to 922. li. 5 s. 11. d. besides the valuation of other riches and treasure within the Abbey which cannot be esteemed The Abbot all this space was at London in the parliament by whose procurement at length such rescue was sent down that 24. of the chiefe of the towne submitting theÌ„selues were committed to warde 30. cartes full of the townesmeÌ„ were caryed to Norwiche of whome 19. were there hanged diuers were put to conuict prison The whole tounship was condemned in seuen score thousand pound to be payd for damages of the house Iohn Berton AldermeÌ„ W. Herlng wâ—i 32. priests 13. women 138. other of the sayd town were outlawd Of whoÌ„ diuers after grudging at the Abbot for breaking promise with theÌ„ at London did confederate themselues together priuily in the night coÌ„ming to the mannour of Cheninton where the Abbot did lye brast open the gates who then entring in first bounde all his familie after they had robbed al his plate iewels and mony they tooke the Abbot and shaued him secretly with them conueyed him away to London where they remouing him from street to streete vnknowne from thence had him ouer Thames into Kent at length ouer yâ— sea they serried ouer to Dist in Brabante where they a sufficient tyme kept him in much penury misery and thraldome till at length the matter being searched they were all excommunicate first by the archb of Cant. then by the pope And at last being known where he was by his friends was deliuered and rescued out of the theeues handes and finally brought home with procession and restored to his house agayn And thus was that abbey with the Abbot of the same for what demerites I know not thus vexed and afflicted about this tyme as more largely I haue seene in theyr latine register But thus much briefly touching the rest I omit here about the latter end of this Edward the 2. ceaseth the history of Nic. Triuet and of Flor. Hist passing ouer to the raigne of the next king King Edward the 3. COncerning the acts story of K. Edward the 2. his deposing cruell death wrought by the false and counterfet letter of sir Roger Mortimer sent in the kings name to yâ— keepers for the which he was after charged drawne quartered I haue written sufficiently before and more peraduenture theÌ„ the profession of this Ecclesiasticall history wil well admit Notwithstanding for certayne respects causes I thought somewhat to extend my lunittes herein the more wherby both kings such as clune to be about them may take the better example by the same the one to haue the loue of hys subiects the other to learne to flee ambition not to beare themselues to brag of theyr fortune and state how hye so euer it be Considering with theÌ„selues nothing to be in this worldo so firme and sure that may promise it selfe any certayne continuance is not in perpetuall danger of mutatioÌ„ vnles it be fastened by God his protection After the suppression of this king as is aboue expressed Edward his soone was crowned king of England beyng about the yeare of 15. raygned the space of 50. yeares who was a prince of much and great temperance In feares of armes very expert and no lesse fortunate and lucky in all hys warres as hys father was infortunate before him In liberallitie also and clemeÌ„cy worthely coÌ„mended briefly in all princely vertues famous and excelleÌ„t Concerning the memorable acts of which prince doue both in warres and peace as how he subdued yâ— Scots had great victoryes by the sea how he conquered Fraunce an 1332. wan Calice an 1348. and trasâ—ated the staple thither tooke the French king prisoner how the French armes first by him was brought in conioyned with the English armes also how the order oâ— the Garter first by the sayd k. was inuented and ordayued an 1356. also an 1357. How the king in hys parliament at Notingham decreed that al such in Flaunders or other where that had skill in making cloth should peaceably inhabite the land and be welcome For 3. yeares before yâ— it was enacted that no wool shold be transported ouer the sea Which was to bridle the pride of that Fleminges who then loued better the sackes of wooll then the nation of EnglishmeÌ„ All these with other noble acts of this worthy Prince although in other chronicles be fully intreated of yet according to that order I haue begun saying somewhat of ech kinges raigne although not pertinent to our ecclesiastical history I haue here inserted the same making hast to other matters shortly compendiously abridging them out of diuers sundry authors together compacted mentioned in this wise The coronation and solemnity of K. Edward the third and all the pompe therof was no sooner ended but Robert of Bruse K. of Scotland vnderstanding the state and gouernment of the realme to be as it was in deed in the queene the yong king the Erle of Kent and sir Roger Mortimer And that the Lords and Barons as he was enformed did scarsely wel agree amongst themselues although he grew now in age and was troubled with the falling disease Yet thought he this a meet tyme for hys purpose to make inuasion Hooping for as good successe like victory now as but lately before he had at yâ— castle of Eustriuelin WherupoÌ„ about the feast of Easter he sent his Embassadours wyth Heralds and letters of defiance to the yong king Edward the 3. the Queene counsaile declaring that his purpose was with fire and sword to enter and inuade the Realme of England c. The K. Queene and counsaile hearing this bold defiance commaunded in all speedy preparation musters to be made throughout all the realme appoynting to euery band captaines conuenient at the citty of York by a day assigned them commaunding euery man to be with all their necessary furniture ready and throughly prouided They directed their letters also with all speede to sir Iohn of Heynault requiring him with suche souldiors and men at armes as he might conueniently prouide in Flaunders Heynalt and Grabant to meete the king and Queene vpon the Ascention day next ensuing at their Citty of Yorke The king Queene made speedy preparation for thys expeditioÌ„ The noble men prouided theÌ„selves of all things necessary therunto the English captaynes and souldiors theyr bands throughly furnished were redy at theyr appoynted time and place Sir Iohn of Heynalt Lord Bedmount mustring his men as fast was ready to take shipping where at Wysant in English Bothoms there lying for him redy he weÌ„t aboard and with a mery winde landed at Douer trauailing froÌ„ thence by small iournies dayly tyll he came wtin 3. dayes after the feast of Pentecost to the City of Yorke where the king and Queene with a great power of 6000. men within and about the City of Yorke expected his comming Before whome in curteous wise
