppress the Tumult or make them sensible of their mistake the streets were so crowded with Troops of Country-people and Cattel which the sudden fright occasion'd by Annibals approach had driven into the City In the Skirmish between the Horse the Romans had the better on 't and repulsed the Enemy And because there was continual need to appease Disorders and Tumults that were apt to arise upon small occasions in several places at once it was decreed That all that had been Dictators Consuls or Censors should have as much power as if they were still in those Offices till such time as the Enemy was gone from before the Walls By which means divers vain and rash Tumults occasion'd by false Alarms in the remaining part of that day and the night following were happily pacified Next morning Annibal passing the River Anio drew up all his Forces in Battalia nor did Flaccus and the Consuls decline the Field but when both Armies were ready for an Engagement on the issue whereof depended no less than the whole Fortunes of Rome there happen'd a mighty showre of Rain intermingled with Hail which so incommoded both Hosts that they could scarce hold their Weapons but were forc'd to retreat into their respective Camps though on each side fearing nothing less than the Enemy The morrow after likewise when they stood in the same place in Battel-array a like Tempest separated them and yet each time they were no sooner retired into their Camps but the weather presently prov'd fair and calm These odd accidents the Carthaginians look'd upon as an ominous Prefage to them of ill Luck and Annibal is reported to have said That one while his mind and another while his Fortune would not give him leave to make himself Master of Rome There were other occurrences besides as well small as great which discouraged him That of most importance was That whilst he lay with his Host before the Walls of Rome he understood there were several Regiments with Banners display'd sent away to reinforce the Armies in Spain Of less reckoning and yet considerable was this that he was advertiz'd by certain Prisoners That the very same plot of ground whereon his Army lay encamp'd happening in that juncture to be sold was bought at the full rate and nothing abated This he counted such a presumptuous and scornful affront that Rome should afford a Chapman for that piece of Land which he was possessed of That to retaliate the Bravado he caused a publick Cryer by sound of Trumpet to offer to Sale all the Goldsmiths Shops about the Market-place in Rome but met with none that would purchase them Not a little affected with these discouragements he dislodg'd and retreated to the River Tutia six miles from the City and from thence to the Grove of Feronia where stood a Temple in those days famous for its Riches for the Capenates inhabiting thereabouts paying their First-fruits and other Gifts there in great abundance had adorn'd it with great store of Gold and Silver All which they rifled and took away only great heaps of Brass there were found there after Annibal was gone because his Souldiers smote with a kind of remorse of Conscience thinking it seems Exchange no Robbery had for the Gold and Silver left their Brass-money in the stead of it The sacking of this Temple all Writers agree in But Caelius saith That Annibal as he went towards Rome from Eretum turned thither and sets down his Gests or Marches thus first from Reate Cutiliae and Amiternum and that out of Campania he came into Samnium then amongst the Pelignians by the Town Sulmo to the Marrucines thence by Alba to the Marsians so to the Village Foruli nor is there any doubt but he passed that way for the footsteps of so great an Army could not in so small a time be worn out The only Controversie is Whether he came that way to the City or returned back by those places into Campania Nor was Annibal so resolutely bent to raise the Siege of Capua as the Romans to continue and re-inforce it for he in his return hastened another way first out of the Lucans Country to the Bruttians and thence to the Streights towards Sicily so that he was got to Rhegium before they were aware and had almost taken them napping Though Capua during Flaccus's absence was not dully attacqu'd yet it was more sensible of his return and much they wondred why Annibal came not back thither as well as he But afterwards by some Intelligence from abroad they perceiv'd that they were abandon'd and forsaken and that the Carthaginians despair'd of retaining that City Besides the Proconsul by Order of the Senate set forth a Proclamation which was spread in the Town That all Citizens of Capua who should surrender themselves to him by a certain day should be receiv'd and have Quarter But none laid hold of that Overture being kept in rather by Fear than Loyalty as apprehending that by their Revolt they had offended beyond all hopes of Pardon But as none by private discretion came over to the Enemy so neither was there by publick Council any good course taken for their preservation the Nobility had quitted all Care of the Common-wealth nor could they be got to appear in the Senate He that held the chief place in their Government was one who thereby gain'd himself no Honour but by the baseness of his Quality lost that Dignity and Reverence which was due to his Office Not one of the chief Citizens would appear in the Common Hall or any publick Meeting but hugging themselves up in their private Houses expected daily their own ruine with that of the State The whole weight and care of Affairs lay upon Bostar and Hanno Commanders of the Punick Garrison who were solicitous not so much for the Cities preservation as their own safety They wrote Letters to Annibal with expressions not only free but sharp and upbraiding taxing him That he had not only relinquish'd Capua to the Enemy but betray'd them and the Garrison to the Roman Cruelty to be butcher'd with all kind of Tortures That he was slunk away amongst the Bruttians as one that turn'd his face on purpose that he might not with his own eyes behold Capua taken whereas on the contrary the Romans could not be withdrawn from thence even when their Metropolis Rome it self was in danger so much more constant were they in their Enmity than the Carthaginians in their
tyed to a Stake be first scourged as a Slave and afterwards submit my Neck to a Roman Hatchet Thâ—se Eyes of mine shall not be Spectators of the ruins of my Country nor look on whilst this Noble City is laid in Ashes our chast Matrons and modest Virgins and ingenuous Youths deflour'd and ravisht and by force abused with unnatural Lusts These cruel Romans who heretofore rased utterly to the very foundations the City Alba from whence themselves were descended that there might be no memorial left of their Original shall we believe they will now spare Capua which they hate no less mortally than they do Carthage it self Therefore as many of you as resolve to quit the World before you see these so many and intolerable Calamities go home with me where I have a plentiful Supper provided for you all and when with good Chear and store of Wine you have solac'd your selves I 'll begin a Cup of deliverance to you which going round shall soon free our Bodies from tortures our minds from anguish and the disgraces of insulting Infamy and rescue our Eyes from beholding our Ears from hearing those Cruelties which must certainly attend the Conquered And to put a full period to our unhappiness and prevent future indignities some Servants shall be ready to set fire to a Funeral Pile in the open Yard and cast our Bodies thereinto This is the only honest way left us now to death and becoming Gentlemen wherein both our Enemies shall with amazement applaud our Courage and Annibal repent himself for having deserted and betray'd such stout and magnanimous Allies There were more present that could give this Oration of Virius's the hearing and seem'd to applaud it than could find in their hearts to put that in Execution which they so recommended The greater part of the Senate having in several Wars experienc'd the Roman Clemency could not despair but that they might be prevail'd with to extend mercy to them also notwithstanding all past provocations and therefore Decreed and sent Embassadours with Commission to yield up Capua into their hands In the mean time about twenty seven Senators went home with Virius and supp'd with him and after they had done what they could by free-taking off their Cups to drown their sorrows and make themselves insensible of the imminent miseries did all carouze to one anothâ—r out of a poison'd Bowl and then rising from Table shook hands and took their last farewel with Embraces bewailing their own misfortune and the miserable state of their own Country some continued there to be burnt in the same Pile others departed home to their respective Houses But by reason their Veins were so fill'd with good Chear and Wine the operation of the Venome was very slow so that most of them liv'd all that night and part of next day before they expiâ—'d but all were dead before the Gates were set open to the Enemy of whom next day one Legion of Foot and two Squadrons of Horse under the Command of C. Fulvius the Lieutenant General entred at Jupiter's Gate He first took care to have all the Arms and Ammunition that was in Capua brought in to him and then planting Guards at all the Gates and Avenues that none might escape out of the City secured the Punick Garrison and Commanded all the Senators to be sent into the Roman Camp where they were loaded with Irons and Order'd to deliver what Gold and Silver they had into the Treasureâ—s hands the Gold amounted to seventy pounds weight and three thousand two hundred pounds weight of silver of the Senators twenty five were sent to Cales to be kept in safe Custody and twenty eight to Theanum being all such as were known to have had a principal hand in causing the Revolt from the Romans Touching the punishment of these Senators Fulvius and Claudius could not agree the latter being more inclined to savour them the former rigorously bent to chastize them with the utmost severity Appius therefore referr'd the whole matter to the judgment of the Senate alledging that it would be fit their Lordships should take their Examinations whereby they would have an opportunity to inquire whether they had held correspondence with any of the Free-Towns of the Latine state that were in alliance with the Romans Or had from them received any assistance during the War But Fulvius affirm'd That was not to be suffer'd That the minds of faithful Sociates should be disquieted with jealousies and vain suspitions of Crimes or to be call'd in Question upon the Information of a parcel of people that made no Conscience of any thing they either did or said and therefore he would for ever crush and suppress all such kind of Inquisitions Upon this Discourse they parted and Appius though he heard his Collegue talk high did not doubt but he would wait till the Letters arriv'd from Rome to signify the Senates pleasure in an affair of that moment But Fulvius fearing the same might hinder his purpose as soon as the Council of War was dismiss'd Commanded the Colonels and Captains of the Allies to get ready two thousand selected Horse to march at a third sound of the Tâ—umpet with this Body of Cavalry he set forwards in the night towards Theanum and by break of day came into that Town riding forwards directly to the Market-place the people running together from all parts amaz'd at the sight of such a power of Horse then he order'd the Chief Magistrate a Sedicine to be call'd and Commanded to bring forth those Capuans he had in Custody who being all produc'd were first scourg'd with Rods and then Beheaded From thence with the same Party he rode upon the Spur to Cales where having seated himself on the Tribunal as the Capuans there Prisoners were brought before him and stood bound to the Stakes a Currier arriv'd from Rome and delivered to him Letters from C. Calpurnius the Praetor together with a Decree of the Senate and presently there ran a rumour through the whole Assembly That the hearing and sentence of the Capuans was reserved intirely to the Fathers But Fulvius suspecting no less having receiv'd the Letters clapt them up in his bosom without breaking them open and bid the Cryer command the Lictor to proceed to Execution according to Law and so the Prisoners were all put to Death Then were the Letters and Decree of the Senate read but too late to hinder what was already done As Fulvius was rising from the Bench Taurea Jubellius a Capuan walking along the City crouded through the multitude and call'd upon him by Name and when Fulvius wondring what he would have was sat down again Command me too quoth he to be murther'd that thou maist boast another day of having kill'd a far better man and much more valiant than thy self Flaccus told him That he was mad and that if he had a mind to put him to Death he had now no power being restrain'd by the Senates Order To which Jubellius
from the very beginning was rather willing to take it by storm and at last when having in vain try'd all Efforts both by Sea and Land he found he could not by force accomplish his purpose he rather chose to accept of two mean Fellows Sosis a Blacksmith and Meric a Spaniard to be Authors of betraying the Town than of the chief men of Syracuse who had so often freely offered their service therein which he did on purpose that he might with the better colour of Justice butcher massacre and plunder the most antient and faithful Allies of the people of Rome If it had been the people and Senate of Syracuse that revolted to Annibal and not Hieronymus a Tyrant If the Syracusians by common consent had shut their Gates against Marcellus and the same had not been done when they had no power to oppose by their insulting Oppressors Hippocrates and Epicides if they had wag'd War with the Romans with as much spight and animosity as the Carthaginians what more could Marcellus have done or wherein given greater instances of Hostile rage than in utterly destroying as he has done the whole City of Syracuse For 't is certain he hath left the Inhabitants nothing but the bare Walls and empty Houses and Temples of the Gods violated and ransackt the divine powers as well as the Citizens being robb'd of their Ornaments and such havock he hath every where made that they have nothing to maintain themselves their Wives and Children but hard stones and the bare ground therefore they did humbly request their Lordships that restitution might be made though not of all which was impossible yet at least of such things as could be found and rightfully claim'd by the Owners Having thus made their Complaint Laevinus order'd them to withdraw that the Fathers might debate thereon Nay rather let them stay quoth Marcellus that I may answer to their Faces since most worthy Fathers We are reduc'd to that pass that whilst we fight for you abroad those we subdue in the Field are admitted to be our Accusers in the Senate-House and that the taking of two Cities hath made both my self and Fulvius Criminals the one only guilty of subduing Syracuse the other Capua The Syracusians being brought again into the Senate-House the Consul proceeded thus I do not Venerable Fathers so far forget the Dignity of the People of Rome and my own Quality and present Command as to think that I your Consul am bound to plead for my self or answer the Accusation of these Greeks in case the Question were of any default or misdemeanour of my own but the business is not what I have done for howsoever I have treated Enemies the Law of War will justifie it but what they ought to suffer For if in truth they were not Enemies 't is all one as if I had invaded Syracuse whilst King Hiero was living but if they had not only revolted but attacqu'd our very Embassadours with their Arms and put them to the Sword If they had shut up their Gates and fortified their City against us and entertain'd a Garrison of Carthaginians for their defence who can complain that they suffer as Enemies who committed all sorts of Hostility But they say I refused to accept of the Offer of the principal Syracusians to surrender the City and chose to make use of Sosis and Meric the Spaniard in so great an Affair I suppose these Gentlemen present are none of the meanest of the Syracusians since they upbraid others with the poverty of their condition tell us therefore which of you it was that promised me to open the Gates or receive into the City my armed Souldiers Nay on the contrary you hate and revile those that did it and cannot even here forbear reproaching them so far were you your selves from offering any such matter The meanness of those persons O Conscript Fathers which they object is a mighty Argument that I refused not the Overtures of any people whatsoever that were willing to serve our Commonwealth Before ever I invested Syracuse I endeavoured all means of Peace both by sending Embassadours and offering my self to hold a personal Conference with them but after I found them so impudent as to offer violence to my Embassadours and that when I my self gave their Chiefs a Meeting at the Gates they would vouchsafe me no Answer having taking a world of pains and run infinite hazards both by Sea and Land I made you Masters of Syracuse What hardships they met with after the City taken they ought to complain of to Annibal and his Carthaginians vanquisht as well as themselves rather than before the Senate of the People of Rome who conquer'd them For certainly most Reverend Fathers if I intended to deny that I plunder'd Syracuse or thought I could not justifie it I would never have adorn'd the City of Rome with their Spoils And what I have as Conquerour given or taken away from any particular persons I may justly avow both by the Law of Arms or their respective Merits which whether you will please to allow of and ratifie concerns the Commonwealth much more than my self for I have discharged my Duty faithfully and now it imports the State that by reversing my Actions you do not render your Generals for the future more remiss in the like Employments In fine my Lords since you have heard both the Sicilians Complaint and my Defence face to face we will with your good leave all withdraw that in my absence your Honours may more freely debate the Point and determine as you shall judge fit So the Sicilians being dismissed he went away to the Capitol to muster his Souldiers In the mean time the other Consul put the matter to the Question in the Senate where for a long time with hard tugging it was debated Many of the Senators following the Opinion of T. Manlius Torquatus the Head of that Faction alledged That the War was waged with the Tyrants equally Enemies to the Syracusians and Romans the City was to be recovered not taken and being regain'd after it had so long been languishing under a domestick slavery 't was pity it should be exposed to all the Calamities of War But between the Tyrants on one side and the Roman Armies on the other here was a most fair and Noble City as if it had been the Prize of the Conquerour ruin'd a City that had been the Granary and Exchequer heretofore of the People of Rome by whose Bounty and frequent Assistances in difficulty Exigencies heretofore and even during the present Punick War this Commonwealth had been seasonably aided and honoured Should King Hiero arise from the dead he that had been so true and faithful a Friend to the Romans with what face could we shew him either Syracuse or Rome When he must on the one side behold his own dear native Country half razed and wholly ruinated by our hands and on the other could no sooner enter Rome but even at the very Gates
offering to strike a stroke he betook him to his heels and getting out at a Postern Gate accompanied with Epicides and some few more came down to the Sea-side where meeting very luckily with a small Vessel they went aboard and stood away for Africk leaving the peaceable possession of all Sicily which for so many years had been both the Seat and Prize of their Wars unto the Enemy The rest of the multitude as well Punicks as Sicilians without making any defence running blindly away and finding all passages stopt were cut to pieces at the Gates The Town being secured Laevinus caused the chief Burghers concern'd in the Revolt to be first scourged and then beheaded the rest he sold for Slaves and all the Booty and sent the Money to Rome The report of the Overthrow of Agrigentum being spread through Sicily presently turn'd all their affections to the Romans in a little time twenty Towns were betray'd six taken by storm forty came in and surrendred of their own accord The principal persons of all which Cities the Consul either rewarded or punish'd according to every ones deserts and forced the Sicilians to lay aside their Arms and apply themselves to Husbandry and Tillage that the Island might not only yield Bread enough for its Inhabitants but serve as often heretofore it had done Rome and all Italy with Provisions in a time of scarcity From Agatirna he carried back with him into Italy a lewd Crew of unruly people about four thousand in number being a Gallimausry of all sorts of Rascals banish'd Rogues Bankrupts and notorious Malefactors deserving death by the Laws of those several Cities wherein formerly they dwelt and being run their Country some for one Fact some for another they herded all together at Agatirna and liv'd by Robberies and Rapine Laevinus thought it no good Policy to leave behind him these Rake-hells in an Island scarce yet well setled in Peace lest they should continually prove fuel for new Combustions and therefore took them with him as knowing they would be of ale to the Rhegines to forrage and rove about the Bruttians Country for they had desired a Company that were well acquainted with thieving and stealing and these he thought would fit them And so as for Sicily this year put an end to the War In Spain P. Scipio early in the Spring set his Ships out to Sea and summon'd all the Auxiliaries of the Allies to rendezvous at Tarracon ordering all the Ships both Men of War and Vessels of Burden to stand for the Mouth of the River Iberus whither he also commanded the Legions to march assoon as they left their Winter-Quarters and himself with five thousand of the Associate Auxiliaries from Tarracon repaired thither Upon his first Arrival he thought good to make a Speech especially to the old Souldiers who had gone through so many Brunts and Disasters and therefore having drawn them up in a Body he in the Head of the whole Army spoke to this effect There never perhaps was a new General besides my self that was obliged by Justice and Merit to applaud and return thanks to his Souldiers before ever he had employ'd them But as for me before ever I saw the Camp or this Province Fortune had made me beholding to you first for your Piety and those kind regards you paid to my Father and Uncle both when living and dead And that when this Province was as it were wholly lost by those mighty Overthrows yet you by your Valour recovered the entire possession of it for the People of Rome and me the next Successour in Sovereign Command And now since by the favour and assistance of the Gods we design and resolve not so much to secure our own Residence in Spain as to dispossess the Carthaginians and not leave them any footing there not to stand on the Banks of Iberus to obstruct the Enemies passage but to go over our selves and make their present Quarters the Seat of War I am not without apprehensions that some of you may think it a more great and daring Enterprize than comports either with the fresh remembrance of those late Defeats or my own green and unexperienced Age. Certainly our disasters in Spain no man breathing has reason more to resent or longer to bear in mind than my self as having therein lost both a Father and an Uncle all in less than thirty days space whereby sorrow upon sorrow and one Funeral after another was unfortunately heap'd upon our Family But as this desolate Estate of our private Name where in a manner I alone am left alive of all our Race as oft as I think thereof pierces my heart and wounds me in the tenderest part of my Soul so both the publick Vertue and Fortune of our Commonwealth do again revive my Spirits and will not suffer me to despair since it seems to have been always our Fate to thrive by Afflictions and not to have compleated any Conquests until we first seem'd utterly overthrown and reduced to the last Extremities I shall wave Examples of old times as of Porsena the Gauls or the Samnites and begin only with these Punick Wars How many brave Fleets gallant Commanders and stout Armies did we lose in the former War And what shall I say of this which we are at present engaged in In all our defeats I have been either personally present or where I was absent none has reason to be more sensible of them than I. The River Trebia the Lake Thrasimenus and the Town Cannae what are they else but so many Monuments Sepulchres and Tombs of the Roman Armies there cut to pieces and of their Consuls slain Add hereto the almost general Revolt of Italy Sicily and the greater part of Sardinia Nay add moreover this last affright and terrour when the Carthaginian Tents were pitch'd between the River Anio and the Walls of Rome and from our very Gates we beheld Annibal vaunting himself as a Conquerour In all these ruines and dreadful shocks of our State the Vertue and Courage of the People of Rome held up its head above water upright and immoveable You Gentlemen Souldiers were the first that after the discomfiture at Cannae under the Conduct and good Fortune of my Father put a stop to Asdrubal in his Expedition towards the Alps design'd for Italy who if once he had join'd his Brother Annibal the Roman Name had undoubtedly by this time been extinct which Success balanced and supported all our former Losses At present by the favour of the Immortal Gods our Affairs are in a more smiling condition and grow every day better and better both in Italy and Sicily In the latter Syracuse and Agrigentum are taken the Enemy clear beaten out and the whole Island reduc'd to the Roman Devotion In the former the Town Arpi is recovered by Surrender the City Capua taken by Storm and Annibal himself having in a trembling flight measur'd all the way from Rome to the Bruttians Country in the upper Calabria
persons of Quality kept as Hostages and as soon as they fall into our hands all those places which now are under the Carthaginians will join with us Here is all the Enemies Money and Treasure without which they cannot continue the War their Army consisting for the most part of Mercenaries and the same will be of mighty use to us amongst the Barbarians since therewith we may be sure to purchase their Friendship Here is their whole Magazine their Arms their Armour their Artillery and Engines for Land-Service and their Tackling and Stores for equipping Ships to Sea with which we shall furnish our selves and leave them as it were naked we shall likewise gain both a most fair and wealthy City and a brave Haven lying most opportunely to stock us both by Land and Sea with all things that we shall have occasion for As these will be vast advantages to us so the loss will be far greater to the Enemy This is their Castle for strength their Granary for Provision their Treasury for money their Arsenal for Arms and in a word their common Storehouse for all things whatsoever Hither is the most direct passage and shortest cut out of Africk Here is the only Harbour for Shipping between Gebraltar and the Pyrenaean Mountains from hence all Spain overlooks and as it were commands Africk But knowing that you cannot but be sufficiently sensible of the importance of the service and well prepared for it I will say no more but this Let us forthwith for the Honour of the Roman Name go on and with all our might storm New Carthage Which all his Army joyfully consenting to by crying out unanimously Let 's do 't Let 's to 't he led up nearer to the Town and at once began the Assault both by Land and Sea Which Mago the Carthaginian Governour perceiving he thus dispos'd of his Forces two thousand of the Townsmen he Order'd to that part of the City that lay over against the Roman Camp and five hundred more he posted on a little Hill on the East-part of the City all the rest he commanded to be in a readiness to make resistance in any place where the Alarm should be given or danger requir'd Then flinging open the Gate those two thousand whom he had drawn up within the street leading to the Enemies Camp issued forth The Romans by their Generals Order retreated a little that during the Conflict they might be nearer their Camp to be reinforced with fresh men as there should be occasion At first they stood to 't stoutly on both sides and little odds could be perceived between them But new Parties coming up continually to the Romans enable them after a little time not only to beat back the Enemy from their Camp but also to put them to the run whom they pursued so fiercely that if Scipio had not caused a Retreat to be sounded they seem'd like to have broke in along with them into the City and presently to have taken it For indeed there was no less Consternation within than abroad insomuch that the Guards and Centinels quitted their Posts and those that were appointed to defend the Walls leap'd down and left them naked which Scipio perceiving from an high Bank which they call Mercurius Tutates he thought it not best to neglect such an opportunity but sent for his whole Army to advance out of their Camp and bring with them the Scaling Ladders and other necessaries immediately to storm the City Himself in person shelter'd under the Shields of three tall lusty young men for by this time they let fly from the Walls a mighty Volley of Artillery of all sorts approach'd the City where he exhorted encouraged and gave all necessary Orders nor did his presence a little enflame the Courage of his men being an Eye-witness of every ones gallantry or failure So that slighting the wounds they received they flung themselves upon the Enemies Weapons and neither the strength of the Walls nor the force of those armed men that stood thereon could keep them back but resolutely to Scaling they went vying with one another who should first mount the Walls At the same time that part of the City which lay towards the Sea was assaulted by the Fleet but on that side there was more noise and tumult made than any effectual service done for what with bringing up their Ships close to the Walls landing their Souldiers and mounting their Ladders with their striving to get foremost and over-hast they did but hinder one another In the mean time Mago had fill'd the Walls with armed men who pepper'd the Assailants with showres of Darts Javelins and all sorts of Artillery But it was neither the valour of his men nor the violence of their Weapons that kept them off so much as the very Wall it self For very few Ladders they had that could reach to the top of it and the longer any of them were so much they were the weaker so that before they who were climed up to the highest rounds could get upon the Parapet others clambering after them with their weight over charg'd and broke the Ladders and down they came all together and some though the Ladders held firm yet the very height if they chanc'd to look down dazled their Eyes and so turn'd their Heads that they tumbled off and fell to the ground Thus Ladders and men being every where over-thrown and the Enemy encouraged with that success a Retreat was sounded which gave the Besieged hopes not only that the present attacque was over but that for the future they might set their hearts at rest for their City was tenable against all Scalado's and as for Batteries and Mounts that would be a work of time and their own Generals might come up early enough to relieve them But scarce was the hurry of the first Assault allay'd when Scipio commanded other fresh Souldiers to take the Ladders of them that were already weary or wounded and with greater violence to renew the Attacque For understanding that the Tide was going out and being inform'd by certain Fishermen of Tarracon that then the Lake was Fordable and that they might that way easily come at the Walls he led a Party over there It was now about noon and besides the natural ebb a fierce Northern Wind happening to arise drove the Water out so fast after the Tide that several shallows were discovered no where above a mans middle and for the most part scarce knee deep Which accident the more to encourage his Souldiers he represented as a Prodigy or special Miracle shewn by the Gods in their favour That to afford the Romans a passage over they had turn'd back the Sea and dry'd up the Lake and open'd a way where never before any Mortals had trod Let us therefore quoth he follow Neptune who here is our Guide and propitiously will lead us through the middle of the Lake up to the Walls of the Enemy Those that went on by Land had
desperate service for not only the height of the Wall kept them off but also the same being built as it were indented all along running sometimes out and presently in again wheresoever they approach'd they were liable to be charg'd from thence on both Flanks as well as in the Front But on the other part through the Meer they met with no opposition for neither was the Wall there fortified with any Bullwarks as supposing it defended sufficiently by the Lake nor were there for the same reason any Guards plac'd thereon but all were busy on the other side where there seem'd to be the greater danger Thus the Romans without resistance unexpectedly entred the City and march'd with all Expedition towards that Quarter where the Conflict was and so taken up were the Defendants minds and Eyes some fighting and the rest looking on and encouraging their Fellows that not one of them ever perceiv'd the Town taken behind their backs until the Invaders Darts from thence lighted upon them then finding themselves beset both ways every one endeavour'd to shift for himself the Walls having none left to defend them were mounted the Gate equally batter'd within and without broke all to pieces and the whole Army entred at their pleasure whilst those that were already got over the Wall kill'd all those of the Town they could meet with but the main body march'd in good Order through the midst of the City up to the Market place and seeing the Enemy in their flight did chiefly make two ways some to the Mount on the East-side of the City where was a Guard of five hundred Souldiers others towards the Castle to which Mago himself was retired with most of those who were beat from the Walls Scipio sent a Party to win the Mount who gain'd the same at the first Charge the rest of his Forces he himself led up to attacque the Castle where after some defence Mago finding resistance vain and no hopes left to retrieve so desperate a Game surrendred up the same together with himself and all that were in it Till this Fort was yielded the Execution continued in the City and all those of years they could meet with were put to the Sword but then Command was given that they should forbear further slaughter And the Conquerours generally betook them to ransack and plunder getting a vast Booty and very rich of all kinds There were taken of Free-born People of the Male Sex ten thousand or upwards but such of them as were Natural Citizens of the place Scipio discharged restoring to them such of their Goods as the fury of the Souldiers had left The Handicrafts-men being about two thousand in number he obliged by an Edict to serve the People of Rome in their several Crafts but with a promise that they should in short time be set at liberty if they made haste with those Military Preparations wherein they should be employed The rest of the multitude of Inhabitants such as were young men or stout robust Servants he disposed of in the Navy which he increased with eight Ships now taken from the Enemy But the Spanish Hostages he treated with a peculiar respect and no less kindness than if they had been the Sons of Allies The Warlike Artillery and Provisions here seized on were almost incredible of those Engines called Catapults of the greater sort almost an hundred and twenty and two hundred eighty one smaller ones of Scorpions great and small and of all sorts of Armour and Weapons a mighty quantity together with seventy four Military Ensigns likewise a power of Gold and Silver was carried in to the General two hundred seventy six golden Bowls almost all of them weighing at least a pound a piece of Coined Silver eighteen thousand three hundred pound weight besides abundance of Silver Plate Of all which an Account being taken the same was committed to the Charge of C. Flaminius the Treasurer forty thousand Bushels of Wheat two hundred and seventy thousand of Barley of Merchants Ships and Vessels of Burthen there were one hundred and thirteen taken in the Haven many of them laden with Corn Armour Brass Iron Sail-Cloth Cordage and Timber for Shipping so that the City it self was to be esteem'd as the least part of what the Romans gain'd there The same Evening Scipio having committed the Guard of the City to C. Laelius and the Mariners return'd himself with the Legions to their Camp and order'd his Souldiers to refresh themselves almost quite tired out with the various fatigues of that day as having fought a Battel in the Field and undergone so much toil and danger both in taking the City and afterwards in assaulting the Castle upon great disadvantages The next day having call'd together his Army and the Seamen He in the first place return'd thanks and praises to the Immortal Gods who had been graciously pleased not only to deliver into his hands in one days space the most mighty and opulent City in all Spain but had before heap'd up there almost all the Riches both of Spain and Africk whereby as the Enemies were now to seek of all things and had nothing to help themselves withal so he and his had enough and to spare of whatsoever their hearts could desire Then he proceeded to commend the Courage and Bravery of his Souldiers taking particular notice That neither the Enemies fierce Sally nor the mighty height of the Wall nor the untry'd Fords of the Lake nor the Fort advantageously situated on an Hill nor last of all a most strong and well fortified Castle was able in the least to daunt their Spirits nor hinder them from surmounting and breaking through all these difficulties till they obtain'd compleat possession of Victory And therefore though all and every man of them deserved Rewards at his hands yet the principal Honour of a Mural Crown belonged properly to him that first mounted the Wall and therefore let him that dâ—serves that Honour come in and claim his Due Whereupon there were two that put in for 't Q. Trebellius a Centurion of the fourth Legion and Sext. Digitius a Seaman nor was the Contention so hot for the Prize between these two themselves as amongst the whole Forces divided into two Factions the Land-men taking the formers part wherein they were headed by M. Sempronius Tuditanus and the Seamen the latters for whom also the Admiral C. Laelius himself appeared and made all the interest he could The Debate growing so fierce that it was like to come to a Mutiny Scipio told them he would constitute three Delegates as Judges who upon full hearing of the Cause and Witnesses should determine which of the Pretenders had the Right These Commissioners were C. Laelius and M. Sempronius the Advocates of each Party to whom he added P. Cornelius Caudinus as an indifferent Person between them both but this caused a greater heat of Contention because these Gentlemen before endeavour'd to moderate each Party but they now being taken off by
Spouse has been kept here with no less modesty and reverence than if she had been all this while with your Father and Mother-in-Law her kind Parents Reserv'd she has been and kept for you alone that you might receive her untoucht and as a Present worthy both of you and my self All the return I expect for this gift is That henceforth you will be a Friend and Well-willer to the State of Rome and if indeed you take me to be an honest good man such as all these Nations have known both my Father and Vncle to have been before me then be assur'd That the City of Rome yields abundance more that are like us and that there is not a Nation this day under Heaven that is either a better Friend or a more formidable Enemy The young Prince confounded between an excess of joy and bashfulness held Scipio by the hand and invok'd all the Gods beseeching them to recompence him for this superlative savour on his behalf who should never be able to make acknowledgments for the same sutable either to his own desires or the merits of the thing Then the Maids Parents and Kindred were call'd who since the Lady was restor'd gratis for whose Redemption they had brought a great summ of gold began to intreat Scipio That he would be pleas'd to accept thereof which they should take as the next kindness to that he had done them in delivering their Daughter Scipio seeing them so importunate seems willing to take it and bids them lay it at his Feet Then calling Allucius Here says he besides the Portion you are to have from your Father-in-Law Let me help to encrease your Marriage Fortune take all this Gold and keep it for you and yours So being sent home over-joy'd with these Presents and Civilities he fill'd all the Country with Scipio's Praises and how brave and worthy a person he was telling them There was come over into Spain a young man in all respects resembling the Immortal Gods and who equally vanquisht all men with his Arms and his Courtesies Amongst his Dependents he soon raised fourteen hundred choice Horse and with them return'd to Scipio Laelius continued with Scipio till the Prisoners Hostages and Booty were by their mutual consent dispos'd of and then in a Galley of five Banks of Oars was dispatcht away for Rome with tidings of the Victory withal carrying Mago and about fifteen Senators Prisoners thither Scipio spent those few dayes he design'd to remain at Carthage in exercising his Sea and Land Forces The first day he caused all the Legions to run in their Arms a four-miles-course Next day he employ'd them in scouring and furbishing up their Armour before their Tents The third day they drew up in Parties and charg'd one another as in Battalia but arm'd only with wooden Swords and blunt rebated Darts and Javelins The fourth day they rested The fifth they ran again in their Armour as before and so continued this course of Exercise all the while they quarter'd at Carthage Whilst the Seamen as often as the weather was calm and would permit used to row out into the open Sea and vye one Galley with another for nimbleness and sometimes representing shews of a Sea-fight Thus without the City they were busy in hardening their Bodies and enuring their minds for service both at Sea and Land and within the Town nothing was heard but the clatter of Artificers and Workmen preparing all sorts of military Furniture shut up in divers Shops and Workhouses for that purpose The General had his Eye every where now he was aboard the Fleet by and by exercising himself with the rest of the Legions sometimes he took a view how the Works went on in the Armory and amongst the Shipwrights where every one endeavour'd to out work the other hoping so much the sooner to gain their Liberty Having thus set them to work and repair'd the Walls where there were any breaches or decays leaving a sufficient Garrison he march'd back to Tarracon being met by the way by several Embassies of whom some he presently dispatcht and appointed others to attend him there where he had ordered a General Diet or Assembly to be held by the Deputies of all the Allies old and new and almost all those Nations on this side of Iberus and many of the further Spain appear'd accordingly The Carthaginian Generals industriously suppress'd the report of New Carthage's being taken but when it grew too notorious to be any longer denied or concealed they used all their Art to undervalue it and make it seem as a thing of no great moment That there was indeed one single City of Spain taken by surprize and as it were by stealth in one dayes time which small exploit had so puft up the young man that he fancied it a mighty Victory but when their three Generals and their Victorious Armies should approach him the Ghosts of his Father and his Vncle would begin to haunt him Such like Speeches they gave out amongst the people though in themselves they were sadly sensible how great a blow it was and how much their strength in all respects was decay'd by this loss of New Carthage DECADE III. BOOK VII The EPITOME 1. Cn. Fulvius the Proconsul with his Army is slain at Herdonea by Annibal 2. But Cl. Marcellus the Consul has better Fortune against the same Enemy at Numestrio and obliges Annibal to retreat by night 14 c. Marcellus pursues him and urged him still as he retired until he obliged him to another Engagement 16. Wherein at first Annibal had the better on 't but in the next Fight Marcellus worsted him 17 18. Fabius Maximus the Father being Consul recovers Tarentum by the Treachery of some in that City 20 21. Scipio sights with Asdrubal the Son of Amilcar at Betula in Spain and defeats him where amongst others having taken a Royal Youth of wondrous Beauty he sent him home to his Vncle Massanissa with several Presents 29. Claudius Marcellus and T. Quintius Crispinus the Consuls going out to take a view of the Country are surprized by Annibal with a Stratagem Marcellus being killed and Crispinus escaping by Flight 32 c This Book also contains the Actions of P. Sulpicius the Praetor against Philip and the Achaeans 38. The Censors take a solemn Survey of the City and purged it by Sacrifices where there were enrolled an hundred thirty seven thousand one hundred and eight persons By which Account it appeared how many Romans were lost by the late unfortunate Wars 41 c. Asdrubal having with a fresh Army passed the Alps to join his Brother Annibal is cut off with six and fifty thousand of his men by the Conduct of M. Livius but especially by the good Service of Claudius Nero the other Consul 45. Who being appointed to make head against Annibal left the Camp so privately as the Enemy was not aware of it and with a choice Body of Souldiers surrounded Asdrubal and so defeated
they were Masters of the Sea the Punick Fleet being sail'd to Corcyra when first King Philip attacqu'd the Aetolians In the Bruttians Country those that were besieging of Caulonia fearing upon Annibal's advance that way to be surprised retired to a little Hill safe for the present but otherwise void of all relief but Fabius at the Siege of Tarentum was by a trifling accident assisted to atchieve the taking of that Town of so great importance Annibal had posted there a Garrison of Bruttians whose Commander was fallen in love with a small Baggage that had a Brother in the Roman Army who being advertized by his Sister of the Intriegue she had with this considerable Stranger did not despair but by her means he might work him to betray the City and acquainted the Consul with his hopes who judging it not altogether vain permits him as a Deserter to fly into Tarentum and by his Sisters means being ingratiated with the Governour pump'd him first at a distance and then seeing the weakness of the man wheedled him by Female endearments to betray the place he was appointed to guard The whole contrivance being adjusted the Souldier in the night is privately sent out of the City and passes between the Guards back to the Consul acquainting him with their Agreement who thereupon in the beginning of the Night giving a Signal to those in the Castle and who had the Guard of the Haven himself in person fetching a compass about gets privately to the East-side of the City then presently does the Trumpet at once sound from the Castle and from the Port and from the Ships that lay in the open Sea and every where there was a mighty clamour and tumult where there was least of danger the Consul in the mean time keeping his men all still and quiet so that Democrates formerly Admiral who then happened to have the Guard of that Quarter finding all husht near him and such a noise in other places as if the City were already taken fearing lest whilst he lingered there the Consul should break into the Town leads his Forces towards the Castle whence proceeded the most frightful clamour Fabius having waited as long as he thought fit and by the late silence for before every Body was crying To Arms To Arms that the Guards on that side were drawn off orders his Scaling Ladders to be set up to that part of the Wall where he was informed the Bruttians kept Guard which they easily mounted the Bruttians receiving and helping them and so descended into the City broke open the next Gate that all their Party might enter and much about break of day with mighty hallowing and whooping but no opposition marched to the Market-place when those that were engaged against the Castle and at the Port began to turn and make head against them In the Court-Yard of the Forum they were somewhat opposed but rather briskly than for any continuance The Tarentines were neither in Courage nor Arms nor skill nor yet in vigour and strength of Body equal to the Romans Therefore as soon as they had discharg'd their Darts almost before they came to handy gripes they betook themselves to their heels and through By-Allies which they were well acquainted with and their Friends Houses shifted for themselves but two of their Commanders Nico and Democrates fighting stoutly were slain Philomenus who was Author of their Revolt to Annibal was seen riding full speed out of the Battel and afterwards his Horse sound alone but his Body never heard of it being commonly believ'd that he was flung off headlong into an open Well As for Carthalo the Captain of the Punick Garrison having flung down his Arms as he was coming to the General with a long story of his Fathers kindness to the Romans and his own a common Souldier meeting him knockt him o' th' head The Carthaginians and Tarentines arm'd and unarm'd were equally put to the Sword and not a few of the Bruttians too whether by mistake or on the old grudge against them as being the first that join'd with Annibal or to extinguish the report of Treachery that Tarentum might seem rather regain'd by pure valour The slaughter being pretty well over they fell to the spoil there are said to have been thirty thousand Slaves taken here a vast deal of Plate and ready money eight hundred and seven pounds weight of Gold and Statues and curious Pictures almost equal to those of Syracuse but Fabius abstain'd from that kind of Pillage with a greater Gallantry than Marcellus for when his Secretary askt him What should be done with the Statues vast Images they were of the Gods drawn in Armour Prethee sayes he let us leave the Tarentines their angry Gods The Wall that separated the City from the Castle was dismantled and thrown down In the interim Annibal having taken those upon rendition that lay before Caulonia hearing that Tarentum was invested hasten'd night and day to relieve it but on his march receiving advice of its being taken Nay then quoth he The Romans have their Annibal too and by the same Art as we took Tarentum we have lost it yet that he might not seem for fear to turn back he Encamp'd where he heard the news five miles off that City and after a short stay betook himself to Metapont whence he sent two young Gentlemen with Letters in the name of the chief people of that Town to Fabius at Tarentum offering That if he would pass by what was past they would surrender both the City and Punick Garrison into his hands To which Fabius giving Credit assigns a day when he would appear before the Town and return'd Answers to those chief Citizens which were carried to Annibal who not a little jocund that he should out-wit even Fabius himself plants his Ambuscades not far from Metapont but Fabius taking the Auspices before he march'd from Tarentum found them once and a second time not at all propitious and when he Sacrificed the Soothsayer warn'd him to have a care of some trick from the Enemy The Metapontines seeing he kept not his day sent fresh Messengers to inquire why he delay'd who being seiz'd and threatned for fear of torture discovered the whole intrigue In the beginning of this Summer P. Scipio in Spain having spent the whole Winter in gaining the hearts of the barbarous people partly by Presents and partly by releasing their Hostages and Prisoners one Edesco a famous Captain of the Spaniards came in to him His Wife and Children were in the Romans Custody but besides that there was another I know not what fatal inclination almost through all Spain that led their minds to side with the Romans against the Carthaginians which also occasion'd Indibilis and Mandonius without dispute the greatest person in Spain with all their Dependants to retire from Asdrubal and possess themselves of the Mountains lying over his Camp whence they might easily correspond with the Romans Asdrubal perceiving the Enemy to encrease