suspected of the byshops were the more maliced no doubt therefore of the sayd byshops whiche were the more ready to finde take all occasions to worke agaynst them as by theyr doyng herein may wel appeare For the bishop of Salisbury and archb of Yorke hauing no greater matter agaynst them then was declared with a grieuous complaynt went to the king complayning of the Mayor and Sheriffes of LoÌ„don What trespasse the Mayor and Sheriffes had done as ye haue heard before so may you iudge Now what followed after let vs heare The king incensed not a little w e the complaynt of the Bishops conceined estsoones against the Mayor and Sheriffes and agaynst the whole Cittie of London a great stomache In so muche that the Mayor both the Sheriffes were sent for and remoued from theyr office Syr Edward Darlyngton then was made warden Gouernor of the citie who also for hys gentlenes shewed to the Cittizens was also deposed and an other named syr Baldwyn Radington placed in that roome Moreouer so much grew the kinges displeasure agaynst the City that he also remoued from London the courtes termes to be kept at Yorke that is to say the Chauncery the Eschequer the kinges benche the hamper and the common place where the same conâ—â—â—ued from Midsommer tyll Christenmas to the great decay of the Cittye of London which was an 1393. Thivdly an other great cause whiche purchased the K. much euill will among hys subiectes was the secret murthering of his owne Uncle named T. Woodstocke Duke of Gloucester of whom mention was made before where was declared how the said Duke with the Earle of Arundell the Erle of Warwicke and the Earle of Darby with other were vp in armour agaynst certaine wicked Counsaylours about the king Whereupon the king watching afterward hys time came into Chelsford so to the place neare by where the Duke lay wherwith hys own hands he arested the sayd Duke his Uncle and sent him downe by water immediatly to Calice And there through the kinges commaundement by secret meanes was put to death being strangled vnder a fetherbed the Earle Marshall being then the keeper of Calis Wherby great indignation roâ—e in many mens hartes agaynst the king With the same Duke of Gloucester also about the same time was arested and imprisoned the Erle of Warwicke and the Earle of Arundel who being condemned by parliament were then executed whereby great grudge and great indignation rose in the heartes of many agaynst the king an 1397. Fourthly to omit here the blanke chartes sent ouer all the land by the king and how the king was sayd to let out his realme to ferme Ouer and beside all these aboue premised fell an other matter whiche was the principall occasion of this mischiefe The banishment I meane of HeÌ„ry Erle of Darby and made Duke of Herford a little before being sonne of Iohn of Gaunt the Duke of LaÌ„caster who dyed shortly after the banishment of hys sonne and lieth buryed in the Church of S. Paule in London and the Duke of Northfolke who was before Erle of Notingham and after by this king made Duke of Northfolke the yeare before At which time the king made 5. Dukes a Marques and foure Earles to wit Duke of Herforde whiche was before Earle of Darby Duke of Awmerle which was before Earle of Rutland Duke of Southrey who was before Earle of Kent Duke of Exester whiche was before Erle of Huntington and this Duke of North folke being before Earle of Notinghame as is aforesayd c. The occasion of banishing these foresayd Dukes was this About this present time the Duke of Herforde did appeach the Duke of Northfolke vppon certayne wordes to be spoken against the king Wherupon casting theyr gloues one agaynst the other they appoynted to fight out yâ— quarrell a day being for the same appoynted at Couentry But the king tooke vp the matter in hys owne handes banishing the Duke of Northfolke for euer whiche after dyed at Uenice and the other Duke which was the Duke of Herford for 10. yeares Beside these also was exiled in France Thomas Arunder archbishop of Caunterbury by Acte of Parliament in the same yere for poynts of treason as ye haue heard before expressed page 512. col 2. All which turned to the great inconuenieÌ„ce of this king as in the euent following may appeare These causes and preparatiues thus premised it followed the yeare after which was an 1399. and last yeare of this king that the king vpon certaine affayres to be done tooke hys viage into Ireland In which meane time HeÌ„ry of Bollingbroke Earle of Darby and Duke of Herford and with him the foresayd archbishop Thomas Arundel which before were both exiled returning out of Fraunce to Calice came into England challenging the Dukedome of Lancaster after the death of hys father With â—hem also came the sonne and heyre of the Earle of Arundell beyng yet but yong These together setting out of Calice arriued at Rauenspur in the North. At the knowledge whereof much people gathered vnto them In this meane time as the Duke was houering on the sea to enter the land L. Edmund Duke of York the kings Uncle to whome the king committed the custodye of thys realm hauing intelligence thereof called to him the Byshop of Chichester named Edmund Stafford Chauncellor of the Realme and W. Scroupe Earle of Wiltshyre Lorde Treasurer also I. Busshey W. Bagot Henry Grene and Iohn Ruschell with diuers other consulting with them what was best in that case to be done Who then gaue their aduise whether wilful or vnskilfull it is not knowne but very vnfruitfull that he shold leaue london and go to S. Albons there to wayt for more strength able to encounter with the Duke But as the people out of diuers quarters resorted thether many of them protested that they woulde do nothing to the harme and preiudice of the Duke of LaÌ„caster who they sayd was uniustly expulsed The rest then of the counsayle I. Busshey W. Bagot Henry Grene W. Stroupe Treasurer hearing and vnderstanding how the commons were minded to ioyne with the Duke of Hereford left the Duke of York and the lord Chauncellor and fled to the Castell of Bristow Where is to be vnderstand that these foure were they to whome the common fame ran that the king had let out hys realme to farme and were so hated of the people that it is to be thought that for the hatred of them more then for the king this commotion was among the people As this broyle was in England the noyse therof sounding to the kinges eares being then in Ireland for hastye speed of returning into England left in Ireland both his busines and most of hys ordinance also behinde hym And so passing the seas landed at Milforde hauen not daryng as it seemed to come to London On the contrary side vnto Henry Duke of Herforde being landed