That Lightning had toucht the Wall and Gate of the Town Ostia That at Caere a Vultur slew into Joves Temple and that at Volsinii a Pool was turn'd into Blood To avert these tokens there was one day spent in Supplications and for several dayes together great Sacrifices kill'd but not found acceptable and for a long time the Gods would shew no signs of favour but all these ill portents in the Issue lighted only on the Consuls heads without much danger to the State The solemn Games in honour of Apollo were first celebrated by P. Cornelius Sulla the City Praetor when Q Fulvius and Ap. Claudius were Consuls and thence-forwards all City Praetors had observ'd them but they were only vow'd from year to year and held on uncertain days but this year a Pestilence grievously afflicting the City and Country yet rather by long tedious lingering Diseases than any mighty Mortality on that account both Supplications were made at every Shrine and P. Licinius Varus the Praetor of the City was required to prefer a Bill to the people that the aforesaid Games should be vow'd for ever on a stated day and in pursuance of that Law he was the first that so vow'd them and order'd them to be held the fifth of July and on that day they were kept always after Concerning the Arretines there continually arriv'd suspitious reports which encreas'd the Senates Care to secure that Town Therefore they wrote Letters to C. Hostilius That he should without delay cause them to find Hostages and send them to Rome by C. Terentius Varro who carried these Orders Upon whose Arrival Varro caused one Legion that encamp'd before the Walls to march into the Town and having planted Guards in places requisite summons the Senators together and demands of them Hostages who requiring two days time to consider of it he told them If they did not forthwith provide them he would on the morrow seize on all the Senators Children Then he caused the Colonels to keep the Gates and the Prefects of the Allies and Centurions to be upon the Watch that none in the night made their escape out of the City But this was not so diligently perform'd but seven of the principal Senators with their Children got away who being found wanting next morning when the Senate was call'd over all their Estates were confiscated of the other Senators Hostages to the number of a hundred and twenty being for the most part their own Children were received and delivered to Terentius to be conveyed to Rome whose report of things still encreas'd the Senates Jealousies Therefore as if a Sedition in Tuscany were just at hand they order'd him the said Varro to march with one of the City Legions to Arretium and there keep Garrison whilst C. Hostilius with the rest of the Army kept moving to and fro through the whole Country and prevent all occasions of mischief Terentius coming thither with his Legion demanded the Keys of the Gates of the Magistrates who pretended they were lost but he believing they were designedly laid out of the way presently claps on new Locks and Keys on all the Gates and took care to be Master of all things in the Town He gave special warning also to Hostilius as touching the Tuscans in general that he should never rest secure of their fidelity unless he had first depriv'd them of all possible means of rebelling After this there was great debate in the Senate about the Tarentines Fabius defending and pleading for them after he had conquer'd them by his Arms but others were much incensed against them and most said their crime was no less than the Capuans and that they ought as severely to be punisht at last the Vote of the House pass'd according to the advice of M. Acilius that the City should be kept under a Garrison and none of the Inhabitants suffer'd to range without the Walls and that the whole matter should be re-heard when the affairs of Italy were in a more setled condition nor was the dispute less hot concerning M. Livius Governour of the Castle of Tarentum some condemning him because through his negligence the City of Tarentum was betray'd to the Enemy others voting to have rewards bestowed upon him for having so bravely defended the Castle for five years together and because by his means chiefly the City was recovered but some were for a middle course urging That the cognizance of the matter did not so properly belong to that House as to the Censors and of that opinion was Fabius himself but added withal that he must confess Livius had been a main means of the recovering of Tarentum as his Friends boasted in his favour for if he had not lost it it could never have been regain'd T. Quintius Crispinus one of the Consuls went into Lucania with recruits to the Army that had served under Q. Fulvius Flaccus but Marcellus was still detain'd by new scruples of Religion and odd presages happening one after another amongst other things whereas in the Gallick War at Clastidium he had made a Vow to build a Temple to Honour and Vertue the same being finisht the Colledge of Priests would not suffer it to be Dedicated because they said one Chappel could rightly be dedicated but to one Deity and no more for otherwise if it should be smitten with Lightning or any other prodigious token happen therein it would be a very difficult matter to expiate the same since they could not know to which God the Sacrifices ought to be made for one Sacrifice cannot be offered to two Gods unless in some special Cases so there was fain to be another Temple erected just by to Vertue and great hast was made to run it up but it was not his Fortune to see either of them Dedicated At last he set forwards to the Army that he left last year at Venusia carrying with him recruits Crispinus seeing Fabius had got so much honour by taking of Tarentum laid Siege to Locri in the Bruttians Country having sent for all sorts of Engines of Battery and other Artillery from Sicily and also Ships to assault that part of the Town which lay towards the Sea but he was forc'd to give over that Siege because Annibal was advanc'd as far as Licinium and he was told his Collegue had drawn his Forces already out of Venusia with whom he was willing to join therefore from the Bruttii he returns into Apulia and between Venusia and Bantia the two Consuls encamp'd not above three miles from each other Annibal having turn'd the War from Locri comes that way too and both Consuls being men of hot Spirits were every day leading their Souldiers into the Field to offer him Battel not doubting but if they could engage him now with the joint Forces of two Consulary Forces they should put an end to the War Annibal considering that in the two Bouts he had last year with Marcellus once he was Conquerour and the other time worsted concluded if he
prevent Philip from intermeddling with the Affairs of Greece which might prove of dangerous consequence to their Liberties hereafter After some time spent this Consult touching Peace was put off to the General Council of the Achaei and a time and place appointed for holding the same and in the mean time a Truce for thirty days obtained The King marching thence through Thessaly and Boeotia came to Chalcis in Euboea that he might hinder and beat off King Attalus who was reported to be coming with a Fleet against that Province leaving there a Guard to withstand Attalus in case he should in the interim pass over Philip with a small Party of Horse and light-arm'd Foot visited Argos where by common Consent the Honour of celebrating the Herean and Nemaean Games was conferr'd upon him because the Kings of Macedonia report themselves to be descended from that City Assoon as the first of these Sports were over he immediately hastened to the said geneal Diet or Assembly long before proclaimed where matters were fairly advanced for putting an end to the Aetolian lest thereby the Romans or King Attalus should take occasion to invade Greece but all was broken off by the Aetolians themselves before the Truce was quite expired upon the News that both Attalus was come to Aegina and the Roman Navy arrived at Naupactum For being called into the Grand Council of the Achaeans where were present the same Mediators as at Phalera they first complained That in some particulars the Truce had been broken and in fine told them flatly That there could not possibly be an end of the Wars unless the Achaeans yielded up Pilos to the Messenians and Atintania were restored to the Romans and the Ardyaeians to Scerdiletus and Pleuratus Philip could not without indignation hear those he had conquer'd prescribing Laws and Conditions to their Conquerour declaring That for his part he never had any hopes of the Aetolians and therefore did not on that score either admit of the Treaty for Peace or grant a Cessation from War but meerly that he might have all those Princes and States witnesses that he was heartily inclinable to Peace and they the only cause of the War So without any Peace concluded he dismiss'd the Assembly leaving the Achaeans four thousand Souldiers for their Guard and receiving from them five men of War which if he could join with the Carthaginian Navy lately sent him and those other Ships he expected out of Bithynia from King Prusia he thought he might be able to engage the Romans who had long lorded it in those Seas Himself presently from this Council returned to Argos for now the time drew near of the other Sports call'd the Nemean Games which he was willing to have celebrated in his presence The King being busy about his Plays and diverting himself with more liberty than he ought to have done in a time of War had intelligence that P. Sulpicius the Roman Admiral loosing from Naupactum was landed between Sicyone and Corinth wasting that goodly and most fruitful Country This rouz'd King Philip from his sports and taking with him his Cavalry the Foot being order'd to follow making long marches he came unexpectedly upon the Forragers as they were wandring in the Fields and loaded with Pillage and beat them back to their Ships which Victory though inconsiderable serv'd to encrease the jollity of the rest of the Games where Philip spent his time in all kind of Festival Delights and for popularity laid aside his Crown his purple Robes and Royal Ornaments and in habit equall'd himself to the rest of the people than which nothing is more grateful to Free Cities and thereby he had undoubtedly ingratiated himself very much and given hopes of continuing their Liberties if he had not spoil'd all again by his intollerable Debauchery and Lasciviousness for he would ramble night and day with one or two Companions amongst blind naughty Houses by the Sea-side and by putting himself in the garb of a private person as he was the less taken notice of so the more dissolute and extravagant he was and whilst he pretended to others a vain shew of Liberty turn'd all to his own licentiousness nor did he purchase all his pleasures with gold or perswade them with fair words but often added force to his wickedness so that it was dangerous for any Parent or Husband to go about to prevent or delay his Lust From Aratus a chief person amongst the Achaeans he took his Wife Polycratia and in hopes of her being made a Queen perswaded her to go with him into Macedonia The solemn Games being spent in these Villanies a few dayes after he march'd to Dymae to drive out the Garison of Aetolians which the Eleans had call'd and received into that Town there the Achaeans under the Conduct of Cycliadas their Chief Magistrate met him as hating both the Eleans because they did not join with the rest of the Achaeans and the Aetolians as believing that they excited the Romans against them With these conjoin'd Forces King Philip pass'd the River Larissus that divides the Eleans from the Dymeans Territories The first day they entred upon the Enemies Confines they spent in Forraging the next day they march in Battalia towards the City sending before their Horse to make a Bravado before the Gates and challenge the Aetolians who are a sort of people ready enough for Excursions and Skirmishes They had yet no intelligence that Sulpicius with fifteen Sail was cross'd over from Naupactum to Cyllene where having landed four thousand men in the night that no notice might be taken of it put them into Elis Therefore when amongst the Aetolians and Eleans they beheld Roman Standards that unexpected sight put them into a mighty Consternation The King at first was for retreating but seeing a Skirmish began between the Aetolians and Trallans a sort of Illyrians wherein his Party was shrewdly put to 't he with his Cavalry charg'd a Regiment of Romans where his Horse being run through with a Javelin threw the King head-long which occasion'd a most furious Fight on each side the Romans to attacque the King and his own Souldiers to rescue him nor was he less brave in his own defence when getting up he was forc'd to fight on foot amidst whole Squadrons of Horse but beginning to have the worst on 't and many falling round about him some of his men mounted him on another Horse and hurried away That night he encamp'd five miles off from the City Elis and next day drew all his Forces to a Country Town somewhat fortified Pyrgus they call it where he heard a great many Peasants had bestow'd their Cattel hoping to secure them from Forragers This rude and unarm'd multitude he overcame with the very terrour of his first approach and that Booty serv'd to Ballance the disgrace he met with at Elis As he was dividing the spoil there were four thousand persons and Cattel of all sorts to the number of twenty
with wonderful Devotion Soon after the Decemvirs ordered another solemn Sacrifice to the same Goddess the formality whereof was thus There were two white Heifers led from Apollo's Temple into the City through the Gate Carmentalis next were carried two Images made of Cypress-Wood representing Queen Juno then the seven and twenty Virgins in long Robes went singing in her praise the Verses perhaps applauded by the gross Witts of that Time but now if we should recite them they would be thought sorry ridiculous Stuff after these Lasses followed the Decemvirs with Chaplets of Laurel and in Vestures embroidered with Purple from the Gate aforesaid along the Street Ingarius into the Common Hall where the Pomp staid whilst the Maids taking hold of a Cord that went through all their hands sung another Song and kept time with feet dancing very curiously thence they marched by the Tuscan Street and Velabrum through the Beast-Market and so forwards to the Clivus Publicus till they came to Juno's Temple where the two Heifers were sacrificed by the Decemvirs and the Cypress Images set up in the Chapel Having thus made the Gods and Goddesses their Friends the Consuls made a more strict Levy for Souldiers than had been known in the memory of man for the terrour of the War was redoubled by the approach of a new Enemy into Italy and there were fewer men fit for Service to be found so they were forced to require the Colonies on the Sea-Coast who pretended to be exempted from the Militia by a Sacred Constitution to bear Arms And such as refused they summon'd at a certain day to shew the Senate their Priviledge where appeared the Deputies of these Towns following Ostia Allia Antium Anxur Minturnae Sinuessa and from the upper Sea those of Sena but having all pleaded what they could there were none found to have any Right to be dispensed with when an Enemy was actually in Italy but those of Antium and Ostia so the young and serviceable men of those Colonies were sworn That not above forty of them should at any time lye all night out of the Walls of their Colony so long as the Enemy continued in Italy When all the Fathers were of Opinion That the Consuls ought with all expedition take the Field for 't was fit to oppose Annibal assoon as he came down the Alps that he might not inveigle the Cisalpine Gauls and Tuscans apt enough to rebel and Annibal was by himself to be held in play that he might not get out of the Bruttians Country and march towards his Brother yet Livius still made delays not confiding in the Armies of his Provinces whilst his Collegue had his Choice of two excellent Consular Armies and a third no whit behind them commanded by Q. Claudius at Tarentum Therefore he made a motion for calling the Volunteers that had been Slaves again to their Colours The Senate gave ample Commission to raise Recruits where they would and to chuse or change any of the Armies and to draw out any from the Provinces as they found most expedient for the Commonweal All which was done and setled by them with the greatest concord and mutual satisfaction The Volunteers were added to the nineteenth and twentieth Legions stout Assistance was sent from Spain by Scipio to this War as some Authors write no less than eight thousand Spaniards and French two thousand Legionary Souldiers and eighteen hundred Horse partly Numidians and partly Spaniards and that M. Lucretius brought over these Forces as likewise that C. Mamilius sent four thousand Archers and Slingers out of Sicily Letters out of Gallia from L. Porcius the Praetor augmented their fears at Rome signifying That Asdrubal had quitted his Winter-Quarters and already passing the Alps That there were eight thousand Ligurians listed and arm'd who would join him assoon as he came into Italy unless some Forces were sent into that Province to busie them at home That for his own part he had but a weak Army but would venture as far as he might with safety These Advertisements caused the Consuls having in great haste dispatch'd their Musters to set forwards to their Provinces sooner than they intended to the end each of them might detain the Enemy in his Province and not suffer them to join But that which most promoted such their design happen'd to be a mistaken Opinion Annibal himself had entertain'd For though he doubted not but his Brother would that Summer arrive in Italy yet considering what difficulties he himself met with and how he spent five months what in getting over the Rhône passing the Alps and fighting with several of the Inhabitants by the way he did not believe nor expect that he could come so early which made him continue the longer in his Winter-Quarters but Asdrubal in his March found all things more easie and expeditious than he himself or others could hope for for the Averni and by their Example other Nations both of France and about the Alps not only entertain'd him readily but followed him to the War Besides as he conducted his Army through the same passages which were prepared and made open by his Brother's March and were before craggy Precipices and unpassable so in the twelve years time since by continual travelling of some or other that way both the Roads were now much better track'd and the Nature of the Peasants rendred more civil and sociable For the people before being not used to Strangers nor having ever seen Passengers amongst them were in a manner meer Savages and not knowing at first whither Annibal was bound they fansied that he came to surprize their Fortresses and Caves and take Captive their people and drive away their Cattel in Booties and so opposed him all they could But now the Fame of the Punick War wherewith Italy hath twelve whole years been harassed and as it were all in a Flame had taught them That their Alps were only visited as a Thorough-fare That two mighty Cities divided by Seas and large tracts of Land lying between them were vying with one another for Riches and Empire These were the Reasons that open'd the Alps to Asdrubal But look what time he gain'd by his speedy March the same he lost again in vain at Placentia whilst he rather lay to block it up than assault it He imagined the winning of such a City standing in a plain open Country would prove no difficult task and the famousness of the place induced him to believe that by the destruction thereof he should strike a terrour into all the rest Nor did he by that Siege only hinder himself but detain'd Annibal too who before on the first News of his being so unexpectedly got over the Alps was in all haste going to take the Field which after he understood he was sat down before Placentia he delay'd to do as knowing what tedious work Sieges commonly prove and how vainly he himself attempted the same Colony when he return'd victorious from Trebia The Consuls marching
all cut off above eight thousand men more than seven hundred taken nine Standards won and of their Elephants which could do no service in this sudden tumultuary Engagement four kill'd and two taken Of the Romans and their Allies were slain two hundred The next day the Carthaginians kept close the Romans drew up again in the Field but seeing no body come to oppose them fell to rifle and strip the Bodies of the Enemy and gathering their own dead together buried them Afterwards for several dayes together they would brave the Enemy up to their very Gates as if they would with Banners display'd have march'd into their Camp till one night about the third Watch Annibal leaving behind him a great many Fires and some few Tents standing in that part next the Romans and a few Numidians to shew themselves at the Gates and on the Rampier march'd off his Army designing for Apulia when it grew day the Roman Army came up near their Works as they us'd to do and the Numidians as they were ordered shew'd themselves and having so for a good while cheated the Enemy on a sudden retire and out of a back Port follow full speed after their Fellows The Consul finding their Camp so still and that even those few he saw in the Morning did now disappear sending first two Troopers to discover how the case stood and they bringing word that all was safe march'd into their Camp with his Army but staid no longer than whilst the Souldiers ransackt it then sounded a Retreat and long before night return'd to his own Camp next Morning by break of day following the Enemy by the track and report of the Country making swift and large marches came up with them not far from Venusia there too they had a scuffling Skirmish and above two thousand Carthaginians slain who afterwards marching only by night and cross the Mountains to avoid fighting went to Metapont whence he sent Hanno the Governour of that City with a small Party to levy Forces amongst the Bruttians and having thereby and with Forces out of that Garrison recruited his Army returns to Venusia the same way he went and from thence to Canusium Nero fail'd not all this while to dog him at heels and as he march'd toward Metapont had sent for Q. Fulvius to repair into the Lucans Country that those parts might be without a Guard Whilst this was doing four French Troopers and two Numidians sent to Annibal with Letters from Asdrubal after he was dislodg'd from the ineffectual Siege of Placentia travelling through the midst of Enemies almost the whole length of Italy as they were following Annibal in his Retreat from Metapont miss'd their way and lighted upon Tarentum where by the Roman Forragers ranging in the Fields they were taken and brought before Q. Claudius the Propraetor whom first they entertain'd with slim slams and intricate Answers but being brought to the Rack confess'd That they were carrying Letters from Asdrubal to Annibal with which Letters sealed as they were he sent them under the Guard of L. Virginius and two Troops of Samnite Horse unto the Consul Claudius who having caused the Letters to be read and the Bearers examined began to think with himself That this was not a time wherein the ordinary methods of Conduct and each mans acting precisely in his own Province and with one certain Enemy would be for the service of the Common-wealth That some new unthought of unprovided against Exploit was boldly to be attempted which when first undertook should startle and affright his own Citizens no less than the Enemy but being once happily atchiev'd would turn their fears into excessive transports of joy Sending Asdrubals Letters to the Senate he by the same Express acquaints them what he was resolv'd to do and withal advises them That since Asdrubal writes to his Brother to meet him in Vmbria they would call home a Legion from Capua to Rome make what Levies they could there and with that City-Army oppose the Enemy at Narnia Having wrote thus to the Senate and sent Orders before through the Territories of the Larinats Marrucines Frentanes and Praetutians which was the way he intended to march that they should out of their Towns and the Country round provide Victuals Horses Carts and all other accommodations and have them in readiness he out of all his Forces both Romans and Allies picks out six thousand Foot and a thousand Horse the very slower and strength of the whole Army and bids them make ready for a march for he would attacque the next City and Punick Garrison he came at in the Lucans Country so setting out by night he wheel'd about into Picenum and with all the speed imaginable marches directly towards his Collegue having left the Command of his Camp to Q. Catius his Lieutenant In the mean time they at Rome were in no less fear and bustle than they were two years ago when the Carthaginian Camp lay before their Walls Nor could they tell what to make of this odd and bold Adventure of the Consul whether they should praise or condemn it so that it was plain they would measure and esteem of it by the Event which is the unjustest thing in the World But thus they whisper'd That the Camp depriv'd of all its most gallant men was left as it were in the Jaws of Annibal without a General That the Consul pretending an Expedition into the Lucans Country was indeed gone they knew not whether towards Picenum and Gallia leaving his Camp no other security in the World but the Enemies mistake and not knowing that the General and best part of the Army were absent But what will be the consequence if this be discover'd And Annibal shall with his whole Army follow Nero who is gone out but with six thousand Souldiers or shall assault the Camp left as it were a prey without strength without Conduct and without any body that had power to take the Auspices without which they were not to fight or attempt any matter of moment and the same could only be done by some Chief Magistrate The old defeats receiv'd in this War the fresh remembrace of two Consuls slain but last year encreased peoples fears and so much the more because when all those disasters happen'd the Enemy had but one Army one General in Italy but now of one Carthaginian War there are become two two vast Armies and as good as two Annibals in Italy For Asdrubal was the Son of the same Father Amilcar and every way as grand a Captain having for so many years together been used to fight with the Romans in Spain and famous for two Signal Victories wherein two whole Armies with their most renowned Generals were cut to pieces Nay in some respects he may be said to be superiour to Annibal for the speed of his Journey out of Spain and raising the people of France to assist him he may boast that he hath exceeded his Brother having rais'd an Army in
what for heat and thirst they stood panting and could do nothing but tamely yielded their Bodies to be cut to pieces or taken Prisoners There were more Elephants kill'd by their Governours themselves than by the Enemy for their manner was to have about them a Carpenters Chizzel and a Mallet and when the Beasts happen'd to rage and turn upon their own Troops their Masters would set the said Chizzel between their Ears just at the joint where the nape of the neck and the head meet together and drive it in with all their force which was found the speediest way to kill so huge a Beast when he would be manag'd no longer The first practiser thereof being Asdrubal who as he had in sundry Engagements shew'd himself a brave Commander so never did he give more signal proofs thereof than in this very Battel He it was that kept up the Battel so long on his side both by encouraging his men that fought and exposing himself to all dangers as freely as the meanest Souldier He it was that sometimes by entreaties and sometimes smart rebukes incensed those that were weary and given out to make fresh charges on the Enemy He it was that stopt those that fled and by rallying them renew'd the Fight in several places where the work seem'd altogether done and at the very last when he saw evidently that the Enemy had the honour of the day and his misfortune beyond retrieve resolving not to survive the defeat of that Army which chiefly follow'd his Standards upon the reputation of his name he spurr'd on his Horse into the thickest of one of the Roman Regiments and there as became the Son of Amilcar and the Brother of Annibal gallantly fighting against a multitude he was slain In all the whole War never was there at one Field so many of the Enemy slain and the overthrow at Cannae was repaid them to the full whether we consider the loss of the General or of the Army Six and fifty thousand of them kill'd five thousand four hundred taken besides a great booty of all sorts and a considerable quantity both of gold and silver above four thousand Romans that were Prisoners with the Enemy recovered which made some amends for those lost that day for 't was not an unbloody Victory here being almost eight thousand of the Romans and their Allies who there lost their Lives And so little stomach had the Conquerours to more blood and slaughter that next day when it was told the Consul Livius that abundance of Cisalpine Gauls and Ligurians who either were not present at the fight or fled from thence were going together in a Troop homewards without any certain Commander without Ensigns or any kind of order so that if he would but send a Party of Horse after them he might cut them every one to pieces he replied No No Let some survive to carry abroad the News both of the Enemies Defeat and our Valour Nero the very same night after the fight drew out his Party and with more Expedition than he came return'd to his own Leaguer where in six dayes time he arriv'd being nothing so much resorted to as before because he was so quick that no Messengers were before him to tell the news but whereever he came the people were almost out of their senses for Joy As for Rome it cannot be express'd how strangely people were affected both one way and the other how dumpish the whole City was whilst in doubtful expectation and with what transports they receiv'd the tidings of the Victory Ever since they heard of Claudius's march from Morning till Night were all the Senators in the Council-Chamber and with the Magistrates and the Forum always fill'd with people The Ladies and good Wives because they could assist no way but by their Vows and their Prayers spent all their time in running from one Shrine to another and wearied the Gods with their Supplications Whilst the City was in this suspense and perplexity there was spread at first an uncertain rumour That two Narnian Troopers were come into the Camp which lay against the passages into Vmbria from the Consuls Army and brought word That the Enemy was routed But this was rather heard than believ'd for not only the news was so great and joyful that their minds were not yet enlarg'd enough to receive it so the suddeness made it incredible for the same story related That the fight was two days and they could not think Claudius could be got thither so soon Presently after an Express from L. Manlius Acidinus confirm'd the Report which Letters being brought through the Forum to the Praetors Tribunal and the Lords of the Senate sent for the people did so throng about the Door that the Messenger could not get along for the Crowd bawling out That the Letters should be read at the Market-Cross from the Rostra before they were carried to the Senate but at last being driven away and quieted by the Magistrates who had much ado to appease their unruly Joy The Letters were read first in the Senate and then in the Common-Hall and entertain'd according to every ones humour some being therewith fully satisfied but others would believe nothing till they had an Express and Letters from the Consuls themselves After this they heard that such Messengers were coming and presently the people of all sorts young and old ran out to meet them every one desiring to be the first that heard the certainty of such glad Tidings All the Road as the Bridge Milvius was fill'd with a continual crowd The Messengers were L. Veturius Philo P. Licinius Varus and Q. Caecilius Metellus who attended with this multitude came into the Forum some demanding of them others of their Attendants What News All were answer'd That the Enemies Army was cut to pieces their General slain the Roman Legions brave and lusty both the Consuls safe and well Then presently did every one impart the news to others much ado they had to get to the Senate House and more to keep out the Rabble After the Letters had been there read the Messengers were brought to the Common-Hall where after the Letters were again read L. Veturius declar'd at large by word of mouth the circumstances of the whole Action which was concluded with a general shout of the whole Audience Then away went some to the Temples of the Gods to return thanks and pay their Vows others home to chear their Wives and Children with the happy tidings The Senate pass'd an Act That since M. Livius and Claudius the Consuls had with the safety of the Legions vanquisht and slain the Enemies Forces and their General there should be held a solemn Procession or Thanksgiving for three dayes together which was Proclaim'd by C. Hostilius the Praetor and Celebrated both by Men and Women All the Temples throughout the City were all the three dayes equally throng'd and the Matrons and their Children most richly drest as if they now had nothing
at them before they were well got out of the Vale. The Spaniards stooped down at the Weapons which were thrown by the Foe and then rose up again to fling them back again which the Romans receiving as they use upon their Shields that were joyned together at their close order they came by that means Foot to Foot and began to sight with their Swords As to the roughness of the place though it made the swiftness of the Celtiberians whose way it was to run as they fought of no use to them was no great disadvantage to the Romans for they all were accustomed to a standing sort of sighting save that the straitness of it and the brambles that grew there broke their ranks so that they were forced to engage one to one or two to two as in a Duel That therefore which hindered the Enemies slight was at the same the occasion of their being slaughtered as easily as if they had been bound hand and foot And now when almost all the Shield-Men of the Celtiberians were killed the light-armed Men and Carthaginians who came to their assistance from the other Camp were smitten and slain not above two thousand Foot and all the Horse who had scarce yet entered into the Battel escaped with Mago whilst Hanno the other General with them who came last when the fight was over was taken alive almost all the Horse and all the old Foot that were left following Mago came the tenth day to Asdrubal in the Province of Gades The Celtiberian new Souldiers getting into the adjacent Woods fled thence to their own homes By this very seasonable Victory they did not gain near so much by ending that present War as by stifling the cause of a future which was so likely to ensue if the Carthaginians could have perswaded the other Nations to take up Arms as they had done the Celtiberians Wherefore when he had commended Silanus in very kind expressions Scipio having some hopes of putting an end to the War if he did not frustrate it himself by delays went to finish what remained thereof into the farthest part of Spain against Asdrubal The Carthaginian therefore having his Camp in Baetica in order to keep the minds of his Allies to their Allegeance immediately took up his Ensigns and more like a Flight than a March led his Men to the Ocean and to Gades But then imagining that as long as he kept his whole Army close together he should be exposed as a large mark for the Romans to aim at before he passed the Strait to go to Gades he dispersed his Soldiers all about into the several Cities that they might defend themselves within the Walls and the Walls also with their Arms. Scipio observing the War was dissipated all over the Country and that to carry his Men to the several Cities would be a tedious rather than a great task marched back again yet lest he should leave that Region free to the Enemy he sent L. Scipio his Brother with ten thousand Foot and a thousand Horse to attack the most opulent City in those Parts which the Barbarians call Oringin which City is situate in the Consines of the Melessians a Spanish People whose Country is very fruitful though the Inhabitants digg Silver there too That was Asdrubal's head Quarters from whence he made excursions round about upon the inland People Scipio having pitched his Camp near that City before he invested it with any works sent certain Messengers to the Gates to try at that small distance how the Inhabitants stood affected and to perswade them to make experiment rather of the friendship than the force of the Romans but having no peaceful answer he enclosed the City with a Trench and a double Bulwark dividing his Army into three parts with a design that one part should be continually making their assault whilst the other lay still in the mean time When the first part began to attack it the Fight was very bloody and doubtful for they could not easily come near to make use of their scaling Ladders for the Darts that fell upon them from the Walls And now those who had set their Ladders up against the Walls were some of them thrust down with Forks made on purpose whilst others were laid hold on with Iron Hooks and were in danger to be by them pluck'd up to the top Which when Scipio perceived and that the Battel was now pretty equal through the smalness of his numbers yea that the Foe was too hard for him as fighting from the Wall he made the first party retire and fell on with the other two at once which thing put the Enemy who were already tired with fighting with the first into such a fright that not only the Towns People forsook the Walls and ran forthwith away but the Carthaginian Garrison also for fear the City should be betrayed quitting their station betook themselves into one certain place That made the Towns People the more afraid that if the Enemy should once get into the Town they should be all kill'd as fast as they came to hand without any distinction or question whether they were Carthaginians or Spaniards Wherefore streight opening the Gate they ran in great numbers out of the Town holding their Shields before them lest any Darts might be thrown at a distance upon them but holding out their right hands naked that the Romans might see they had thrown away their Swords Whether the Romans did not perceive that by reason of the distance between them or whether they suspected some ill design to be in it I cannot tell but this is certain they fell upon those that were coming out and kill'd them as an opposite Army carrying their victorious Ensigns in at the same Gate In other parts also they cut and broke the Gates open with Axes and Hatchets whilst every Horseman as he came in went according to order directly to take possession of the Forum or Market-place The Horse had a party of Triarii assistant to them and though the Legionary Soldiers went through the other parts of the Town yet they abstained from pillaging any Man that they met except such as defended themselves with Arms. The Carthaginians were all committed to Prison with about three hundred Towns-Men who had shut the Gates the rest had the Town at command and their Goods restored to them There fell at the Siege of that Town about two thousand of the Enemy but not above ninety Romans The taking of that City was not only happy for them that were imployed in it but made their arrival look very glorious to the General and the rest of the Army when they came with such a multitude of Captives before them Scipio therefore having commended his Brother and with as much Rhetorick as he was able compared the taking of Oringin by him with the taking af Carthage by himself because the Winter was now at hand being neither able to attempt Gades nor follow Asdrubal's Army which was
and C. Laelius being come in the night-time to Hippo Regius a great City led his Seamen and Allies at break of day in Battalia to spoil the Country By which means there was a great devastation brought upon all places the people as those that live in peace being negligent of theirs affairs Thereupon immediately certain Messengers themselves in a consternation filled Carthage with a mighty dread That the Roman Navy and General Scipio for there was a report that he was long come over into Sicily was arrived Wherefore not knowing well how many Ships they had seen nor how great the number of Soldiers was that pillaged the Country they heard every thing with such concern that their fear much increased the real calamity Hence terror and amazement first and after that sorrow possessed their minds That Fortune should so far change upon them that they who so lately had a victorious Army before the Walls of Rome conquer'd so many Armies of the Enemy and receiv'd all the Nations of Italy either through force of free-will by way of Surrender should now quite contrary be in danger to see all Africa ravaged and Carthage besieged That they had not such strength to bear those things as the Romans had for the Roman common people and all Latium afford them youth enough still greater and more numerous that grew up in the room of those many Armies which were slain whilst that people were not only weak in the City but in the Country too so that they were fain to hire Auxiliaries from among the Africans a Nation very fickle and treacherous whenever there was any hopes of greater gain That now also the Kings since Scipio and Syphax had had an interview were fallen off Syphax by Scipio 's perswasions and Masinissa grown a mortal Enemy by the same means in an open Revolt Wherefore there was no hope left nor any assistance to be got Besides that Mago out of Gaul made no great stirs nor joyn'd Annibal who himself was now grown old both in his fame and strength But though this News at first so much dejected their spirits the urgent dread again reviv'd them and put them upon a consultation how they should obviate the present dangers Thereupon they presently order'd a Levy to be made both in the City and Country sent to hire African Auxiliaries fortified their City got a stock of Corn together provided Weapons and Arms fitted out Ships to send to Hippo against the Roman Navy As they were in the midst of this hurry at last a Messenger came That Laelius not Scipio was come over with no more Forces than were sufficient to plunder the Country but that the stress of the War was still in Sicily Then they took breath a while and sent Ambassadors to Syphax and other petty Kings to strengthen their Alliance They likewise sent Men to Philip with a promise of two hundred Talents of Silver if he would come over into Sicily or Italy and also to their own Generals in Italy to keep Scipio off with all the terror they could To Mago likewise they dispatch'd not only Ambassadors but 25 long Ships 6000 Foot 800 Horse seven Elephants and a great deal of Money to hire Auxiliaries in the strength whereof he might approach more near to Rome and joyn Annibal This they contrived and did at Carthage whilst Masinissa rouzed by the fame of a Roman Navy came with a few Horsmen to Laelius who was driving great store of Booty out of the Country it being unarm'd and void of all defence To whom he complain'd that Scipio was too dilatory in his business in that he had not brought over his Army into Africa at that very time when the Carthaginians were under such a consternation and Syphax embarass'd with Wars against his neighbouring Countries who he knew very certainly if he had leisure to compose his affairs according to his mind would do nothing with any sincerity for the Romans He therefore desired Laelius that he would advise and excite Scipio not to tarry any longer and told him that he would be ready though he were beaten out of his Kingdom with no contemptible Force both of Horse and Foot Nor would he have Laelius to stay in Africa for he believ'd there was a Navy already set out from Carthage with whom in Scipio 's absence it would not be safe for him to engage Masinissa having made this Speech was dismissed and Laelius the next day set sail from Hippo with his Ships all full of Plunder and going back into Sicily told Scipio what Masinissa said At the same time the Ships that were sent from Carthage to Mago arrived on the Coast of Liguria where the People called Albingauni dwell and came to Genua On which Coasts it happen'd that Mago at that time had a Navy who hearing what the Ambassadors said to wit That he must raise as big an Army as he possibly could immediately called a Council of the Gauls and Ligurians for there was a mighty multitude of both those Nations in that part of the Country and told them That he was sent to redeem them from slavery which that they might be sure of there were Auxiliaries sent him from home but it was in their power to say with what force and how great an Army that War should be carried on That there were two Roman Armies the one in Gallia and the other in Etruria and he knew well enough that Sp. Lucretius would joyn with M. Livius Wherefore that they also ought to arm a great many thousands that under the Command of two Generals proportionable resistance might be made against those two Roman Armies To which the Gauls made answer That they were very willing so to do but said that since the Romans had one Camp within their Confines and another in the adjacent Country of Etruria if it were discover'd that the Carthaginian were assisted by them the plundering Armies would presently make incursions on both sides into their Territories Wherefore they desired him that he would ask such supplies of the Gauls as he might be privately furnish'd with But the Ligurians being that the Roman Camp was a great way distant from their Country and Cities were free to do any thing so that they ought in justice to arm their Youth and bear a share in the War The Ligurians did not refuse the Proposal only they desir'd two months time to make their Levies In the mean time Mago having dismissed the Gauls sent privately and hired Soldiers all over their Dominions having Provisions of all sorts secretly convey'd to him from the Gallick Nations Then M. Livius brought over the Army of Volunteers out of Etruria into Gallia and having joyn'd Lucretius put himself in a readiness to meet Mago if he should offer to move out of Liguria any nearer to the City But if the Carthaginian lay still under that corner of the Alpes he himself likewise resolv'd to keep the same Post about Ariminum and be a Guard to
Italy After C. Laelius's return out of Africa when Scipio was incited by Masinissa's advice and the Soldiers saw a whole Navy laden with spoils from the Enemies Country they were inflam'd with a desire of going over assoon as they could but a less weighty design interven'd whilst they were thinking of this greater one which was to recover Locri a City that upon the revolt of other Italian Towns had it self also among the rest revolted to the Carthaginians Now the hopes of effecting that intention of theirs sprang from a very small Fountain that things were carried in the Country of the Bruttii more by Robberies than a just War though the Numidians first led the way whom the Bruttii were ready to follow not more upon the score of their Alliance with the Carthaginians than their natural inclination to such villany At last the Roman Soldiers also as it were by a kind of contagion took to stealing and as far as their Officers would suffer them made excursions into the Enemies Country and by them certain Locrians that came out of their â—ity being circumvented were carried to Rhegium Among those Captives there were certain Masons or Carpenters that had been used as it happen'd to work for the Carthaginians in the Fort at Locri. Those Fellows being known to some Noblemen of Locri that were in banishment at Rhegium having been driven from their own City by the adverse Faction who deliver'd Locri up to Annibal after they had told the Gentlemen who as people long absent from a place use to do ask'd them a great many questions all that was new at home put them in hopes That if they might be redeemed and sent back home they would betray the Castle to them For they dwelt there and the Carthaginians trusted them with all they had Whereupon as men not only desirous to see their Country again but also to be reveng'd upon their Enemies they presently redeemed them and sent them back and having contrived and agreed upon the mâ—â—hod of doing that business with the tokens which they at a distance should observe themselves went to Scipio at Syracuse where part of the banish'd persons then were and told him what the Captives had promised By which news they filled the Consul with such hopes of success that he sent the Tribunes of the Soldiers and with them M. Sergius and P. Matienus to carry 3000 Soldiers from Rhegium to Locri writing also to Q. Pleminius the Propraetor to be assisting in the affair They accordingly marching from Rhegium with Ladders that were made proportionable to such an height as the Captives had told them the Tower was of about midnight from that place which they had agreed upon gave the signal to those that were to betray the Castle who being prepared and intent upon the business after they also had let down Ladders made for that purpose and receiv'd the Romans as they clamb up in several places before any noise was heard they fell upon the Carthaginian Sentinels who fearing no such thing were fallen asleep Some therefore of them were first heard to groan as they dy'd which wakening the rest put them into a sudden consternation and a tumult of which though they at present knew no cause yet at length one rouzing another they saw what the matter was Then every man gave the Alarm aâ—d cry'd out That the Enemy was in the Castle and the Sentinels slain By which means the Romans who were no ways equal in number had been destroy'd had not the shout set up by them that were without the Castle for the Tumult happening in the night-time increased their apprehensions where there was no ground for it made it uncertain whence it arose Wherefore the Carthaginians being scar'd as though their Castle had been full of Enemies made no resistance there but fled into the other Fort for there are two at a little distance from each other whilst the Townsmen kept possession of the City which was set a stake for them that could win it Then from the two Forts they made every day some little Excursions to skirmish Q. Pleminius being Governor of the Roman and Amilcar of the Punick Garrison who sending for supplies from the adjacent Towns augmented their Forces At last Annibal himself came nor could the Romans have born the fatigue of it had not the Locrian Mobile exasperated by the pride and avarice of the Carthaginians inclined toward the Romans Assoon as News was brought to Scipio That his affairs at Locri was in greater hazard than ever and that Annibal himself was coming lest the Garrison should be in any danger for want of convenience safely to retire he set sail with a fresh gale and cross'd the straight from Mâ—ssana after the Sea was grown calm leaving L. Scipio his Brother Governor of the Garrison there And Annibal at the same time was come from the River Butrotus which is not far from Locri having sent a Messenger before him to order his Men That at break of day they should joyn Battel with the Romans and Locrians whilst he himself when they were all imploy'd another way attack'd the City by surprise behind and finding at break of day that the Battel was begun he would neither shut himself up in the Castle to straiten that narrow place with a crowd of Soldiers nor had his men brought Ladders to scale the Walls Then throwing his Baggage all on a heap and having shewn his Army at a good distance from the Walls for a terror to the Enemy with his Numidian Horse he rode about the City whilst Ladders and other Materials necessary for a storm were made ready to see where he could best attack it Then marching up to the Wall where he that stood next him was wounded with a shot from a Crossbow he being affrighted at so dangerous an accident commanded them to sound a Retreat and fortified his Camp out of the reach of their Artillery The Roman Navy came from Messana to Locri a good while before night and being all set ashore marched into the City before the Sun was down The next day the Carthaginians from the Fort began the Battel And Annibal having now provided Ladders and all other things for the storm went under the Walls when on a sudden he dreading nothing less the Romans open'd the Gate and sallied out upon him killing to the number of 200 because they came forth so unexpected The rest Annibal when he perceiv'd the Consul to be there took back with him to the Camp and having sent a Messenger to them that were in the Castle to bid them look to themselves he decamp'd in the night-time and went away Then those that were in the Castle having set fire on the Horses where they kept that that tumult might detain the Foe overtook the body of their Army before night running away as though they had fled Scipio when he saw the Castle deserted by the Enemy and their Camp empty called the Locrians to an
were concerning the end of the War when he desir'd the Province of Africa Wherefore to make themselves sure of that Victory which was thus portended by Prophecies Omens and Oracles they consulted which way they should get this Goddess over to Rome The Roman People at that time had no Alliance with any of the Cities in Asia yet remembring that Aesculapius also was sent for out of Greece even before they were in League with that Country upon the score of the Peoples health and now since they had newly contracted a Friendship with King Attalus by means of their common War against Philip so that he was like to do all he could for the Roman Peoples sake they sent Ambassadors to him to wit M. Valerius Laevinus who had been twice Consul and done great things in Greece M. Caecilius Metellus a Praetorian fit to be a Praetor or a Praetors Fellow Ser. Sulpicius Galba an Aedilitian an Aediles Fellow and two Questorians Questors Fellows C. Tremellius Flaccus and M. Valerius Falco To these men they allotted five Gallies of five banks of Oars that they might go to those Countries where the Majesty of the Roman Nation was to be kâ—pt up in such a Port as became the Dignity of the Roman People They therefore in their way to Asia went first to Delphi and consulted the Oracle there what hopes it would give them and the Roman People that they should effect the business for which they were sent on an Embassy from Rome To which 't is said the Oracle made this answer That by means of King Attalus they should obtain what they sought And bid them when they had brought the Goddess to Rome to take care that the best man in all that City should entertain her They accordingly came to the King at Fergamus who receiv'd them very courteously and carried them to Pessinus in Phrygia where he deliver'd unto them the Sacred stone which the Inhabitants said was the Mother of the Gods commanding them to convey it to Rome Then M. Valerius Falco being sent before brought word from the Ambassadors That the Goddess was a coming and that they must seek out the best man in the whole City to receive her into his house with all due Ceremony Q. Caecilius Metellus was at that time declar'd Dictator by the Consul in the Country of the Bruttii to hold the Assembly and his Army disbanded whose Master of the Horse was L. Veturius Philo. The Dictator therefore held the Assembly in which they made for Consuls M. Cornelius Cethegus and P. Sempronius Tuditanus when he was absent in the Province of Greece which was then committed to his Administration After that they chose Praetors to wit T. Claudius Nero M. Martius Ralla L. Scribonius Libo and M. Pomponius Matho When the Assembly was over the Dictator quitted his Oâ—fice The Roman Games were thrice perform'd anew and the Plebeian ones seven times Cneius and L. Cornelius Lentulus were the two Curuâ—e Aediles chief Aediles of whom Lucius had the Province of Spain who being chosen in his absence he though absent bore that Honour T. Claudius Asellus and M. Junius Pennus were the Plebeian Aediles That year M. Marcellus dedicated the Temple of Virtue at the Gate called Porta Capena in the seventeenth year after his Father had vow'd so to do in Gaul at Clastidium when he was first Consul M. Aemilius Regillus also who was the Flamen Martialis i. e. Mars's Priest died that year For that two years the affairs of Greece were much neglected Whereupon Philip seeing the Aetolians quite deserted by the Roman in whose assistance only they had any confidence forced them to desire and make a Peace upon what Terms he himself pleased Which if he had not done with all speed P. Sempronius the Proconsul who was sent as Successor in his Command to Sulpicius had with 10000 Foot 1000 Horse and 30 Ships of War which was no small preparation to succour an Ally most certainly ruin'd him as he was making War against the Aetolians Assoon as the Peace was just made there came a Messenger to the King and told him That the Romans were come to Dyrrachium that the Parthini and other Neighbour Nations were put in hopes of some innovation and that Dimallum a City was attack'd For the Romans had turn'd their Forces that way instead of going as they were order'd to assist the Aetolians being angry that they had made a Peace with the King against the League it being done without their consent When Philip heard that lest there should any great stirs arise among the neighbouring Nations and People he went great days journies till he came to Apollonia whither Sempronius was gone having sent Laetonius the Lieutenant with part of the Forces and 15 Ships into Aetolia to see how things stood and break off if he could the Peace Philip laid waste the Lands belonging to the Apolloniates and drawing his Men up to the City gave the Romans an opportunity of fighting But seeing that they were content only to defend their Walls and be quiet nor thinking himself strong enough to attack the City he desire to make with the Romans as he had done with the Aetolians a Peace if he could or at least a Truce and without provoking them any more by a fresh quarrel return'd into his own Kingdom At that time the Epirotes tired out with a tedious War having first inquired into the Romans inclination thereunto sent Ambassadors to Philip about making a general Peace saying That they were sure it would be concluded upon if he came to a Parley with P. Sempronius the Roman General He was easily induced for the King himself was not averse to it to come over into Epirus Phoenice is a City of Epirus where the King having first had a Conference with Eropus Dardas and Philip Generals of the Epirotes he afterward met with Sempronius There was also at that Conference Aminander King of the Athamanes with other Magistrates of the Epirotes and Acarnanians Of whom General Philip first made a Speech and begg'd both of the King and the Roman General that they would make an end of the War and so far favour the Epirotes P. Sempronius made the Conditions of Peace which were That the Parthini Dimallum Bargulum and Eugenium should be subject to the Romans but that Atintania if upon sending Ambassadors to Rome he could get the Senates leave should be under the Macedonian The Peace therefore being made upon those Terms there were brought into the same League by the King Prusias King of Bithynia the Achaeans Boeotians Thessalians Acarnans and Epirotes and by the Romans the Ilienses King Attalus Pleuratus Nabis Tyrant of Lacedaemon the Eleans Messenians and Athenians These Conditions were signed and sealed and a Truce made for two months till they could send Ambassadors to Rome to get the people there to allow a Peace upon such Conditions Accordingly all the Tribes consented to it because since the War was turn'd into Africa they
Tribunes whom Scipio for his sakâ— put into prison but left him though he were as guilty or rather more than they in the same Commission as before The Ambassadors being order'd to withdraw out of the Temple not only Pleminius but Scipio also were severely lash'd in several invective Orations which the Nobility then made But above the rest Q. Fabius said He was born to corrupt all military Discipline That in Spain too he lost full as much by the mutiny of his Soldiers as by the War for he had a foreign King like way with him both to indulge the licentiousness of his Soldiers and to be very severe upon them when he had so done And then he ended his Speech with this his fatal Opinion That he would have Pleminius brought in bonds to Rome and in that condition to plead for himself so that if all were true that the Locrians had said he should be executed in the Prison and his Goods confiscated That P. Scipio for that he had quitted his Province without the Senates leave should be recalled and that they should treat with the Tribunes of the People to make them propose the abrogating of his Command That the Senate should tell the Locrians in his hearing That what injuries they complain'd of as done to them neither the Senate nor the Roman People would have willingly done That they should be called good Men Allies and Friends That their Wives and Children with all other things that had been taken from them should be restored That as much Money should be raised as had been taken out of Proserpines Treasury and double that summ be return'd into that place as also that a piacular sacrificing should be appointed by advice first taken of the Colledge of Priests because the sacred Treasures were so misplaced and prophaned what Propitiations to what Gods and with what Sacrifices they would have them made That all the Soldiers at Locri should be transported into Sicily and that four Regiments of the Latine Allies should be carried as a Guard to Locri. The Opinions that day for and against Scipio were not to be number'd the Senators were so hot on both sides For besides Pleminius's ill behaviour and the ruine of the Locrians they said that his garb was not only not Roman but not so much even as Military in that he walk'd in a Cloak and Buskins after the Greek fashion in a Gymnasium a School of Exercise giving his mind also to Books and Activity as Wrestling c. That his Regiment was equally slothful and effeminate at Syracuse taking their pleasure only for Cartâ—age and Annibal were out of their heads That all the whole Army was corrupted by licentiousness and just as they were at Sucro in Spain and now at Locri more dreadful to their Allies than any Enemy These things though partly true partly mixed and therefore the more probable were given out buâ— Q. Metellus's Opinion at length obtained who though â—e agreed with Maximus in all other things yet in the case of Scipio dissented from him For how said he can it seem convenient that he whom the City had so lately chosen even in his youth as the only General fit to recover Spain whom Spain retaken from the Enemy had created Consul on purpose to put an end to the Punick War with great hopes that he would not only draw Annibal out of Italy but also subdue all Africa that he I say should be so suddenly recalled from his Province like Q. Pleminius and almost condemn'd before his Cause was heard When ev n those things that the Locrians complain of as done so nefariously against them were done in Scipio 's absence as they themselves owne nor can he be blamed for any thing save his modesty or patience in that he spared the Lieutenant That he thought fit that M. Pomponius the Praetor to whom the Province of Sicily was allotted should go the next three days to that Province and that the Consuls should chuse ten Ambassadors out of the Senate whom they pleas'd to send along with the Praetor with two Tribunes of the People and an Aedile And that by the assistance of that Council the Praetor should inquire if those things that the Locrians complain'd of were done by the order or consent of P. Scipio to the end that they might warn him to quit the Province If Scipio was already gone over into Africa that the Tribunes of the People and the Aedile with two of the Ambassadors whom the Praetor should think most fit should follow him thither the Tribunes and the Aedile to bring Scipio back and the Ambassadors to command the Army till a new General came over But if M. Pomponius and the ten Ambassadors found that such things were not done either by order or consent of P. Scipio that Scipio should stay in the Army and carry on the War as he had proposed This being passed into an Order of Senate it was referr'd to the Tribunes of the People either to agree among themselves or cast Lots which two of them should go along with the Praetor and Ambassadors In like manner it was left to the Colledge of Priests to determine of an Expiation for those things that had been touch'd violated and carried away out of the Temple of Proserpine at Locri. The Tribunes of the People that went along with the Praetor and the ten Ambassadors were M. Claudius Marcellus and M. Cincius Alimentus who had an Aedile also allow'd them to whom if Scipio either in Sicily should not obey the Praetors commands or were already gone over into Africa the Tribunes should give order to lay hold on him and bring him back by the Authority of their Sacred Power Their design was to go to Locri before they went to Messana But as to Pleminius there is a double report goes For some say that he when he heard what had been done at Rome went as a banish'd person to Naples and there by chance met with Q Metellus one of the Ambassadors by whom he was forced back to Rhegium Others say that a Lieutenant was sent by Scipio himself with thirty of the noblest Horsmen to put Q. Pleminius in Chains and with him the Heads of the Sedition But they were all committed to custody at Rhegium either before by Scipio's order or just then by the Praetors The Praetor therefore and the Ambassadors went to Locri where as they were order'd they first took care of what concern'd Religion For they gather'd together all the Sacred money that either Pleminius or the Soldiers had and put it with that which they themselves brought thither into the Treasury making a piacular Sacrifice Then calling the Soldiers into an Assembly the Praetor bade them march with their Ensigns out of the City and pitch'd the Camp in the adjacent Plains with a grave Edict That if any Soldier either remain'd in the City or took any thing out with him that was not his own he would permit the Locrians every one to
was one of the great Noble Men about the King and was lately sent with four thousand Macedonians and Money too into Africa to aid Annibal and the Carthaginians The Macedonians being interrogated upon these several points they gave so perplexed an answer that the Romans prevented them with this That the King had a mind to a War and if he went on should shortly have his desire That the League was violated by him in a double respect not only in that he had injured the Allies of the Romans whom he harassed with War and Hostilities but had likewise assisted their Enemies with Succours and Money And farther that P. Scipio did nothing but his duty in looking upon them as Enemies and keeping them under restraint who whilst they bore Arms against the Roman People were taken Prisoners That M. Aurelius also not only consulted the honour and safety of the Commonwealth but had obliged the Senate also in defending their Allies by the Sword since he could not do it by vertue of the League The Macedonians therefore being dismiss'd with this unwelcome answer the Carthaginians were call'd in whose Ages and Dignities being considered for they were the best Men in all Carthage each Senator said They certainly came to treat of Peace But Asdrubal whom his own Countrymen surnamed Hoedus was the most remarkable Person among them being always for a Peace and an Enemy to the Barcine Faction Wherefore upon that account he had the more Credit when he transferred the blame of the War off of the Commonwealth in general upon the ambition of some few Who when he had made a long and various speech one while to excuse their faults and another while confessing some particular things lest if they impudently denyed things that were true and certain they should be the more hardly pardoned and anon admonishing the Senate That they would use their success with modesty and moderation for if the Carthaginians would have listened to him and Hanno and made use of their opportunity they should have submitted to those terms of Peace which they then demanded But Men had very seldom good Fortune and good Inclinations at the same time That the Roman People were therefore unconquerable because in their prosperity they forgot not to advise and consult and indeed it were to be wondered at if they should do any otherwise That Men who were not used to it when they had good fortune grew mad for joy but that it was now customary and almost obsolete for the Roman People to be happy in victory who had increased their Empire full as much by sparing those they conquered as by conquering The rest made speeches rather to move pity reminding the Senate From what an heighth the Carthaginians were fallen who though they had lately gotten almost the whole World by strength of Arms had now nothing else but the bare Walls of Carthage That being inclosed therein they could see no manner of thing either by Sea or Land that they could call their own Yea that they should keep the City it self and their houshold Gods by no other means than the People of Rome ' s not being too severe upon them Hereupon when the Senate in general seemed to be moved with pity they say one of the Senators who hated the Carthaginians for their perfidiousness cryed out What Gods would they call to witness when they made a League now that they had disappointed and affronted those to whom they formerly obliged themselves for the performance of what they said The same Gods said Asdrubal as are so severe upon such as break Leagues Seeing therefore they were all inclined to Peace the Consul Cn. Lentulus who had the Fleet for his Province interposed against the order of Senate Whereupon M. Atilius and Q Minutius Tribunes of the People referr'd it to the Commons Whether they would yield that the Senate should order a Peace to be made with the Carthaginians And desired them also to declare who should conclude that Peace and who bring the Armies out of Africa As soon as all the Tribes were ask'd about the Peace they commanded That Scipio should conclude the Peace and likewise bring home the Armies Upon which order of theirs the Senate decreed That P. Scipio according to the opinion of the ten Embassadors should make a Peace with the Carthaginians upon what terms he should think fit Then the Carthaginians gave the Senate thaâ—ks and desired That they might go into the City and talk with their Countrymen who were there in Prison For there were among them some that were their Relations and Friends being Noble-men and some to whom they had messages from their Friends Which being allowed them when they desired a second time to have leave to redeem such of them as they thought fit they were bid to tell their Names Whereupon they having named about two hundred the Senate ordered That Embassadors from Rome should carry two hundred of the Captives whom the Carthaginians pleas'd to P. Cornelius-Scipio in Africa and tell him that if the Peace were concluded on he might restore them to the Carthaginians without ransom The Heralds being commanded to go into Africa to make the League had by their own request this order of Senate made That each of them should carry his own flint stones and his own vervein that the Roman Praetor should command them to strike the League and they ask him for vervein That kind of Herb is used to be taken out of the Castle and given to the Heralds The Carthaginians being thus dismiss'd out of Rome when they came into Africa to Scipio they made a Peace upon the terms that I before told you of delivering the long Ships Elephants Renegadoes Fugitives and Captives to the number of four Thousand among whom was Q Terentius Culleo a Senator He ordered the Ships when they were a good way out at Sea to be set on fire of which some say there were five Hundred of all sizes that were rowed the sight of which fire so on a suddain was as sorrowful a spectacle to the Carthaginians as though even Carthage it self had been in a flame The Renegadoes were punish'd more severely than the Fugitives those that were Latines being beheaded and the Romans hanged upon a Cross Forty Years before there was a Peace made with the Carthaginians when Q Lutatius and A. Manlius were Consuls The War began twenty three Years after when P. Cornelius and T. Sempronius were Consuls and was ended in the eighteenth Year when Cn. Cornelius and P. Aelius Paetus were Consuls After that they report that Scipio would often say That Tib. Claudius first of all and after that Cn. Cornelius ' s Ambition was the hinderance why that War did not end in the destruction of Carthage But the Carthaginians finding it very difficult at first to raise the Money now they were so exhausted by the Expences of so long a War so that there was nothing but sorrow and wailing in the Senate they
he proposed the getting the Achaean Youth out of Peloponnesus as so many Hostages to engage their Nation in the Roman War To which Cycliades General of the Achaeans thinking it to no purpose to speak said only this that by the Laws of the Achaeans it was not lawful to propose any other thing in Council but what they were called together about and so making a Decree for the raising of an Army against Nabis he dismissed the Council with the same Courage and freedom that he held it though before that time he was lookt upon to be one of King Philips Creatures Philip therefore being frustrated in his great hopes raised some few Volunteers returned to Corinth and so into Attica At that very time when Philip was in Achaia Philocles the Kings Prefect coming out of Euboea with two thousand Thracians and Macedonians to ravage the Confines of the Athenians he passed over the Mountain Cytheron over against Eleusis Where sending half of his men round about to plunder the Country he lay with the rest close in a place very fit for an Ambuscade that if any Sally should be made from the Castle of Eleusis upon his men whilst they were at their work he might surprize the Enemy as they came thronging out But his Ambuscade was discovered and therefore having recall'd those Souldiers that were gone a plundering and put them in a way to attack the Castle he went to Eleusis but coming back from thence much wounded he joined himself to Philip who was then coming out of Achaia The King himself also attempted to take that Castle But the Roman Ships coming from Piraeeus with a Guard that was admitted into it forced him to desist from the Enterprize After that having divided his Army the King sent Philocles with part of it to Athens and with the rest went himself to Piraeeus to the end that whilst Philocles by drawing near their Walls and threatning them with an Assault kept the Athenians within their City he might have an opportunity to take the Piraeeus when it was left with so small a Guard But his attempt upon the Piraeeus was full as difficult as that upon Eleusis because there were almost all the same persons to defend it Wherefore from the Piraeeus he immediately marched to Athens from whence being repulsed by a sudden eruption of the Foot and Horse between the two half demolished Walls that join the Piraeeus to Athens he desisted from attacking the City and having again divided the Army between himself and Philocles went to pillage the Country But having committed the former outrage by demolishing of the Sepulchres about the City he caused all the Temples of their Gods that were lookt upon as sacred in any Village to be burnt and demolished The Country of Attica being very curiously adorned with that sort of works by reason both of its native Marble and the ingenuity of its Artificers gave occasion to this mad action of his For he was not content only to demolish the Temples and overturn the Statues but he ordered the stones also to be broken a pieces lest if they were left whole they might serve to repair the Ruines And when his fury was not so much satisfied as it wanted matter to work upon he went out of the Enemies Country into Boeotia nor did he do any thing else worth the speaking of in Greece The Consul Sulpicius at that time was Encamped between Apollonia and Dyrrbachium near the River Apsus whither he sent for T. Apustius his Lieutenant and dispatched him away with part of the Forces to plunder the Enemies Confines Whereupon Apustius having pillaged all the Borders of Macedonia and taken Corrhagum Gerrhunium and Orgessus three Castles at the first Effort came to Antipatria a City situate in a very narrow avenue Where first calling out the chief men of the place to a Parley he endeavoured to perswade them to put themselves under the protection of the Romans but afterward seeing that they slighted what he said as trusting in their numbers their Walls and the situation of their City he stormed and took it killing all those that were of Age and giving all the plunder to the Souldiers besides that he demolished the Walls and burnt the whole Town This dreadful news made Codrion a Town sufficiently fortified and strong enough surrender it self to the Romans without any more ado Where having left a Guard he took Ilion a name more known upon the account of a City so called in Asia than upon the score of this Town by force of Arms. But as the Lieutenant returned to the Consul with a vast Booty one Athenagoras a Prefect of the Kings setting upon his Reer whilst he passed a certain River put the hindmost of his men into disorder Upon whose shouts and consternation the Lieutenant riding swiftly back again made the Army face about and having placed the Baggage in the middle set his Army in Array but the Kings men could not endure the shock of the Romans Many of them were slain and more taken so that the Lieutenant leading his Army safe back to the Consul was thence sent forthwith to the Fleet. The War being begun with such success the petit Kings and Princes that border upon Macedonia came to the Roman Camp Pleuratus son of Scordiletus Aminander King of Athamanes and of the Dardanes Bato son to Longarus Longarus had waged War upon his own account against Demetrius Philips Father Who promising their assistance received this answer from the Consul That when he brought his Army into Macedonia he would make use of the Dardanes and of Pleuratus as Auxiliaries imploying Aminander to instigate the Aetolians To Attalus's Embassadors for they also were come thither at the same time he gave order That the King their Master should stay for the Roman Navy at Aâ—gina where he wintered and joyning it should engage Philip as he had done formerly in a Sea Fight Nor did Philip prepare more slowly for the War being now got into Macedonia sending his Son Perseus a very Boy and some of his Favourites to instruct and guide the Lads nonage with part of his Forces to besiege the Streights that are at Pelagonia Then he demolished Sciathus and Peparethus lest they might prove a prey and a reward to the Enemy sending Embassadors to the Aetolians lest that Nation being disturbed at the coming of the Romans should revolt Now there was a Convention to be of the Aetolians upon a set day which they call Panaetolium a meeting of all the Aetolians at which that they might be present not only the Kings Embassadors made great hast but L. Furius Purpureo also sent from the Consul came in quality of an Embassador Embassadors likewise from the Athenians met at that Convention But first the Macedonians with whom they had made the latest League had Audience VVho seeing there was no new matter said They had nothing of News to tell them for upon the same grounds that they having
tryed how useless the Roman Alliance was had made a Peace with Philip they ought still to keep it since it was once concluded Or would you said one of the Embassadors rather imitate the licentiousness shall I say or levity of the Romans who though they formerly gave order for this answer to be made to their Embassadors at Rome Why do you Aetolians come to us without whose advice or consent you have made a Peace with Philip yet now the very same People desire that you would take their part in a War against Philip. They formerly pretended they took up Arms for your sakes and in your quarrel against him but now they will not suffer you to be at Peace with Philip. They went over first into Sicily to assist Messana and a second time to free Syracuse from being oppressed by the Carthaginians Yet they themselves are Lords of Messana and Syracuse yea and all Sicily now having made it a Province tributary to their Rods and Axes That is to say as you at Naupactum call a Council by your Laws and by Magistrates chosen by you to make whom you please your Ally or Enemy and determine upon Peace or War as you think good so do the Romans appoint all Councils or Convention in the Cities of Sicily at Syracuse Messana or Lilybaeum The Roman Praetor holds the Assembly and by his Authority they are summoned together There they see him on an high Tribunal giving Laws to them and encompassed with a company of Lictors The Rods are ready for their Backs and the Axes for their Necks besides that every year they have a new Lord over them Nor ought they or can they wonder at that when they see the very Cities of Italy as Rhegium Tarentum and Capua not to mention the neighbouring places out of whose ruines the City of Rome was augmented submit to the same slavery Capua indeed it self the Sepulchre and Monument of the Campanians remains though its People are dead and banished thence but it is a maimed place without a Senate without a People and without Magistrates a monstrous thing which it was more cruelty to leave so inhabited than if it had been totally destroyed It is a madness if Foreigners who are divided from them more in their Languages Manners and Laws than by Seas or Tracts of Land have these places in possession to hope that any thing will continue in the same state Does Philips Reign seem any way to obstruct their liherty who though he were no more severe upon you than you deserved and desired nothing of you but peace and friendship wants that Peace which he made with you at this very day Accustom your foreign Legions to those Countries and take their yokes upon your necks you will too late when 't is in vain after you have got the Romans to be your Lords desire Philips alliance Some slight differences for a time may disunite the Aetolians the Acarnanians and the Macedonians men of the same language and as little a matter makes them friends again but with Aliens and Barbarians all the Greeks not only at present have but always will maintain eternal Hostility for they are Enemies not by accident but by nature But my speech shall end where I began You are the very same Persons who three years ago resolved upon a Peace with the same Philip and these are the very same Romans who not only then were against that but would now dissolve this Peace which you have made and concluded But I see no reason that you should alter any thing in a determination wherein fortune has made no manner of alteration After the Macedonians the Athenians by consent and order of the Romans who had suffered great indignities and could more justly inveigh against the Cruelty and Barbarity of the King were introduced They deplored the wasting and miserable ravaging of their Country Nor did they as they said complain that they had suffered hostilities from an Enemy For there were certain Laws of War according to which it was just for them both to act and suffer That their Corn should be burnt up their Houses demolished and whole droves of men as well as Cattle taken from them was rather their misfortune than an ill thing done by the Foe But they complained that he who called the Romans Aliens and Barbarians should so far violate all Laws both divine and humane as in the former plunder to wage a Cursed War as it were with the infernal and in the second with the Coelestial Gods For all the Monuments and Sepulchres in their Confines were demolished the manes or Ghosts of all their dead stript there nor any mans Bones covered with Earth That they had Temples too which their Ancestors who heretofore dwelt in Villages had consecrated in those small Forts and Hamlets and did not leave without Votaries even after they were united by Theseus into one City That about all those Temples Philip had thrown destructive flames and that the Images of their Gods lay half-burnt with their Heads off among the ruinated Timber And such as he had made the Country of Attica which once was gloriously adorned and opulent such if he might he would in time make Aetolia and all Greece That their City too had like to have been as much defaced had not the Romans come For with the same wicked intent he aimed at the very tutelar Gods of their City and the Protectress of their Castle Minerva as he did at Eleusis at the Temple of Ceres and in Piraeeus at the Temple of Jupiter and Minerva both but being repulsed not onâ—y from their Temples but even from our Walls by force of Arms exerted his rage upon such holy places as were left defenceless save by the sanctity of them Wherefore they desired and be g'd of the Aetolians that in pity to the Athenians since they had the immortal Gods to be their Leaders and the Romans a so who next to the Gods were the most powerful Commanders they would levy a War against Philip. Then the Roman Embassador spoke The Macedonians said he first and then the Athenians have quite altered the whole frame of what I had to say For the Macedonians though I came to complain of injuries done by Philip to so many Cities that are allied to us by accusing the Romans have made it more eligible to me to make a defence than an accusation and the Athenians by relating his wicked and inhumane behaviour toward the Gods both Infernal and Coelestial have left no room for me or any body else to make any farther objections You may imagine that the Cianians Abydenes Aeneans Maronites Thasians Parians Samians Larissians with the Messenians also from Achaia complain of the same things and they with much greater reason whom he was more capable of hurting Now as to what he has objected against us it is so far from needing a defence that it rather deserves the greatest commendations than any excuse He laid Rhegium and Capua
year very cheap for M. Claudius Marcellus and Sex Aelius Paetus distributed a great quantity of Corn among the people at two Asses a Bushel and set forth the Roman Games with great preparation which they were a whole day in performing laying five brazen Ensigns made out of the mulct-money up in the Treasury The Plebeian Games too were all played thrice over by L. Terentius Massa and Cn. Baebius Tamphilus the Aediles the latter of which two was designed for Praetor There were likewise Funeral Games performed that Year for four dayes together in the Forum upon the account of M. Valerius Laevinus's Death by his two Sons Publius and Marcus with a Fencing prize by them also set up at which there were twenty five pair of Combatants Then also M. Aurelius Cotta Decemvir of the sacred Rites died in whose place they put Manius Acilius Glabrio At that Assembly also there were by chance both the Curule Aediles chosen who could not immediately enter upon their Office For C. Cornelius Cethegus was created in his absence when he was at his Province in Spain and C. Valerius Flaccus whom they had Created whilst present because he was Flamen Dialis or Jupiter's High-Priest could not swear to observe the Laws now it was not lawful for any man to bear any Office above five dayes but he that had sworn to keep the Laws Wherefore when Flaccus desired to be acquitted from the obligation of the Laws the Senate decreed That if the Aedile would provide such a person as the Consuls should approve of to swear for him the Consuls if they thought fit should treat with the tribunes of the people in order to refer it to the people Thereupon he produced his Brother Valerius who was designed to be Praetor to swear for him and then the Tribunes proposed the matter to the people who resolved That it should be as good as if the Aedile himself had sworn Touching the other Aedile also there was an Act made by the Commons at the request of the Tribunes to know what two they would send into Spain with Commission to the Armies that C. Cornelius the Curule Aedile should come home to bear his Office and that L. Manlius Acidinus should depart that Province after many years continuance there Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and L. Stertinius being ordered to go into Spain with the Commission and Character of Pro-Consuls DECADE IV. BOOK II. The EPITOME 1. There are a great many Prodigies spoken of in divers Countries 9. Among which that in the Poop of a long Ship in Macedonia a Laurel-Tree sprung up T. Quintius Flaminius being Consul fought with success against Philip in the streights of Epirus 12 13. Whom Quintius having defeated forced to return into his own Kingdom again The same Quintius harassed that part of Thessaly which Borders upon Macedonia by the assistance of the Aetolians and Athamanes L. Quintius Flaminius the Consuls Brother took all Euboea and the Sea-Coast in the Sea-fight with the help of King Attalus and the Rhodians The Achaeans were taken again into favour 20 23. The Conspiracy entered into by the Slaves to free the Carthaginian Hostages was frustrated 26. The number of the Praetors was augmented so as that there were six chosen Cornelius Cethegus being Consul routed the Insubrian Gauls in a Battle that he had with them 30. They made an alliance with the Lacedemonians and their Tyrant Nabis Afterward you have several relations of Cities that were taken in Macedonia THE Consuls and Praetors having entered upon their several Offices on theldes of March had their several Provinces allotted to them L. Lentulus had Italy and P. Villius Macedonia the Praetors L. Quintius the City Cn. Baebius Ariminum L. Valerius Sicily and L. Villius Sardinia Lentulus the Consul was ordered to raise new Legions and Villius to take the Army from P. Sulpicius and had leave to make up the complement thereof to raise as many Souldiers as he thought good The Praetor Baebius had those Legions which C. Aurelius the Consul had so committed to him that he was to keep them till another Consul came with a new Army Who assoon as he should come into Gaul that all the old Souldiers should be disbanded and sent home excepting five thousand of the Allies they being enough to Guard the Province about Ariminum The Praetors of the Year foregoing were continued in Commission Cn. Sergius that he might take care for the assigning of their shares of Land to those Souldiers who had served for many years in Spain Sicily and Sardinia and Q. Minucius that he might make an end of those Inquisitions concerning the Conspiracies which when he was Praetor he with so much fidelity and care had been imployed in and to send those whom he had convicted and caused to be carried Prisoners to Rome to Locri to receive their punishment taking care likewise that what had been taken out of the Temple of Proserpine might be restored with expiatory Sacrifices for that crime The Latine Festivals were renewed by Decree of the Chief Priests because the Ardean Embassadors had complained in the Senate That they who were Latines had not flesh given them in the Alban Mount as they were used to have Then there was news brought from Suessa that the two Gates and the Wall between them were burnt by lightning but by the Formian Embassadors that Jupiters Temple and so likewise by the Ostians that Jupiters Temple with them was so burnt but from Velitrae that Apollos 's and Sangus 's Temples both were so served and that hair grew up in the Temple of Hercules From the Bruttians Q. Minucius the Pro-Praetor wrote word that there was a Colt foaled with five Feet and three Cock-Chickens with three Feet apiece After which there was a Letter came from P. Sulpicius the Pro-Consul out of Macedonia in which among other things there was this remark that a Laurel-Tree sprung up in the poop of a Ship Upon the account of the former Prodigies the Senate ordered That the Consul should make the greater sort of Sacrifices to what Gods he thought good but for the last only the Soothsayers were called into the Senate and according to their Answer supplication was appointed to be made one whole day and religious duties were perform'd at every Altar and Temple in the City The Carthaginians first brought the money imposed upon them as a stipend for the Souldiery that year to Rome Which money seeing the Questors declared to be nought and having tryed it found the fourth part to fly away the Carthaginians were fain to borrow money at Rome to make up what was lacking Whereupon when they desired that their Hostages if the Senate pleased might be restored to them an hundred of them were accordingly sent home besides that they gave them hopes of having the rest if they continued faithful to the Romans And when those Hostages that were not restored desired that they might be carried from Norba where they were uneasy to any other place
Streights that the Enemy was then possessed of though it were like to cost him a great deal of trouble and hazard or bring his Men about the same way that Sulpicius the year before had come into Macedonia But whilst he was in this deliberation which held him several days there came a Messenger and told him That P. Quintius was made Consul and having by lot gain'd the Province of Macedonia was now got over as fast as he could into Corcyra Valerius Antias says that Villius went into those Streights and because he could not go in a direct Road the ways being all block'd up by the King following the Vale through the middle of which runs the River Aous he made a tumultuary Bridge to the bank upon which the Kings Camp lay and marching over it engag'd them in a set fight that the King was routed put to flight and forced from his Camp twelve Thousand of the Enemy were slain in that Battel two Thousand two Hundred taken Prisoners besides one Hundred thirty two military Ensigns and two Hundred and thirty Horses As also that a Temple was vow'd i. e. religiously designed to be dedicated to Jupiter in that Battel if the business succeeded well But the other Greek and Latine Authors whose Annals I have read do not mention any thing memorable that was done by Villius but say also that T. Quintius the succeeding Consul manag'd the whole War Whilst these things were transacted in Macedonia the other Consul L. Lentulus who staid at Rome held an Assembly for the creating of Censors Upon which occasion though a great many famous Men stood for the Office yet P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus and P. Aâ—lius Paetus were made Censors These two lived very lovingly together and took a survey of the Senate without branding e'r a one of that Society They likewise let out the Tolls of things that were sold at Capua and Puteoli as also the Toll of the Camp at Puteoli that formerly was where the Town now stands and sent three Hundred Inhabitants thither for that was the number appointed by the Senate selling the Land belonging to Capua under Tifata a Mountain About the same time L. Manlius Acidinus departing out of Spain was hindered by M. Portius Laeca Tribune of the People from coming home ovant though he had obtained the favour of the Senate and therefore making his entrance into the City as a private Person he brought into the Treasury twelve hundred Pound of Silver and near thirty Pound of Gold The same Year Cn. Baebius Tamphilus who had received the Province of Gaul from C. Aurelius who was Consul the Year before having entered very rashly into the Confines of the Insubrian Gauls had like to have been circumvented with his whole Army for he lost above six thousand six hundred men so great a damage did he receive from that War which now began to be slighted That accident brought L. Lentulus the Consul from the City who assoon as he came into the Province which was full of uproar having received the frighted Army he chid the Praetor very severely bidding him depart the Province and go to Rome But the Consul himself did not do any memorable exploit as being called back to Rome to hold the Assembly which was obstructed by M. Fulvius and Manius Curius Tribunes of the People who would not suffer T. Quintius Flamininus to stand for the Consulship when he was yet but Questor saying That noble men now nauseated the Aediles and Praetors Office nor did they by degrees of honour and approving themselves in several stations rise gradually to the Consulship but by leaping over the middle continued the highest to the lowest imployments From a Debate in the Campus Martius the business came into the Senate who gave their opinions and said they thought it reasonable that the people should have full power to chose whom they pleased provided he desired no honour but what he lawfully might stand for The Tribunes submitted to the Decree of the Senate and there were chosen for Consuls T. Quintius Flamininus and Sex Aelius Paetus Then they held the Assembly for Praetors in which were chosen L. Cornelius Merula M. Claudius Marcellus M. Portius Cato and C. Helvius who had been Tribunes of the People By them the Plebeian Games were renewed and a Feast made to Jupiter upon the score of those Games the Roman Games being at the same time set forth by the Curule Aediles C. Valerius Flaccus Jupiters High-Priest and C. Cornelius Cethegus with great preparation Ser. and C. Sulpicius Galha the Chief Priests died in that Year in whose places M. Aemilius Lepidus and Cn. Cornelius Scipio were elected and put Sex Aelius Petus and T. Quintius Flamininus the Consuls at the entrance upon their Office having had a Senate in the Capitol that Court decreed That the Consuls should either agree between themselves or cast Lots for the Provinces of Macedonia and Italy and that he to whose share Macedonia fell should raise as a supplement to the Legions three Thousand Roman Foot and three Hundred Horse and likewise of the Latine Allies five Thousand Foot and five Hundred Horse To the other Consul they assign'd all the new Forces L. Lentulus who was Consul the Year before was continued in Commission and charged not to stir out of his Province or bring away the old Army before the Consul came with the new Legions The Consul then cast Lots for their Provinces of which Aelius happened to have Italy and Quintius Macedonia The Praetors L. Cornelius Merula had the City M. Claudius Sicily M. Porcius Sardinia and C. Helvius Gaul Then also they began to make a Levy For besides the consular Armies the Praetors were also ordered to raise new Forces for Marcellus to go into Sicily four Thousand Foot of the Latine Allies and three Hundred Horse and for Cato to go into Sardinia of the same sort of Soldiers three Thousand Foot and two Hundred Horse so that both these Praetors when they were come into their Provinces disbanded all their old Foot and Horse After that the Consuls brought the Embassadors from King Attalus into the Senate who having told the Court That their King was always ready to assist the Romans with his Navy and all the Forces he had both by Sea and Land and had to that time done what the Roman Consuls commanded with all expedition and obedience they added That now they fear'd he could not do so any longer for King Antiochus who had invaded Attalus 's Kingdom when it was destitute of Sea and Land-Forces Wherefore that Attalus desired the Senate if they had a mind to imploy his Navy and his other Forces in the Macedonian War that they would themselves send a Guard to secure his Kingdom if not that they would permit him to return home with his Fleet and what forces he had left to defend his own Country To which the Senate caus'd this answer to be given That whereas King Attalus had assisted the
into their Country and to the Dymaeans who were lately taken and rifled by the Roman Army Philip giving order that they should be redeemed where-ever they were in slavery gave back not only their Liberty but their Country too And as for the Argives they besides that they believe the Macedonian Kings to be come originally from them were many of them obliged to Philip upon several private accounts and by familiar friendship For these reasons because the Council was inclined to make an Alliance with the Romans they went out and they were pardoned for so doing because they had been obliged not only very much but very lately too by several kindnesses that the Macedonians had done them The rest of the Nations belonging to the Achaeans when their opinions were demanded confirmed an alliance with Attalus and the Rhodians by a present Decree just then but deferr'd it to the Romans because without the Peoples consent it could not be ratified till such time as Embassadors could be sent to Rome At the present they agreed to send three Embassadors to L. Quintius and remove all the Achaean Army to Corinth which City it self Quintius was then attacking after he had taken Cenchreae And they indeed encamped over against that Gate which leads to Sicyon The Romans fell upon that side of the City toward Cenchreae and Attalus leading his Men over through the Isthmus attack'd it first more slowly from Lechaeum the Port of the opposite Sea as hoping to see a mutiny between the Townsmen and the Kings Guards But seeing that they all defended it the Macedonians as though it had been their own common Country and the Corinthians by making Androsthenes Governour of the Garrison whom they obeyed for his humanity and justice in his Office as if he had been one of their own Citizens and chosen by majority of Votes so that the Assailants only hopes now lay in force Arms and Works and therefore they raised vast Mounds before the Walls on every side A Ram on that side where the Romans made their Attack had beaten down some part of the Walls To which place because it was now berest of all fortifications the Macedonians ran in throngs to defend it upon which there happened to be a bloody Battel between them and the Romans And first of all the Romans were easily kept off by mere Multitude but when the Auxiliaries belonging both to the Achaeans and Attalus were slain the fight was pretty equal nor could any body doubt but the Romans would easily force the Macedonians and Greeks to quit their Ground There were a great number of Italian Fugitives who part of them out of Annibals Army came over for fear of being punished by the Romans and followed Philip and part of them were Sea Men who having left their Fleets revolted to the hopes of a more honourable Warfare Despair of being pardoned if the Romans overcame made these Men rather mad than bold There is the Promontory of Juno over against Sicyon which they call Acraa that runs a great way out into the Sea from whence Philocles one of the Kings Praefects having passed over to Corinth almost seven Thousand Paces led fifteen Hundred Men after him through Boeotia There were Barks ready from Corinth to take that Guard in and carry them to Lechaeum Whereupon Attalus advised them To set fire of their Works and presently quit the Siege But Quintius was more pertinacious in the Enterprize Yet even he when he saw the Kings Guards posted at every Gate so that it was not easie for them to sustain the shock of a sally out of the Town was of Attalus's opinion Thus without effecting their design and having dismiss'd the Achaeans they returned to their Ships Attalus went for Piraeâ—us and the Romans for Corcyra Whilst these things were carryed on by their Naval Forces the Consul having pitched his Camp in Phocis near Elatia endeavoured to do the business first by way of Parley and Conference with the Nobility of that City but when they told him They had not power to do any thing at all for that the Kings Men were more numerous and strong than the Townsmen then he attacked the City with Works and Arms on every side When he applyed the Ram to the Wall as much of it as between the Towers was knock'd down having left the City defenceless and that with a great crash and noise as it fell not only the Romans march'd in through the new breach but also from all parts of the Town ev'ry one left their stations and ran together to that place that was so throng'd by the Enemy The Romans at the same time clamber'd over the Ruines and brought their Ladders up to the standing Walls and whilst the heat of the fight fix'd not only the Eyes but the Minds of the Enemies upon that one part only where the conflict was the Wall was scaled in several other places and the Soldiers clamb over into the City Upon the hearing of which tumult the Enemy being affrighted at it left the place which they so many of them together defended and sled all for fear into the Castle with the unarm'd Rabble at their heels By this means the Consul took possession of the City Which when he had rifled he sent certain Persons into the Castle who were to promise the Kings Men their lives if they would go away without their Arms and their liberty to the Elatians upon which having given his solemn word for the performance he after some few days was Master of the Castle But when Philocles the Kings Praefect came into Achaia not only Corinth was free'd from the Siege but the City of the Argives also was betrayed to Philocles by certain Princes or Noblemen therein after they had first try'd how the vulgar stood affected They had a custom on the first day of their Assemblies as an Omen for the Praetors to pronounce the Names of Jupiter Apollo and Hercules to which Law there was an addition made That King Philip should be joined with them whose name seeing the Cryer did not add now that they had made a Peace with the Romans there was first an hum set up by the multitude and soon after a great noise made by those that pronounced Philips name as being willing he should enjoy his legal honour till at last his name was repeated with a general assent In confidence of this favour Philocles being sent for thither in the night time seized an Hill that stood above the City which Castle they call Larissa and planting a Guard there as he went down to the Town below it by break of day in an hostile posture an Army ready in Battalia met him For there was a Garison of Achaeans lately put into that place consisting of about five hundred Youths chosen out of all their Cities Over which Aenesidemus a Dymaean was chief Commander To him the Kings Prefect sent this advise that he would march out of the City for that they were not