they fulfilled that Scripture which is spoken of in Esay Let vs take away the iust man because he is not profitable for vs Wherfore let them eat the fruits of their workes Therfore they went vp to throwe doune the iust man and said among themselues let vs stone this iust man Iames they toke him to smite him with stones for he was not yet dead wheÌ„ he was cast doune but he turning fell doune vpon his knees saying O Lord God Father I beseech thee to forgeue them for they know not what they do But wheÌ„ they had smitten him with stones one of the priests of the children of Rechas the sonne of Charobim spake to them the testimonie which is in Ieremie the Prophet leaue off what do ye The iust man praieth for you And one of those which were present tooke a Fullers instrument wherwith they did vse to beat and purge cloth and smote the iust man on his head and so he finished his Martyrdome and they buried him in the same place his piller abideth yet by the temple He was a true testimonie to the Iewes and the Gentiles And shortly after Vespasianus the Emperour destroying the land of Iewrie brought them into captiuitie These thinges being thus written at large of Egesippus do well agree to those which Clement did write of him This Iames was so notable a man that for his iustice he was had in honour of all men in so much that the wise men of the Iewes shortly after his Martyrdome did impute the cause of the besieging of Ierusalem and other calamities which happened vnto theÌ„ to no other cause but vnto the violence and iniurie done to this man Also Iosephus hath not left this out of his historie where he speaketh of him after this maner These things so chanced vnto the Iewes for a vengeance because of that iust man Iames which was the brother of Iesu whoÌ„ they called Christ for the Iewes killed him although he was a righteous man The same Iosephus declareth his death in the same booke and chapter saying Caesar hearing of the death of Festus sent Albinus the Lieuetenant into Iewrie but Ananus the yonger being bishop and of the sect of the Saduces trusting that he had obtained a conuenient tyme seing that Festus was dead and Albinus entred on his iourney he called a Councell and calling many vnto him among whom was Iames by name the brother of Iesu which is called Christ he stoned them accusing them as breakers of the law Whereby it appeareth that many other besides Iames also the same tyme were Martyred and put to death amoÌ„g the Iewes for the faith of Christ. A description of the X. first persecutions in the Primitiue Church THese thinges being thus declared for the Martyrdome of the Apostles and the persecutioÌ„ of the Iewes Now let vs by the grace of Christ our Lord comprehend with like breuitie the persecutions raised by the Romaines against the Christians in the Primitiue age of the Church during the space of 300. yeares till the comming of godly Constantine which persecutions are reckoned of Eusebius and by the most part of writers to the number of x. most speciall Wherin meruailous it is to see and read the numbers incredible of Christian innocents that were slaine and tormented some one way some an other As Rabanus saith saith truly Alij ferro perempti Alij flammis exusti Alij flagris verberati Alij vectibus perforati Alij cruciati patibulo Alij demersi pelagi periculo Alij viui decoriati Alij vinculis mancipati Alij linguis priuati Alij lapidibus obruti Alij frigore afflicti Alij fame cruciati Alij truncatis manibus aliÃsue caesis membris spectaculum contumeliae nudi propter nomen Domini portantes c. That is Some slaine with sword Some burnt with fire Some with whips scourged Some stabbed in with forkes of iron Some fastned to the crosse or gibbet Some drowned in the sea Some their skinnes pluckt of Some their tongues cut off Some stoned to death Some killed with cold Some starued with hunger Some their hands cut off or otherwise dismembred haue bene so left naked to the open shame of the world c. Whereof Augustine also in his booke De Ciuit. 22. cap. 6. thus saith Ligabantur includebantur caedebantur torquebantur vrebantur laniabantur trucidabantur multiplicabantur non pugnantes pro salute sed salutem contemnentes pro seruatore Whose kindes of punishments although they were diuers yet the maner of constancie in all these Martyrs was one And yet notwithstaÌ„ding the sharpenes of these so many and sundry tormeÌ„ts and like cruelnes of the tormentors yet such was the nuÌ„ber of these constant Saintes that suffered or rather such was the power of the Lord in his Saints that as Hierome in his Epistle to Chromatius and Heliodorus saith Nullus esset dies qui non vltra quinque millium numerum Martyrum reperiri posset ascriptus excepto die Kalendarum Ianuarij That is There is no day in the whole yeare vnto which the nuÌ„ber of fine thousand Martyrs cannot be ascribed except onely the first day of Ianuary * The first Persecution THe first of these x. persecutions was stirred vp by Nero Domitius the vj. Emperour before mentioned about the yeare of our Lord 67. The tyrannous rage of which Emperour was so fierce against the Christians as Eusebius recordeth Vsque adeò vt videres repletas humanis corporibus ciuitates iacentes mortuos simul cum paruulis senes foemi narúmque absque vlla sexus reuerentia nudata in publico reiectáque starent cadauera That is In so much that a man might then see cities lye full of mens bodies the old there lying together with the yong and the dead bodies of women cast out naked without all reuerence of that sexe in the opeÌ„ streets c. Likewise Orosius writing of the said Nero saith that he was the first which in Rome did raise vp persecution against the Christians and not onely in Rome but also through all the prouinces therof thinking to abolish and to destroy the whole name of Christians in all places c. Whereunto accordeth moreouer the testimonie of Hierome vpon Daniel saying thà t many there were of the Christians in those dayes which seyng the filthy abominations and intollerable crueltie of Nero thought that he should be Antichrist c. In this persecution among many other Saintes the blessed Apostle Peter was condemned to death and crucified as some doe write at Rome albeit othersome and not without cause doe doubt thereof concerning whose lyfe and hystory because it is sufficiently described in the text of the Gospell and in the Actes of S. Luke chap. 4.5 12. I neede not heere to make any great repetytion therof As touching the cause and maner of hys death diuers ther be which make relation as Hierome Egesippus Eusebius
before him for feare least he were yet to come of the house of Dauid which should enioy the kingdome In the tyme of this persecutor Symeon Bishop of Hierusalem after other torments was crucified to death whom Iustus afterward succeeded in that Bishopprike In this persecution Iohn the Apostle and Euangelist was exiled by the sayd Domitianus into Pathmos Of whō diuers and sundry memorable actes be reported in sundry Chronicles As first how he was put in a vessell of boiling Oile by the Proconsul of Ephesus The Legend and Perionius say it was done at Rome Isidorus also writing of him and comprehending many things in few wordes declareth that he turned certaine peeces of wood into gold and stones by the seaside into Margarites to satisfie the desire of two whom he had before perswaded to renounce their riches And afterward they repenting that for worldly treasure they had lost heauen for their sakes agayne he changed the same into their former substance Also how he raised vp a widow and a certaine yong man from death to life How he dronke poison and it hurt him not raising also to life two which had dronke the same before These and such other miracles although they may be true are foūd in Isidorus other writers mo yet because they are no articles of our Christian belief I let them passe and only content my selfe with that which I read in Eusebius declaring of him in this wise That in the 14. yeare after Nero in the second persecution in the dayes of Domitian Iohn was banished into Pathmos for the testimonie of the word an 97. And after the death of the foresaid Domitian being slaine his actes repealed by the Senate Iohn was againe released vnder Pertinax the Emperor came to Ephesus an 100. Where he continued vntill the tyme of Traianus there gouerned the Churches in Asia where also he wrote his Gospell and so liued till the yeare after the Passion of our Lord 68. which was the yeare of his age 99. Moreouer in the foresayd Ecclesiasticall story of Eusebius we read that Iohn the Apostle and Euangelist whō the Lord did loue was in Asia where he being returned out of Pathmos after the death of Domitian gouerned the Churches and congregations Irenaeus in his second booke thus writeth And of him all the Elders do witnes which were with Iohn the Disciple of the Lord in Asia that he spake and wrote these thinges c. for there he continued with them vnto the tyme of Traianus c. Also the said Irenaeus Lib. 3. Hypothes in like wordes declareth saying The Church of the Ephesians being first founded by Paul afterward beyng confirmed of Iohn who continued in the same Citie vnto the tyme of Traianus the Emperour is a true witnesse of this Apostolicall tradition c. Clemens Alexandrinus moreouer noteth both the tyme of this holy Apostle and also addeth to the same a certain history of him not vnworthy to bee remembred of such which delite in things honest and profitable Of the which historie Sozomenus also in his Commentaries maketh mention The wordes of the author setting forth this historie be these Heare a fable and not a fable but a true report which is told vs of Iohn the Apostle deliuered and commended to our remembrance After the death of the tyrant whē Iohn was returned to Ephesus from the I le of Pathmos he was desired to resort to the places bordering neare vnto him partly to constitute bishops partly to dispose the causes and matters of the church partly to ordaine and set such of the Clergy in office whom the holy ghost should elect Wherupon when he was come to a certaine citie not farre of the name of which also many do yet remember and had among other thinges comforted the brethren he looking more earnestly vpon him which was the chiefe bishop among them beheld a yong man mighty in body and of a beautiful countenance and of a feruent mind I commend this man saith he to thee with great diligence in the witnesse here of Christ and of the Church When the Bishop had receiued of him this charge and had promised his faithfull diligence therein Agayne the second tyme Iohn spake vnto him and desired him in like maner and contestatiō as before This done Iohn returneth againe to Ephesus The Bishop receiuing the yong man commēded commicteth to his charge brought him home kept him and nourished him and at length also did illuminate that is he baptised him And in short tyme through his diligence brought him into such order and towardnes that he cōmitted vnto him the ouersight of a certaine cure in the Lordes behalfe The yong man thus hauing more his libertie it chanced that certaine of his companions old familiars being idle dissolute accustomed of old time to wickednes did ioyne in company with him Who first brought him to sumptuous riotous bankets Then entised him forth with them in the night to rob and steale After that he was allured by thē vnto greater mischiefe and wickednesse Wherin by custome of tyme by litle and litle he being more practised and being of a good wit and