equal even to the Townsmen only who were of the Macedonians side much less when the Macedonians were added to them whom even the Romans themselves could not endure to cope with at Corinth which though at first it not at all moved either their Captain or them yet sometime after when they saw the Argives come arm'd on the other side in a great Body foreseeing nought but certain destruction they nevertheless seem'd resolv'd to undergo any hazard if their Commander had but stuck to them But Aenesidemus for fear all the flower of the Achaean Youth and their City should be lost together having bargained with Philocles that they might march off himself continued in the same place where he was arm'd and with a very small number to attend him Whereupon when Philocles sent a Messenger to ask him what he meant he standing mute with his Shield before him made Answer That he was resolv'd to die arm'd in defence of that City which was committed to his charge Thereupon by the Prefects Order the Thracians threw their Darts in upon them and kill'd them every man So that after the alliance was made between the Achaeans and the Romans two of the most famous Cities in the World Argi and Corinthus were in subjection to the King These things were performed by the Romans in Greece by Sea and Land that Summer But in Gaul there was no memorable exploit done by Sex Aelius the Consul who though he had two Armies with him in that Province one which he kept still but ought to have disbanded that had been under the Command of L. Cornelius the Pro-Consul of which he made C. Helvius the Praetor General and another that he brought thither yet he spent allmost the whole year in reducing the Cremoneses and Plancentians back into those Colonies from whence by the fortune of War they had been dispersed Now as Gaul that Year was at quiet beyond all expectation so about the City of Rome there had like to have been an Insurrection made by the slaves For the Carthaginian Hostages were then in Custody at Setia and had with them as being Noblemens Sons a great number of Slaves who were the more not only by reason of the late African War but because the Setines also themselves had bought several Captives of that Nation which were taken Prisoners When therefore they had formed their Conspiracy they sent some of that number to sollicite the other Slaves that were in the Country near Setia as well as about Norba and Circeii And when they had gotten all things in a readiness they had resolved to set upon the people when they were intent upon seeing certain Games which were to be in a day or two at Setia and when they had taken Setia by slaughter and that sudden tumult to make themselves Masters of Norba and Circeii News was brought to Rome of this their design to L. Cornelius Merula then Praetor or Governour of the City Two Slaves came to him before day and told him in order all that had been or was intended to be done He therefore having Commanded them to be kept in Custody at his own House and called a Senat to whom he declared what the Informers said was immediately ordered to go and inquire into and suppress that Conspiracy Accordingly he went with five Lieutenants and by the way forced all he met with an Oath to take up Arms and follow him By means of which tumultuary Levy having raised almost two thousand men he came without telling any of them whither he was a going to Setia Where having soon laid hold upon the Heads of the Conspiracy he so surprised them that the Slaves ran all out of the Town But he sent a Party to pursue and find them out all over the Country In this affair the service of the two informing Slaves and one Freeman was very extraordinary to the latter of which the Senat ordered an hundred thousand pounds for a Reward and to the Slaves twenty five thousand pounds with their Liberty which was paid them out of the Treasury Not long after out of the remains of that same Conspiracy news was brought that the Slaves were like to seize Preneste Thereupon L. Cornelius the Praetor marching thither punished nigh five hundred persons that were in that Plot. Mean while the City was in a fright that the Carthaginian Hostages and Captives should attempt such things insomuch that there were Watches kept at Rome in every street of which the inferiour Magistrates were to take care and the Triumviri injoin'd to have a stricter Eye over the Prison belonging to the Stone-quarries whither Slaves c. were sent to work Besides which the Praetor sent Letters all over Latium to Command that the Hostages should be kept in private and not suffered to stir abroad and that the Captives being bound in Fetters of no less than ten pound weight should be in no other than the publick Gaol That year Embassadors from King Attalus laid up as an offering in the Capitol a golden Crown of two hundred forty six pound weight and gave the Senat thanks for that Antiochus by the perswasions of the Roman Embassadors had drawn his Army out of Attalus's Dominions The same Summer there came two hundred Horsemen ten Elephants and two thousand Bushels of Wheat from King Masinissa to the Army that was in Greece There were also sent out of Sicily and Sardinia great quantities of Provision and Cloths to the same Army M. Marcellus at that time was Governour of Sicily and M. Portius Cato of Sardinia who though he were a religious and an innocent man was lookt upon as a little too harsh in restraining of Usury For he expell'd all Usurers out of that Island and either retrenched or quite took off the charge which the Allies were usually at to maintain the Praetors At this time Sext. Aelius the Consul being come back out of Gaul to Rome to hold the Assembly for chusing of Consuls made C. Cornelius Cethegus and Q Minucius Rufus Consuls Two dayes after the Assembly was held for chusing of Praetors in which there were more than ever before six chosen the Provinces did so increase and the Empire grew so much larger Their names were L. Manlius Vulso C. Sempronius Tuditanus M. Sergius Sillus M. Helvius M. Minucius Rufus and L. Atilius Of whom Sempronius and Helvius were Aediles of the People as Q. Minucius Thermus and T. Sempronius Longus were the Curule or chief Aediles The Roman Games were performed four times that Year Now Cn. Cornelius and Q. Minucius being Consuls their first business was to dispose of the Provinces between themselves and the Praetors But the Praetors had the precedence in that transaction whose choice was to be managed by lots In which affair Sergius happened to have the jurisdiction of the City and Minucius a Foreign one Acilius to have Sardinia Manlius Sicily Sempronius the hither Spain and Helvius the farther But when the Consuls were ready to part
Romans did not shew the same affection to their Nation since the Victory as they had done in the War whilst others more vehemently accused and upbraided him saying That it was not only impossible for the Romans to have conquer'd Philip without the Aetolians to assist them but they could not so much as have come into Greece without them To which the Roman forbore to Answer lest the matter should have proceeded to a quarrel and only said they would be sure to have all the justice imaginable done them if they sent Embassadors to Rome Whereupon by his advice they pitch'd upon Embassadors and thus was the War with Philip made an end of Whilst these things past in Greece Macedonia and Asia a Conspiracy of the Servants had like to have put Etruria into a Warlike posture But Manius Acilius the Praetor who had the jurisdiction between Citizens and Foreigners being sent to inquire into and suppress it with one of the two City Legions overcame some of them that were gather'd to an head in open fight of which many were slain and many taken but drubbing others who were the chief Conspirators hang'd them up upon Crosses restoring the rest to their former Masters The Consuls went into their Provinces But when Marcellus was just got into the Confines of the Boii and since his Souldiers were now quite tired with marching a whole day together was Encamping upon a certain Bank Corolamus King of the Boii set upon him with a great Army and kill'd to the number of three thousand men In that tumultuary Battle there fell some very eminent persons among whom were the Prefects of the Allies T. Sempronius Gracchus M. Junius Sullanus and two Tribunes of the Souldiers of the second Legion A. Ogulnius and P. Claudius Notwithstanding the Romans made all the hast they could to finish the Fortifications of their Camp and kept it so that the Enemy though they had been successful in the late fight attempted it to no purpose After that for some dayes together Marcellus kept in the same Post till he had cured his wounded men and recover'd his Souldiers Courage from the fright they had been put into Thereupon the Boii being a Nation that cannot endure to stay long in a place got away into their Forts and Villages and Marcellus immediately passing the Po march'd into the Territories of Comum where the Insubrians who had perswaded the Comians to take up Arms were then Encamped The Legions join'd Battle upon the rode in which the Enemy at first charged up so briskly that they made the Antesignani those Souldiers that were before the Ensigns give way Which when Marcellus perceived he fearing lest if they were once removed they might be absolutely routed opposed the Marsian Regiment and sent all the Troops of Latine Horse out to meet the Foe By whose first and second effort the violence of the Enemy was so far rebated that the rest of the Roman Army being thereby encourag'd first stood their ground and then fell fiercely on Nor could the Gauls any longer endure the shock but turn'd their backs and ran away as hard as they could drive Valerius Antias tells us that in that fight there were above forty thousand men slain four hundred and seven military Ensigns taken with four hundred thirty two Waggons and a great many gold Chains one of which being of a great weight Claudius sayes was laid up as an offering in the Temple of Jupiter in the Capitol The Gallick Camp was that day taken and rifled and so was Comum within a few dayes after After that twenty eight Castles revolted to the Consul But this also is a doubt among Writers whether the Consul led his Army first into the Country of the Boii or the Insubrians to obliterate the memory of an unfortunate with a successful Battle or whether the Victory gain'd at Comum were disparaged by the defeat which he receiv'd among the Boii About the time that these things were transacted with such variety of Fortune L. Furius Purpureo the other Consul came through Vmbria into the Boian Dominions Where when he was got near to a Castle called Mutilum fearing lest he might be hedg'd in by the Boii and Ligurians together he marched back the same way that he came till by a long Circuit about through an open Champaign Country which was for that reason the more secure he met with his Collegue who joining his Forces with him they first of all ravaged all the Boian Territories as far as the Town called Felsina But that City the other Castles and most of the Boii except the youth which were in Arms upon a very great occasion and then were retired into the pathless Woods came and submitted to them Then they led their Army into Liguriae whether the Boii supposing that they might surprise the Romans who were negligent in their marching because they themselves seemed to be at a great distance from them follow'd through by wayes But not over-taking them they presently crossed the Po in Boats and having pillaged the Laevians and the Libyans as they return'd back again in the very Confines of Liguria laden with the spoil of the Country they light upon the Roman Army With that they engaged more suddenly and sharply than if they had come prepared to fight at a time and place appointed for it There it appear'd what force passion had to instigate mens minds For the Romans were so much more desirous of slaughter than of Victory that they scarce left the Enemy a Messenger to carry the news of their defeat For that action upon the receit of the Consuls Letters at Rome there was a Supplication order'd for three dayes together Soon after Marcellus came to Rome and had a triumph granted him by general consent of the Senate so that he triump'd in the time of his Office over the Insubrians and Comians But he left the hopes of a triumph upon the score of the Boii to his Collegue for that though he himself had been unfortunate in a Battle against that people his Partner had met with better success Many spoils were brought along in the Enemies Waggons that he had taken with many military Ensigns three hundred and twenty thousand pounds of brass money and of silver stamped with a Chariot two hundred thirty four thousand pound Out of which he gave to each Foot-Souldier eight hundred Asses and three times as much to every Horseman and Centurion The same Year King Antiochus happening to Winter at Ephesus endeavoured to reduce all the Cities of Asia to their old form of Government for the rest he supposed either because they were situated in Champaigne Places or that they had but little confidence in the Walls Arms or Youth would easily receive his Yoke Smyrna and Lamsacus were then at Liberty and therefore there was some danger lest if he should wink at them whom he fear'd the other Cities in Aeolus and Ionia would follow the example of Smyrna and those in
first came into Spain because to his Predecessors the Spaniards revolted as being weary of the Carthaginian Yoke but by him were to be vindicated or judicially challeng'd as it were from their usurped liberty into slavery wherefore he found all things in such confusion that some of them were in Arms and others by being besieged were forced to revolt nor had he not come in time to assist them could they have held out any longer But the Consul had so much wit and courage together that he used to make one himself in every thing that was done whether greater or lesser nor did he consider only and give order for that which was convenient but himself also transacted several things in his own person never shewing his authority more gravely or severely upon any one than upon himself For he vied with the meanest of his Souldiers in Parsimony watchings and pains-taking nor had he any thing in the Army more than another man excepting honour and the command of it The Celtiberians who as I said before were hired by the Enemy made the War in Turdetania the more difficult to P. Manlius the Praetor Wherefore the Consul for whom the Praetor sent a Letter led his Legions thither When he came there now the Celtiberians and the Turdetans had two distinct Camps the Romans running into their stations began to make some light Skirmishes with the Turdetans coming off with Victory though their attempt was never so rash Then the Consul order'd the Tribunes of the Souldiers to go and talk with the Celtiberians and to carry them their choice of three conditions of Peace the first that they would come over to the Romans and accept of double the pay which they were to have from the Turdetans the next that they would depart to their own homes upon the publick word and promise that their joining with the Romans Enemies should be no disadvantage to them and the third that if they delighted in War they would appoint a time and place where they might fairly fight it out But the Celtiberians desired time to consult of it There upon a Council was held at which there were several Turdetans present with a great Tumult that hinder'd their resolving upon any one point Now though it were uncertain whether they should have Peace or War with the Celtiberians yet the Romans as in times of Peace carried in Provisions out of the Country and Castles of the Enemies and besides that went often into their Fortifications as if they had agreed upon a Commerce with them by virtue of a private Truce But the Consul finding that he could not tempt the Enemy to fight first of all led some of his most active Regiments under their several Banners into that part of the Country that was yet unpillaged where having an account that all the Baggage and Carriages of the Celtiberians were left at Seguntia he went forward with his Army to attack that place But seeing that nothing would provoke them he having paid off not only his own men but the Praetors also and left all the Army in the Praetorian Camp himself with seven Regiments went back to Iberus With that force though so small he took several Towns besides that the Sedetans Ausetans and Suessetans revolted to him But the Lacetans who lived in a pathless woody Country were still in Arms not only by reason of their natural inclination to War but because they were conscious that whilst the Consul and his Army were imploy'd in the Turdetan War they had plunder'd the Roman Allies by sudden incursions which they made upon them Wherefore to attack their Town the Consul led not only the Roman Regiments but the youth of those Allies who were so justly incensed at them Their Town was very long and not nigh so broad from whence he set up his Standard about four hundred paces And leaving there a guard of certain chosen Regiments he order'd them not to stir out of that place till he himself came to them but led the rest of his Forces round to the farther side of the City The Suessetan youth were the greatest part of all his Auxiliaries whom he commanded to approach and attack the Wall The Lacetans knew by their Arms and Ensigns who they were and therefore remembring how often they had over-ran their Country how often they had routed and defeated them in set Battles on a sudden open'd their Gates and sallied out all together upon them The Suessetans could scarce endure the shout that they set up much less their violent Effort which when the Consul as he thought before hand he should saw come to pass he gallop'd up to the Wall of the Enemies to the Regiments and taking them hastily along with him whilst all the Lacetans were in eager pursuit of the Suessetans led them into the City at a place where there was silence and no Company to defend it taking all the whole Town before the Lacetans came back They therefore soon afterward having nothing but their Arms surrender'd themselves to him From thence he presently march'd victorious to Vergium a Fort so called which was for the most part a refuge for Robbers who from thence made incursions into the peaceful parts of his Province Thence fled the Prince or Governour of the Town and came to the Consul beginning to excuse both himself and his Country-men in this manner That the Government of that Town was not in their hands but that a Company of Robbers that were taken in had made the whole Garison their own Thereupon the Consul bad him go home again but frame some plausible excuse for his absence and when he saw him under the Walls the Thieves being then also intent to defend them that then with the men of his own Faction he should be sure to seize the Castle Accordingly he went and did as he was order'd which put the Romans on the one hand whilst they were climbing the Walls and the Barbarians on the other hand to see the Castle taken into a sudden consternation The Consul having got possession of this place commanded that all those who were in the Castle with their Relations should have their liberty and Estates order'd the Questor to sell the rest of the Townsmen and punish'd the Robbers as he thought fit Having quieted the Province he imposed great Taxes upon the Iron and Silver Trades out of which the Province grew every day still richer and richer and for these exploits of his in Spain the Senate decreed a Supplication of three dayes continuance The same Summer the other Consul L. Valerius Flaccus fought a second set Battle with the Boii in Gaul near the Litan Wood in which they say there were eight thousand Gauls slain and that the rest quitting the War escaped into their Villages and other parts of the Country The Consul the rest of the Summer kept his Army near the Po at Placentia and Cremona and repaired those places which in those Towns were demolish'd in the
Mountains within view Nabis with some chosen men to guard his person and Quintius with his Brother King Eumenes Sosilaus of Rhodes Aristaenus Praetor of the Achaeans and some few Tribunes of the Souldiers came down to meet each other Then having his choice given him whether he would speak first or hear Quintius before him the Tyrant thus began If I T. Quintius and all you that are here present could of my self have found out any reason why you should either declare or actually wage War against me I should have silently expected the issue of my Fortune But as the case now stands I could not perswade my self but I must needs know before I dy'd what I had done to deserve death And truly if you were such persons as they say the Carthaginians are who have no regard to the sacred obligations of Friendship and Alliance I should not wonder to find you careless what you did to me But now I see you and know that you are Romans who bear a most religious respect to the obligations of divine constitutions and to the Friendly compacts that are made between you and others looking back upon my self I hope I am worthy not only to be concern'd publickly with the rest of the Lacedemonians in that ancient League between you and them but upon my own particular account also to maintain that Friendship and Alliance which was so lately renew'd in the War against Philip. But I you 'll say have violated and overthrown that union by being possessed of the City of Argos How shall I defend this action By matter of fact or by the occasion The matter of fact affords me a double defence For I received that City from their own hands who call'd me into their assistance and deliver'd it to me nor did I take possession of it or get it when being on Philips side it was not in Alliance with you Besides which the time also clears me in that though I at the same time had Argos in my hands I was their Ally and you contracted with me to send you aids for the War not to draw my Garison out of Argus But to say truth in this controversy concerning Argus I have the better of you both as to the equity of the thing it self in that I took not a City that was yours but the Enemies and that by consent not by force and by your confession too for that in the conditions of Alliance you left me Argus to do what I would with But the name of Tyrant and my actions lie heavy upon me inasmuch as I make the slaves free and carry the poor Commonalty into the Country But as to the name I can answer that I whatever I am continue still the same man that I was when you T. Quintius your self made the Alliance with me Then I remember you called me King though now I see I am stiled a Tyrant Wherefore if I had changed my name of Government I ought to be accountable for my inconstancy but seeing you change it you ought to be so for yours As to the number of the Commons being increas'd by making the slaves free and the division of Lands among the poorer sort I can even in this point also defend my self upon the score of the time I had done all this what ever it be before you enter'd into an Alliance with me and when you receiv'd my Auxiliaries that I sent you in the War against Philip. But if I had done them even now lately I cannot say what injury I should have done you in it or how far I should have forfeited your Friendship but this I can affirm that I should have done according to the custom and prescript of our Ancestors Pray do not you measure what is done at Lacedemon by your Laws and Customs There is no necessity to compare all particulars You chose an Horse or a Foot Souldier by his condition in the state and making some few very rich will needs have the Commonalty to be subject to that small number but our Law-giver would not have the Common-Wealth to be in the hands of a few whom you call a Senate nor suffer one rank or other in our City to be above the rest supposing that by an equality of fortune and dignity it would be so brought about that many would bear Arms for their Country I confess I have been more prolix than the short way of speaking in our Country allows and might have told you in brief that I since I contracted a Friendship with you have done nothing to make you repent of it To this the Roman General reply'd We never contracted any Alliance or Friendship with Thee but with Pelops the just and lawful King of Lacedemon Whose right the Tyrants also who afterward by force had made themselves Masters of Lacedemon when they were employed sometimes in the Punick Wars sometimes in the Gallick Wars and sometimes elsewhere usurped as thou too in this Macedonian War hast now done For what would be more absurd than for us who waged a War against Philip to set Greece at liberty to contract a Friendship with a Tyrant and that such a Tyrant too as is more cruel and violent against his own Country-men than any one that ever was before him But we though thou hadst not taken nor didst not keep Argus by fraud since we pretend to deliver all Greece ought to restore Lacedemon also to its ancient liberty and Laws of which you as though you would vie with Lycurgus just now made mention Shall we take care that Philips Guards be drawn out of Jassus and Bargyllae but leave Argus and Lacedemon two such famous Cities once the glory of all Greece in thy hands to diminish the honour of our having deliver'd all Greece by their being still in slavery But the Argives you say were on Philips side very good but we 'll pardon you in this point though you are not angry on our behalf We know very well that two or three at most and not the whole City were guilty of that fault as well as that when you and your guard were sent for and taken into the City there was nothing done by publick advice or consent We know that the Thessalians Phocians and Locrians were all unanimously for Philip and yet now that we have deliver'd all the rest of Greece what do you think we 'll do with the Argives who are innocent of any publick design You said the crimes of having freed the slaves and divided the Lands among the poorer sort of people were laid to their charge and truly they are no small ones though they are nothing to those exploits that you and your party do every day one on the neck of another Call a free Assembly at Argus or Lacedemon if thou hast a mind to hear the true objections that may be made against thy most Tyrannical Government To pass by all other things of longer standing what a barbarous murder did that Pythagoras thy
of six months between Nabis the Romans King Eumenes and the Rhodians That T. Quintius and Nabis should presently send Embassadors to Rome to get the Peace confirm'd by authority of the Senate That the day on which the terms of Peace were given out to Nabis should be the beginning of the Truce and that between that day and the tenth day following all his Guards should be drawn out of Argus and the other Towns that were in the Argive Dominions so as that they should be deliver'd up quite empty and free to the Romans as likewise that no slave of the * That is Nabis's Kings either publick or private should be taken thence or if any had been before that time so taken away they should be faithfully restored to their Masters That he should send back the Ships which he had taken from the Maritime Cities nor should himself have any Ship excepting two Pinnaces that should not be rowed with above sixteen Oars That he should re-deliver their Captives and Fugitives to all the Allies of the Roman People and to the Messenians all things that appear'd or the Masters of such goods knew to be theirs That he should also restore to the Banish'd Lacedemonians their Children and Wives that had a mind to go along with their Husbands but that no man should be forced to go with any banish'd person against her will That all the goods belonging to Nabis's mercenary Souldiers who were gone away either to their own Cities or over to the Romans should be carefully restored unto them That he should not have any City in the Island of Creet and that those which he had he should surrender to the Romans That he should make no Alliance with any Cretan City or any body else nor wage War with them That he should draw his Guards out of all those Cities that either he himself had restored or had surrender'd themselves and all they had up to the protection and government of the Roman People keeping himself and all that belong'd to him from ever medling with any of them That he build no Town or Castle either in his own or any Foreign Dominions That he should give five Hostages for the performance of all this such as the Roman General should approve of and among the rest his own Son for one with a hundred Talents of silver at present and fifty every year for eight years together These terms being written his Camp was removed more near to the City and they sent to Lacedemon though none of them to say truth pleas'd the Tyrant save that beyond expectation there was no mention made of bringing back the banish'd persons But that which most offended him was that the Ships and Maritime Cities were taken from him For the Sea brought him in great profit being that he infested all the Coast from Malea with Piratical Ships Besides that he had all the youth of those Cities to supply him with the far best sort of Souldiers These conditions though he consider'd of them in private with his Friends were notwithstanding the publick Discourse his Guards being very apt as in other matters of trust so to betray his Secrets Yet they did not all in general find fault with the whole but each man with those particulars which more immediately concern'd him Those that had married banish'd mens Wives or had any of their goods were very angry as if they had been to lose and not to restore them The Slaves that were freed from the Tyrant did not only think their freedom would be of no consequence to them but their thraldom much worse than before now they were to return into the hands of their incensed Masters The mercenary Souldiers also were not only troubled that their stipend would come to nothing in time of Peace but likewise saw that there was no returning for them into their own Cities which hated the Guards belonging to Tyrants as much as the Tyrants themselves When they had first talk'd thus in Crowds among themselves they straightway ran and took up their Arms. By which tumult when the Tyrant saw the Mobile were of themselves sufficiently provoked he order'd an Assembly to be forthwith summon'd Where when he had declar'd what the Roman General had imposed upon him to which he had added some things more grievous and more unworthy of his own head at each of which sometimes all of them and sometimes a part of the Assembly shouted he ask'd them What they would have him answer to those Proposals or what he should do to which they almost unanimously reply'd That he should make no answer at all but prepare for the War bidding him each man for himself as the Mobile use to do be of good Courage and hope the best for fortune always favour'd the Valiant With which words the Tyrant was so animated that he cry'd out Antiochus and the Aetolians would assist him and that he had Forces enough to hold out the Siege By which means they had also forgot that there had been any mention made of Peace and ran to their several Posts resolving no longer to be quiet Whereupon the excursions of some few that came out to provoke the Romans with the Darts that they threw put the Romans soon past all doubt but they must necessarily sight and from that time for the space of four dayes they had light Skirmishes at first without being able certainly to know what would be the issue of it But the fifth day the Lacedemonians were forced into the Town in such a consternation that some of the Roman Souldiers falling upon the Reer of them that fled got into the City through the gaps as things then stood that were in the Wall Then Quintius having sufficiently restrain'd the Enemies Excursions by the fright he then put them into and supposing that nothing now remained for him to do but to attack the City it self sent certain persons to fetch all the Naval Forces from Gythium whilst he himself in the mean time with the Tribunes of the Souldiers rode round the Walls to view the situation of the Town Now Sparta you must know was formerly unwalled but the Tyrants of late dayes had built a Wall in the open and plain parts thereof defending the higher places that were less accessible with guards of armed men instead of Fortifications When he had taken a satisfactory prospect of every thing supposing that the best way to take it was to invest it he posted all his men quite round the City whose number was of Romans Allies Horse and Foot with Land and Sea Forces all together full fifty thousand fighting men Some of which brought Ladders others Fire and others other things wherewithal not only to attack the City but to affright the Besieged Then he commanded to set up an Huzza and all begin the Assault at the same time to the end that the terrified Lacedemonians might not know where first to make resistance and which part to assist being in a
T. Sempronius put an end to that matter in which he had written That fifteen thousand Ligurians were come into the Placentine Dominions which they had destroy'd even to the very Walls of the Colony and the Banks of Po with slaughter and fire That the Boii also were inclined to Rebellion and for that reason there was a tumult now on foot Whereupon the Senate decreed that they would not have the Tribunes of the people try military causes to hinder the men from meeting according to order adding likewise that those Latine Allies who had been in the Armies of P. Cornelius and T. Sempronius and had been disbanded by them when they were Consuls should meet at the same day and the same place in Etruria that the Consul L. Cornelius had appointed and that L. Cornelius had appointed and that L. Cornelius as he went into his Province should raise arm and carry with him out of the several Towns and Countries through which he was to march what Souldiers he pleas'd of whom he might again disband as many as he thought good and that when he had a mind to it After the Consuls having made their Levy were gone into the several Provinces then T. Quintius desired the Senate to hear him touching those things which he and the ten Embassadours had agreed upon and if they thought fitting by their authority would confirm them Which they would the more willingly do if they had but once heard what the Embassadours that came out of all Greece great part of Asia and from the several Kings had to say Those Embassadours therefore were introduced into the Senate by C. Scribonius the City Praetor and had each of them a very kind Answer But because the dispute with Antiochus was somewhat too long it was referred to the ten Embassadours part of whom had been in Asia or at Lysimachia with the King Thereupon T. Quintius was commanded taking them along with him to hear what the Kings Embassadours could say and to give them such an answer as might be suitable to the dignity and convenience of the Roman People Now one Menippus and one Hegesianax were chief of the Kings Embassy of whom Menippus said He could not tell what difficulty there could be in their Embassy when they were come merely to desire a Friendship and contract an Alliance with the Romans Now there were three sorts of Leagues whereby States and Kings were united one to another One when those that were conquer'd in War had conditions set them For when all things were surrender'd to him that was the strongest it was his right and priviledge to determine what part of such things the conquer'd should have and what they should be deprived of Another when two that were equal in point of War agreed upon a Peace and Alliance on even terms For then things were demanded and restored back by mutual compact and if either party have been disturbed in the possession of what is their own such differences are composed either by the rule of ancient Laws or for the convenience of both sides But there was a third kind when those that never were Enemies came together to contract a mutual Friendship by a League of Alliance That they did neither give nor receive conditions that being the method between a Conqueror and him that was conquer'd Now seeing that Antiochus was of this sort he wonder'd that the Romans should think fit to limit him what Cities of Asia they would have to be free and unconfin'd and what stipendiary as also which of them he and his Guards must not enter into for they ought to make Peace with Philip who was their Enemy at that rate and not a League of Alliance with Antiochus who was their Friend To this Quintius reply'd Since you are pleas'd to treat so distinctly and to enumerate the several sorts of Leagues I also will lay before you two conditions besides which you may tell him there is no way for the King to contract a Friendship with the Roman People The one that if he would not have us concern our selves with any of the Cities in Asia he himself meddle not with any part of Europe The other that if he keep not within the bounds of Asia but come over into Europe the Romans may lawfully not only preserve the Alliances which they already have with the Cities of Asia but make new ones also But there Hegesianax made Answer and said It was such an indignity as ought not to be mention'd That Antiochus should be forced out of the Cities of Thrace and Chersonesus all which his great Grandfather Seleucus after he had conquer'd and slain King Lysimachus with so much glory gain'd and left behind him and when they were partly possessed by the Thracians and partly deserted as Lysimachia it self for Example Antiochus recover'd with his Arms and peopled as before building up anew such places as had been thrown or burnt down at a vast expence What comparison therefore was there between Antiochus being driven out of that possession so gotten and so regain'd and the Romans not medling with Asia which was never theirs That Antiochus desired the Friendship of the Romans but so that it might if obtain'd be a glory not a dishonour to him To which Quintius made Answer and said If we talk of honourable things as the supream people of the whole World and so great a King ought only or chiefly at least to do pray which seems most honourable to desire that all the Cities of Greece may be free or to make them slaves and tributary If Antiochus thinks it a glorious thing for him again to enslave those Cities which his great Grandfather indeed had by right of War but his Father and Grandfather never challenged the people of Rome also think they are obliged by the Laws of fidelity and constancy not to desert the Patronage of the Grecian Liberty And as they deliver'd Greece from Philip so they intend to free all the Cities of Asia belonging to the Greeks from King Antiochus For those Colonies were not sent by the Greeks into Aeolis and Ionia to be slaves to the King but to encrease their breed and propagate an ancient Nation all over the World Now Hegesianax being at a stand could not deny but the name of Liberty made the Romans Cause more honourable than that of slavery did Antiochus's and therefore P. Sulpitius the Eldest of the ten Embassadours told them But we shall not trouble our selves to dispute thus chuse one of the conditions which Quintius just now so plainly proposed or talk no more of an Alliance No said Menippus we neither will nor can enter into any League that may lessen Antiochus 's Dominions The next day when Quintius had introduced all the Embassadours of Greece and Asia into the Senate for them to see how the Roman People and how Antiochus also stood affected toward the Cities of Greece he declar'd both his own and the Kings demands bidding them tell their
Lieutenant Wherefore he seemed to be removed on purpose left he should declare or justifie what he had written face to face or give them an opportunity to reprove him if he told any thing that was false and argue the case so long till they found out the whole truth of it Vpon which account he did not think fit that any one thing which the Consul demanded should be at that present decreed him But when he notwithstanding went on desiring that a Supplication might be ordained and that he might ride in Triumph into the City M. and C. Titinius Tribunes of the People said They would interpose if there were any order of Senate made concerning that matter The Censors created the Year before were Sex Aelius Paetus and C. Cornelius Cethegus of whom Cornelius made a Lustrum i. e. a survey of the People at which the Pole of the Citizens came to one Hundred forty three Thousand seven Hundred and four The Waters rose very high that Year and the Tyber overflowed the plain parts of the City About the Gate called Flumentana some Buildings fell down and the Gate called Caelimontana was burnt with Lightning as was the Wall all about it also in many places At Aricia Lanuvium and in the Aventine it rained stones and from Capua news was brought that a great swarm of Wasps flew into the Forum and light in the Temple of Mars where they were carefully gathered all together and burnt Upon the score of these Prodigies the Decemviri were ordered to consult their Books and a sacrificing of nine Days continuance appointed with a Supplication and a Lustration of the whole City At the same time M. Porcius Cato dedicated the Chapel of Victoria Virgo i. e. Victory the Virgin near the Temple of Victory two Years after he had vow'd so to do The same Year a Triumvirate whose names were Cn. Manlius Vulso L. Apustius Fullo and Q. Aelius Tubero by whose Law it was done carryed a Colony into the Territories belonging to Thucium consisting of three Thousand Foot and three Hundred Horse which for the quantity of ground was but a small number They therefore might have given thirty Acres to each Footman and sixty to each Horseman but by advice of Apustius a third part of the Land was set apart for them when they pleas'd to stock with new Planters each Footman having twenty and every Horseman forty Acres The Year was now at an end and ambition shew'd it self all on a flame more than ever before in the grand Assembly For many and those very powerful men both of the Patricians and Plebeians too sued for the Office as P. Cornelius Scipio Son of Cneius who came lately out of the Province of Spain where he had done great things and L. Quintius Flaminius who Commanded the Fleet in Greece with Cn. Manlius Vulso all three Patricians and for Plebeians C. Laelius Cn. Domitius C. Livius Salinator and Marius Acilius But the Eyes of all people were cast upon Quintius and Cornelius For they not only stood being both Patricians for the same place but the glory which they so lately in War had gain'd commended them both But that which enflamed their ambition more than any thing else was their having two such near Relations who were the most renowned Generals of their Age. Scipio's glory was the greater and by how much the greater so much the more obnoxious to Envy though Quintius's was fresher he having triumph'd that very year Besides the one had been now almost ten years in publick view which is a thing that makes great men less venerable by their very frequent appearance among the People having been a second time Consul after he had conquer'd Annibal and once Censor But in Quintius all things were fresh and new to make him acceptable he having neither desir'd nor gotten any thing of the people since the time of his triumphing He therefore now told them He petition'd them on the behalf of an own Brother not a Cousin-german for his Collegue and Partner in a War that was now ended in which he mannaged the affairs by Land and his Brother by Sea By this means he got him prefer'd before the other Candidate whom Africanus recommended whom the Cornelian Family attended whilst Cornelius who was Consul held the Assembly who before-hand stood so fair in the Opinion of the Senate being lookt upon as the best man in all the City who receiv'd the Goddess Cybele when she came from Pessinus to Rome So L. Quintius and Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus were chosen Consuls nor could Africanus prevail so much as for a Plebeian Consul when he made what interest he could for C. Laelius The next day the Praetors were Created L. Scribonius Libo M. Fulvius Centumalus A. Attilius Serranus M. Baebius Tamphilus L. Valerius Tappus and Q. Salonius Sarra There were also two single Aediles that year call'd M. Aemilius Lepidus and L. Aemilius Paulus In whose time there were many Graziers condemn'd and out of the money in which they were mulcted gilded Shields were set up in the top of Jupiters Temple They likewise built one Portico without the Gate called Porta Trigemina making an Exchange or place for publick Negotiation at the Tibers side and another from the Gate Fontinalis to Mars's Altar to go through into the Field of Mars For a long time there had been nothing done worth remembring but at the end of that year their affairs were twice reduced into a very dangerous posture For not only the Consuls Camp was attack'd and with great difficulty maintain'd but likewise not long after as the Roman Army march'd through a narrow pass the Ligurian Forces having way-laid them seeing they could not get through the Consul fac'd about and would fain have gone back but the Avenue was block'd up behind too by a party of the Enemies insomuch that the memory of their Caudine misfortune was fresh not only in their minds but even before almost their Eyes also He had near eight hundred Numidian Horse among his Auxiliaries whose Colonel promised the Consul that he would break out on which side he pleas'd with his men Desiring him to tell him only on which side there were most Villages For he would set upon them and burn their Houses the first thing he did that the fright of that might force the Ligurians to quit the pass which they were then possessed of and run to assist their Country Friends For which the Consul gave him commendations and great hopes of reward So the Numidians mounting their Horses rode up to the Enemies Camp though they offer'd no act of Hostility to any Body Now there was nothing at the first view more contemptible the Horses and men being very little and slender the riders ungirt and unarm'd save that they had Darts with them and their Horses without Bridles going very awkwardly with stiff necks and their Heads thrust out And this contempt they themselves also industriously augmented slipping of their Horses and making sport
times you thence conclude it lawful to make them so still what have we done in delivering Greece from Philip his Posterity may as well pretend a title to Corinth Chalcis Demetrias and all the whole Country of Thessaly But why do I plead the cause of the Cities which it is more reasonable they themselves should do before Vs and the King himself Then he order'd the Embassadours of the several Cities to be call'd in being prepar'd and instructed before hand by Eumenes who thought whatever strength Antiochus lost would make an addition to his Kingdom So several of them being admitted whilst they each of them brought in sometimes their complaints and sometimes their demands mixing just actions and unjust all together from a debate they fell to quarrelling By which means having neither remitted nor obtain'd any thing the Embassadours return'd to Rome as little satisfied in all points as they came thither The King when they were gone held a Council concerning a Roman War in which one was fiercer than another because by how much the sharper any one had been in speaking against the Romans so much the greater hopes he had of the Kings favour One inveigh'd against the pride of their demands as if they would have imposed Laws not only upon Nabis whom they had conquer'd but upon Antiochus too the greatest King in all Asia and yet they had given Nabis his Dominion again over his Country and the same Country of Lacedaemon to govern That it would seem dishonourable to Antiochus if Smyrna and Lampsacus should do what was required of them Others said That those Cities were small and inconsiderable causes of a War to so great a King but that men began from trivial things to gain far greater unless they thought that the Persians when they demanded Water and Earth from the Lacedemonians wanted a clod of Earth and a draught of Water Now the Romans took the same method in treating for two Cities in prospect that the other Cities also as soon as those two had shook off the Yoke would revolt to the people who were the general deliverers of Greece For though liberty be not better than slavery yet 't is more pleasant than any present condition for a man to be in hopes of changing his circumstances Alexander the Acarnanian was in the Council who had been formerly Philips Friend but of late having left him had follow'd the more opulent Court of Antiochus and having good knowledge in the affairs of Greece nor being altogether ignorant of the Roman State was so beloved by the King that he was at all his very Cabinet Councils He as though they were consulting not whether they should have a War or no but where and how they should mannage it said he did not at all question their getting the Victory if the King went over into Europe and made some part of Greece the seat of the War That he would now first find the Aetolians who lived in the very heart of Greece in Arms and ready to be the Forlorn hope in all the sharpest adventures of War That in the two Horns as it were of Greece he would have Nabis who would put all Peloponnesus into a commotion in order to regain the City of Argus with the maritime Cities from which the Romans had expelled him confining his power to the Walls of Lacedaemon and from Macedonia that Philip as soon as he heard the signal given would put himself in Arms. That he knew his Spirit and his very Soul being well assur'd that he like savage Beasts which are kept up in Dens or Toils had for a long time conceiv'd great indignation in his Breast That he likewise remembred how often he had used in the War to beseech all the Gods that they would make Antiochus his assistant Of which desire when he should now be possess'd that he would make no delay in renewing the War That the only way was not to defer things or be slow for the Victory depended upon their pre-possessing themselves of opportune places and getting Allies That Annibal also ought to be sent forthwith into Africa to take the Romans off the prosecution of their designs Annibal was not admitted into the Council as being suspected by the King by reason of his Conferences with Villius nor was he afterward in any esteem there Which disgrace he at first took patiently though some time after supposing it to be better for him not only to inquire into the reason of that sudden strangeness but also to clear himself in due time having barely ask'd and heard the reason of the Kings anger to him said My Father Amilcar Antiochus took me to the Altar when I was yet a Child and obliged me by an Oath as he was sacrificing never to be Friends with the Roman People Vnder which Oath I was a Souldier for thirty six years this brought me out of my Country in a time of Peace this made me come like a person banish'd from my own Country to their Court and under the conduct of this if you disappoint my hopes whereever I know that there is strength or arms I 'll find them though I seek the whole World over for Enemies to the Romans Wherefore if any of your Favourites think to make themselves greater by lessening of me let them invent some other way of accomplishing their designs For I both hate and am hated by the Romans of the truth whereof I call my Father Amilcar and the Gods to witness When therefore you think of a War against the Romans take Annibal for one of your best Friends But if any thing make you incline toward Peace for that seek some body else to consult with This Speech did not only move the King but also reconciled him to Annibal and the Council was dissolv'd with this resolution that there should be a War At Rome indeed they intended to make Antiochus their Enemy by their common Discourse but they prepared nothing as yet in order to it except animosity Both the Consuls had the Province of Italy assign'd to them so as that they should agree between themselves or cast Lots which of them should hold the Consular Assembly for that year And that he to whom that care did not belong should be ready upon occasion to lead the Legions out of Italy The same Consul was permitted to raise two new Legions twenty thousand Allies and Latines and nine hundred Horse To the other Consul there were Decreed the two Legions which L. Cornelius had when he was Consul the Year before with fifteen thousand Foot and five hundred Horse of Allies and Latines out of the same Army Q. Minucius was continu'd in Commission with the Army that he had in Liguria To which there were added as a supply four thousand Roman Foot and a hundred and fifty Horse then newly to be raised besides five thousand Foot and a hundred Horse exacted as their Quota from the Allies Cn. Domitius had a Province out of Italy where