a stout courage like vnto a wild or an vnbrokē horse leauing the right way running at large without bridle was caried headlong to the profunditie of all misorder and outrage And thus being past all hope of grace vtterly forgetting and reiecting the wholesome doctrine of saluatiō which he had learned before began to set his mynde vpon no small matters And forasmuch as he was entred so farre in the way of perdition he cared not how further he proceded in the same And so associating vnto him the company of his companions and fellow thieues tooke vpon him to be as head and captaine among them in committing all kynd of murther and felony In the meane time it chaunced that of necessitie Iohn was sent for to those quarters againe and came The causes being decided and his busines ended for the which he came by the way meeting with the Bishop afore specified requireth of him the pledge which in the witnes of Christ and of the congregation then present he left in his handes to keepe The bishop something amased at the woordes of Iohn supposing he had meant of some money committed to his custody which he had not receiued and yet durst not mistrust Iohn nor contrary his woordes could not tell what to aunswer Then Iohn perceauing his doubtyng and vtteryng his mynde more plainely The yong man saith he and the soule of our brother committed to your custody I do require Then the bishop with a loude voice sorrowing and weeping said he is dead to whom Iohn said how And by what death The other said he is dead to God for he is become an euill man and pernicious to be briefe a thiefe now he doth frequent this mountaine with a company of villains
the eares of Decius the Emperour he sendeth for Cornelius asking him how he durst be so bolde to shew suche stubbernes that he neither caring for the Gods nor fearing the displeasure of his Princes durst agaynst the cōmon wealth geue and receiue letters from other To whom Cornelius answering agayne thus purged himselfe declaring to the Emperour that letters in deede he had written and receiued agayne concerning the prayses honoring of Christ of saluation of soules but nothing as touching any matter of the common wealth And it foloweth in the storye Then Decius moued with anger commaunded him to be beaten with plumbattes which is sayth Sabellicus a kinde of scourging and so to be brought to the temple of Mars either there to do sacrifice or to suffer the extremitye But he rather willing to dye then to committe such iniquity prepared himselfe to Martyredome beyng sure that he should dye And so commending the charge of the Churche vnto Stephanus his Archdeacon was brought to the way of Appius where he ended his life in faythfull Martyrdome Eusebius in one place sayth that he sat ij yeares in an other place sayth that he sat three yeares and so doth Marianus Scotu following also the diuersity of the sayd Eusebius Damasus geueth him onely two yeares In this foresayde persecution of Decius it seemeth by some writers also that Cyprian was banished but I suppose rather his banishment to be referred to the reigne of Gallus next Emperour after Decius whereof more shall be sayd Christ willing in this place hereafter In the mean time the sayd Cyprian in his second booke Epist. 5. 6. maketh mention of two that suffered either in the time of this Decius or much about the same time Of whom one was Aurelius a worthy and valiant yong man who was twise in tormentes for his confession which he neuer denied but manfully and boldely withstood the aduersary till he was banished and also after And therefore was commended of Cyprian to certayne brethren to haue him for their lectorer as in the forenamed Epistle of Cyprian appeareth The other was named Mappalicus who the day before he suffered declaring to the Proconsul in the midst of his tormentes saying Videbis cras agonem that is to morrow you shall see the running for a wager c. was brought forth according as he forespake to Martyrdome and there with no lesse constancie then patience did suffer And thus much of the tyrannie of this wicked Decius agaynst God his Saintes now to touch also the power of God his vengeance and punishment against him like as we see commonly a tempest that is vehement not long to continue so it happened with this tyrannical tormenter who raigning but two yeares as sayth Eusebius or three at most as writeth Orosius among the middle of the Barbarians with whom he did warre was there slayne with his sonne like as he had slayn Philippus and his sonne his predecessours before so was he with his sonne slayne by the righteous iudgement of God himselfe Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 1. Platin. Pomponius affirmeth that he warrying agaynst the Gotthians and beyng by them ouercome sest he should fall into their handes ranne into a whurlepyt where he was drouned and his body neuer found after Neither did the iust hand of God plague the Emperor onely but also reuenged as well the heathen Gentils and persecutors of hys word throughout all prouinces dominions of the Roman Monarchie amongst whom the lord immediatly after the death of Decius sent such a plage and pestilence lastyng for the space of x. yeares together that horrible it is to heare and almost incredible to beleue Of this plague or pestilence testifieth Dionysius to Hierax a bishop in Egypt Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 21.22 Where he declareth the mortalitie of this plague to bee so great in Alexandria where he was bishop that there was no house in the whole Citie free And although the greatnes of the plague touched also the Christians somwhat yet it scourged the heathen Idolaters much more beside that the order of their behauiour in the one and in the other was much diuers For as the foresayd Dionysius doth recorde the Christians through brotherly loue and pietie did not refuse one to visit and comfort an other and to minister to him what need required Notwithstanding it was to them great danger for diuers there were who in closing vp their eyes in washyng their bodies interryng them in the ground were next themselues which folowed them to their graues Yet all this stayed not them frō doyng their duetie and shewyng mercy one to another