hands of Philip. For the prevention whereof the Magnetes ought to endeavour and adventure all they were able And as he was going on very passionately forgetting himself he cast forth these words That even at that time too Demetrias seemed to be free but in reality all things were order'd according to the pleasure of the Romans At which words there was an hum given by the divided multitude who partly assented and partly were angry that he should dare to say so Quintius among the rest was so much enraged that lifting his hands to Heaven he invoked the Gods for witnesses of the ungrateful and perfidious humour of the Magnesians Whereupon they were all affrighted but Zeno one of the chief among them and a person at that time of great authority not only for his candid and gentile conversation but because he had always undoubtedly been of the Romans Party desir'd of Quintius and the other Embassadours with tears in his Eyes that they would not lay the madness of one single man to the charge of the whole City Saying that every particular person was mad at his own expence That the Magnetes did not owe their liberty only but even all other things that were either sacred or dear to mankind to Quintius and the Roman People That no man could beg any thing of the immortal Gods which the Magnetes had not receiv'd from them and that they would in a mad fit sooner tear their own flesh than violate their Friendship with the Romans His Speech was seconded by the Petitions of the whole Assembly Eurylochus ran out of the Council through by-wayes to the Gate and thence straight in to Aetolia For at this time and that more and more every day the Aetolians discover'd their intention to revolt and just then as it happen'd the chief of their Nation called Thoas whom they had sent to Antiochus was come back having brought along with him Menippus in quality of an Embassadour from the King These two before they had an Audience of the Council had fill'd all peoples Ears with the news of Land and Naval Forces that a mighty Army of Horse and Foot were a coming that there were Elephants sent for out of India but above all with which they fansied the minds of the multitude would be most taken that there was so much a bringing over that it would buy the very Romans themselves It was well known what that report was like to do in the Council for the Roman Embassadours were told not only that they were come but all their designs And though the business was almost frustrated yet Quintius thought it would be convenient that some Embassadours from their Allies should be present at that Council who might admonish the Aetolians of their Alliance with the Romans and dare to talk their minds freely against the Kings Embassadour The Athenians seemed fittest for that purpose not only upon the score of their Cities dignity but their ancient Alliance with the Aetolians Quintius therefore desir'd of them that they would send Embassadours to the Panaetolian Council i. e. the General Assembly or Parliament of the Aetolians First Thoas in that Council gave an account of his Embassy and Menippus after him being admâ—tted said It had been best for all people who dwelt in Greece and Asia that Antiochus could have been concern'd when Philip was at his height for then every man would have had his own nor would all things have been subjected to the will and power of the Romans But even yet said he if you resolutely bring your designs which you have begun to an Issue Antiochus may be able with the assistance of the Gods and his Allies the Aetolians to restore all Greece though at present in declining condition to his former dignity Now that consists in liberty which stands upon its own strength nor dependeth upon the will of another The Athenians who had leave to speak their minds first after the Kings Embassadour making no mention at all of the King put the Aetolians in mind of their Alliance with the Romans and T. Quintius's merits toward all Greece advising them that they would not rashly destroy it by being too precipitate in their Counsels And saying That hot and bold Counsels were glorious at the first view difficult in their management and sad in their event That the Roman Embassadours and among them F. Quintius was not far from thence That therefore whilst all things were entire they would rather undertake a verbal conflict about those things that were in question than arm Asia and Europe for a fatal War The multitude being greedy of innovation were all for Antiochus and thought the Romans ought not to be so much as admitted into their Council though the great men and those the Seniors of them more especially by their authority prevailed to procure them an Audience When the Athenians had given him account of this Decree Quintius thought fit to go into Aetolia for he thought that thereby he should either gain somewhat of them or that all the World would be witness that the Aetolians were the occasion of the War and that the Romans took up just and almost necessary arms After he came thither Quintius in the Council beginning from the original of the Alliance between the Aetolians and the Romans and telling how often they had violated the League discours'd a little of the right of those Cities that were then in debate but yet that if they thought they had any equity on their side how much better was it for them to send Embassadors to Rome whether to dispute or to Petition the Senate than for the Roman People to fight with Antiochus whilst the Aetolians stood by like Prize-Masters and set them on to the great disturbance of mankind and the ruine of all Greece Nor would any people be sooner sensible of the mischiefs of that War than those who were the cause of it But this the Roman as though he had prophesied spoke to no purpose and then Thoas with the rest of the same Faction being heard with an universal assent prevailed that without putting off the Council or expecting the Romans departure a Decree might be made whereby Antiochus should be sent for to deliver Greece and decide the controversy between the Aetolians and the Romans To this so proud a Decree Damocritus their Praetor added an insolent saying of his own too For when Quintius ask'd him for that very Decree he not regarding the majesty of the person said he had some other thing which was more urgent at present to dispatch but he would in a short time give him the Decree and his Answer in Italy at his Camp which he would pitch upon the Banks of the Tiber So great a fury at that time possess'd both the Aetolians and their Magistrates Quintius and the Embassadours return'd to Corinth From which time what ever was said of Antiochus the Aetolians were not any way in themselves concern'd but seemed only to sit still in
expectation of the Kings coming Now after the departure of the Romans they indeed had no Council of the whole Nation but consulted among their Apocleti so they call their Privy Council which consists of certain select men how they should make innovations in Greece They all knew that the chief men in the several Cities and all the best were of the Roman side and content with their present condition but that the multitude and such whose condition did not sute with their desires were for having all things quite alter'd The Aetolians therefore resolv'd not only very boldly but even impudently too to take Demetrias Chalcis and Lacedaemon in one day In order whereunto they sent one Nobleman to each of those Cities Thoas to Chalcis Alexamenus to Lacedaemon and Diocles to Demetrias The last of whom Eurylochus who was in banishment of whose flight and the cause thereof I told you before assisted as having no other hopes than by that means to return into his Country Eurylochus in a Letter admonish'd his Relations and Friends and those that were of the same Faction to advise his Wife and Children to go into a full Assembly in sordid apparel and the guise of Suppliants adjuring each man in particular and all in general not to suffer an innocent person to spend his age in banishment before he was condemn'd Whereupon as well honest men were moved with pity as ill and seditious persons by their hopes of confounding all things in an Aetolian tumult insomuch that every one of them consented to recal him Having made this preparation Diocles with all his Horse for then he was a Colonel of Horse going under a pretence to bring home the banish'd Stranger and having by travelling both day and night got a great way off when he was six thousand paces from the City at break of day chose out three Troops commanding the rest of the Horse to follow after and went before When he came near to the Gate he commanded them all to dismount and lead their Horses by their Bridle-Rains in some disorder as much like Travellers as they could that they might seem to be rather his Companions than his Souldiers Then he left one Troop at the Gate lest the following Horse should be shut out and in the middle of the City holding Eurylochus by the hand whom many people met and congratulated led him through the Forum i. e. Market-place to his own House Soon after the City was full of Horsemen and all the opportune places were seized after which there were Souldiers sent into their several Houses to kill the heads of the contrary Faction Thus was Demetrias subjected to the Aetolians At Lacedaemon they could not well force the City but were fain to take the Tyrant by treachery who being devested by the Romans of all his maritime Towns and shut up then also by the Achaeans within the Walls of Lacedaemon whoever should first kill him would be a man of the greatest esteem in all Lacedaemon Now they had a pretence of sending to him for that he tired them with his importunities to send him Auxiliaries he having renew'd the War upon their instigation Thereupon Alexamenus had a thousand Foot and thirty Horse chosen out of the youth allotted him whom the Praetor Damocritus in the Privy-Council of the Nation before-mention'd told they must not think that they were sent to the Achaian War or about any other business that they might each of them in their own opinion devise but that whatever sudden occasion Alexamenus should have they should be ready to execute his command though it were surprizing rash and bold with all obedience and should be as diligent as though they knew they were sent from home to do nothing but that With this preparation Alexamenus came to the Tyrant whom he fill'd with hope as soon as he arrived that Antiochus was already come over into Europe would shortly be in Greece and fill all the Land as well as Sea with Arms and Men. That the Romans would not now believe they had to do with Philip that the number of his Foot and Horse and Ships could not be told and that the body of Elephants would beat the Enemy with their very appearance That the Aetolians with their whole Army were ready to come to Lacedaemon when occasion requir'd it but that they had a mind to shew a good Army to the King at his arrival That Nabis also himself should take care not to let the Forces which he had lie idle and grow effeminate at home but should draw them forth and make them exercise their Arms preparing their minds as well as their bodies for the War For by continual practice the fatigue would be the more easy yea by the affability and courtesy of a General might be made not altogether unpleasant Thereupon they were drawn forth in great numbers before the City into a Plain by the River Eurotas the Tyrants Lifeguard standing in the middle whilst he himself with three Horsemen at the most of which Alexamenus was most commonly one rode before the Ensigns and view'd the utmost Wings of the Army The Aetolians were in the right Wing not only those that had formerly been the Tyrants Auxiliaries but the thousand also that came along with Alexamenus Alexamenus had made it his custom sometimes to ride about with the Tyrant among the ranks and to tell him what he thought best to be done and sometimes to ride into the right Wing up to his own men and then again as though he had order'd what was necessary to be done to retreat to the Tyrant again But upon the day that he had design'd for doing of the fact when he had rode a little way with the Tyrant he went to his own Horsemen that were sent from home with him and told them Fellow-Souldiers you must undertake a business which under my conduct you were commanded forthwith to execute wherefore prepare your minds and hands so that none of you be backward to do what you see me do before you He that delays and by his own advice obstructs my design let him know he shall never return home again With that they were all affrighted remembring what a charge they had when they came forth The Tyrant was coming from the left Wing when Alexamenus commanded his Horsemen to hold down their Spears and look at him who himself had but just recover'd his resolution having been confounded with the thoughts of so great an attempt When therefore the Tyrant drew near he made at him and running his Horse quite through knocked the Tyrant off Thereupon the Horsemen came about him as he lay on the ground and having given his Coat of Mail many a blow to no purpose at last pierc'd through into his naked Body so that he died before any relief came from the main Body of the Army Alexamenus with all his Aetolians went forward as fast as he could to seize the Palace The guard-du-corps seeing what was
against the Admirals of King Antiochus THE Consuls Pub. Cornelius Scipio Son of Cneius and Manius Acilius Glabrio as soon as they enter'd upon their Office were order'd by the Senate before there U. C. 559 was Discourse of their several Provinces to Sacrifice with the greater sort of Victims in all Temples wherein there was used to be a Lectisternium i. e. a sacred Feast the greater part of the year and to pray that the Senate would be mindful of the new War so that the same might prove successful to the Senate and people of Rome All those Sacrifices were of good portent the Gods being pleased with the first oblations and the Soothsayers answer'd thus that by that War the bounds of the Roman People should be propagated and that they saw victory and triumph before them This being said the Senate having now no farther thoughts of Religion order'd a Bill to be prefer'd to the Commons to know Whether they were willing that a War should be enter'd into with King Antiochus and all that were of his side and if that Bill were past that then if the Consuls thought good they should refer the whole matter to the Senate P. Cornelius got the Bill past and then the Senate decreed that the two Consuls should have Italy and Greece for their Provinces and that he to whose share Greece fell besides that number of Souldiers which L. Quintius by authority from the Senate had raised and commanded for and in that Province should have that Army which M. Baebius when he was Praetor had the year before by order of Senate carry'd over into Macedonia He also had leave out of Italy if occasion were to accept of Auxiliaries from their Allies so they were not above five thousand They likewise thought fit to send L. Quintius who the year before had been Consul to that War The other Consul who was to have Italy was order'd to make War against the Boii with which he would of those Armies that the former Consuls had commanded and send the other to Rome that so those might be City Legions ready to march whither the Senate should think fit These things being thus decreed as to the disposing of the Provinces they then thought good that the Consuls should proceed to their choice In which Greece fell to Acilius and Italy to Cornelius whereupon they made an absolute order of Senate that whereas the Roman People at that time had consented to make a War against King Antiochus and all his Subjects the Consuls upon that account should proclaim a Supplication and that Manius Acilius the Consul should vow to celebrate the great Games in honour of Jupiter and to make offerings at every shrine That Vow the Consul made in words that P. Licinius the High-Priest said before him to this purpose If the War which the People have order'd to be undertaken against King Antiochus shall be ended according to the desire of the Senate and People of Rome then to thee Jupiter shall the Romans celebrate the Grand Games for ten dayes together and offerings shall be made in all Temples of what value the Senate shall think fit Whatever Magistrate sets forth those Games and when and wheresoever he does it let the Games be rightly perform'd and the offerings rightly made Then the two Consuls order'd a Supplication to be made for two dayes Now when the Consuls had chosen their Provinces the Praetors also straight chose theirs M. Junius Brutus happen'd to have both Jurisdictions i. e. that between Citizen and Citizen as well as that between Citizen and Foreigner A. Cornelius Mammula the Bruttii M. Aemilius Lepidus Sicily L. Oppius Salinator Sardinia C. Livius Salinator the Fleet and L. Aemilius Paulus the farther Spain To these men the several Armies were thus disposed of To A. Cornelius the new Souldiers raised the Year before by L. Quintius then Consul pursuant to an Order of Senate he being order'd to defend all the Coast about Tarentum and Brundusium To L. Aemilius Paulus for the farther Spain they allowed besides the Forces which he was to receive from M. Fulvius the Pro-Praetor that he should take along with him three thousand new Foot and three hundred Horse so as that of them two parts should be Latine Allies and the third Roman Citizens The same supply was sent C. Flaminius who was continu'd in Commission into the hither Spain M. Aemilius Lepidus was to have of L. Valerius whom he was like to succeed not only his Province but his Army too but to keep L. Valerius if he would as his Pro-Praetor in the Province as also so to divide the Province as that one part of it should reach from Agrigentum to Pachynum and the other from Pachynum to Tyndarium And that L. Valerius should defend that Sea-Coast with twenty long Ships The same Praetor was order'd to exact two Tithes of Corn which he should take care to get carried to the Sea and transported into Greece The same thing was injoin'd L. Oppius concerning two other Tiths in Sardinia though they order'd their Corn to be convey'd not into Greece but to Rome C. Livius the Praetor to whose Lot the Navy fell was order'd to go over into Greece with thirty Ships that were already fitted out as soon as possibly he could to receive the other Ships from Atilius whilst M. Junius was imploy'd to refit and arm the old ones that were in the Docks and to provide Seamen that were Libertines i. e. Sons of men that had been Slaves to man that Fleet. Then were there three Embassadours sent into Africa to the Carthaginians and into Numodia to desire Corn to send into Greece for which the Roman People would pay them And so intent was the whole City upon their preparations and so solicitous for that War that P. Cornelius the Consul set forth an Edict That no Senator or any one that had a vote in the Senate or other inferiour Magistrate whatsoever should go any farther from Rome than he could come back that day and that five Senators should never be absent from Rome at one time In hastening to set out the Fleet a contest that arose with the Inhabitants of the Sea Coast for some small time detain'd C. Livius For they being prest to go to Sea appeal'd to the Tribunes of the People from whom they were refer'd back to the Senate The Senate unanimously decreed that those Country-Fellows should not be excused from the Sea-Service The Towns that contended with the Praetor about this immunity were Hostia Fregenae Castrum Novum Pyrgi Antium Tarracina Minturnae and Sinuessa Then the Consul Manius Acilius by Order of Senate proposed to the College of Heralds Whether it were sufficient to tell any particular Garison belonging to Antiochus that they declared War against him and whether they would have the same Declaration made to the Aetolians apart and whether they ought first to renounce all Alliance and Friendship with them before they declar'd the War To which the
the same time they sent five hundred men under the command of Hippolochus for a Garison to Pherae but they being excluded from access to that place now that the Kings men had beset all the Roads went to Scotussa To the Larissaean Embassadours the King gave this mild Answer That he was come into Thessaly not to make War but to defend and establish the liberty thereof He also sent an Envoy to say much the same thing to the Pheraeans but they giving him no Answer sent themselves an Embassadour to the King by name Pausanias who was one of the chief men in their City Who when he had spoken to the same purpose being in the same circumstances as others had done for the Chacideses in the parley at the Streight of Eupirus and some things more boldly too the King having advised the Pheraeans to deliberate again and again for fear they should take that course of which whilst they were too cautious and provident for the time to come they would repent at present dismissed them When this news came to Pherae they presently resolv'd out of their love to the Romans to undergo all that the Fortune of War should cast upon them They therefore prepar'd themselves as fast as possible to defend their City whilst the King at the same time began to attack their Walls on every side as knowing well enough for there was no doubt of it that it depended upon the event of his attempt upon that City which he first set upon whether he should be contemn'd or fear'd by the whole Nation of the Thessalians wherefore he put the besieged into all the consternation he could The first effort of the attack they endured with resolution enough but soon after when many fell or were wounded as they were making their defence their hearts began to fail them But being recall'd by the chastisement of the Nobility to persevere in their design they left the outward circle of the Wall seeing their Forces were now wasted and retired into the inner part of the City about which there was a shorter Line of Circumvallation At last being quite tired out they fearing lest if they were taken by force they should find no favour from the Conquerer surrender'd themselves Thereupon the King without any delay sent four thousand men whilst the terrour was fresh to Scotussa where the Inhabitants never stuck to surrender having seen the Example of the Pheraeans before their Eyes who were forced at their cost to do that at last which at first they so pertinaciously refused Together with that City Hippolochus also and the Larissaean Garison were surrender'd But they were all dismiss'd by the King without any hurt done to them for that the King thought that would be a thing of great moment to reconcile the affections of the Larissaeans unto him Within ten dayes after his coming to Pherae having perfected these matters he went with his whole Army to Crano which he took upon his first arrival From thence he went and took possession of Cypaera Metropolis and the Castles thereabouts so that all places in that part of the Country excepting Atrax and Gyrto were now in his hands Then he resolv'd to attack Larissa supposing that either for fear since the other Cities were so lately taken or in gratitude for his dismissing of their Garison or by the Example of so many Cities that had surrender'd themselves they would no longer persist in their obstinacy He therefore having order'd his Elephants to be driven before the Ensigns for terrour march'd with a square Body up to the City to the end that the minds of great part of the Larissaeans might float to and fro between present fear of an Enemy and respect for their absent Allies At the same time Amynander with the Athaman Youth seiz'd Pellinaeum and Menippus going into Perrhoebium with three thousand Aetolian Foot and two hundred Horse took Mallaea and Cyretiae by storm plundering all the Country of Tripolitis Having done all this with great celerity they return'd to the King at Larissa and came just as he was consulting what to do with that place For there they were of different opinions some saying that they must use violence and not defer attacking the Walls with Works and Engines on every side at once it being a City seated on a Plain and easy of access which way they pleas'd whilst others said one while it was a City of such strength as not to be compar'd to Pherae and anon took notice that it was Winter and such a time of year as was not fit for any Warlike Enterprize much less for besieging or taking of Cities Whilst the King hereupon stood doubtful between hope and fear Embassadors from Pharsalus who came by chance to surrender their City raised his Courage In the mean time M. Boebius having met and confer'd with Philip in the Dassaretian Territories sent Appius Claudius by common consent to guard Larissa who marching through Macedonia by great Journeys came to that highest part of the Mountains that lies above Gonni Gonni is a Town twenty thousand paces from Larissa situate in the very entrance of the Lawn called Tempe Where having Encamp'd on more ground than he needed to have done in regard to the numbers he had and kindled more Fires than were necessary he made the Enemy believe what he design'd they should to wit that the whole Roman Army was there with Philip. Whereupon the King telling his men for an excuse that Winter was near at hand after he had staid only one day retired from Larissa and went back to Demetrias the Aetolians and the Athamans too going into their own Territories likewise Appias though he saw that the Siege was raised the only thing he was sent thither for yet he went down to Larissa to confirm their Allies in their affections for the future so that there was a double joy among them not only for that the Enemy was departed out of their Confines but that they saw a Roman Garison within their Walls The King going from Demetrias to Chalcis fell in love with a Damsel of that place who was Daughter to Cleoptolemys whom when he had tired out first by Proxy and then by his own importunities himself in person the Gentleman being unwilling to match his Daughter into a Family so much above her at last having gain'd his request kept his Wedding as if it had been in the midst of Peace and spent the remaining part of the Winter in feasting drinking sleeping and such pleasures as attended that kind of Life wherewith he was tired rather than cloy'd All his great Officers too who in Boeotia especially had the over-sight of his Winter-Quarters were guilty of the same debauchery and so were the common Souldiers also nor did any one of them put on his Armour keep his watch or station or do any thing else that belong'd to a Souldier Wherefore in the beginning of the Spring when he was come through Phocis into Acarnania
to Q. Minucius who was detain'd there by a doubtful War now onward of three years they might have made an end of the War with the Ligurians But now that those Souldiers were brought away to attend his triumph who might have done the Common-wealth great service and might so still if the Senate would restore that by deferring the triumph which they by too much hastening of it had omitted Wherefore that they ought to command the Consul to return into his Province and do what he could to subdue the Ligurians For till they were totally subjected to the people of Rome the Boii would not be at rest nor should they have either perfect Peace or War That some few months after the Ligurians were conquer'd the Pro-Consul P. Cornelius after the example of many who had not triumph'd in the time of their Magistracy should triumph To that the Consul said That he neither had Liguria for his Province nor had he waged any War with that Nation nor consequently did he desire to triumph upon their account That he hoped Q. Minucius in a short time when he had subdu'd that people would for that require and obtain a deserved triumph That he desired to triumph over the Gauls called the Boii whom he had conquer'd and forced from their Camps and whose whole Country he two dayes after the fight had taken by Surrender having likewise brought Hostages from thence as a pledge of future Peace But that it was a far greater thing for him to brag on that he had slain so many Gauls in the Battle that no General ever before him engaged with so many thousands of the Boii that above the half of fifty thousand men were slain many thousands taken and none left in that Country save old men and Children So then could any one admire why a conquering Army who had left no Enemy behind them in the Province should come to Rome to celebrate the Consuls Triumph Which Souldiers if the Senate had a mind to imploy in any other Province by what means did they think to make them go more readily upon fresh dangerous designs or new toils by presently giving them the reward of their past service or by sending them away with hopes instead of realities disappointed of their first expectations For as to himself he had gotten glory enough for all his life time that day whereon the Senate judging him to be the best man in the City had sent him to receive the Mater Idaea i. e. Cybele That barely upon this account though no Consulship nor any triumph had been added to it P. Scipio Nasica 's Image would be creditable and honourable enough Thereupon the whole Senate not only themselves consented to Decree him a triumph but also by their authority forced the Tribune of the People to remit his Intercession So P. Cornelius the Consul triumph'd over the Boii carrying through the City in Gallick Waggons Arms Ensigns and spoils of all sorts with brazen Gallick Vessels as likewise besides the noble Captives an Herd of Horses that he took and golden Chains to the number of fourteen hundred and seventy Add to these of gold two hundred forty five pounds of silver try'd and untry'd in gallick Vessels artfully made after their fashion two thousand three hundred and forty pounds of Bigates two hundred thirty three thousand Among the Souldiers that follow'd his Chariot he distributed three hundred and twenty five Asses a piece giving double that to a Centurion and treble to an Horseman The next day calling an Assembly when he had discours'd of his atchievements and of the injury done him by the Tribune who must needs concern himself with another mans War to defraud him of the benefit of his Victory disbanded his men and dismiss'd them Whilst these things were done in Italy Antiochus at Ephesus was very secure touching the Roman War as though the Romans were not like to come over into Asia Which security great part of his Friends created in him either through errour or flattery Only Annibal who at that time was a great Favourite of the Kings said That he wonder'd more the Romans were not already in Asia than he doubted that they would come That it was nearer to get over out of Greece into Asia than out of Italy into Greece and that Antiochus was a far greater cause of such an Expedition than the Aetolians Nor were the Romans less powerful by Sea than Land having long since had an Army about Malea That he heard there was new Ships and a new Commander to carry on the affair already come out of Italy Wherefore that Antiochus should cease to form a Peace by vain hopes within himself for he must e'r long in Asia and for Asia engage both by Land and Sea with the Romans and either take away their Empire who aim'd at the Government of the whole World or lose his own Kingdom He was the only man that seem'd to foresee and faithfully to foretel what would come to pass Wherefore the King himself with the Ships that were ready fitted out went to Chersonesus that he might fortifie those parts with Garisons if the Romans perchance should come by Land The other part of the Fleet he order'd Polyxenidas to muster up and bring along sending Scout-Ships to search all places round about the Islands C. Livius Admiral of the Roman Fleet going out with fifty men of War sailed from Rome to Naples where he had order'd the open-deckt Ships belonging to their Allies of that Country to meet him and thence went over to Sicily and being past through the streights by Messana after he had received six punick Ships sent to assist him and exacted the Ships that were due from the Rhegines Locrians and those kind of Allies he took a survey of the Navy at Lacinium and went out to Sea When he came to Corcyra the first Greek City he arriv'd at enquiring of the state of the War for Greece was not yet at perfect Peace and where the Roman Navy was when he heard that the King and Consul were posted near the streights of Thermopylae but the Navy was at Piraeeus thinking it his best way to make hast upon all accounts he straight sailed forward and having forthwith plunder'd Peloponnesus Samus and Zazynthus because they chose formerly to side with the Aetolians he went to Malea to which having a prosperous Voyage he in a few days got to the old Navy at Piraeeus At Scyllaeum King Eumenes met him with three Ships after he had been for a long time at Aegina unresolv'd whether he should return to defend his Kingdom for he heard that Antiochus was preparing both Naval and Land Forces at Ephesus or never leave the Romans upon whose Fortune his own depended From the Piraeeus A. Atilius having deliver'd the twenty five men of War to his Successor went to Rome Livius with eighty one beaked Ships and many more lesser ones which were either open with Beaks or without Beaks were Scoutships
only in repairing those that were left but in preparing others also He himself Winter'd in Phrygia sending for Auxiliaries from all the Countryes round about yea even into Gallograecia whereof the Inhabitants at that time were very Warlike as still retaining their Gallick Courage before the native briskness of their Nation was worn out He had left his Son Seleucus in Aeolis with an Army to keep in awe the Cities on the Sea Coast which Eumenes from Pergamus on the one hand and the Romans from Phocea and Erythae on the other sollicited to revolt The Roman Navy as I told you before winter'd at Canae whither King Eumenes came about the middle of Winter with two thousand Foot and a hundred Horse and by saying that a great booty might be driven out of the Enemies Country about Thyatira perswaded Livius to send five thousand men along with him who in a few dayes brought thence a vast quantity of plunder At this juncture there arose a sedition at Phocea by means of some who strove to reconcile the minds of the multitude to Antiochus The Wintering of the Ships was grievous to them and so was the tribute they were to pay of five hundred Gowns and as many Tunicks besides that the scarcity of Corn lay heavy upon them by reason whereof the Ships and Garison of the Romans were gone thence And then the Faction which endeavour'd in their Assembly to draw the multitude over to Antiochus was deliver'd from all fear The Senate and the Nobility of the place thought it their duty to continue in their Alliance with the Romans but the Authors of the revolt prevailed most upon the multitude The Rhodians the more idle they had been the Summer before the sooner that Spring sent out the same Pausistratus Admiral of their Navy with thirty six Ships At this time Livius having set forth from Canae with thirty Ships and seven four-bank'd Gallies which King Eumenes had brought along with him was going toward Hellespont that he might prepare all things necessary for the passing over of the Army which he thought would come by Land He touch'd first at the Port called the Achaeans Port from whence he went up to Ilium and having sacrificed to Minerva very kindly gave Audience to the several Embassies that came from Elaeus Dardanus and Rhoeteum to surrender their Cities into his hands From thence he sailed to the streights of Hellespont and having left ten Ships in Harbour over against Abydus he went over with the rest of his Fleet into Europe to attack Sestos Where as the Souldiers were just under the Walls the inspired Fanatick Galli Priests of Cybele first of all in a solemn habit met them before the Gate and said that by order of the Mother of the Gods they her Servants came to desire the Roman that he would spare their Walls and City Never an one of them had any violence offer'd to him and soon after the whole Senate with the several Magistrates came forth to surrender their City From thence the Navy was carried over to Abydus where when after several Conferences past to try their disposition the Inhabitants gave no peaceable Answer the Romans made themselves ready for the attack Whilst these things were transacted in Hellespont Polyxenidas the Kings Admiral who was a banish'd Rhodian having heard that the Fleet of his Country was gone from home and that Pausistratus their Admiral had said some things with pride and contempt concerning him in publick conceiving a great indignation against him thought of nothing else either day or night than how he might by actions confute his huffing words In order whereunto he sent a Man that he well knew to tell him not only that he would do Pausistratus as well as his Country if he might great service but also that it was possible for him to be restored by Pausistratus to his Country Whereupon though Pausistratus wondering ask'd how that could be yet he promised the person that proposed it either to do the thing for their common benefit or to conceal it With that the Messenger told him that Polyxenidas would betray all the Kings Navy or most part of it to him And that he desired no other reward for so great a service than to return into his Country The greatness of the thing caused him neither to credit nor despise what the man said so that he presently went to Panormus in Samus and there staid to inquire into the thing proposed to him Messengers came to and again but did not Pausistratus believe it before Polyxenidas wrote with his own hand in presence of his Messenger that he would do what he had promised and sent the Letter sealed with his own Seal Thereupon Pausistratus thought that the Traytor was sworn as it were to him by that pledge for he could not imagine that a man who lived under the King would be such a Fool as to give a testimony under his own hand against himself By this means the method of the pretended treachery was contrived Polyxenidas gave out that he would omit all preparations whatever that he would not have Rowers nor Seamen enough for the Navy that he would for a show take up some of the Ships under a pretence to refit them and send others into the Neighbouring Ports but would keep some few before the Port of Ephesus where-withall if occasion were to engage the Enemy Now the same neglect that Pausistratus heard Polyxenidas would be guilty of in his Navy he himself immediately shew'd sending part of his Ships to Halicarnassus to fetch provisions and part of them to the City of Samus that he might be ready whenever he received the signal of action from the Traytor Polyxenidas to increase his errour by a fair pretext takes up some of the Ships and mended the Docks as though he resolv'd to do so by the rest sending for Rowers out of his Winter-Quarters not to Ephesus but privately to Magnesia It happened that a Soldier belonging to Antiochus being come to Samus upon private business was taken for a Spie and carrried to the Admiral at Panormus To whom demanding of him What they did at Ephesus he whether for fear or out of disaffection to his own Countrymen told the whole truth of the matter that there was a Fleet stood ready in the Port that all the Rowers were sent to Magnesia near Sipylus that some very few Ships were taken up and the Docks cover'd and that the Naval Affairs were never better managed But Pausistratus's mind being prepossess'd with errour and vain hopes made him give no credit to this relation So Polyxenidas having got all things in sufficient readiness sent in the Night time for his Rowers from Magnesia and having brought down with all speed those Ships that he had taken up when he had spent the Day not so much in necessary preparations as with a design not to have the Fleet to be seen at its setting out he went out after Sun-set with seventy Men
the Romans with some loss of blood returned to their Ships From thence going into the Telmessian Bay which with one side borders upon Caria and with the other upon Lycia and laying aside all hopes of any further attempt upon Patara the Rhodians were sent home Livius passing by Asia went over into Greece that when he had waited upon the Scipioes who were then about Thessaly he might go into Italy Aemilius when he knew that all things were omitted in Lycia and that Livius was gone into Italy who having himself been repulsed from Ephesus by a Tempest had return'd to Samus without effecting what he went about thought it a dishonourable thing that Patara should be so vainly attempted and therefore resolved to go thither with his whole Fleet and attack the City with all the force he had So passing by Miletus and the other Coasts belonging to their Allies they went a Shore in the Bay of Bargyllae at Jassus That City was in the hands of a Garrison belonging to the King wherefore the Romans in an hostile manner ravaged the Country all about Then having sent certain Persons by conferences with the Nobility and Magistrates to try their Inclinations they having return'd him answer That there was nothing within their power he march'd up to attack the City Now there were some banish'd Jasseses among the Romans who were very urgent many of them with the Rhodians Not to suffer a City that were both their Neighbour and Relation to perish though it had done no harm That there was no reason for their banishment but their fidelity to the Romans That these who remained in the City were kept there by the same force of the Kings Soldiers whereby they themselves were expelled That the Jasseses were all of one mind and would willingly be freed from being the Kings slaves The Rhodians moved at their requests and taking King Eumenes also along with them by telling how nearly related they were to them and pittying the case of the City that was in possession of the Kings Garrison prevailed to have the Siege raised Then going from thence for all the other parts thereabout were at Peace with them and passing along the Coast of Asia they arriv'd at Loryma a Port over against Rhodes There in the Principia a part of the Camp where the second Division of their Army call'd Principes lay arose at first a secret discourse among the Tribunes of the Soldiers which came afterward to the Ears of Aemilius himself That the Navy was brought from Ephesus the proper seat of that War that the Enemy being left free behind might do what they pleas'd with so many Cities of their Allies that lay thereaboat At that Aemilius was mightily concern'd and having summon'd the Rhodians to him ask'd them Whether all the whole Fleet could harbour at Patara To which they making answer They could not he had a good excuse to lay aside that design and so return'd with his Ships to Samus At the same time Seleucus Son to Antiochus having kept his Army all the Winter in Aeolis where he partly assisted his Allies and partly ravaged all those that he could not perswade into an alliance resolved to go over into the Confines of Eumenes's Kingdom whilst he far from home was with the Romans and the Rhodians harassing the Sea Coasts of Lycia First therefore he came in hostile manner to Elaea but soon after omitting to besiege that City he plundered the Country and march'd to attack Pergamus the Fortress and Metropolis of that Kingdom Attalus at first having planted Guards before the City by excursions of his Horse and Light-armour rather provok'd than sustain'd the Enemy At last having tried by light Skirmishes that he was no wayes equal to the Foe he retired into the Walls and then the City began to be besieged About the same time Antiochus also going from Apamea Encamped first at Sardeis and then not far from Seleucus's Camp at the Head of the River Caycus with a great Army mixt of several Nations But there was most terrour in the four thousand Gauls that fought for pay whom with a few others among them he sent to ravage all the Pergamene Territories Which being told at Samus first Eumenes call'd thence by a Domestick War with his Fleet went to Elaea from whence having with him a party of nimble Horse and Foot under whose protection he was safe he arrived at Pergamus before the Enemy perc v'd or were any way concern'd for his coming There then began again light Skirmishes by way of Sally Eumenes being loth to venture all upon the hazard of one Battle Some few dayes after the Roman and the Rhodian Fleet to assist the King came from Samus to Elaea Of whom when Antiochus heard that they had landed their Forces at Elaea and that so many Fleets were met together in one Port and likewise had intelligence a little before that the Consul with his Army was then in Macedonia preparing all things necessary for his passing the Hellespont thought the time was come for him to talk of Peace before he were hard prest both by Sea and Land too and therefore Encamp'd upon a certain Bank against Elaea Where having left all his Foot Forces he march'd down with his Horse which were in number six thousand into the Fields under the very Walls of Elaea and sent an Herald to Aemilius to tell him that he would treat of Peace Aemilius having sent for Eumenes from Pergamus and summon'd in the Rhodians held a Council The Rhodians said they did not scorn a Peace but Eumenes said it was neither honourable at that time to talk of Peace nor could there be any issue of it For said he how shall we now that we are shut up in our Walls and besieged as it were either honourably accept of conditions of Peace or who will take that Peace to be valid which we shall make without a Consul without the authority of the Senate or consent of the Roman People For I desire to know of you when you have made a Peace will you return immediately into Italy or no Will you take the Navy and the Army along with you or stay till you know the Consuls pleasure in the case What the Senates will is and what the people say It remains therefore that you stay in Asia and that their Forces being led back again into their Winter Quarters omitting the War exhaust their Allies with supplies of provision for them and after that if they who are in Authority shall think fit that we renew the War which we may if we remit nothing of the present manage of affairs before Winter with the help of the Gods have finish'd This opinion prevailed and they sent Antiochus word back that before the Consuls Arrival they could not treat of Peace Antiochus having in vain attempted to gain a Peace ravaged first the Elaeean and then the Pergamene Territories and then leaving there his Son Seleucus march'd plundering all the way
of excelling him in deeds and meritorious services that I have really perform'd Antiochus King of Asia and part of Europe offer'd me his Daughter in Marriage restored immediately the Cities that had revolted from us and gave me great hopes afterward of enlarging my Kingdom if I would wage War on his side against you But I shall not glory in not having ever offended you I will rather relate those things that are worthy of the ancient Friendship between our Family and you I assisted your Generals with Land and Sea Forces so that never an one of your Allies could equal me I supply'd them with Provisions both by Sea and Land was present at all the Sea sights that were fought in several places nor did I ever spare for either labour or danger That which is the greatest misery in War I endured a Siege being shut up at Pergamus to the utmost hazard both of my Life and Kingdom After which being freed from that Siege though at the same time Antiochus on the one side and Seleucus on the other were Encamped about the Metropolis and chief Fortress of my Kingdom I left my own concerns and with my whole Fleet met L. Scipio your Consul at Hellespont to assist him in putting over the Army And when your Army came over into Asia I never stirred from the Consul no Roman Souldier was more diligent in your Camp than I and my Brothers No Expedition no Horse Battle was enter'd upon without me There I stood in Battalia and defended that Post where the Consul was pleased to place me I will not say Grave Fathers Who can be compar'd with me for deserts toward you in this War but I dare say that I in that respect am equal to any of all the Nations or Kings that you so highly esteem Massinissa was your Enemy before he was your Ally nor did he come to you with his Auxiliaries whilst he was safe in his Kingdom but after he was banish'd expell'd and had lost all his Forces fled with a Troop of Horse into your Camp for refuge Yet you did not only restore him for that in Africa he had behaved himself very faithfully and briskly on your side against Syphax and the Carthaginians into his Fathers Kingdom but adding also the most opulent part of Syphax's Kingdom made him the greatest King in all Africa What reward then pray do we deserve who never were Enemies but always your Allies My Father I and my Brothers have born Arms for you not only in Asia but far from home too in Peloponnesus Boeotia Aetolia in the War with Philip Antiochus and the Aetolians both by Sea and Land Well then some one may say what do you desire for all this Why truly Grave Fathers since 't is your pleasure that I must needs tell you if you have removed Antiochus beyond the Mountain Taurus with a design your selves to inhabit that Country I do not desire any better Neighbours to border upon me than you are nor can I hope that any Kingdom may be made more secure and stable by any other means But if you intend to remove from thence and draw off your Armies too I dare be bold to say there 's none of your Allies more worthy than my self to enjoy what you have gotten in the War Oh! but 't is a glorious thing to free Cities that were in slavery I grant it if they have done no act of Hostility against you but if they have been of Antiochus's side how much more worthy is it of your prudence and equity for you to consult the good of your Allies that have deserved well of you than that of your Enemies This Speech of the Kings was grateful to the Senate so that it was very apparent they would do all things munificently and with great freedom Then the Smyrnaean Embassy which was short interposed because some of the Rhodians were not there who having been extraordinarily commended for that they chose to undergo the greatest extremities rather than surrender themselves to the King the Rhodians were introduced the chief of whom having set forth the original of their Friendship with the Romans and the merits of the Rhodians in the War first against Philip and then against Antiochus said There is nothing Grave Fathers in our whole affair more difficult or more troublesome to us than that we have a controversie with Eumenes with whom alone above all other Kings not only every man of us in his private capacity but that which more concerns us our City in general has always maintain'd a publick correspondence It is not grave Fathers our affections but the nature of the things themselves which is most powerful that disunites us so that we being our selves free plead the cause of other mens liberty also whilst Kings would have all People to be Slaves and subject to their own Command But however the thing be our modesty toward the King obstructs us more than either our dispute is intangled or seems likely to give you the trouble of a perplext deliberation about it For if no honour could be otherwise paid to a King that is your Ally and Friend who also deserv'd very well of you in this very War and of whose rewards you are now consulting but by your delivering up free Cities in Vassalage to him your deliberation at this time would be very doubtful lest you should either send away the King your Friend without any honour confer'd upon him or relinquish your first design and sully that glory which you gain'd in the War against Philip by enslaving so many Cities but from the necessity either of diminishing your love to your Friend or your own glory fortune does at this time in an extraordinary manner preserve you For your Victory through the bounty of the Gods is not more glorious than rich and able easily to discharge you from this debt For not only Lycaonia but both the Phrygia's all Pisidia and Chersonesus with all those Countries of Europe that lie round about are in your disposal of which any one that you please to give him may sufficiently augment the Kingdom of Eumenes but all of them together would make him equal to the greatest Kings You therefore may well enrich your Allies with the rewards of War and yet not recede from your intentions but remember what reason for a War you pretended formerly against Philip and now against Antiochus what you did after you had conquer'd Philip and what at present is desired and expected of you not more for that you once did it than it becomes you so to do For several Nations have several honourable and probable reasons to take up Arms. Some to get possession of such and such a Country others such and such Villages others Towns others Ports or some part of the Sea-Coast But you neither desired these things before you had them nor can you now covet them since the whole World is in your hands You fought for Renown and Glory among all