Where as the Gentils contrarily beyng extremely visited by the hand of God felt the plague but considered not the striker neyther yet considered they their neighbour but euery man shifting for himselfe neither cared one for an other but such as were infected some they would cast out of the doores halfe dead to be deuoured of dogges and wilde beasts some they let dye within theyr houses without all succour some they suffred to lye vnburied for that no mā durst come neare him And yet notwithstandyng for all their voyding and shiftyng the pestilence followed them whether soeuer they went miserably consumed them In so much that Dionysius bishop the same tyme of Alexandria thus reporteth of his owne City that such a great mortalitie was then among them that the sayd City of Alexandria had not in number of all together both old and yong as it was woont to contayn before of the old men onely from the age of 60. to 70. such as were found in tyme past commonly almost in that Citie Pomponius Laetus and other Latine writers also makyng mention of the sayd pestilitie declare how the beginnyng therof first came as they thinke out of Ethiope and from the hote countreys and so inuading and wastyng first the South partes from thence spread into the East so further running and increasing into all other quarters of the world especially wheresoeuer the Edicts of the Emperor went agaynst the Christians it followed after and consumed the most part of the inhabitauntes whereby manye places became desolate and voyde of all concourse and so continued the terme of x. yeares together This pestiferous mortalitie by the occasion whereof Cyprian tooke the ground to write hys booke De mortalitate began as is sayd immediately after the death of Decius the persecutor in the beginning of the raigne of Vibias Gallus and Volusianus hys sonne who succeeded through treason next vnto Decius about the yeare of our Lord. 255. and continued their raygne but two yeares This Gallus although the first beginning of the raygne was some thing quiet yet shortly after following the steps of Decius by whō rather he should haue taken better heed set forth Edictes in like maner for the persecution of Christians albeit in this Edict we finde no number of Martyrs
also Nicephorus for his myracles calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thus Galienus the foresayd Emperour raygned as is declared with his father Valerian vij yeares after whose captiuitie he ruled the Monarchie alone about ix yeares with some peace and quietnes graunted to the Church The daies of this Galienâ—s being expired followed Claudius a quiet Emperour as most stories do record Although Vincentius affirmeth that he was a mouer of persecution against the ChristiaÌ„s maketh mention of 262. Martyrs which in his time did suffer but because no such record remaineth to be found in Eusebius who woulde not haue omitted some memoriall thereof if it had bene true therefore I referre the same to the free iudgement of the Reader to finde such credite as it maye This Claudius raigned but two yeares after whome came Quintilianus his brother next Emperor a quiet Prince who coÌ„tinued but onely xvij daies and had to his successor Aurelianus vnder whome Orosius in his seuenth booke doth number the ix persecution against the Christians The ix Persecution HEtherto from the captiuitie of Ualerian the Church of Christ was in some quietnes till the death of Quintilianus as hath beene declared After whom Aurelianus the next successor possessed the crowne who in the first beginning of his raigne after the common maner of al princes shewed himselfe a Prince moderate and discrete much worthy of commendation if his good beginning had continued in a constant course agreeing to the same Of nature he was seuere rigorous in correcting dissolute in manners in so much that it was said of him in a vulgare prouerbe that he was a good phisition sauyng that he gaue to bitter medicines This Emperour being sicke neuer sent for Phisition but cured himselfe with abstinence And as his beginning was not vnfruitefull to the common wealth so neither was he any great disturber of the christians whom he did not onely tolerate in their religioÌ„ but also in their counsell beyng the same tyme assembled at Antioche semed not to be against them Notwithstanding in continuance of time through sinister motion and instigation of certaine about him as commonly such are neuer absent in al places from the eares of princes hys nature somewhat inclinable to seueritie was altered to a playne tyranny which tiranny first he shewed beginnyng with the death of his owne sisters sonne as wytnesseth Eutropius After that he proceeded either to mooue or at least to purpose persecution against the Christians Albeit that wicked purpose of the Emperour the mercifull working of God his hand did soone ouerthrow For as the edict or proclamation should haue beene denounced for the persecuting of the christians and the emperour now ready to subscribe the edict with his hande the mighty stroke of the hand of the lord sodainly from aboue did stop his purpose binding as a man might say the Emperours hands behinde him declaryng as Eusebius saieth to all men how there is no power to worke any violence against the seruauntes of God vnlesse his permission do suffer them and gyue them leaue Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 30. Eutropius and Uopiscus affirme that as the said Aurelianus was purposing to rayse persecutioÌ„ against vs he was sodainly terrified with lightning and so stopped from his wicked tyranny Not long after about the fifte or sixt yeare of hys rayne he was slaine betwene Bizance and Hieraclea an 278. Thus Aurelianus rather intended theÌ„ moued persecution Neither is there any more then this founde coÌ„cerning this persecution in auncient histories and records of the Church Wherfore I maruell the more that Vincentius collecting out of the Martyreloges hath comprehended such a great Cataloge of so manye martirs whiche in Fraunce and in Italye sayeth he suffered death and torments vnder this Emperour Aurelianus Wherunto Orosius also seemeth to agree in numbring this to be the ninth persecution vnder the sayd Aurelian Next after Aurelianus the succession of the impery fell to Publius Annius Tacitus who raigned but vj. monethes Him succeded his brother Florianus who raigned but lx dayes And after him followed Marcus Aurelius surnamed Probus Of whome more hereafter God willing shal appeare In the meane time within the compasse of these Emperours â—â—lleth in a story recorded of Eusebius and not vnworthy here to be noted whereby to vnderstand the faithfull diligence of good Ministers what good it may doe in a common wealth Mention is made before of Eusebius the Deacon of Dyonisius whom God stirred vp to vnite and comfort the saintes that were in prison and bandes and to burye the bodies of the blessed Martyrs departed not without great perill of his owne life and after was made bishop as is sayde of Laodicea But before he came to Laodicea to be bishop there it chaunced the sayde Eusebius remaining as yet at Alexandria the citie to be besieged of the Romaines Pyruchius being there captaine In the which siege halfe of the citie did hold with the Romaines the other half withstoode them In that part which went with the Romaine captaine was Eusebius being also in great fauour with the captaine for his worthy fidelitie and seruice shewed With the other halfe that resisted the Romains was Anatholius gouernour or moderator then of the schole of Alexandria who also was bishop after the sayde Eusebius of Laodicea This Anatholius perceiuing the citizens to be in miserable distresse of famine and destruction by reason of penury and lacke of sustenance sendeth to Eusebius beeng then with the Romaines and certifieth him of the lamentable penurie and perill of the citie instructing him moreouer what to do in the matter Eusebius vnderstanding the case repaireth to the captaine desiring of him so much fauoure that so many as would flee out of the citie from their enemies might be licenced to escape and freely to passe which was to him eftsoones graunted As Eusebius was thus labouring with the capitaine on the other side Anatholius for his part laboured with the Citizens moouing them to assemble togither and perswading them to geue themselues ouer in yeelding to the force and might of the Romaines But when the Citizens could not abide the hearing therof yet sayde Anatholius this I trust you will be conâ—ented if I shal couÌ„saile you in this miserable lacke of things to auoide out of your citie all such superfluities and vnnecessary impedimentes vnto you as olde women yong children aged men with such other as be feeble and impotent not to suffer them here to perish with famine whose presence can do no stead to you if they dy lesse if they liue for spending the victuals which otherwise might serue theÌ„ that be more able to defend the Citie The Senate hearing this sentence vnderstanding moreouer the graunt of the captaine promising them their safetie were well coÌ„senting therevnto Then Anatholius hauing a speciall care to them that belonged to the Church of Christ calleth them together
the monke what he had brought He said of his frute and that very good the best that he did euer tast Eate said the king and he toke one of the peares which he did know and did eate Also being bid to take an other did eate lykewise sauerly And so likewise the third Then the king refraining no longer tooke one of the poysoned peares and was therewith poysoned as is before c. In the raigne of this king Iohn the citizens of London first obtained of the king to chose yerely a Maior In whose time also the bridge of London was first builded of stone which before was of woode Rastall * King Henry the third AFter this king Iohn had raigned as some say 17. yeres or as some say though falsly 19. yeres was as is abouesaid poisoned died Thys king left behinde him 4. sonnes and 3. daughters first Henry second Richard and he was Earle of Cornwall Third William of Valentia Fourth Guido Disenay He had also an other sonne who afterward was made bishop Of his daughters first was Isabel maried afterward to Fredericke the Emperour The second named Alinour maried to William earl Marshal The third to Mounfort the Earl of Leicester c. An other story sayth that he had but two daughters Isabel and Elionore or as an other calleth her Ioane which was after Queene of Scotland Ex Chronico vetusto Anglic. This king Iohn being deceased which had many enemies both of Earles Barons especially of the Popish Clergie Henric hys eldest sonne was then of the age of 9. yeares At what time the most of the Lordes of England did adhere to Ludouike or Lewes yâ— French kings sonne whom they had sent for before in displeasure of king Iohn to be their king and had sworne to him their allegeaunce Then William Earle Marshall a noble man and of great authority and a graue and a sound couÌ„seller friendly and quietly called vnto him diuers Earles and Barons and taking this Henry the young prince sonne of king Iohn setteth him before them vsing these words Behold saith he right honourable and well beloued although we haue * persecuted the father of this yong Prince for his euil demeanour worthely yet this yong childe whome here ye see before you as he is in yeres tender so is he pure and innocent from these his fathers doings Wherfore in as much as euery man is charged only with the burthen of his owne workes and transgressions neither shall the childe as the Scripture teacheth vs beare the iniquity of his father we ought therefore of duetie and conscience to pardone this young and tender Prince and take compassion of his age as ye see And now for so much as he is the kings natural and eldest sonne and must be our soueraigne and king and successor of this kingdom come and let vs appoynt him our king and gouernour and let vs remoue from vs this Lewes the French kings sonne suppresse his people which is a confusion and a shame to our nation and the yoke of their seruitude let vs cast off from our shoulders To these words spake answered the Earle of Glocester And by what reason or right sayd he can we so do seeing we haue called him hether haue sworne to him our feaultie Whereunto the Earle Marshall inferred againe and sayd Good right and reason we haue and ought of duety to do no lesse for that he contrary to our minde