arrival of the Navy in the same Expedition Out of Lycia he forthwith cross'd over into Greece by the Islands having order'd those that were left at Ephesus to follow him Then having staid some few dayes at Athens till the Ships came from Ephesus to Piraeeus he brought his whole Fleet thence back into Italy Cn. Manlius when he had receiv'd among other things that he was to have the Elephants also from Antiochus and had given them all as a present to Eumenes after that try'd the causes of the several Cities many of which were much disorder'd amidst their innovations King Ariarathes also having by the intercession of Eumenes to whom he at that time had betroth'd his Daughter got half the money remitted which he was injoin'd to pay was receiv'd into Friendship When the causes of the Cities were all heard the ten Embassadours made a great deal of difference in their conditions To those that had been stipendiary to King Antiochus and of the Roman side they gave their freedom but all such as had been on Antiochus's side or stipendiaries to King Attalus they order'd all to pay a Tribute to Eumenes They likewise granted a particular immunity to the Colophonians that dwell in Notium to the Cymeans and Milesians by name But to the Clazomenians besides their immunity they gave the Island of Drymusa too for a present restoring to the Milesians also that Land which they call Sacred as they likewise added Rheteum and Gergithum to the Ilian Territories not so much for any late deserts as upon the score and in remembrance of their Extraction they being derived from the Ilians or Trojans There was the same reason for their freeing Dardanum also in like manner They likewise not only presented the Chians Smyrnaeans and Erythraeans upon the account of their singular fidelity shewn in the late War with Lands but paid them all extraordinary honours To the Phocaeans they not only restored the Lands which they had before the War but likewise permitted them to use their ancient Laws The Rhodians had those things confirm'd that were given them by the former Decree For Lycia and Caria were given to them as far as the River Maeander excepting Telmessum To King Eumenes they assign'd Chersonesus in Europe and Lysimachia with the Castles Villages and Lands thereabouts in the same manner and with the same Boundaries wherewith Antiochus had enjoy'd them restoring to him both the Phrygias the one lying to the Hellespont and the other which they call the greater Phrygia with Mysia which King Prusias had taken away from him Lycaonia Mylias Lydia and several Cities particularly named as Tralleis Ephesus and Telmessum Concerning Pamphylia seeing there was a dispute between Eumenes and Antiochus's Embassadours for that part of it was on this side and part of it beyond Taurus the whole matter was referr'd to the Senate Having made these Leagues and Decrees Manlius with the ten Embassadours and his whole Army went to Hellespont whither he summon'd all the petit Kings of the Gauls and prescribed and denounced unto them conditions on which they should keep Peace with Eumenes that they might no longer wander up and down in Arms but keep within the bounds of their own Dominions Then having muster'd together all the Ships on that Coast Eumenes's Fleet being also brought by his Brother Athenaeus from Elaea he went over with all his Forces into Europe After which marching slowly through Chersonesus for that his men were heavy laden with Booty of all sorts he halted at Lysimachia that he enter Thrace with his Beasts as fresh and entire as possible because they generally dreaded to march through that Country That day that he went from Lysimachia he came to the River Melas as they call it and thence the next day to Cypsela From whence for about ten thousand paces the way was woody narrow and rough Upon account of which difficulty he divided his Army into two parts ordering the one to go before and the other to follow at a great distance with the carriages between them which were Waggons with the publick money and other pretious Booty Wherefore as he travelled through the Woods ten thousand Thracians made up of four Nations the Astians Caenians Maduatenes and Caletes beset the way at the very streights of the pass Now 't was believ'd that this was not done without King Philip of Macedons knowledge and contrivance for that he knew the Romans would not return any other way home than through Thrace and how much money they carry'd with them In the first Body was the General who was much concern'd for the roughness of the wayes The Thracians stir'd not till the Souldiers were all gone by But when they saw that the foremost were got beyond the streights to which the hindmost were not yet come near they set upon the Baggage and Carriages And having slain the Guard thereof they partly rifled what was in the Waggons and partly took away the Beasts from under their burdens Whereupon when the noise of it came first to them that were now just enter'd into the Wood behind and then also to the foremost Body they ran on both sides up to each other and engaged in a disorderly fight in several places at the same time Now the Thracians being cumber'd with their burdens and many of them that they might have their hands empty to catch what they could unarm'd the very Booty which they got exposed them to slaughter whilst roughness of the places betray'd the Romans to the Barbarians who ran upon them through paths that they well knew or lay sometimes in wait along the hollow Vales. The very Carriages also and the Waggons as it happen'd falling inconveniently in their several wayes were a great hinderance to the one or the other side in the time of their fight in which there fell here a Robber and there one that endeavour'd to get the booty again So that according as the place was even or uneven for this or that Party according as the Souldiers minds were and according to their numbers for sometimes they met with more than they themselves were and sometimes with fewer the Fortune of the fight was various though many fell on both sides And now Night drew nigh when the Thracians quitted the Battle not to avoid Wounds or being kill'd but because they had booty enough The foremost Body of the Romans Encamp'd in an open place without the Woods near the Temple of Bendis i. e. Diana whilst the other part staid in the middle of the Wood Encompass'd round with a double Bullwark to guard the Carriages The next day having search'd the Wood before they removed they join'd the foremost In that Battle though they lost part of their Carriages and Servants with some Souldiers for they fought allmost all over the Wood they receiv'd most damage by the death of Q. Minucius Thermus who was a strong and a valiant man That day they arrived at the River Hebrus from whence they pass'd
the Aeniâ—n Territories by the Temple of Apollo which the Natives call Zerynthus Then they came to anothâ—r streight about Tempyra for that 's the name of the place which was as rough as the foâ—mer but because there are no Woods about it is not a convenient place for an Ambuscade Hither with the same hopes of prey came the Thransians who are a Nation in Thrace too but because the naked Vales gave way for them to be seen at a distance besetting the pass there was less terrour and tumult among the Romans For though the place were uneven yet they must of necessity sight hand to hand in a regular manner and in the open Field Wherefore coming close up and with a shout falling briskly on they first removed the Enemy from their Post and afterward forced them back again Thereupon began the slight and slaughter of them their own streights being their greatest hinderance After this the Romans being Victorious Encamped at a Village of the Maronites called Sare from whence they went next day into the Plain called Campus Priaticus where they staid three dayes to take in Corn partly out of the Maronites Country and partly out of their own Ships that follow'd them with all sorts of Provisions From their Camp there it was a dayes Journey to Apollonia from whence they march'd through the Abderites Dominions to Neapolis which was all along a quiet rode by reason of the Greek Colonies in those parts But the remaining part of the way as they went through the middle of Thrace Day and Night if it were not troublesom to them was yet suspected so to be till they came into Macedonia But that same Army found the Thracians more civil to them when they were led the same way by Scipio for no other reason but because they had less booty to lose Though at that time also Claudius sayes that 15000. Thracians met Mutineâ— the Numidian who went before to view the Country That there were 400 Numidian Horse and some few Elephants That Mutines 's Son broke through the miâ—st of the Enemies with a hundred and fifty chosen Horsemen and that the same person soon after whilst Mutines having placed the Elephants in the middle and the Horse in the Wings was engaged with the Enemy gave them a diversion in the reer by which means the Enemy who were put into great disorder by that storm as it were of Horse never came up to the body of foot Cn. Manlius led his Army through Macedonia into Thessaly from whence coming through Epirus to Apollonia not slighting the Sea at that time of Year so much as that he durst cross it he Winter'd there When the Year was almost out the Consul M. Valerius came out of Liguria to Rome in order to choose new Magistrates having done nothing that was memorable in his Province so as that that might have been a reasonable Plea for his coming later than ordinary to U. C. 563 hold the Assembly The Assembly for proposing of Consuls was on the 16th of February and there were chosen M. Aemilius Lepidus and C. Flaminius The day after the Praetors were elected namely Ap. Claudius Pulcher Ser. Sulpicius Galba Q. Terentius Culleo L. Terentius Massaliota Q. Fulvius Flaccus and M. Furius Crassipes When the Assembly was over the Consul refer'd it to the Senate what Provinces they would please to assign the Praetors Whereupon they order'd two to be at Rome for the doing of justice between man and man two out of Italy which were Sicily and Sardinia and two in Italy which were Tarentum and Gaul and immediately before they enter'd upon their Offices they were commanded to cast Lots Ser. Sulpicius happen'd to have the City Q. Terentius the Foreign Jurisdiction L. Terentius Sicily Q. Fulvius Sardinia Ap. Claudius Tarentum and M. Furius Gaul That year L. Minucius Myrtilus and L. Manlius for that they were said to have beaten the Carthaginian Embassadors were deliver'd by order of M. Claudius the City Praetor by the Heralds to the Embassadours and carry'd to Carthage There was then also a report of a great War in Liguria that encreas'd every day more and more Wherefore to both the new Consuls that day when they proposed the setling of the Provinces and other publick affairs the Senate assign'd Liguria for their Province This order of Senate the Consul Lepidus opposed saying it was an unworthy thing that both the Consuls should be shut up in the Vales of Liguria That M. Fulvius and Cn. Manlius had been now two years the one in Europe and the other in Asia as though they had been substituted to reign there instead of Philip and Antiochus wherefore if the Senate resolv'd that the Armies should continue in those parts that Consuls were more sit than private men to command them That they wander'd with the terrour of War through Nations against whom there was no War declar'd selling Peace for money That if it were necessary to keep those Provinces with standing Armies then as M. Fulvius and Cn. Manlius had succeeded M. Acilius and L. Scipio in the Consulate so C. Livius and M. Valerius ought to succeed Fulvius and Manlius That now surely since the Aetolian War was ended Asia retaken from Antiochus and the Gauls conquer'd the Consuls ought to be sent to the Consular Armies or the Legions to be brought back from thence and render'd to the Commonwealth The Senate though they heard what was said yet still persever'd in their former resolution that Liguria should be both the joint Province of both the Consuls together and gave order that Manlius and Fulvius quitting their Provinces should bring the Armies thence and come back to Rome Now there was a Pique between M. Fulvius and M. Aemilius the Consuls Aemilius affirming among other things that he was made Consul two years the later by means of M. Fulvius Where to create Envy against him he suborn'd the Ambracian Embassadours to come into the Senate and accuse him Who thereupon complain'd that they had a War waged against them even in time of Peace though they had done all that the former Consuls injoin'd them and were ready to perform the same obedience to M. Fulvius that their Country was first ravaged whereby their City was put into fear of being rifled and butcher'd insomuch that by their dread they were forced to shut their Gates After that that they were besieged attack'd and had all the severities of War exercised upon them by slaughter fire ruine and rifling of their City That their Wives and Children were carried away into slavery their goods taken from them and which troubled them most of all their Temples through the whole City rob'd of all their Ornaments That the Images of their Gods yea and the Gods themselves were forced from their seats and carry'd away the Walls and Pillars stript of their Furniture so that the Ambracians had now no Gods left to adore or pray to Now whilst they complain'd of these things the Consul
only come down with their own naked Bodies they might have easily crush'd our men What then prevented it Why truly the great Fortune and terrible name of the Roman People For they though they were such huge gigantick Fellows were restrained and almost astonished at the ruine of Annibal Philip and Antiochus They were consternated into a flight with Slings and Arrows nor was there any Sword through all the Army embrued with blood in that gallick War but like swarms of Bees they all flew away at the first Volley of those light Weapons But alas we even we the same persons by which Fortune shews us what might have happen'd had we been to deal with people fit to be called Enemies when on our way back we fell into the hands of the Thracian Robbers we were slain routed and dispossess'd of all our Carriages Q. Minucius Thermus in whom we suffer'd much more than if Cn. Manlius had perished by whose rashness that misfortune was occasion'd with many other stout men was slain and the Army which was bringing back the spoils of King Antiochus dissipated into three parts the foremost in one place the hindmost in another and the Baggage in a third He skulk'd one Night among the Brambles in Dens of Wild Beasts And do you demand a triumph for this If there had been no defeat or ignominy receiv'd in Thrace over what Foes would you desire to triumph Over them I suppose whom the Senate or People of Rome had decreed to be their Enemies For upon that ground was a triumph granted to this Person L. Scipio and to that Gentleman Manius Acilius over King Antiochus and so also a little before to T. Quintius over King Philip and to P. Africanus over Annibal the Carthaginians and Syphax Yea even those little things after the Senate had already determin'd of a War were inquir'd after How they should declare it whether to the Kings themselves or whether it were sufficient that the denunciation of it should be made to any one Garrison Will you then have all these things corrupted and confounded Will you have the Laws of Arms abolish'd Shall there be no Heralds Yes Heaven forgive my saying so let Religion go to wreck and do you forget that there are any Gods at all But will you not have the Senate neither consulted touching a War Nor the people ask'd whether they are willing that there should be Arms raised against the Gauls It was but just now that the Consuls desired to go into Greece and Asia yet since you stedfastly resolved that Liguria should be their Province they obey'd you They therefore if they come off with Victory in the War will justly desire a triumph of you by whose Authority they waged it Such was the Discourse of Furius and Aemilius to which we are inform'd that Manlius answer'd in words to this effect The Tribunes of the People Grave Fathers were formerly used to oppose those that demanded a Triumph But I have reason at present to thank them for that whether they shew'd such respect to my Person or to the greatness of what I have done they seemed ready not only to approve of my honour but also if occasion were to propose it I have indeed some Enemies among the ten Embassadours whom our Ancestors gave to Generals as their Council to assist them in the honourable management of a Victory L. Furius and L. Aemilius will not suffer me to get up into the triumphal Chariot but take the glorious Crown off my Head whom I if the Tribunes should have deny'd me a triumph should have summon'd as witnesses of what I had done I truly envy no mans honour but this I must say that you Grave Fathers when the Tribunes of the People of late who were stout brave men would have hinder'd Q. Fabius Labeo from triumphing by your authority deterr'd them And he triumph'd though his Enemies said not that he waged an unjust War but that he never saw an Enemy Yet I who have fought so many pitch'd Battles with an hundred thousand of the fiercest Enemies who have taken or kill'd above forty thousand men who have destroy'd two of their Camps who have left all the Country on this side Mount Taurus more at quiet than Italy now is am not only wrongfully kept from triumphing but forced my self to plead my own cause before you Grave Fathers being accused by my own Council the Embassadours Now their accusation Grave Fathers is if you observe twofold for they said first that I ought not to have waged War against the Gauls and then that I did it rashly and imprudently The Gauls said they were not thy Enemies but thou laidst violent hands upon them whilst they were at quiet and did as they were commanded I do not desire Grave Fathers that what you know in general of the barbarity of the Gallick Nation and their inveterate hatred to the Roman name you would believe of these Gauls that inhabit Asia But do you judge of these Gauls as they are in themselves without any regard to the infamy and envy of the whole Nation I wish King Eumenes and all the Cities of Asia were here that you might hear their accusations rather than mine Do but send Embassadours into all the great Towns of Asia and enquire whether they are freed from greater servitude by Antiochus's being removed beyond Mount Taurus or by my Conquest over the Gauls Let them tell you how often their Country was laid wast and their Cattle driven away when they had scarce the liberty even to redeem their Captives but heard that their men were sacrificed and their Children offer'd to Idols Know that their Allies paid a Tribute to the Gauls and that so they must have done though they are now by you deliver'd from the Kings Yoke even to this day if I had not taken pains to prevent it That the farther Antiochus had been removed from so much the more tyrannically would the Gauls have dominer'd in Asia and that you would have added all the Region on this side Taurus to the Dominions of the Gauls and not to your own But besides that these things are all true the Gauls also robbed Delphi where was once the universal Oracle of all Mankind in the very navel or Centre of the World and yet the Roman People did not declare or make War against them for it But I truly was of opinion that there was some difference between that time when Greece and Asia were not as yet in your hands as to the ordering and observing what was to be done in those parts and this wherein you have made Taurus the boundary of the Roman Empire wherein you give immunity and liberty to the several Cities wherein to some Nations you add some you mulct in part of their Lands on other you impose a Tax you augment or diminish give or take away Kingdoms and think it your business to see that they have Peace both by Sea and Land Would you have thought that
Asia had been freed if Antiochus had not drawn out his Garisons though they were quiet in their several Forts If the Gallick Armies should wander up and down in such numbers as they used would your presents that you made to King Eumenes or the liberty of the Cities stand good But why do I talk at this rate as though I had not found but made the Gauls our Enemies I appeal to thee L. Scipio whose courage and good fortune both I thy Successor desired and obtain'd of the Gods and thee P. Scipio who borest the Character of a Lieutenant and the majesty of a Collegue not only with thy Brother but with all the Army whether you know that there were Legions of Gauls in Antiochus's Army Whether you ever saw them in the Field placed in both Wings for that seemed to be the strength of their Forces or fought with them as just Enemies Whether you kill'd them or carried off their spoils Yet the Senate decreed and the people consented that these men should make War not with the Gauls but with Antiochus Though I suppose they intended it at the same time against all that were in his Garisons Of whom excepting Antiochus with whom Scipio had made a Peace and with whom you had particularly order'd him to strike a League there was none but what were Enemies for that they had born Arms for him against us In which circumstances though the Gauls had been more than any others together with certain petit Kings and Tyrants yet I not only made a Peace with the rest whom I forced according to the dignity of their Empire to atone for their offences but also try'd whether the Gauls minds could be alter'd from their native savageness and when I found they were untamable and implacable I then at last thought fit by force and Arms to restrain them And now having acquitted my self from any fault in undertaking the War I must give you an account how I mannaged it In which affair I truly should be confident of my cause though I were to plead not before a Roman but a Carthaginian Senate where they say Generals are hang'd up though they have even a Victory if they did it by improper or ill means But since I am in such a City as therefore calls the Gods to their assistance when they begin or do any action because it leaves no room for calumny in those things that the Gods have approved of and hath among its solemn words when it decrees a supplication or a triumph For that he hath well and prosperously mannaged the publick business if I would not if I thought it an odious and a proud act to boast of a mans own valour but should desire upon the score of my own and my Armies success in that we had subdu'd so great a Nation without any loss of men that all honour might be paid to the immortal Gods and I ride up in triumph into the Capital from whence when I had rightly performed my Vows I set forth would you deny the immortal Gods and me that honour But I fought in an uneven disadvantagious place they say pray tell me how could I fight in a place more convenient when the Enemy had possession of the Mountain and were in a fortified place for I must have access to the Foe if I would overcome him What if they had had a City in that place and should have kept within the Walls Why they must have been besieged What Did Manius Acilius fight with King Antiochus in a Plain at Thermopylae What Did not T. Quintius force down Philip in the same manner when he was upon the Mountains above the River Aius For my part truly I do not see either what a sort of Enemy they themselves fansy it to have been or what they would have it seem to you If they think the Gauls degenerated and soften'd by the pleasures of Asia what danger was there in going against them even in so unequal and disadvantagious place but if dreadful upon the score not only of their savage minds but the strength of their Bodies also how can you deny a triumph to so great a Victory Envy Grave Fathers is blind nor knows she any thing save how to detract from virtuous actions by taking off from the honour and reward of them I beg your pardon Grave Fathers if my Speech be longer than ordinary since 't is not out of any vanity to brag of my own actions so much as of necessity to acquit my self from those crimes that are charg'd upon me Could I make my passage all along through Thrace which was narrow even instead of steep or cultivated instead of Woody and prevent the Thracian Robbers from lurking in Ambuscades which they were acquainted with Could I hinder our Baggage from being stolen or every single Beasts from being carry'd off Could I preserve every particular person from Wounds or keep that stout and strenuous Hero Q. Minucius from dying of his hurt Upon this accident whereby it unhappily fell out that we lost so good a Citizen they hang. But that the two Bodies of the Vanguard and the Reer in a rough pass a strange place and when the Enemy had set upon us circumvented the Army of the Barbarians that were imploy'd in pilfering from our Carriages killing and taking many thousands that very day and many more in a few days after this if they were silent they believ'd you would not be acquainted with though the whole Army be witness of what I say Now if I had never drawn my Sword in Asia or so much as seen an Enemy there yet as Pro-Consul I should have deserv'd a Triumph for the two Battles in Thrace But I have now said enough save that I ought Grave Fathers to crave your pardon for tiring your Patience with so many words His accusation that Day had prevailed beyond his Defence had they not protracted the debate till the Evening Then the Senate was dismiss'd with such an opinion that 't was thought they would deny him a Triumph But the next Day the Relations and Friends of Cn. Manlius endeavour'd all they could for him and the Authority of the Seniors prevail'd who denyed That there was any precedent that a General who having conquer'd their inveterate Enemies settled his Province and brought his Army back should enter the City like a private Person and dishonourably without a Chariot and a Laurel Crown This made them ashamed to be any longer his Enemies and so they generally decreed him a Triumph But that which stifled the mention and memory of this contention was a greater contest that arose with a Person far greater and more renowned For the two Q. Petiliuses summon'd P. Scipio Africanus as Valerius Antias says to tryal Which action of theirs Men interpreted according to their several inclinations some accused not the Tribunes but the whole City for enduring of it and said That two of the greatest Cities in the whole World were found
a Lyer but even a mad man too But soon after when several came one after another and told the same story at last they believ'd it And before they were well assur'd that he was come near the City they all flock'd out to see the show Freemen and Slaves Women and Children Whereupon the crowd fill'd up the Gate whilst each particular person unless he were convinced by his own Eyes thought he could not be sufficiently assured of so great a thing They therefore that brought Philopoemen could hardly get in at the Gate for the throng of people that came out to meet them besides that a numerous multitude had blockt up the rest of the way By this means the greatest part of them being debar'd from the sight of him they got into a Theatre which stood by the rodes side and all with one Voice desired that he might be brought thither for the people to look upon But the Magistrates and Nobility fearing lest their compassion for so great a man when he was before them should cause any tumult for some of them probably would be moved by their respect to his former grandeur compar'd with his present condition and others by their remembrance of his extraordinary merits they set him in view at a good distance but immediately took him away out of their sight since the Praetor Dinocrates said that the Magistrates had a mind to ask him some questions about the great occasion of the War Then having brought him into the Court and called a Senate they began to advise By this time it was toward Evening e'r they had resolv'd not only upon other matters but where they might keep him safe the next night For they were amazed at the greatness of his former condition and courage so that they neither durst take him home with them nor entrust any single person with the custody of him But by and by some of them put the rest in mind that there was a publick Treasury under ground which was wall'd about with square stone Into that therefore he was bound and put and a great stone wherewith it was cover'd by the help of an Engine laid upon it Thus they thinking it more secure to trust to a place than to any man to keep him expected till the next Morning The day following the whole multitude remembring his former merits toward their City were of opinion that they ought to spare him and through him to seek out remedies for their present misfortunes though the Authors of the revolt in whose hands the Common-Wealth was did all in secret contrive his Death but whether they should hasten or defer it was the question At last those who were most desirous to have him punish'd prevail'd and there was a person sent to carry him poyson When he took the Cup they say he spoke no other words but only ask'd Whether Lycortas who was the other General of the Achaeans and the Horsemen escaped safe To which when it was answer'd Yes that he said 'T is very well and thereupon drinking off the Cup without any fear at all not long after expired Nor was their joy for his death of any long continuance to the Authors of that Cruelty For Messene being overcome in the War deliver'd up the Criminals at the request of the Achaeans and restored Philopoemens bones too who was buried by the whole Achaean Council and had so many humane honours by them confer'd upon him that they could hardly abstain for paying him divine ones By Writers both Greeks and Latines there is so much attributed to this man that by some of them it is set down as a signal remark upon this Year That three famous Generals deceased that Year Philopoemen Annibal and P. Scipio so equal did they make him to the greatest Generals of the two most puissant Nations in the World Mean while T. Quintius Flaminius came Embassadour to King Prusias whom the Romans suspected not only for having entertain'd Annibal after his flight but also for making War against Eumenes Thereupon whether because it was objected against Prusias by Flaminius that among other things there was a man in his Court who was of all men living the greatest Enemy to the Romans and had advised his own Country first and next when they were subdu'd King Antiochus to wage a War against the Roman people or because Prusias himself to gratifie Flaminius who was there present and the Romans resolv'd of himself to kill or deliver him up into his power upon the first interview with Flaminius there were Souldiers immediately sent to guard Annibals House Annibal had always had in his mind the prospect of such an end in that he not only saw the inexpiable hatred of the Romans to him but also that he ought not to put any confidence in those Kings besides that he had particular experience of Prusias's levity He likewise was much concern'd at the arrival of Flaminius as though it was like to be fatal to him Now that he might always have some way to escape when ever he should be set round with danger he had made seven wayes to go out of his House and some of them private too lest they might be stopped up by a guard But the severe commands of Kings make every thing discoverable that they have a mind to find out For they surrounded the whole House with guards so that no body could get out Annibal therefore when he was told that the Kings Souldiers were in his Porch endeavour'd to make his escape at a back Door which was out of the way and the most private out-let but finding that too block'd up by a Company of Souldiers and that all the House was environ'd quite round with Guards he call'd for that Poyson which he had long before prepared for such an occasion Let us free said he the Roman People from their tedious care since they think it long to expect the death of an old Man Flaminius will gain no great or memorable Victory over a person disarm'd and betray'd How much the Roman people are alter'd in their carriage even this day is a sufficient argument Their Fathers gave King Pyrrhus who was their Enemy in Arms and with an Army in Italy warning to take care of Poyson but they have now sent a Consular Embassadour to perswade King Prusias basely to murder his Guest and Friend With that having sent some Curses upon the Head and Kingdom of Prusias he invoked the Gods of Hospitality as Witnesses of his violated Faith and so drank up the Bowl Thus dy'd Annibal Polybius and Rutilius say that Scipio dy'd this Year though I agree not either with them or Valerius not with them because I find L. Valerius who was Censor with M. Porcius in the time of their Censorship chosen President of the Senate though Africanus had been so for two Surveys last past who whilst he lived unless he were put out of the Senate which is a remark that no body has ever made
distance before him Whereupon when his Father ask'd him Whether all things were well or no What was the occasion of his melancholy he reply'd Know Father that all my life is now clear gains to me For I am now attempted by my Brother not with secret Ambuscades but he comes in the night with arm'd men to my House to kill me where I was fain to shut my Door and defend my self from his fury by the guard of my Walls By this means having infused a dread into his Father mixt with admiration he added And if you 'll have but the patience to hear me I 'll make you understand the whole story very plainly To which Philip made Answer that he would hear it and commanded Demetrius forthwith to be called with two of his oldest Friends who were not privy to any animosity between the Brothers and had been seldom of late at Court namely Lysimachus and Onomastus to advise with Whilst his Friends were a coming he walked alone his Son standing at a distance and revolved many thoughts within himself When news was brought that they were come he went into a private room with his two Friends and as many of his Guard du Corps giving his Sons leave to bring three men unarm'd in along with them Where when he was sate down I said he sit here one of the most miserable Fathers in the World being my self to act the Judge between my two Sons the one an accuser of his Brother for Parricidy and the other the person accused and like to find in my own Children the stain either of a feigned or a real crime Truly I long ago was afraid of this approaching storm when I saw your faces which did not look like those of Brothers and heard some words that you had spoken of one another But yet sometimes I was in hopes that your passions might abate and your suspicions be clear'd up I knew that even Enemies had laid aside their Arms and made a League as also that the private pique of many men had been made an end of and therefore I hoped that you would one day remember the fraternal relation that is between you with that childish innocence and conversation that was formerly between you and my Precepts too which I am afraid I gave in vain to deaf Ears How often have I in your hearing detesting the Examples of Brotherly discords told you the horrid events thereof whereby they had utterly ruined themselves their Children Families and whole Kingdoms I have also set you better Examples on the other side viz. that the sociable agreement between the two Kings of the Lacedaemonians was the support both of them and their Country for many Ages That the same City when the custom came up for every one to make himself King that could was destroy'd And at this day how have these two Brothers Eumenes and Attalus from so small a beginning that they were almost ashamed to call themselves Kings made themselves equal to me Antiochus or any other King of this Age by nothing more than Brotherly unanimity Nay I did not omit even Roman Examples which I had either seen or heard of of T. and L. Quintius who waged War against me of P. and L. Scipio who conquer'd Antiochus of their Father and Vncle whose perpetual concord all their life time was continu'd even in their deaths but neither could the wickedness of the one and the issue which looked like wickedness deter you from ill-natur'd discord nor the good inclinations and good fortune of the other perswade you to Friendship and Sobriety Even now whilst I am living here before you you both by your wicked hopes and desires already enter upon my estate and wish that I may only live so long till by surviving the one of you I may make the other an undoubted King at my death You cannot endure either a Brother or a Father You have no love or reverence for any thing but an insatiable appetite to be a King swallows up all other desires Come on profane your Fathers Ears and try who shall lay most accusations upon the other as you are like soon after to decide it with your Swords in your hands Say openly what either of truth you can or what you can devise my Ears are unlockt which hereafter when I have distinguish'd one of your crimes from the other will be shut up Whâ—n he had said thus in a great heat all the Company cry'd and there was a sad silence for a great while Then Perseus spoke Yes no doubt of it we should have open'd the Door in the night let in the arm'd Rioters and submitted our Throats to the Sword since nothing is believ'd but an action that 's already committed and that I am scandaliz'd as much though there be wait laid for me as though I were a Robber or an Assassinate They do not to no end declare that you have but one Son and that 's Demetrius and call me a Subject born of an Harlot For if I had the esteem and the love of a Son with you you would not be severe upon me who complain of ill designs that I have discover'd but upon those that had contrived them nor would my life be of so little value to you as that you should not be moved either with my past danger or by my future supposing that the intended Assassinates go unpunish'd Wherefore if it ought to die in silence let us hold our Tongues only desiring of the Gods that the wicked design which began at me may end in me also and that you may not be hit through my side Now if as men who are circumvented when alone by the direction of meer nature are taught to implore the assistance of men that they never saw before so it be lawful for me also seeing a Sword drawn against me to cry out I beg of you for your own sake and as you are my Father which name whether of us has most regard for you long before now were sensible that you would hear me so as though raised up by my Cryes and â—amentations in the night time you had come into my assistance and caught Demetrius with his arm'd Companions then in my Porch What I would then have roared out when upon that present occasion I was in a consternation the same thing I complain of now the next day Brother we have not lived a great while like men that used to Feast together you have a mind to be King but my Age obstructs that hope of yours as does the Law of Nations also the ancient usage of the Macedonians and the judgment of my Father too You cannot attain to it but through my blood You endeavour and attempt all you can 't is true but as yet either my care or fortune has hinder'd your Parricidy Yesterday at the lustration the exercise and imaginary Battle you made it almost a mortal conflict nor did any thing keep me from Death save that I suffer'd
much sharper than could well be expected where there were so few to make resistance nor was it ended before the Tribune and those that were about him were all slain Having thrown down the Generals Tent and all that were about it which they also rifled they went to the Market Place before the Questor or Treasurers Tent and into the street call'd Quintana which was between the great Officers Quarters and those of the common Soldiers where they met with great plenty of all things ready to their hands and within the Questors Tent Tables spread Thereupon the petit King immediately sate down and fell to eating and so by his example soon after did all the rest as if they had forgot they had either Arms or Enemies glutting themselves with Wine and Meat like People that had never been used to eat or drink at such a liberal rate The Romans at that time were in a quite different condition for they were consternated both by Land and Sea the Sailers pull'd down their Tents carryed the Provisions that lay upon the Shore as fast as possible into the Ships and the Soldiers who were all terrifyed ran to the Sea side to get into the Boats in all hast The Mariners for fear their Vessels should be overladen some of them stopp'd the crowd whilst others put off with their Ships to Sea insomuch that the Soldiers and Sea-men fell together by the Ears wounded and kill'd one another till by the Consuls order the Fleet was removed a great way from the Land After that he began to separate the unarm'd from the arm'd of all which there were scarce twelve Thousand found that had Arms and very few Horse men that had brought their Horses thither with them the rest being a rascally sort of People as scullions snapsack-boys and the like who were like to be only a prey to the Enemy if they once bethought themselves of the War But then at last came a Messenger to recal the third Legion and the Gallick Garrison whereupon they began from all parts to attempt the recovery of their Camp and clear themselves from that dishonour which then lay upon them The Tribunes Military of the third Legion Commanded the Soldiers to throw down their forage and fewel and charged the Centurions to mount the elder Men two and two upon the Beasts which they had unloaded bidding the Horse-men to take up behind them each one a lusty young Foot-Soldier and telling them withal what a mighty honour it would be to the third Legion to recover by their valour that Camp which the second Legion by their fear had lost For it was no hard task they said to regain it if the Barbarians who were imploy'd in plundering of it were but surpris'd and taken as they took them This exhortation of his was heard with the greatest alacrity that could be among the Soldiers Whereupon they presently carried forth the Ensigns in all hast but the Soldiers staid not for the Ensign-bearers though the Consul and the Forces that were brought back from the Sea came first to the Bulwark L. Atius the Eldest Tribune of the second Legion did not only exhort the Souldiers but also demonstrated to them that if the Istrians who were now Victorious had ever intended to keep the Camp with the same Arms wherewith they took it they would first have pursu'd their Enemy whom they had forced out of it and then have set good guards at least before the Bulwark but it was likely enough that they were all now drown'd in Wine and sleep With that he commanded A. Baculonius his own Ensign Bearer a person of known Courage to carry forward his Ensign To which he reply'd that if they would follow him he 'd so order the matter that the business should be done so much the sooner and thereupon with all his strength having flung the Ensign over the Bulwark he was the first man of all that enter'd in at the Camp Gate On the other side T. and C. Aelius Tribunes of the third Legion were come up with their Horse being presently follow'd by those whom they had put two and two upon the labouring Beasts for Carriage and after them by the Consul also with his whole Army But some few of the Istrians who were not quite drunk had wit enough to run away by times whilst others of them were kill'd as they lay asleep and the Romans recover'd all their goods again except only the Wine and Meat that was devoured The Roman Souldiers also who being sick were left behind in the Camp when they perceived that their own party was come within the Bulwark took up their Arms again and made a great slaughter But above all the rest one C. Popilius surnamed Sabellus behaved himself after a signal manner for he who was left in the Camp as having a wound in his Foot slew far the greatest of the Enemies of whom there were eight thousand Istrians kill'd but not a man taken for that their fury and indignation had made the Roman Souldiers unmindful of the booty Yet the King of the Istrians was taken in hast drunk from the Table and being by his own men set on Horseback made his escape On the Conquerors side there fell two hundred thirty seven Souldiers but more in their morning flight than in recovering their Camp Now it so fell out that Cn. and L. both surnamed Gavillius new Inhabitants of Aquileia as they came thither with provisions had like to have fallen into the hands of the Istrians whilst they had possession of the Camp They therefore leaving all their Carriages behind them and flying back to Aquileia fill'd all people not only at Aquileia but at Rome too with fear and tumult within some few days after there having been a report brought thither that the Enemies had not only forced the Camp and that the Romans were run away which was true but that they had lost all and the whole Army was utterly destroy'd Wherefore as is usual in such an hurry there were extraordinary Levies appointed to be made not only in the City but through all Italy too There were two Legions raised of Roman Citizens besides that the Latine Allies were injoin'd to send out ten thousand Foot and three hundred Horse M. Junius the Consul had Orders to go over into Gaul and muster up out of the Cities of that Province as many as each place could afford It was likewise decreed That Tib. Claudius the Praetor should give notice to the Souldiers of the fourth Legions with five thousand Foot and two hundred and fifty Horse of the Latine Allies to rendezvous at Pisae and that in the Consuls absence he should defend that Province as also that M. Titinius the Praetor should appoint a day whereon the first Legion and an equal number of Foot and Horse should meet at Ariminum Then Nero set forth in his Warlike Garb for Pisae his Province and Titinius having sent C. Cassius a Tribune military to Ariminum
first waited upon King Massinissa had gone to Carthage but they had been informed somewhat more certainly by the King of what was done at Carthage than by the Carthaginians themselves Yet they affirm'd of their own knowledge that there came Embassadours from King Perseus and that they had an Audience of the Senate there by night in the Temple of Aesculapius Moreover as the King had said That there were Embassadours sent from Carthage into Macedonia so they themselves could scarce deny it The Roman Senate too thought fit to send Embassadors into Macedonia and accordingly three were sent viz. C. Laelius M. Valerius Messala and Sex Digitius At that time Perseus because some of the Dolopes did not obey him but besides that referr'd the Debate concerning some things in question from him again to the Romans went out with an Army and forced the whole Nation to submit to his power and determination From thence he went over the Aetean Mountains having some religious thoughts in his mind and so up toward the Oracle at Delphi But when he appeared in the middle of Greece he gave great disturbance not only to the adjacent Cities but the news of that tumult came even into Asia also to King Eumenes Having staid not above three dayes at Delphi he return'd through Achaia Pthiotis in Thessaly and Thessaly without doing any damage or injury to the Countries through which he travelled Nor was he satisfied with making those Cities only through which he was to go his Friends but he sent either Embassadours or Letters to desire them that they would no longer remember those animosities that had been between them and his Father for they were not so fatal but that they might and ought to be composed and made an end of with him That he for his part was entirely disposed to contract an Alliance with them But he desired most of all to find out a way how he might reconcile the Achaeans to him This Nation alone of all Greece and the City of Athens were arrived at that pitch of anger That they forbad the Macedonians from coming to their Dominions Wherefore when the slaves fled out of Achaia Macedonia was their refuge because when the Aâ—haeans had forbidden the Macedonians their Country they themselves durst not enter into the Confines of that Kingdom When Perseus had observed he seis'd them all and then sent a Letter to the Achaeans wherein he told them That he had freely and kindly sent back their Servants who had fled away into his Kingdom but they themselves ought to take care that there were no such flight of their slaves for the future This Letter being read by Xenarchus the State-holder who sought an opportunity of contracting a private friendship with the King and many of them being of opinion that the Letter was written with moderation and kindness especially those who beyond all expectation were to receive their shares again whom they had lost Callicrates who was one of them that thought the safety of their Nation depended upon their keeping their League with the Romans inviolably said Some of you Achaeans think 't is a small indifferent business which we are now upon but I am of opinion that the greatest and most weighty affair that we have is not only now in hand but also in a manner done For we who had interdicted the Kings of Macedon and the Macedonians themselves our Confines and have resolv'd that that Decree should stand good viz. that we would not admit of any Embassadours or Messengers from those Kings by whom the minds of any of us might be disturb'd we even we in some sense hear the King himself making Speeches to us though at a distance and in good time approve of his Oration and though wild Beasts most commonly are shy and fly from meat that is laid for a bait to them we are so blind as to be drawn in by the specious offer of a small Courtesie and out of hopes to have a few inconsiderable Slaves again suffer our own liberty to be struck at and subverted For who does not see that an Alliance with the King is aimed at by which the Roman League wherein is contain'd all we have is certainly violated Vnless there be any body that question whether the Romans must have a War with Perseus or that what was expected when Philip was alive but interrupted by his death will come to pass now since he is gone Philip you know had two Sons Demetrius and Perseus of whom Demetrius was far beyond the other as to his extract by the Mothers side for Courage Wit and in the favour of the Macedonians But because he had made his Kingdom the reward of hatred to the Romans he murder'd Demetrius for no other crime than because he was a Friend to the Romans and made Perseus who the Roman People resolv'd should inherit punishment before the Kingdom King Vpon which score what hath this Perseus done ever since his Fathers death but prepare for a War He first sent the Bastarnians to the terrour of all people into Dardania who if they had kept that seat would have been more troublesome Neighbours to Greece than ever the Gauls were to Asia But though he were disappointed of that hope yet he did not totally lay aside the thoughts of a War but rather if we would tell the truth hath already begun a War For he hath by his Arms subdu'd Dolopia nor would he hear them when they call'd him back to take the judgment of the Roman People concerning the Provinces in debate From thence going over Aeta that he might be seen of a sudden in the very Centre of Greece he went up to Delphi What do you think this usurpation of an unusual rode means Then he travelled through Thessaly which because he did without doing any of them the least injury I fear his design so much the more From thence he sent a Letter to us with a specious show of a present and bids us take care that we do not want such a kindness another time that is to say that we rescind the Decree whereby the Macedonians are prohibited to come into Peloponnesus and that we so order the business as that we may see the Kings Embassadours again Friendships contracted with our great men and soon after the Macedonian Army yea the King himself from Delphi for how small a streight runs between us coming over into Peloponnesus that we may be mixt with the Macedonians who are arming themselves against the Romans I for my part am of opinion that we ought not to make any new Decree but keep all things entire as they are till we come to a certain resolution whether this fear of mine be true or false If the Peace shall continue inviolate between the Romans and the Macedonians let us also contract a Friendship and Commerce with them but at this time I think it dangerous and unseasonable to think of any such matter After him Archo Brother to
prefer'd by those who were no less theirs than his Enemies for no other cause but that he alwayes preserv'd a constant fidelity to the Romans The Senate having heard both their Allegations Commanded this Answer to be return'd to the demands of the Carthaginians That Gulussa should immediately return to Numidia that his Father might soon after send Embassadours to answer those complaints of the Carthaginians and that the Carthaginians should also have notice given them to come and debate the business If any thing should be in their power to express their honour for Massinissa they would be as ready to perform it for the future as they heretofore had always been That affection did not sway their Justice desirous that every one should possess their own they were unwilling to prescribe new limits but rather exhort to observance of the old that since the Conquest of the Carthaginians they had given them Cities and Possessions not that those things should be torn away in Peace by private injuries which never could be taken from them by a lawful War Thus the young Prince with the Carthaginians after they had receiv'd their Presents and the usual Ceremonies were dismist About the same time Cn. Servilius Caepio Ap. Claudius Cento T. Annius Lascus Embassadours sent into Macedonia to demand restitution and to renounce the Friendship of that King return'd to Rome The relation they gave of what they had there seen and heard added fuell to that Fire which had already inflam'd the Senate against King Perseus They observ'd through all the Cities of Macedonia open preparation for War after they had attended many dayes without admission at length despairing of their access to the King prepar'd for their departure but were recall'd from their Journey which was already begun to receive their Audience the intent of their Oration was to remind him of the League contracted with Philip and confirm'd by himself since his Fathers Death wherein he was prohibited to make War on any of the Roman Confederates then they recounted the whole particulars of that Declaration themselves had heard from King Eumenes who openly asserted the truth of those things he reported on his own knowledge moreover that the King had held a secret Consultation with Embassadours from the Asiatick Cities In regard of which injuries the Senate thought it just he should restore to them and their Confederates those things he had unjustly taken from them and contrary to the Covenants of their League The hearing of these matters greatly incens'd the King his passion transported him into revilings often reproaching the Romans for their Avarice and Insolency and esteem'd their Embassadours which came so fast upon him no otherwise than Spies to watch his words and actions they thinking it necessary that all his measures should be receiv'd from them After he had finish'd this fierce Speech he commanded them to repair to him again the next day and they should receive his Answer in writing then he deliver'd them a Paper wherein he affirm'd That the League his Father had sign'd had no force at all on him if he suffer'd it to be renew'd it proceeded not from his approbation but because he was newly possess'd of his Kingdom he was compell'd to endure all things But if they were desirous of a new Confederacy it was requisite a capitulation were made concerning the conditions should they be induc'd to accept of reasonable Proposals yet he thought it necessary first considerately to weigh his own advantages as he doubted not but they would well consult those of their Republick and thus he abruptly left them they immediately withdrawing themselves from the Palace Whereupon according to our Commission we abandon'd his Friendship and Alliance which made him return upon us in great fury and with a loud Voice commanded us within three dayes to leave his Kingdom In fine they accordingly forthwith departed having found but an inhospitable Entertainment during the whole time of their aboad When they had finish'd this Relation the Aetolian Embassadours receiv'd their Audience The Senate that they might forthwith understand what Commanders were to be imploy'd by the Common-wealth dispatch'd their Letters to the Consuls that one of them should hasten to Rome to the Election of new Magistrates No action worthy commemorating was done that year by the Consuls The Republick esteem'd it more expedient to suppress and appease the exasperated Ligurians The Issean Embassadours considering the expectation of the Macedonian War gave no small occasion to suspect Gentius King of the Illyrians complaining he had twice over-run their Country that the Macedonians and Illyrians unanimously prepared to make War upon the Romans and that the Illyrian were then at Rome disguis'd under a specious Embassy but sent thither by Perseus's instigation to observe their motions The Illyrians being sent for before the Senate declared their business there was to obviate such accusations which their Master suspected might be brought against him by the Isseans It was urged why they did not present themselves to the Magistrate in order to receive the usual Ceremonies of the City and the appointment of their Appartments that their coming and their business might both be publick but hesitating in their reply it was commanded them to leave the Court not deserving an Answer as became Embassadours who had not offer'd themselves as such before the Senate determining rather to dispatch Embassadours to the King to advise him which of his Associates had complain'd against for committing outrages on their Territories and to animadvert the injustice of those injuries offer'd their Confederates A. Terentius Varro C. Pletorius and C. Cicereius were employed in this Embassy Those Embassadours sent to visit the Confederate Princes returning from Asia reported they saw Eumenes there Antiochus in Syria and in Alexandria they confer'd with Ptolomy All which had been solicited by sundry Embassies from Perseus but still continued firm in their fidelity to the Romans and assur'd them to perform whatever should be commanded them They had also visited the associate Cities finding them all except the Rhodians who began to stagger having too deeply imbibed the poysonous perswasions of Perseus thoroughly stedfast to their interest The Rhodian Embassadours were now at Rome to obviate those crimes they knew were publickly alledg'd against their City but the Senate would not allow them Audience before the new Consuls were initiated into their Consulships The War was now determin'd C. Licinius the Praetor was order'd to draw from the Docks as many Gallies as should be necessary for that Expedition and also to fit out a Fleet of fifty Ships of War but if he could not equip so many to send to C. Memmius his Collegue to rig out those Ships as were in Sicily and immediately transport them to Brundusium He was also commanded to muster as many of the Roman Citizens and Enfranchis'd Bondmen as might serve in five and twenty Ships C. Licinius was also Commissioned to raise a proportionable number out of the Latine
endeavoured to wipe off that imputation of treachery towards Eumanes but with little probability the thing appearing too manifest other things were matter of supplication but they were heard with such minds which would not be inclined or inform'd and were commanded to depart immediately from the Walls of the City of Rome and within thirty dayes from Italy It was afterwards ordered That Licinius the Consul who had the Government of the Spanish Province should appoint the Army the first day he could a general Rendezvous C. Lucretius the Praetor Admiral of the Fleet left the City with forty five-oar'd Gallies for the Ships that had been refitted were kept at home for other uses about the City sending his Brother Lucretius before with one Quinquereme to receive those Ships from the Allies which were promised by Treaty and with them to meet the Fleet at Cephalenia From the Rhegines one Trireme Galliot from the Locrians two and from the Vrites four with which compassing the extream promontory of Calabria in the Ionian Sea along the Italian shore he sailed to Dyrrhachium there he found ten Barks of the Dyrrhachians twelve of the Isseans and fifty four belonging to King Gentius taking all these along with him pretending that he supposed they were all provided for the use of the Romans the third day he clear'd Corcyra from whence he soon after arrived at Cephalenia C. Lucretius the Praetor having put to Sea from Naples and crossing the Streight the fifth day arrived also at Cephalenia where the Fleet came to Anchor expecting the Land-Forces should be transported thither and that those Vessels of burthen which had been scattered thorough the Sea from the Fleet should there also overtake them It happened about this time that P. Licinius the Consul having offered up his Vows in the Capitol in his accoutrements of War took leave of the City which Ceremony was always certainly performed with the greatest state and dignity but then their Eyes and Minds were both especially imploy'd when they beheld their Consul marching against so noble an Enemy great no less in Fortune than in Courage nor was respect and duty the only inducive hither but also to behold the shew and see their Captain by whose Conduct they had consented the whole Commonwealth should be preserved From hence the mind proceeds to some reflections on the chance of War the unconstancy of Fortune the event of Battle common unto both The bad and good success and those things which too often by the inadvertancy and temerity of Leaders have been the occasion of fatal overthrows as well as those which on the contrary have been produced by prudence and fortitude what mortal could divine whether of these Conducts or Fortunes should attend the Consul they imploy'd in War whether they were likely to behold him not long after triumphantly ascend the Capitol with his Victorious Army to revisit those Gods which he was then about to leave or whether they should give the like opportunity of rejoicing to their Enemies Perseus the King against whom he was now a going had purchased Fame by being Prince of the Warlike Macedonians as well as from his Father Philip who among many fortunate atchievements was renowned for his War against the Romans nor was the name of Perseus since the time he first possess'd the Kingdom ever given over to be celebrated in expectation of this War With these cogitations men of all Orders followed the Consul at his departure C. Claudius and Q. Mucius two military Tribunes that had been Consuls were sent along with him and P. Lentulus and the two Manlii Acidini three young Gentlemen of quality one the Son of M. Manlius the other of L. Manlius with these the Consul went to the Army at Brundusium and from thence carrying his whole Forces over to Nymphaeum he Incamped in the Territory of Apollonia Perseus some few dayes before upon return of his Embassadours relinquishing all hope of Peace call'd a Council which was a good while divided with different Opinions some advised That if the Tribute should be injoined to be paid or if they should condemn them to yield some part of their Country nay it seem'd to them that no conditions were to be refused but to submit to all things for the sake of Peace nor that the King should throw himself and Kingdom on the chance of so great an uncertainty for if the real possession of his Kingdom remained in his own power opportunity might offer many advantages which being improved he might be able hereafter not only to recover his past losses but also become terrible to those whom now he fear'd But a much greater number was of a fiercer Opinion Affirming that whatsoever Perseus had yielded he must not long after have given his Kingdom with it for 't was not Money or Land the Romans wanted But this they were assured that all humane things were subject to changes nor were the greatest Kingdoms and Empires exempt from revolutions That they had themselves subdued the Carthaginian Power imposing on their necks a mighty King their Neighbour Antiochus too with all his race remov'd beyond Mount Taurus That Macedonia was the only Kingdom both near in Region and which if at any time the Roman People should decline in Fortune seem'd able to restore their Kings their antient magnanimity Therefore while things stood intire Perseus ought to resolve whether he had rather conceding to particulars and being at last divested of his Kingdom and his wealth extorted be forc'd to intreat the Romans either for Samothracian or some such petty Isle where like a private man surviving his Royal State he might grow old in base contempt and poverty or whether arming himself in defence of his dignity and fortune as became a gallant man he would suffer the utmost chance of War or victoriously release the World from the Roman sway nor would it be a greater wonder to chase the Romans out of Greece than that Annibal was driven out of Italy nor could they see how it did consist that he who had resisted with the highest courage his ambitious Brothers injurious attempt upon his lawful Kingdom to yield it up to strangers Lastly Peace and War was so disputed that in the end they all consented That nothing was more shameful than to abandon a Kingdom without a Battel nor any thing more honourable than for a Throne and Majesty to attempt all Fortunes This Council was held at Pella in the ancient Royal Palace of the Macedonians Let us then make War said he since you are so resolv'd and may the Gods be propitious to us Then sending Letters to all his chief Officers he drew up all his Forces near Citium a Town in Macedonia After he had offer'd the Princely Sacrifice of an Hecatomb to Minerva whom they call Alcides with a great Train of Guards and Courtiers he went to Citium where already were gathered his whole Forces both of Macedonians and Auxiliary Strangers He incampeâ— before the City and
but at his first approach they surrender'd the City Cyretia endeavouring to make resistance the first day in a sharp Skirmish he was repulsed from the Gates but the day following attacking it with all his force they all before night yielded him submission Mylae was the next Town and so strong that the hope of it's being impregnable had render'd the Inhabitants a great deal fiercer thinking it not sufficient to shut the Gates against the King but they also cast out many scurrilous reproaches oâ— him and the Macedonians which proceeding seeing it had more inraged the Enemy to the assault and themselves likewise despairing of pardon enflam'd them the more fiercely to defend themselves so that for the space of three dayes they were attack'd and defended with much gallantry on both sides The number was so great of the Macedonians that relieving one another by turns they easily maintain'd the assault but the Townsmen that defended the Walls night and day not only their wounds but continual watching and labour had quite worn them out The fourth day when the Scaling-Ladders were every where raised on the Walls and the Gates assailed with greater force the Townsmen being driven from the Walls ran to defend the Gate and made a sudden sally on the Enemy which was rather an effect of blind rage than a true confidence of their strength but being few in number and quite tired out they were beaten back by those that were fresh and vigorous and in the pursuit their Enemies were received with them thorough the open Gate Thus the City was taken and sacked and the free people that survived the slaughter were exposed to sale The greatest part of the Town being burnt and ruined the Camp moved to Phalanna and the day after came to Gyrtone but hearing that T. Minucius Rufus and Hyppias the Thessalian Praetors had fortified that place he passed by without making any attempt however he surprized Elatia and Gonnus being smitten with terrour at his unexpected approach which two Towns are situate in the Streights which lead to Tempe Gonnus especially and therefore he left it fortified with a very strong Garison both of Horse and Foot and a triple Ditch and Rampier He determined to go himself to Sycurium there to expect the Enemy and commanded his Army to Forage all the Country of the Enemy that lay under him For Sycurium is seated at the Foot of the Mountain Ossa having on the South-side lying under it the Thessalian Plains and behind Macedonia and Magnesia To these commodities may be added the extraordinary healthfulness of the clime and the multitude of Fountains continually running round about it The Roman Consul by this time marching with his Army towards Thessaly at first began his expedition with some celerity thorough Epirus but when he had passed over into Athamania with great difficulty and slow marches thorough a rough and almost unpassable Country he arrived at Gomphi If the King at that time and place with his Forces in order had met him at the head of a young disciplin'd Army compos'd of tired men and Horses the Romans themselves cannot deny but that they must have received a very great overthrow but when they arriv'd at Gomphy without any opposition besides their joy for overcoming those difficulties they began also to despise their Enemies for their ignorance of their own advantages The Consul having duly sacrificed and distributed Corn to the Souldiers remained there some few dayes for the refreshing of his men and Horses When he heard that the Macedonians overran all Thessaly and destroyed the Countries of their Allies being now sufficiently recruited he led his Army to Larissa afterwards when he was about three miles distant from Tripolis which they call Scea he incamped by the River Peneus About this time Eumenes came by Sea to Chalcis with his Brothers Attalus and Athenaeus leaving his Brother Philetaerus at Pergamus Protector of his Kingdom departing hence with his Brother Attalus and four thousand Foot and a thousand Horse he came to the Consul leaving at Chalcis two thousand Foot under the Command of his Brother Athenaeus Thither also came other Auxiliaries to the Romans from all the parts of Greece many of which particulars being so inconsiderable are lost in oblivion The Appolloniats sent three hundred Horse and a hundred Foot From the Aetolians came one Company only the greatest number of Horse the whole Nation could raise nor did all the Thessalonians which were separated and quartered asunder in the Roman Camp exceed three hundred Horse and the Achaeans sent a thousand of their youth armed for the most part like the Cretesians About this time also came C. Lucretius the Praetor who went before with the Ships to Cephalenia after he had appointed his to sail above Malea with his Fleet to Chalcis himself went aboard a Trireme Galliot passing the Gulf of Corinth to pre-possess the affairs in Boeotia his Voyage was the slower because of the infirmity of his Body M. Lucretius coming to Chalcis and hearing that the City of Haliartus was besieged by P. Lentulus sent a Messenger to command him in the name of the Praetor to depart thence The Lieutenant having entered on that affair with the Boeotian youth who had taken part with the Romans left the Walls The raising of this Siege made room for another For M. Lucretius with a Naval Army of ten thousand Souldiers with two thousand of the Kings which were under Athenaeus immediately besieged Haliartus and being just ready to make an attack the Praetor from Creusa joined with them And about the same time Ships from the Allies arrived at Chalcis Two Punicaean Quinquereme Galliots two Trireme Galliots from Heraclea in Pontus four from Chalcedon as many from Samos and five four-oar'd Gallies from Rhodes the Praetor because there was no where any Sea-War remitted all these again to the Allies Q Marcius also after he had taken Halops and assaulted Larissa which is called Cremaste came by Sea to Chalcis This was the State of affairs in Boeotia when Perseus as was said before lay incamped at Sycurium having drawn together all the Forage of that Country round about sent Souldiers to destroy the Territory of the Pheraeans supposing that the Romans being drawn far from their Camp to the relief of their Confederates might be surprized But when he found them nothing moved by tumult he gave the Booty except the men which was large in Cattle of all sorts to be merrily devoured among his Souldiers Afterwards about the same time the King and Consul both consulted where they should begin the War The King's Courage was much increased by the devastation of the Pheraeans permitted by the Enemy and therefore resolved nor to give any space of further prolonging to march immediately towards their Camp The Romans also were of opinion that delay would have rendered them infamous among their Confederates resenting it as a thing extreamly dishonourable that the Pheraeans were not succoured as they were
Ships they over-set one Bark that lay in the mouth of the River by getting too many of them into her at a time That day they arrived at Galepsus and the next at Samothraca whither they were bound to which place they say there were brought two thousand Talents Paulus having sent Governours to all the Cities that were surrender'd lest any injury should be done to the conquer'd now in the time of Peace and keeping with him the Kings Heralds sent P. Nasica not knowing of the Kings flight with a small Party of Foot and Horse to Amphipolis not only to ravage Sintica but to be an obstruction to all the Kings designs At this time Cn. Octavius took and rifled Meliboea and at Aeginium which Cn. Anicius was sent to attack there were two hundred men lost at one sally which was made out of the Town before the Aeginians knew that there was any end made of the War The Consul setting out from Pydna came with his whole Army in two dayes to Pella and having Encamped a mile from thence staid there for some dayes viewing the situation of the City on all sides which he observ'd was not without reason made choice of to be the Kings Seat 'T is situate upon an Hill that lies to the Northwest and about it are Fens of a vast depth both Summer and Winter caused by standing Lakes that are hard by In the very Fenn it self where it is nearest to the City there rises as it were an Island which stands upon the mound of a vast work which not only bears a Wall but likewise is not at all injur'd by the moisture of the Fenn that runs round about it It seems afar off to be join'd to the Wall of the City but is divided from it by a River over which unto it there is a Bridge so that if any Foreigner attack it there is no coming to it on any side nor if the King shut any body up there is there any way to escape but by a Bridge which is very easily guarded In this place the Kings Treasure used to be kept but at that time there was nothing found in it except the three hundred Talents which were to have been sent to King Gentius but were afterward kept back In the time that they lay at Pella several Embassies that came to congratulate the Consuls Victory especially out of Thessaly had their Audience After which having received the news that Perseus was gone over to Samothrace the Consul march'd from Pella and arrived in four dayes at Amphipolis Where all the Town coming out in throngs to meet him made it evident to any man DECADE V. BOOK V. The EPITOME 6. Perseus was taken by Aemilius Paulus in Samothrace 11 c. When Antiochus King of Syria besieged Ptolemy and Cleopatra King and Queen of Aegypt for which reason the Senate sent Embassadours to him to command him to desist from besieging a King who was their Ally whereas when the Message was deliver'd to him he made answer that he would consider what to do one of the Embassadours viz Popillius by name with a rod made a circle about the King and bid him give his answer before he came out of it By which rough usage he caused Antiochus to omit the War 13. There were several Embassies from several Nations and Kings by way of congratulation admitted into the Senate 20. But that of the Rhodians because in that War they had been against the Romans was excluded 21. The next day when 't was debated whether they should declare War against them the Embassadours pleaded the cause of their Country in the Senate and were dismiss'd neither as Enemies nor as Allies 31 c. Macedonia reduced into the form of a Province 35 c. Aemilius Paulus though the Souldiers were against it by reason that they had too little booty and though Servius Sulpicius Galba contradicted it rode in triumph and led Perseus with his three Sons before the Chariot 40. The joy of which triumph that it might not fall to him entire was signaliz'd by the Funerals of his two Sons one of which died before and the other after his Fathers triumph The Censors took a Survey of the people at which there were Poled three hundred and twelve thousand eight hundred and ten Souls 44. Prusias King of Bithynia came to Rome to congratulate with the Senate upon the account of the Victory obtain'd over Macedonia and recommended his Son Nicomedes to the Senate before whom the King being full of flattery he was the Roman Peoples Libertus one freed from slavery THE persons sent to carry the news of the Vâ—ctory viz. Q Fabius L. Lentulus and Quintius Metellus though they came to Rome with as much speed as possibly they could yet found that the City was full of joy upon that score before their arrival The fourth day after the fight with the King whilst the Games were perform'd in the Circus a sudden murmur of the people ran through all the shows That there had been a Battle in Macedonia and that the King was overcome after which the noise increased till at last there arose a clamour and a clapping of hands as though they had heard certain news of the Victory The Magistrates began to wonder and inquired who was the Author of that sudden joy whom since they could not find out their mirth was soon over as for a thing uncertain yet the glad tidings was still fix'd in their thoughts Which being confirm'd by the true relations of Fabius Lentulus and Metelâ—us they rejoyced not only at the Victory it self but also in the boding of their own minds But there goes another story concerning the joy conceiv'd by the Company in the Circus which is no less probable than this that upon the 22 h of October and the second day of the Roman Games as C. Licinius the Consul was going up to see the Chariots start a Letter-Carrier who said he came out of Macedonia deliver'd unto him a Laureat Letter When the Chariots were set out the Consul got up into his Coach and being return'd along the Circus to the publick Boxes where the Spectators sate shew'd the Laureat Letter to the people Which when they saw the people presently grew negligent of the show and ran down into the middle of the Circus whither the Consul called the Senate and having read the Letter over by authority of the Senate before the publick Boxes declared to the people That L. Aemilius his Collegue had fought a pitch'd Battle with King Perseus that the Macedonian Army was beaten and routed that the King with some few of his men made his escape and that all the Cities of Macedonia had surrender'd themselves to the Roman People When they had heard this a noise arose with great clapping of hands and most part of the Company leaving the Games went home to carry the glad tidings to their Wives and Children This was the thirteenth day from that on which the Battle
some particular persons among us who courting the Kings Friendship corrupted our commonalty with ill counsels and yet they prevailed no farther than only to make us stand Neuters when we should have fought I will not pass by that which is the greatest crime that 's laid to the charge of our City in this War We sent Embassadours about a Peace to you and Perseus both at the same time which unhappy design a furious Orator as we afterward heard made the most foolish thing in the World who we are well inform'd spoke like C. Popillius whom you sent to remove the two Kings Antiochus and Ptolemy from their War But yet that pride or folly whether you will call it was the same before you and Perseus both There are customs and manners belonging to whole Cities as well as to private and single persons and Nations too are some of them angry others bold others fearful and some more prone to Wine or Women 'T is said the Athenians are quick and daring to attempt things above their strength but that the Lacedaemonians are dilatory and will scarce undertake what they are almost sure to go through with I do not deny but that all Asia produces an emptier sort of wits and must confess also that our language is a little too haughty and swelling because we seem among our Neighbour Cities to excel in that point though that be not so much upon the score of our own strength as of the honours and judgments you have confer'd and pass'd upon us That Embassy even at that present was sufficiently chastiz'd in being dismiss'd with so sad an Answer from you If a little ignominy at that time be the thing that sticks upon us sure this so miserable and humble an Embassy might be a sufficient atonement for a far more insolent Embassy than that was Pride in words especially angry men hate and prudent men laugh at especially if it be from an inferiour to his superiour but no body ever thought it deserv'd a capital punishment For by that means it might have been fear'd that the Rhodians would have contemned the Romans For some men chide even the Gods themselves with passionate words and yet we have not heard that any man was for that ever struck with a thunderbolt What then remains for us to excuse if we have not done any act of hostility but that our Embassadour with his swelling words hath only offended their Ears and not deserv'd thereby to have his and our City utterly ruined I hear grave Fathers that some of you set a fine as it were upon our inclinations privately in your discourses among your selves saying that we favour the King and wish'd that he might get the Victory rather than you and therefore they think that we ought to be persecuted with a War But some of you say that we indeed wish'd so but that we ought not for all that to be plagued with a War for that it is not so provided either by the Laws or Customs of any City that when any man wisheth the death of an Enemy he should presently be condemned to a capital punishment though he have done nothing to dâ—serve it Now to those who free us from the penalty though not from the crime we give our thanks whilst we our selves impose upon our selves this condition that if we were all consenting to what we are accused of and do not distinguish the will from the deed let us all suffer But if some of our Nobility favour'd you and others the King I do not desire that those who were on the Kings side should be saved for our sakâ—s who stood up for you only this I beg that we may not perish upon your account You your selves are not greater Enemies to those men than the City it self is and those that knew this many of them either ran away or kill'd themselves Others of them who are by us condemn'd shall be grave Fathers at your disposal As for the rest of the Rhodians as we have not deserv'd any manner of reward in this War so neither have we merited any punishment Let the heap of our former services make up our defect of duty at this time You have for these late years made War against three Kings let it not be a greater dammage to us that we have lain idle in one War than an advantage that we fought for you in two Suppose Philip Antiochus and Perseus to be like three Votes or Sentences Two of them absolve us and the third doubtful so that it cannot be more grave and just If they should judge us we should be condemned But do you judge grave Fathers whether Rhodes be in being or utterly destroy'd For you grave Fathers do not deliberate of a War which you may raise indeed but cannot carry on since ne'r a man in Rhodes will bear Arms against you But if you will persevere in your anger we will desire time of you to carry home this fatal message all that are Freemen among us all the Men and Women in Rhodes with all our money will take Shipping and leaving our possessions both publick and private will come to Rome and having heaped all our gold and Silver both private and publick in the Comitium at the Gate of your Senate House will deliver our own Bodies with those of our Wives and Children into your disposal here to suffer whatever you think fit Let our City be rifled and burnt when we are far out of sight The Romans may think the Rhodians their Enemies but yet we too can make some judgment upon our selves too whereby we pronounce and declare that we never were your Enemies nor will we ever commit an act of hostility whatever we endure As soon as he had made his Speech to this effect they all fell down again and waving branches of Olives in their hands like Suppliants were at last taken up and went out of the Court. Then the Votes began to be taken By which it appear'd that they were the greatest Enemies to the Rhodians who when they had been Consuls Praetors or Lieutenants had been concern'd in the Macedonian War Their greatest Friend was M. Porcius Cato who though he were of a rough nature at that time shew'd himself a mild and a gentle Senator I shall not here insert the Character of that copious Man by relating what he said his own Oration is extant in the fifth Book of his Origines The Rhodians therefore had such an Answer that they were neither made Enemies nor continu'd to be Allies Philocrates and Astymedes were the two principal Embassadours and so they thought fit that one part of the Embassadours should go back to Rhodes to give an account of their Embassy and the other part stay at Rome with Astymedes to inform themselves of what was done there and send intelligence home For the present they order'd them to draw off their Prefects out of Lycia and Caria These things being told at Rhodes though they were
in themselves very dismal yet since the fear of a greater misfortune was removed for they were afraid of a War the news was very joyful Wherefore they presently order'd a Crown to be made to the value of twenty thousand Nobles of gold and sent Theodotus Admiral of their Fleet on that Embassy But they agreed that the Alliance of the Romans should be so desired as that there should be no Ordinance of the people made about it nor the request be put into writing because by that means unless they obtained it their disgrace if they were repulsed would be the greater Now such was the priviledge of the Admiral of their Fleet only that he might treat about that affair without any preliminary proposal of it For they had maintain'd a Friendship for so many years in such a manner that they did not oblige themselves to the Romans by any League of Alliance for no other reason but lest they should cut off from the Kings all hopes of their assistance if they had either of them occasion for it or from themselves of reaping any benefit by their bounty and good fortune But at that time especially they thought good to desire an Alliance not to secure them e'r the more from others for they fear'd no body except the Romans but to make them the less suspected by the Romans About the same time the Caunians revolted from them and the Mylassians possess'd themselves of the Towns belonging to the Euromeses Yet notwithstanding their spirits were not so dejâ—cted but that they consider'd that if Lycia and Caria were taken from them by the Romans the other parts would either free themselves by a revolt or be seized by their Neighbours that they were inclosed in a little Island and within the shores of a barren Country which could not by any means keep the Inhabitants of so great a City Whereupon sending out their young men in all hast against the Caunians they forced them though they had got the Cybirates to help them to obedience besides that they defeated the Mylassians and Alabandians who having taken away the Province of the Eumeses had join'd their Forces with them about Orthosia Whilst these things were done there there were other things transacted in Macedonia and at Rome and in the mean time L. Anicius in Illyricum having as I said before reduced King Gentius made Gabinius Governour of Scodra which was the Kings Seat putting a Garison into it as he did Licinius of Rhizon and Olzinium which were Cities very commodiously situate Having set these persons as a guard over Illyricum he went with the rest of his Army into Epirus where Phanota was first surrender'd to him and the whole multitude came out with holy Ornaments or Diadems to meet him Having put a Garison into this place he went over into Molossis where having taken possession of all the Towns except Passaro Tecmo Phylace and Horreum he march'd first to Passaro Antinous and Theodotus were the chief men in that City and famous both for their love to Perseus and their hatred against the Romans being also the Authors of that Cities revolting from the Romans These two being conscious of their own guilt because they had no hopes of pardon that they might be destroy'd in the common ruine of their Country shut the Gates advising the mobile that they would prefer death before slavery No man durst open his mouth against two such extraordinary great men till at last one Theodotus who was himself also a noble youth seeing that their greater fear of the Romans had overcome that of their Noblemen ask'd them What madness is this in you who make your whole City an accession to the guilt of two single persons I have often heard indeed of them that have dy'd for their Country but these men are the first I have heard of who ever thought it reasonable that their Country should perish for them Wherefore let us open our Gates and receive that command which the whole World hath already received As he said this the multitude follow'd him and at the same time Antinous and Theodotus sallied forth upon the first station of the Enemies where exposing themselves to danger they were kill'd and the City surrender'd to the Romans He also took Tecmo by surrender and kill'd Cephalus through whose obstinacy that City was in like manner shut up Nor did Phylace or Horreum either endure a Siege Having quieted Epirus and divided his Forces into their Winter-Quarters through the most convenient Cities he went himself back into Illyricum and at Scodra whither the five Embassadours were come from Rome having summoned all the great men out of the several Cities he held an Assembly There he publickly declared as the opinion of the Council That the Senate and the people of Rome order'd that the Illyrians should be free and that he would draw the Guards out of all their Towns Forts and Castles That the Issians and Taulantians should not only be free but also have several immunities and so should among the Dassaretians the Pirustae the Rhizonites and the Olciniates because they had revolted to the Romans whilst Gentius was yet in a prosperous condition That they would likewise bestow their freedom and immunity upon the Daorseans for that they forsaking Caravantius had come with their Arms over to the Romans That the Scodrians Dassareses Selepitanes and other Illyrians should pay but half that Tribute which they had formerly paid to the King After which he divided Illyricum into three parts making one of that which was called the Vpper Illyricum a second of all the Labeates and the third of the Agravonites Rhizonites Olciniates and their Neighbours Having thus setled Illyricum he himself return'd to Passaro in Epirus to his Winter Quarters Whilst these things pass'd in Illyricum Paulus before the coming of the ten Embassadours sent his Son Q. Maximus who was now come back from Rome to pillage Aeginium and Agassae Agassae for that though they had surrender'd the City to Marcius the Consul and of their own accord desired an Alliance with the Romans they had again revolted to Perseus but the crime charg'd upon the Aeginians was new For they not believing the report concerning the Roman Victory had committed very great hostilities upon some of the Souldiers that went into their City He also sent L. Postumius to rifle Aenus because they were more obstinate than their Neighbour Cities in the continu'd use of their Arms. It was now about Autumn at the beginning of which season he design'd to go round about all Greece and to see those things which people have heard of by common report oftener than any body hath seen them and therefore having made C. Sulpicius Gallus chief Commander of his Camp he set forth with no great Retinue his Son Scipio and Athenaeus King Eumenes's Brother being his Companions and went through Thessaly to Delphi to that famous Oracle where having sacrificed to Apollo he being a Conquerour design'd the
Theban by whose advice they had enter'd into an Alliance with Perseus Having interposed these inquiries concerning foreign matters they called the Macedonian Council again in which it was declared That as to the State of Macedonia they would have Senators chosen whom the Macedonians call Synedri such as sit together in Council by whose conduct and advice the Common-wealth should be managed Then the names of the Macedonian Nobility who they thought fit should go before into Italy together with all their Children that were above fifteen years old were read over That at first view seemed severe but soon after appeared to the multitude of the Macedonians to be for their liberty For there were named the Kings Friends and Favourites who had been Generals of Armies Admirals or Governours of Garisons and used to shew themselves Slaves to the King but very imperious to every body else some of them very rich and others who though they had not so much money were yet equal to them in their expences but they all lived as to diet and were clothed like Kings though none of them had the Soul of a good Citizen nor could endure either Laws or equitable Liberty Wherefore all those who had served the King in any capacity yea even those who had been employ'd in the meanest Embassies were order'd to depart out of Macedonia and go into Italy and he that did not obey that order was threaten'd with death He gave Laws to Macedonia with so much care that he seemed to give them not to a conquer'd Enemy but to Allies that had very well deserv'd of him yea and those to such as use could not in a long time which is the only Corrector of Laws and much experience find any fault with Having made an end of his serious business he set forth at Amphipolis with great cost and charges several sorts of sports and merriment for which he had prepared a good while before having sent certain persons into the Cities of Asia and to the Kings to tell them of it and also himself given the Princes notice thereof as he went about the Cities of Greece For there were Artists of all sorts who had any skill in sports with a vast multitude of Wrestlers and fine Horses out of all parts of the World besides that Embassadours came with Victims and whatsoever else in respect either to the Gods or Men is usually done at great Shows in Greece And then the matter was so order'd that they not only admired his magnificence but his Prudence too in setting forth Shows to which the Romans were then mere Strangers There were also Entertainments provided for the several Embassies with the same splendour and care For 't was reported that he used commonly to say it belong'd to the same person to make a Feast and set forth Plays who knew how to conquer in time of War Having shew'd them sports of all sorts and put his brazen Shields on board his Ships he laid all the rest of the Arms on a vast heap together and then having paid his Devotion to Mars Minerva Lua an ancient Goddess called therefore Mother and the rest of the Warlike Gods to whom it is an act of Religion to devote the spoils of an Enemy the General himself set it with a torch on fire After which the Tribunes of the Souldiers that stood round about threw each of them more fire upon it It was observ'd at that meeting of Europe and Asia from all Countries though such a vast multitude were gather'd together partly to congratulate and partly to see the Show yet there was such plenty of all things and provisions were so cheap that the General made a great many Presents of that kind not only to private persons but to whole Cities and that not onâ—y for their present use but for them to carry with them home But the Show which entertain'd that multitude that came thither was not the Stage-Plays the Prizes or Horse Races more than the Macedonian spoils which were all exposed to open view as Statues Tables fine woven pieces of Tissue c. with Vessels of Gold Silver Brass and Ivory which were made with great care and industry in that Court not for a present show like those wherewith the Palace at Alexandria was stuffed but for perpetual use These things being put on Board the Fleet were given to Cn. Octavius to carry to Rome Paulus having kindly dismiss'd the Embassadours went over Strymon and Encamped a mile off Amphipolis from whence in five dayes he arrived at Pella But passing by that City he staid two days at a place which they call Spelaeum in which time he sent P. Nasica and Q. Maximus his Son with part of his Forces to ravage the Illyrians who had assisted Perseus in the War commanding them to meet him at Oricum whilst he himself going for Epirus arrived in fifteen dayes at Passaro Anicius's Camp was not far from that place to whom having dispatch'd a Letter of advice not to meddle with any thing that was done there for the Senate had given the spoil of the Cities in Epirus which had revolted to Perseus to the Army he sent Centurions privately into the several Cities whom he order'd to say that they came to draw off the Garisons there that the Epirotes as well as the Macedonians might be free he summon'd ten of the greatest men out of every City To whom when he had declared that they must bring their gold and silver forth into publick view he sent his Troops into every City who going into the farthermost before they went into the hithermost came to them all in one day Then they told the Tribunes and Centurions what they had done and in the Morning all the gold and silver was heaped together after which at the fourth hour the signal was given to the Souldiers to plunder the several Cities in which they got so great a booty that four hundred Deniers fell to every Horsemans share and to every Footmans two hundred besides that there were carry'd away as Prisoners a hundred and fifty thousand Souls After that the Walls of the rifled Cities were demolish'd which Towns were about seventy The booty of them all was sold and out of that summ the Souldiers were paid Then Paulus went down to the Seaside to Oricum though he had not as he supposed in any wise satisfied his Souldiers minds who as though they had been concern'd in no War in Macedonia were very angry that they did not share in the booty taken from the King Finding the Forces that he sent with Nasica and his Son Maximus at Oricum he put his Army on board the Ships and went over into Italy And after some few dayes Anicius having dismiss'd the Convention of the other Epirotes and Acarnanians and order'd the Noblemen to follow him into Italy whose causes he reserv'd to be there try'd himself after he had waited some time for the Ships which the Macedonian Army had made use of went
they drew up in Battalia But when they saw the Romans did not descend to encounter them but continued in that advantagious Post defended not only by the heighth of the ground but also fortifying themselves with a Ditch and Palisado concluded them to be dispirited with fear and therefore thinking this the best opportunity to fall upon them especially whilst they were busied in the Works and their Fortifications unfinish'd advancing with a dreadful shout and clamour began to charge them Yet the Romans gave not over their Works they were the Triarian Bands all stout Soldiers of the Rereward who were therein imploy'd but the Spearmen or Vanguard and the Principes or main Body who stood ready Arm'd to defend the Pioneers forthwith engag'd the Enemy Besides their valour the Ground was no small advantage to them for they being on a rising Hill their Darts and Spears were not bestow'd in vain as often it happens when they are discharged upon a Level but being all poiz'd with their own weight stuck fast wherever they lighted so that the Gauls being overcharged with those Weapons either peircing through their Bodies or sticking fast in their Sheilds and Incommoding them with their weight and having put themselves out of Breath by running up the Hill began to make an halt as doubtful what to do This stop both discouraged them and encouraged their Enemies so that soon after they were beat back and confusedly fell upon one another down the Hill making greater havock of their own men than the Enemy did for in that precipitous Rout there were more trod to death and crush'd to pieces than fell by the Sword Yet still were not the Romans assured of the Victory For as soon as they came down into the Plain they met with fresh work the Gauls by reason of their numbers little reguarding the former loss as if a new Army had started out of the ground brought on a vast Body of men that had not yet at all been engag'd to give a check to the victorious Enemy Insomuch that the Roman Army slacking the fury of their March would advance no further as well because being already weary they thought it too hazardous to venture upon a second encounter as also for that their General the Consul feircely charging in the fore Front had his left Shoulder almost run through with a Pike and thereupon had a little withdrawn himself out of the Battel By this lingering the Victory was now like to be lost when the Consul having got his wound dressed and bound up return'd to the formost Ensigns and thus expostulates with his Soldiers Why stand you still thus Gentlemen you have not now to deal with the Latins or the Sabines whom after ye have Conquer'd by Arms ye may make of Enemies Friends and Confederates 'T is against savage Brutes we now draw our Swords and you must resolve either to have their Blood or yeild them your own you have already routed them out of their Camp and beat them headlong down the Hill you stand now upon the prostrated Bodies of your Enemies cover the Plain with their dead Carkasses as you have done the Hill Never look that they should fly as long as you stand still you must advance your Ensigns and give them another rousing Charge to compleat your Victory Encouraged with these exhortations they again fell on and forced some of the foremost of the Gallick Troops to Retreat then with close and pointed Battalions of Foot drawn up in the form of a Wedge they charged through into the heart of their main Battel whereupon the barbarous People being disordered and having neither certain Directions to follow nor Captains to Command turn'd their fury upon their Fellows and being scatter'd all over the adjacent Plains fled clear beyond their own Tents making towards the Alban Fort which amongst the many Hills round about they perceived over-topp'd the rest The Consul pursued the Chase no further than their Camp both because his own wound was very painful to him as also because he would not put his tired Army upon further service especially seeing the Enemy had gained the Tops of the Mountains The whole pillage of their Camp he gave to his Men and so led them back loaded with Victory and Gallick spoils to Rome The Consuls wound deferred his Triumph and also caused the Senate to desire a Dictator that there might be some body to hold the Comitia or Assemblies for chusing of Consuls for the year ensuing since both the present Consuls were disabled to be present by Sickness Accordingly L. Furius Camillus was declared Dictator and P. Cornelius Scipio General of the Horse who restored to the Senators their Ancient possession of the Consulship and for that Obligation was by their Interest chosen himself Consul and for his Colleague he took App. Claudius Crassus But before these new Consuls entred into their Office Popilius acted his Triumph over the Gauls with mighty applauses of the Commons who muttering amongst themselves would often ask one another If there were any body now that repented of having a Commoner to be Consul At the same time reproaching the Dictator who for violating the Licinian Law had got for his reward the Consulship dishonour'd no less by his private seeking of it whilst by his own Power as Dictator he in effect conferr'd it upon himself than by the publick Injury thereby done to the Commons This Year was remarkable for many troubles and commotions the Gauls unable to endure the severity of the Winter on the Albane Mountains came down and ranged all over the Champian Country and Sea-Coasts laying wast all before them The Sea also was infested with a Navy of the Greeks who made a descent upon the Land and spoiled all the Maritime Coasts of Antium and the River of Laurentum even to the very Mouth of Tyber so that these Sea-Rovers happening to Encounter the Gallick Land-Forragers before mentioned a very sharp Battel was Fought between them and both sides being wearied Retreated the Gauls to their Tents the Greeks to their Ships both doubtful whether they should reckon themselves to have won or lost the day Amidst these disasters a yet far greater Terror arose the several Tribes of the Latins had held a Diet or general Convention at the Ferentine Grove and when the Romans demanded Supplies of Soldiers from them as being their Confederates flat answer was returned That they would do well to forbear commanding those whose assistants they stood in need of as for the Latines they were resolved rather to bear Arms in defence of their own Liberties than for the ambition of Strangers The Senate being already involved in two Wars abroad at once were not a little perplexed at this Revolt of their Allies but seeing no other way but to keep them within the bounds of their Duty by Fear whom Faith and Loyalty could not hold commanded their Consuls to hold a general Muster and levy the whole strength of the State For
since the Assembly of their Associates had deserted them they must now depend on an Army consisting wholly of their own Citizens Therefore every where not only in the City but in the Country and Villages Levies are vigorously made of young Men fit to bear Arms and in a little time Ten Legions entred in the Muster-Rolls each Legion consisting of Four thousand and two hundred Foot and Three hundred Horse Such a brave new Army as the mighty Power of the People of Rome which the whole Earth is hardly able to contain if it were contracted and united all together upon any sudden danger from abroad would scarce be able at this day so suddenly to raise the like so encreased we are only in Riches and Luxury which are the only things we labor after and apply our minds unto Amongst other sad Occurrents of this Year Ap. Claudius one of the Consuls dies in the height of these preparations for War so that the whole management of Affairs devolv'd upon Camillus To which sole Consul the Lords of the Senate either in respect to his quality and worth not fit to be subjected to the absolute command of a Dictator or else willing that he should have the Chief Command for the lucky Omen of his name always heretofore fortunate against the Gauls thought it not decent or honorable to adjoyn any Dictator The Consul leaving two Legions for the guard of the City and committing part of the other eight to the Command of L. Pinarius the Praetor mindful of his Fathers Gallantry undertakes the Gallick War in Person ordering the Praetor to secure the Sea-Coasts and chace the pilfering Graecians from the Shore Himself marching down into the Country of Pomptinum being not willing to hazard a Battel in those Champion parts unless he were forced thereunto and believing that he should sufficiently quell the Enemy if he could but keep them from Forraging since they had nothing to live on but what they got by Plunder he chose out a convenient Post for a standing Camp or Leaguer Where whil'st they pass'd their time quietly on the Guards there came a mighty Gaul eminent both for the bulk and stature of his Body and the richness of his Arms who by clattering his Spear upon his Shield having made silence Challenged by an Interpreter Any one of the Romans to a single Combat There was one M. Valerius a Colonel of Foot a brisk young Man who thinking himself no less worthy of such an Honor than T. Manlius before-mentioned after he had ask'd leave of the Consul advanc'd forth Arm'd at all Points to meet this daring Challenger Their Conflict as to humane Valour was rendred less Illustrious than that of Manlius by the Interposing of a Divine Assistance from the Immortal Gods For as the Roman was just ready to attack his Adversary a Raven suddenly setled on the Crest of his Helmet and turn'd full in the Face of the Enemy which at the very first the Colonel took joyfully as a good Omen sent from Heaven and afterwards devoutly prayed That the God or Goddess whoever it was that sent the lucky Bird would be propitious unto him The Fowl a wonder to be spoken not only kept the place where it first lighted but as often as the Champions grappled together in close Fight mounting it self upon its Wings made at the Mouth and Eyes of the Enemy with its Bill and Claws so long till the Gaul being terrified with the Prodigy and extreamly disordered both in his sight and mind had his Head cut off by Valerius and then immediatly the Raven flying away towards the East mounted out of sight Hitherto the Guards stood quiet on either side but as soon as the Colonel went to disarm and rifle the Body of the slain Enemy neither could the Gauls contain themselves in their Stations nor the Romans forbear running up to their Victorious Champion whereupon a Skirmish began near the Body of the Gaul that there lay kill'd presently increased into a fierce and terrible Battel For no longer was the Dispute between a few Bands of the Out-guards but whole Legions on either side were hotly engaged For Camillus commanded his Soldiers to fall on finding them already encouraged by the Colonels success and the favorable assistance of the gods and the more to enflame them pointing to the Colonel enrich'd with the spoil of his Enemy He bids them imitate that brave Gentleman and lay whole heaps of the Gauls breathless on the ground round about their vanquish'd Champion Neither the help of the Gods nor the valour of Men was wanting to the success of this Battel which was the less doubtful by reason of the different Impressions which the Event of the fore-going Duel had made on the Spirits of both Armies with those that first came on and began the Fray there was a pretty sharp Bout but the main Body of the Gauls took their heels before ever they receiv'd one Volley of Darts At first they were scattered along the Volscian and Falern Countries but afterwards they rallyed together and betook themselves to Apulia and the Borders of the Upper or Adriatick Sea The Consul in a Speech to his Army having extolled the Colonel with deserved praises for a further Reward bestowed upon him ten Oxen and a Coronet of Gold Himself being by Orders from the Senate to take charge of the War by Sea joyned his Forces with the Praetor where the War being like to be drill'd out to a tedious length by reason of the Cowardise of the Greeks who would not come into the Field or venture a Battel by the Authority of the Senate he appointed T. Manlius Torquatus to be Dictator to hold the Comitia or Consular Elections which having named A. Cornelius Cossus for General of the Horse he held accordingly and with the Applauses of all the People made choice of a young Man at that time absent and not above 23 years old but a Person every way like himself and tracing the steps of his own Virtue and Glory viz. the fore-mentioned Champion M. Valerius thence-forwards Surnamed Corvus because of the Raven that assisted him in the Combat with whom was joyned M. Popilius Laenas a Commoner who had thrice been Consul before No memorable Action pass'd between Camillus and the Greeks for neither were they good Soldiers at land nor the Romans at Sea At last being kept from Landing and in great want of Necessaries especially Fresh-water they left the Coast of Italy Of what particular People or Province in Greece this Navy was is altogether uncertain I am most apt to believe it set forth by the Tyrants of Sicily for the further Graecia was at that time wasted and wearied with intestine Wars and under jealous apprehensions of the growing greatness of the Macedonians The Armies being disbanded and both Peace abroad and Concord at home by the friendly Agreement of the States lest they should surfeit on too much happiness a Pestilence broke out in the City
your Valour and Trophies of your Victories Therefore I doubt not but in this Dispute both you and they will be no otherwise affected than as Conquerors and Persons crush'd and vanquish'd are wont to be when they meet together nor is it their Courage but their Necessity that brings them on now to Fight unless you can believe that those who durst not venture an Engagement whil'st their Army was sound and entire should be so wonderfully encouraged by the loss of two parts both of their Horse and Foot in their passage through the Alps for more are perish'd there than reman alive as now to have greater confidence in themselves than then But some may say Though indeed they are but few in number yet they are valiant and brave of couragious Minds and able Bodies such Men for strength and stoutness as scarce any force in the World can stand before them Yes verily the clean contrary way For in truth they are but mere shadows of Men pinch'd with hunger half starv'd with cold lost for want of keeping almost choak'd and eaten up with nastiness and Vermine bruised and weakened between Clifts and Rocks besides their Limbs are benum'd and useless their Joints stiff with cold all parts of their Bodies chilled with Frost and Snow their Arms battered broken and spoil'd their Horses lame and such lamentable poor Jades as they can hardly rise alone These are the Horse-men these the Foot you are to encounter with not worthy to be called an Enemy but only the Enemies last Relicks the Skeleton of a Carthaginian Army Nor is there any thing I am so much afraid of as lest the Alps should rob you of the honor of the Victory and the World ascribe Annibal's overthrow to those Mountains as if they had utterly defeated him before ever you came up to Charge him But perhaps it was most just and proper they should not fall by Humane Hands who had already proclaimed Wars against the Powers Divine That the Gods themselves should chastise a General and People that had so impudently violated their Faith and solemn Leagues and leave us who were injured but in the second place only the glory of finishing what they have so fairly begun to our hands I cannot apprehend that any man here should suspect that I speak thus magnificently only to encourage you whil'st in my own Breast I have other Sentiments for without the least dishonor I might have gone into Spain my peculiar Province where I was before with my Army and where I might have had my Brother both an Assistant in Counsels and sharer in all Dangers and Asdrubal for an Enemy rather than Annibal and the brunt of the War undoubtedly more easie than could be expected here yet as I sail'd by the Coasts of France upon the report of this Enemy I presently Landed dispatch'd away my Cavalry to find them out and advanc'd with my whole Army as far as the Rhone 'T is true I had only an opportunity to engage them with a Body of Horse and therein I clearly defeated them As for their Foot they getting away in an hurry more like a Flight than a March not being able to overtake them by Land returning to my Ships with as much Expedition as was possible considering what a compass I was to fetch by Sea and Land I was again in the Teeth of him at the foot of the Alps. Can it then be thought that I declin'd fighting with this Enemy who is forsooth so formidable and now stumbled upon them unawares Or rather is it not most evident that I have pursued him at the heels and provok'd and dar'd him in a fair Field to decide the Controversie For the truth is I have a mighty mind to try Whether now of a sudden within these last twenty Years the Earth hath spawn'd Carthaginians of better mettle than their Ancestors Or whether they be not of the very same stamp with those whom we cut to pieces at the Aegatian Isles and whom you sold at Erix for eighteen Stivers an Head Whether this Annibal be as he pretends a second Hercules and one that emulates the Glories of that mighty Champions Adventures Or a Fellow left by his Father a Tributary Vassal of the People of Rome A Person who if the barbarous wickedness he has committed at Saguntum did not make him desperate would have some regard to his Native Country once already Conquered or at least to his own House and Family and that Treaty and League which remains written with his Father Amilcar's own hand who at the Command of our Consul was glad to abandon Eryx and though fretting and vex'd at heart durst not refuse those severe Laws and Conditions of Peace imposed upon his vanquish'd Carthaginians and who tamely yielded both to quit Sicily and pay Tribute to the People of Rome Therefore would I have you Gentlemen Soldiers Fight with him not only with that Gallantry and Courage as you shew against other Enemies but with as much Rage and Indignation as if you were to chastise your Slaves taking Arms in Rebellion against you We might had we been so minded when they were shut up at Eryx have destroyed them with the greatest of all humane Tortures Famine we might have sail'd with our Victorious Armado to Africk and in few days space without any opposition considerable have razed their proud Carthage and levell'd her Walls with the dust But we pardon'd them upon their humble Submissions and took them to mercy we gave them Liberty when we had them fast and they had no way to escape nay when we could have treated them as conquered Slaves we condescended to make a League with them and accepted them as Allies whom we might have made our Subjects And when afterwards they were distressed in the African War we regarded them as under our care and protection In requital for all these Kindnesses they come now under the Conduct of a rash hair-brain'd young Man to invade and ruine our Country I wish we were to dispute only for Honor and Glory and not for our Safety and our Lives but the truth is we are not now to fight as formerly for the Possession of Sicily and Sardinia but for Italy it self and all that is dear to us If we do not overcome the Enemy we have no Army in reserve to encounter or resist them nor are there any more Alps to obstruct their March whil'st we raise new Forces Here Gentlemen it concerns you to stand to 't as stoutly as if you were to fight them under the very Walls of Rome Let every one of you therefore consider That he is this day not only to defend himself but his Wife and little Ones also by the Gallantry of his Arms nay further besides all his private Domestical Interest and Concerns let him continually call to mind That the Eyes of all the Senate and whole People of Rome are at this instant fix'd upon us and as our Behaviour and Courage shall be at
this Juncture such for the future will be the State and Fortune of that City and all the Roman Empire Thus did the Consul Harangue his Romans But Annibal supposing it best to raise his Mens Spirits by some martial Representation and daring Deeds before he began to encourage them with Words drawing up his Army in a Ring set in the middle the Mountaineers that he had taken Prisoners bound as they were in Chains and flinging before them such Arms as they were wont to use demanded of them by an Interpreter Which of them upon condition he might have his Liberty and a good Horse and Arms given him if he prov'd the Conqueror would be willing to play a Prize at Sharps and fight for his Life whereupon they all cry'd out They would wish no greater favor and each of them whil'st the Lots were drawing prayed heartily it might fall to his share to be one of the Combatants accordingly as every one happened to be drawn out by the Lot he would leap for joy amongst his Comrades who congratulated and at the same time envyed his good Fortune and dancing after their Country fashion hastily snatch'd up the Arms and prepared for the Conflict and all the while they were fighting such an Heroick temper of mind appeared not only amongst those poor Wretches that were the Actors of this Tragy-Comedy but even in the Spectators as cryed up and applauded those that dyed gallantly no less than those that were Victorious After he had thus entertain'd them with several couples one slaughtering the other he dismiss'd the rest and then drawing up his Soldiers to an Audience is said to have made the following Speech at the Head of them If you shall but retain anon the same generous Courage and greatness of Mind in the consideration of your own Fortune which but now you shew'd in beholding this Example of other Mens I dare boldly Fellow-Soldiers affirm That we have already got the Victory For this was not meerly a dumb shew to divert you but an emblem to admonish you a clear mirror that represents your own present state and condition nay I know not whether Fortune has not encompass'd us with worse Chains and greater necessities than our Prisoners On both hands you are enclosed between two Seas without so much as one Ship to render your Escape possible just before you is the Po a greater River and more violent than the Rhone behind you are the Alps which even when you were fresh and lusty you could scarce get over So that in short Gentlemen here you must resolve as soon as you look the Enemy in the face either to Conquer or Dye and the same Fortune which imposes this necessity of Fighting does propose to you if you get the day such Rewards as Men cannot wish any more great or glorious from the Immortal Gods If we were only to recover by our Valor Sicily and Sardinia taken from our Ancestors it were a sufficient Prize and enough to encourage us to daring Endeavors but now not only those Islands but whatever else the Romans in so many Triumphs have won and heaped up together whatever they enjoy or possess shall together with the Owners All be entirely ours Go on then o' th' Gods name and take Arms in assured hope of so rich and inestimable a Booty You have spent time enough in Forraging a few sorry Cattel on the vast Mountains of Portugal and Arragon yet have you met with no recompence suitable to your many toilsom Labors and desperate Hazards The time is now come that shall make you all amends and abundantly satisfie your pains and tedious march over so many Mountains and Rivers and through so many Warlike Nations all standing on their Guard here is the place which Fortune designs to make the utmost limit of your wandering and toil here will she Crown all your past Services with ample Rewards Fancy not that because this War looks big and is much talk'd of therefore it must needs be a difficult thing to get the Victory for alas many times both a slighted contemptible Enemy has given a bloody blow and Nations and Kings of mighty Renown have with ease in a moment been vanquish'd Set but aside this glittering splendor of the Roman Name and what is there wherein they may in any respect be comparable to you To say nothing of your continual Warfare for Twenty years together with such wonderful Courage and equal Success it will be enough to remind you That from Hercules's Pillars from the Ocean from the utmost bounds of the Earth through so many fierce and most Warlike Nations both of Spain and France you are come thus far with a constant train of Victories and now you are to engage with a raw new-raised Army that this very Summer has been slaughtered routed and hemm'd in by the Gauls a parcel of fresh-water Soldiers as yet mere strangers to their General and he as little acquainted with them Ought I who was almost born at least altogether Educated in the Tent of my Father the most renowned Warrior and ablest Commander of his Age I who have subdued both Spain and France and overcome not only the Alpine Nations but which is much more have mastered the very Alps themselves ought I to be put in ballance with this upstart Captain of half a years standing a Deserter of his own proper Army and who if one should this day show him the Carthaginians and Romans without their respective Banners and Colours would not I am confident be able to tell which Party he was Consul of But this is that Fellow Soldiers which I am not a little proud of That there is not one of you but has with your Eyes beheld me perform some brave Military Exploit or other and of whose Valor I have not been a Spectator and Witness and can my self reckon up the very time and place where each of you atchieved some signal Honor and those whom I have a Thousand times applauded and rewarded In a word I that have been the Pupil of you all and train'd up by you in the Art of War before ever I came to be your General am Marching into the Field against an heap of Men that know not and are unknown to one another Which way soever I cast my Eyes I behold you methinks all full of Gallantry Courage and Strength The Infantry old experienced Soldiers The Cavalry Whether those mounted on the brave stout manag'd Horses of France and Spain or the light Barbs of Africk whom their nimble Riders can govern without a bridle are all choice Men and of the most Generous Nations you Gentlemen that are our Allies and Copartners in Glory I know to be most Faithful and no less Valiant and as for you my stout Carthaginians you are under a double Obligation to acquit your selves like Men as well for the sake of your dear Native Country as out of just hatred and revenge We have begun the War and descended with
their next step into Bithynia now that Eumenes was become their voluntary slave Though Prusias was moved with this Message yet a Letter which was sent from the Consul Scipio or rather from his Brother Africanus clear'd him of that suspicion For he besides the perpetual usage of the Roman People of advancing the majesty of such Kings as were their Allies with all the honour they could himself by domestick instances perswaded Prusias to court their Alliance telling him That they left some petit Kings in Spain after they had receiv'd them into their protection absolute Monarchs That they placed Masinissa not only in his Fathers Throne but also restored him to the Kingdom of Syphax from whence he had been expelled and that he was not only by far the most opulent King in Africa but equal either in majesty or strength to any Monarch of the whole World That Philip and Nabis though they were conquer'd by T. Quintius were yet lest in their Kingdoms and that Philip also had the year before not only his Tribute remitted but his Son also who was an Hostage restored to him besides that by permission of the Roman Generals he regain'd some Cities out of Macedonia And that Nabis too had been used with the same respect had not his own fury first and then the Aetolians fraud undone him But the Kings mind was most confirm'd after that C. Livius who when Praetor had formerly commanded the Fleet came to him in the quality of an Embassadour from Rome and told him not only how much more certain the hopes of Victory was to the Romans than to Antiochus but also that their Friendship would be more sacred and inviolable Antiochus despairing of Prusias's Alliance went from Sardeis to see the Navy at Ephesus which for some months had been all fitted up and ready rather because he saw that the Roman Army and the two Scipio's who commanded it could not be opposed by his Land Forces than that he had either ever before had any success at Sea or had any great and certain assurance of it then But yet he had some good hopes at present for that he had heard not only that great part of the Rhodian Navy was now about Patara but also that King Eumenes was gone with all his Ships into the Hellespont to meet the Consul He likewise receiv'd some encouragement fâ—om the Rhodian Fleets being disabled by a treacherous contrivance at Samus In confidence of these things he having sent Polyxenidas with the Fleet to try by all means the fortune of a fight himself led his Forces to Notium which is a Town belonging to Colophon and stands from old Colophon about two thousand paces and would have had the City it self in his own hands as being so near to Ephesus that he could do nothing either by Sea or Land but the Colophonians would see and immediately tell the Romans of who he did not doubt but when they heard of the Siege would come with their Fleet from Samus to assist that City which was allied to them and that that would be a good opportunity for Polyxenidas to do his business Wherefore beginning with works to attack the City and having made Retrenchments equally in two places down to the Sea he on both sides planted Galleries and a Mound close to the Wall and under Tortoises Engines of wood in that form brought his battering Rams thither also At which the Colophonians being frighted sent Agents to L. Aemilius at Samus to implore the assistance of the Praetor and the Roman People Aemilius was not only offended at their long stay in Samus as expecting nothing less than that Polyxenidas whom he had twice in vain provoked should now be in a posture to give him Battle but he also thought it a dishonourable thing that Eumenes's Fleet should assist the Consul in putting his Legions over into Asia and that he should be obliged to aid Colophon which was now besieged he could not tell how long Eudamus the Rhodian who had kept him at Samus when he desired to go into Hellespont and all the rest were urgent with him and said how much better it was either to free his Allies from a Siege or again to subdue that Fleet which he had once already conquer'd and force the whole possession of the Sea out of the Enemies hands then forsaking his Allies and delivering up all Asia both by Sea and Land to Antiochus to go into Hellespont where Eumenes 's Fleet was sufficient from his own Post in the War Then going from Samus to get Provisions for they had spent all the former they resolv'd to cross over to Chius That was to the Romans as a Barn or Storehouse and thither all the Ships of burden that were sent out of Italy directed their course Wherefore going round from the City to the back part of the Island which is northward toward Chius and Erythrae as they were ready to pass over the Praetor by a Letter had Intelligence that there was a great quantity of Corn come out of Italy to Chius but that the Ships which brought the Wine were detain'd by ill weather being likewise at the same time inform'd that the Teians had very largely supply'd the Kings Navy with provisions and promised them five thousand Vessels full of Wine Thereupon he presently in the midst of his Voyage turn'd his Fleet toward Teius resolving either to have the provisions which they had prepared for the Enemy with their consent or to look upon them as Enemies When they had turn'd their Ships stems directly toward the Land there appear'd unto them about fifteen Ships near Myonnesus Which Ships the Praetor supposed to be part of the Kings Navy and therefore strait pursued them but they were soon found to be Pyratical Barks and Fly-boats who having ravaged all the Sea Coast of Chius were coming back with all kinds of Booty but when they saw the Fleet ran away And indeed they outdid them in swiftness their Vessels being light and made for the purpose besides that they were nearer to the Shore Wherefore before the Fleet came nigh them they got to Myonnesus From whence the Praetor thinking to force the Ships out of the Port though unacquainted with the place pursued them Myonnesus is a Promontory between Teius and Samus whereof the Hill it self is made like a Meta a Pillar set up in the Hippodrome or Circus where Chariots c. ran for the Goal going taper up from a large Basis to a sharp top and from the Continent has a way to it that is very narrow being bounded to the Sea-ward with the Rocks that are eaten away by the Waves so that in some places the stones that hang over reach farther into the Sea than the Ships that are in the Harbour About those Rocks therefore the Ships not daring to venture in lest they might chance to be under the stroke of the Pyrates standing above spent that whole Day At last a little before Night having
quitted that vain enterprise they came the next Day to Teius and in the Port that is behind the City which they themselves call Geraesticum having moved their Ships the Praetor sent out his Souldiers to plunder all the Fields about the City The Teians seeing what havock was made sent Agents to the Romans with all the tokens of humility who clearing the City of all hostile words or actions against the Romans the Praetor Told them not only that they supplyed the Enemies Fleet with all sorts of Provisions but also how much Wine they had promised Polyxenidas Which if they would give to the Roman Fleet he would recall the Souldiers from plundering their Country but if not would look upon them as Enemies When the Embassadors had brought back this dismal answer the Magistrates summon'd the People to an Assembly to consult what to do Now it so happening that Polyxenidas was coming that way with the Kings Fleet when he heard that the Romans were removed from Samus and having pursued the Pyrates to Myonnesus had ravaged the Teian Territories whilst their Ships stood in the Port of Geraesticum himself cast an Anchor in a by-Port over against Myonnesus at an Island which the Seamen call Macris From thence enquiring thereabout what the Enemy did was at first in great hopes that as he had defeated the Rhodian Fleet at Samus by besetting the Ports mouth where they were to go out so he might now serve the Romans nor is the nature of the place much unlike but the Port by Promontories that almost meet each other is so enclosed that two Ships can scarce go out of it at once Polyxenidas intended to secure the mouth of it in the Night time and having ordered ten Ships to stand at the two Promontories who on both sides should flank the Enemies Ships as they came out to put his Soldiers out of the other part of the Fleet as he had done at Panormus ashore and so both by Sea and Land surprise the Foe Nor had this been a vain design in him had not the Romans when the Teians had promised That they would do as they were commanded thought it more convenient in order to take in their Provisions that their Navy should go into the Port that is before the City But Eudamus the Rhodian is also said to have found a fault in the other Port when two Ships happened to strike against each other in the narrow mouth of it and break their Oars And among other things this also mov'd the Praetor to remove the Fleet that there was danger from the Land Antiochus being encamped not far from that place The Fleet being come over to the City the Soldiers and Seamen belonging to Polyxenidas went on Shore without any Bodies knowledge to divide their Provisions and the Wine especially for their Ships when as it happened in the middle of the Day a Country Fellow who was brought to the Praetor told him That for the two Days last past there had a Fleet stood at the Isle of Macris and that a little before that time there were some Ships seen to move as though they were going away The Praetor being surprised with the relation ordered the Trumpeters to sound that if any of the Men were straggling about the Fields they might return sending the Tribunes into the City to bring the Soldiers and the Seamen into the Ships Thereupon arose as great a tumult as though it had been upon the sudden breaking out of a Fire or the taking of a City some running into the City to call back their Men and others running back from the City to their Ships though albeit for a while their orders were confounded by uncertain clamours which were increased too by the Trumpets at last they ran all together to the Ships They could scarce each one of them distinguish or go to his own for the hurry they were in and they had through their consternation been in great danger both by Sea and Land had not Aemilius divided them into several parties and gone first out with his Admirals Ship into the main Sea where he received them as they came after and placed them each one in their order front-wise whilst Eudamus and the Rhodian Fleet stood at the Land that the Men might get on board without any fear and every Ship come forth as soon as it was ready By this means they not only ranged themselves in the Praetors sight but the Rhodians brought up the Reer and the Fleet went out to Sea all in Battalia as though they had seen the Kings Men. They were between the Promontory of Myonnesus and Corycum when they saw the Enemy The Kings Fleet too coming in a long Train with two Ships a Breast put their Ships also into Battalia running out so far with their left Wing that they might be able to embrace and circumvent the right Wing of the Romans Which when Eudamus who brought up the Reer saw that the Romans could not even their Ranks and that they were just ready to be surrounded in the right Wing he put his Ships briskly forward and the Rhodian Ships were by far the swiftest in the whole Fleet and having even the Wing ran with his own Ship against the Admirals in which was Polyxenidas And now the sight began in all parts of both the Navies On the Roman side there were eighty Ships engaged of which twenty two were Rhodians The Enemies Fleet consisted of ninety save one among which there were Ships of the greatest Bulk three six-bank'd and two seven-bank'd Gallies In the strength of their Ships and courage of their men the Romans far out did the Rhodians but the Rhodian Ships them in the agility and skill of their Pilots as well as the dexterity of their Rowers But those were the greatest terrour to the Enemy who carry'd fire before them and that which at Panormus was the only cause of their escape was now the greatest moment toward a Victory For the Kings Ships for fear of the fire which came toward them avoiding to meet them with their Prows besides that they could not strike the Enemy with their beaks themselves also made a fair Broadside for the Enemy to hit for if any of them â—ngaged they were certain to be burnt so that they were terrified at the fire more than the sight Yet the courage of their Souldiers as it usually does proved of very great importance in the War For when the Romans had broken the main Body of the Enemy tacking about they went and opposed those that fought in the Reer against the Rhodians so that in a moment of time both the main body of Antiochus and the Ships in the left Wing being circumvented were sunk The right Wing continu'd entire and was terrified more at the misfortune of their Allies than at their own danger But when they saw the rest circumvented and Polyxenidas the Admirals Ship leaving her Allies set Sail immediately they hoisted their Topsails and there was
drew up his Army in the Plain which consisted in the whole of forty thousand men almost the half part of which were composed of the Phalangitae commanded by Hippias a Beraean There were also two Companies selected for their youth and agility out of the whole number of the Targetiers which they called the Legion commanded by Leonatus and Thrasippus Eulyestaus The rest of the Targetiers almost three thousand were led by Antiphilus of Edessa The Paeonians and those of Parorea and Pastrymonia places subject to Thrace and the Agrians with some Inhabitants of Thrace mixt amongst them amounted almost to the number of three thousand and Didas the Paeonian who murder'd the young Demetrius was he who had armed and mustered them There were also two thousand Gauls under the command of Asclepiodotus From Heraclea among the Sintians three thousand Free-born Thracians having a Commander of their own almost the like number followed their Leaders Susus the Phalasarnean and Syllus the Gnossian Leonides also the Lacedaemonian brought five hundred out of Greece being a mixt number of all Nations This person was reported to be of the bloud Royal condemn'd to banishment in a publick Assembly of the Achaeans certain Letters being intercepted that were sent to Perseus The Aetolians and Boeotians in all not above five hundred were commanded by Lycus the Achaean From these mixt Auxiliaries of so many people and Nations he made almost the Complement of twelve thousand and he himself had drawn out of all Macedonia three thousand Horse and Cotys Son of Seutha King of the Odrysians had brought thither a thousand well appointed Horse and well nigh as many Foot The whole Army amounted to thirty nine thousand Foot and four thousand Horse which manifestly appeared to have been the greatest Army except it were that second Army which Alexander the Great carried into Asia that any King of the Macedonians ever had The twenty sixth year was now expired since Peace was granted to the Suit of Philip during which peaceable interval Macedonia had brought forth a new Progeny great part whereof were ripe for Martial Discipline and by the light Skirmishes with the Thracians their Neighbours which rather exercised than fatigu'd them were always kept in Warlike Discipline And now that Roman War which had been long ago design'd by Philip and afterwards by Perseus was in all things fitted and prepared The Army moved gently not in a full march but only that they might not seem to have stood still in their Arms And thus armed as they were he call'd them to a Council of War The King sat on a Throne having about him his two Sons the Elder of which was Philip his natural Brother but his Son by adoption the younger whom they called Alexander his Son Legitimate He incourag'd the Souldiers to the War telling them the injuries done by the Romans both to his Father and himself That his Father being compell'd by all sorts of indignities to renew the War in the midst of his preparation was seized by the hand of fate That at one time Embassadours were sent to himself and Souldiers to possess the Cities of Greece afterwards by a fallacious parly under pretence of a Peace to be reconciled a whole Winter was wasted that they might gain time to prepare themselves That then the Consul was advancing with two Roman Legions each having three hundred Horse and about the like number of Horse and Foot from their Confederates and if the Auxiliaries of the Kings Eumenes and Massinissa should happen to come along with him they would not exceed the number of seven thousand Foot and two of Horse having heard these things of the Enemies Forces they should reflect upon their own Army how much they excell'd them in number how much in the disposition of their Souldiers mere novices hurried to the War in hast while they from their Childhood had learn'd the martial Arts hardned and exercis'd by frequent Wars That those who aided the Romans were none but Lydians Phrygians and Numidians but they had Thracians and the Gauls the fiercest of all Nations Their Arms were no better than every poor Souldier could provide for himself but the Macedonians were furnished with those that were ready fixt out of the Royal stores so many years provided by the care and great expence of his Father That provision was a great distance from the Romans and liable to the Casualties of the Sea while that they had besides the revenue from the ruines both Money and Corn reserved for ten years and that the Macedonians enjoyed all things which the gods indulged and which the Royal care had made accumulate That they ought to have the courage of their Ancestors who all Europe being subdued and passing over into Asia have by their Arms discovered a World unknown to Fame nor did they give o'r their Conquests till debar'd by the red Sea having then no more to conquer But now Fortune had rais'd a dispute not for the farthest shores of India but concerning the possession of Macedonia it self The Romans in the War with his Father pretended to have made it for the liberty of Greece but their ambition was now to bring the Macedonian People into servitude lest any King should be Neighbour to the Roman Empire or that a gallant people should have Arms for War All these things with their King and Kingdom they would be compell'd to resign to those proud Lords if they refrain'd the War and did what they would have them Hitherto thorough the whole Oration he had been sufficiently applauded by the general assent but then there arose so great an exclamation partly of indignation and menacings and partly of bidding the King be of good Courage that he was forced to make an end of speaking only bidding them to make ready for their march for that the Romans were already reported to remove their Camp from Nymphaeum The Assembly being dismiss'd he prepared himself to give Audience to the Embassadours of the Macedonian Cities who were come to promise money and grain to maintain the War every one according to his ability Thanks were returned to all remitting those charges with this Answer that the Kings provisions were sufficient for that purpose Carriages were only commanded to be provided for the Ordnance and a large number of hurling Darts with other Warlike instruments Then he march'd with his whole Army towards Eordea and near the Lake which they call Begorrites he Encamped from whence he came to Elimia on the River Haliacmona then passing over those they call the Cambanian Mountains thorough a narrow passage he descended among the Inhabitants of Azorus Pythius and Doliche which place they call Tripolis these three Towns held out a little while because they had given Hostages to the Larissians but being o'rcome with the present fear yielded themselves into his power these he saluted courteously not doubting but that the Perrhaebians would also do the same nor did the inhabitants make the least resistance
slaughter beat them off round about and in the void space found his Sword lying on the ground which he took up and carried off to the amazement both of his own side and the Enemy Things being thus order'd the Consul in person leads on the first Legion into the Battel who most chearfully followed him encouraged by The Majesty c. as fol. 859 The Supplement of the sixth defective passage of the forty fourth Book at the end of the said Book fol. 862. made it evident to any man That the King by his ill Conduct Injustice and Rapines had lost the affections of his Subjects who rather hated than lov'd or pittied him Paulus as soon as he was entred Amphipolis order'd a Sacrifice to be made to return thanks to the Gods for so signal a Victory who testified their acceptance of his devotion by a Prodigy for the heap of Wood prepared on the Altar was set on fire by Lightning from Heaven by which lucky token Jove did not only seem to approve of the Victors Vows and Prayers but himself did as it were consecrate the worship and honour paid to his own Divinity Thence the Consul follow'd Nasica whom he had sent before to plunder the Country and march'd to Odomantiae the next City in those parts under the Hill Orbelus and on the Frontiers both of the Dardanians and Thracians that he might leave no shadow of an Enemy behind him nor any place untoucht with his Victorious Arms and from thence removing to Siree he kept there a standing Camp for some time A Supplement of the first defective passage in the forty fifth Book at the end of the fourteenth Chapter fol. 868. And order'd to take care that an House should be provided for King Mesagines and his Retinue and that nothing should be wanting either for recovery of his health or his respective treatment and accommodation to have his Table nobly furnisht and provide him Shipping as soon as he was well to transport him into Africk About this time the Tribunes of the Commons indicted and condemn'd the Tres viri Nocturni or three Night Magistrates appointed to prevent and extinguish Fires M. Milvius Cn. Lollius and L. Sextilius because when a great Fire happen'd in the street call'd Via Sacra they neglected their duty and came not time enough to give the necessary Orders After which the Comitia were held and Q. Aelius Paetus and M. Junius Pennus chosen Consuls The Praetors were Q. Cassius Longinus M. Juventius Thalna Ti. Claudius Nero A. Manlius Torquatus Cn. Fulvius Gillo and C. Licinius Nerva The same year Ti. Sempronius Gracchus and Claudius Pulcher exercis'd the Censorship with great severity but interrupted by the Interposition of the Tribunes In other things those two Censors agreed well enough but not in calling over the Libertini or Sons of such as had once been Servants but afterwards made free Gracchus would have them reduc'd all into one Tribe lest that numerous scum of the Commons dispers'd through many Tribes should carry too great a sway in all Elections But this device Claudius oppos'd and would have nothing alter'd in this matter from the antient manner for both by Servius Tullius the King anâ— again by C. Flaminius and L. Aemilius when they were Censors The Libertini those whose Fathers had formerly been Slaves were ranged c. as fol. 868. The Supplement of the second defective passage in the forty fifth Book at the end of the twenty first Chapter fol. 871. Which of them should act most irregularly The Tribunes by their opposition would have put off the Praetors hast until the Arrival of the General Aemilius but the matter it self seem'd not capable of so long a delay and Thalna urging still a War against Rhodes as he was haranguing to the people on that subject Antonius pluckt him from the Rostra and gave the Rhodian Embassadours a day of Audience before the people After the Senates Answer to the former Embassadour Agesipolis was sent back to Rhodes the Rhodians dispatcht two several Embassies to Rome the chief of the one was Philocrates of the other Astymedes with whom was joined Philophron The people referr'd them to the Senate for Audience where being introduc'd by M. Junius the Consul Astymedes in the habit and language of a Suppliant made a Speech to the Fathers to this effect You may most Noble and Reverend Senators easily judge what a wretched and deplorable condition we poor Rhodians are in if you shall but vouchsafe to compare the antient and flourishing state of our affairs with this present Calamity which we are faln into by your Order but if we may be allow'd to speak the very truth more through others false Informations and Calumnies than any fault of ours or at least any offence administred by our publick state however some few private persons may have misbehav'd themselves Nor is it a small surprize to us That we who with all fidelity to the people of Rome have so long maintain'd and flourisht under an Alliance with you an Alliance confirm'd no less by your own favours and benefits bestow'd upon us than by our good Offices and constant obedience whereof we were wont to boast above all other Nations are now charg'd as guilty of having most lewdly violated that Alliance Whether we have done amiss c. as fol. 871. The Supplement of the last defect of the forty fifth Book after the thirty ninth Chapter fol. 881. To give their Votes I my self Souldiers will go down and follow all of you when you go to give your Suffrages that I may see and know their Faces who out of an inbred baseness and ingratitude towards their General are the Ring-Leaders of the rest and who in War would have their Commanders humour and flatter or perhaps obey them forsooth rather be themselves subject to the just and necessary Commands of their Superiours This smart Oration made such impressions on all the Citizens and especially on the Military that by the unanimous Votes of the rest of the Tribes a Triumph was decreed which if ever any Man Paulus certainly had merited by his gallant Victory The Order and Splendour of which Triumph if you respect either the Grandeur of the conquer'd King who therein was led Captive or the rare shew of Images Pictures and representative Figures or the abundance of Money brought home did certainly for its Greatness and Magnificence far excel all that were ever acted before The people on Scaffolds built round both the Circus's and Forum's like Theatres sat in white Gowns to behold it The Temples all stood open wide and adorn'd with Garlands more than usual whence a most redolent smell and vast exhalations of burnt Frankincense and other rich Odours perfum'd all the Air and the streets were clean swept and the Rabble kept out of them by Guards of Souldiers Three whole days were scarce enough for this glorious Sight The first day exhibited the Standards and Colours taken and the Tables and
Pictures which filled two hundred Chariots such abundance of most excellent Works had those Cities of Macedonia and the neighbouring Greeks which our men had ransackt The next day the Money was carried along and the Kings Treasure together with vast quantities of Arms of Iron or Brass very bright and neat They were placed in innumerable Waggons as it were carelesly in heaps but yet indeed order'd with wonderful Art here Head-pieces upon Shields or Greaves and Iron Boots upon Coats of Mail and Breast-plates There Thracian Bucklers mixt with Cretan Targets nor wanted there painted Quivers and bunches of Arrows sticking in them There too you might have seen Bridles with golden Bits and silken Reins naked Swords lying upon sharp-pointed Javelins and Spears made a terrible fragor and clashing against â—ach others Edges as they were carried along Then there were above seven hundred and fifty Chests of Money ready coin'd born by the hands of three thousand strong lusty Fellows In each Chest there was said to be three Talents a good Load for four Porters Others carried silver Bowls and Horns tipt and vast Goblets more than could be number'd all engraven with admirable Art The third day brought forth the Prisoners First with Trumpâ—ts sounding were led along one hundred and twenty fat Oxen with their Horns gilt and Fillets and Garlands which Sacrifices were led by young men that had their Garments trussed up with embroider'd Girdles accompanied with Boys that carriâ—d gold and silver Chargers to be used about the Sacrifice Then came the Presents to Jupiter viz. seventy seven Vessels full of Gold Coin of the same weight with those before-mentioned and golden Goblets to the value of ten Talents beset with precious Stones which Paulus had caused to be made and thus adorn'd for this occasion After which was carried the Regalia of the ancient Kings being golden Vessels of old fashion'd Work which Perseus was wont to use at solemn Feasts next succeeded his Chariot loaded with his rich Armour whereunto was added his Crown At a little distance followed the Kings Children attended with a Troop of their Nurses Tutors and Servants all miserably lifting up their hands to the Spectators and by their Example teaching the Children in suppliant manner to implore the Clemency of the Conquerours There were two Sons and one Daughter so much the more deserving pity as by reason of their tender Age they were less sensible from what an height of Grandeur the iniquity of Fortune had tumbled them into this extremity of misery Then came Bittius the Son of King Cotys but that which above all the rest of the Show drew the Eyes of the Romans was Perseus himself in Mourning Habit and Slippers after the Grecian Fashion but so ghastly and astonish'd that he left it a doubt whether griâ—f wholly possessed his heart or which was more calamitous whether being distracted with the excess of his Misfortunes he was grown altogether insensible of what he suffer'd A vast Company of his Nobles Favourites and Guards ever and anon looking upon him with sighs and tears bewailed his Fortune much more passionately than their own 'T is reported That he had begg'd of Paulus to be excused from this publick shame and disgrace but was deluded with this doubtful Answer That he already was and should for the future find he was in a Gentlemans hands and disposal But as this unfortunate Prince preferr'd the hope of any kind of Life before a generous Death and chose rather to have himself reckon'd amongst part of the Booty than to rescue himself and the honour of his being taken from the Conquerour he seems to have deserv'd this harsh usage After him there were carried in state forty several Golden Crowns which had been presented to Paulus by the several Cities of Greece when their Embassadours came to congratulate his Victory last of all to compleat the Glory of the Day appear'd Aemilius himself in Triumphant Robes mounted on a magnificent Chariot and holding a Laurel-Branch in his right hand on each side sat his two Sons Q Fabius and P. Scipio whom he had had Companions of his toil and assistants in his Victory After him went the Lieutenant Generals Colonels and Souldiers all Crown'd with Laurel and singing Io Paeans and their Generals Praises intermixt according to the Custom with Joques and smart Reflections now and then upon him Valerius Antias says c. as fol. 881. Fasti Consulares OR A Chronological Catalogue according to the Marble Records of the Capitol illustrated by Sigonius of all the chief Magistrates of Rome successively wherein the Triumphs and Ovations of each are noted with the Letters Tr. and O. And also divers of the most remarkable Occurrences are briefly intimated in the years when they happen'd AS touching the time of the Building of Rome though Authors vary yet the most common opinion seems to be That the Foundation thereof was begun the 21 of Apr. in the first year of the seventh Olympiad In the year of the World 3212. being about the fourth year of the Reign of Ahaz King of Judah and 750. years befoâ—e our Blessed Saviours Incarnation Therefore though in the following Chronology we reckon the years ab Vrbe Condita from the Building of the City Rome yet if you add the same to 3212. the product gives you the year of the World Or if you substract it from 750. the remainder shews how many years before Christ any person bore Office or accident happen'd The first Government of Rome was by Kings Anni V. C. 1 Romulus the Founder and first King of Rome Reigned Years 37. He Triumpht thrice first over the Caeninians then over the Camerines and lastly over the Fidenates and Veians and from his Example all other Triumphs though afterwards more splendid were practised After his Death the Romans were about a year before they chose another King under certain Magistrates call'd Inter-Regents that rul'd by turns five days apiece Anni V. C. 38 The Inter-Regents 1 Years Anni V. C. 39 Numa Pompilius the Son of Pomponius being chosen the second King Reigned 43. Years He was a Stranger and for the Fame of his Piety and Vertue call'd out of Cares a City of the Sabines to accept the Government He employ'd his whole Reign in setling Religious Ceremonies and brought the year to twelve Months which before were but ten Anni V. C. 82 Tullus Hostilius chosen the third King Tr. 3. and Reign'd 32. Years Alba destroy'd and the Inhabitants carried to Rome Anni V. C. 114 Ancus Martius Numa's Grandson by his Daughter Created the Fourth King Tr. 2. and Reign'd 24 Years He built Ostia at the mouth of Tiber sixteen miles from Rome Anni V. C. 138 L. Tarquinius Priscus the fifth King Tr. 3. Reign'd 38. Years He was the Son of Demaratus a Corinthian came a stranger to Rome and was by Ancus left Guardian to his Children whom upon their Fathers Death he sent out of Town a Hunting and in the mean time