and calling hath abused our affiance and feaulties Truthe it is we called him c ment to prefer him to be our chieftaine and gouernor but he estsones surprised in pride hath contemned and despised vs and if we shal so suffer him he will subuert and ouerthrow both vs and our nation and so shall we remaine a spectacle of shame to all men and be as outcastes of all the world At these words all they as inspired from aboue cried altogether with one voice be it so he shal be our king And so the day was appoynted for his coronation which was the day of Simon Iude. This coronation was kept not at Westminster for as much as Westminster the same tune was holdeâ— of the Frenchmen but as Glocester the safest place as was thought at that time in the realme an 1216. by Swallow the Popes Legate through counsel of all the Lords and Barons that held with his rather king Iohn to witte the Bishop of Winchester Bishop or Barn Bishop of Chester and Bishop of Worcester the Earle Radulph of Chester William Earle Marshal William Earl of Pembroke William Tren Earle of Feres William de Bruer Serle or Samarike de mal Baron These were at the crowning of the king at Glocester Many other lords and Barons there were which as yet helde wyth Lewes the French kings sonne to whom they had done their homage before And immediatly after the crowning of thys king he held his couÌ„cell at Bristow at S. Martines least where were assembled 11. Byshops of England Wales with diuers Earles Barons and knights of England All which did sweare feaultie vnto the king After which homage thus done to the king the legate Swalo interdicted Wales because they held with the foresaid Lewâ—es and also the Barons al other as many as gaue help or counsell to Lewes or any other that moued or stirred any war against Henry the new king he accursed them All which notwithstanding the sayde Lewes did not cease but first laid siege to the Castel or Douer xv daies when he could not preuaile there he tooke the castel of Berkhamsted and also the castel of Hartford doing much harme in the countreis in spoiling robbing the people where they went by reason wherof the Lordes and Commons which held with the king assembled theÌ„selues together to driue Lewes and his men out of the land But some of the BaroÌ„s with the Frenchmen in the meane season went to Lincoln and tooke the Citie and held it to the vse of Lewes Which being knowen ensoones a greate power of the kinges parte made thether as the Earle Ranolfe of Chester William Earle Marshal and William de le Brues Earle of Feres with many other Lords and gaue battaile vnto Lewes and his party so that in conclusion Lewes lost the field and of his side were slaine the Earle of Perchis Saer de Quincy Earle of Winchester Henry de la Bohon Erle of Herford and syr Robert le Fizwater with diuers other moe Wherupon Lewes for succour fled to London causing the gates there to be shut kept waiting there for more succour out of France Which assoone as the king had knowledge off immediatly sent to the Maior and Burges of the Citie willing them to render them and their Citie to him as their chiefe lord and king promising to graunt to them againe all their fraunchises and liberties as in times past to confirme the same by his great
more then lx M. florences of mere contributiō besides hys other auayles common reuenues out of benefices prebendaries first fruites tributes Peter Pence collatiōs reseruatiōs relaxations such marchandise c. Mention was made a little before pag. 231. and 239. of Albingenses keeping about the City of Tholouse These Albingauses because they began to smell the pope and to controle the inordinate proceedinges and discipline of the sea of Rome the Pope therefore recounting thē as a people hereticall excited and stirred vp about this presēt time yeare an 1220. Ludouick the yong French king through the instance of Phillip his Father to lay siege agaynst the sayd City of Tholouse to expugne extinguishe these Albingenses hys enemies Wherupon Ludouicke according to his fathers commaundement reared a puissant and a mighty army to compasse about and beset the forenamed city and so did Here were the men of Tholouse in great daunger But see how the mighty protection of God fighteth for hys people agaynst the might of man For after that Ludouicke as Mathew Paris testifieth had long weryed himselfe and hys men in waste and could do no good with all their ingines and artilery agaynst the City there fell moreouer vpon the French hoste by the hand of God such famine and pestilence both of men and horses beside the other dayly slaughter of the souldiours that Ludouick was enforced to retyre and with suche as were left to returne agayne home to Fraunce from whence he came In the slaughters of whiche souldiours besides many other was Erle Simon de monti forte generall of the army to whō the landes of the Erle of Tholouse was geuē by the pope who was slayne before the gate of the Citty with a stone And so was also the brother of the sayd Symon the same time in besieging a castell neare to Tholouse slayne with a stone in like maner And so was the siege of the Frenchmen agaynst Tholouse broke vp Ex Mat. Par. As the siege of these French men could doe no good against the Citty of Tholouse so it happened the same time that the christiās marching toward the holy land had better luck by the way in laying their siege to a certaine tower or castle in Egipt neare to the city Damieta which seemed by nature for the situation and difficultie of the place inexpugnable as which being situate in the middest of the great floud Nilus hard by the citty called Damieta could neither be come to by land nor be vndermined for the water nor by famine subdued for the nearenes of the citty yet notwithstanding through the helpe of God and policy of man in erecting scaffoldes and Castles vppon tops of mastes the Christians at last conquered it and after that the Citty also Damieta albeit not without great losse of Christen people In the expugnation of this City or forte among other that there died was the Lantgraue of Thuring named Ludouicke the husband of Elizabeth whom we vse to call S. Elizabeth This Elizabeth as my story recordeth was the daughter of the kyng of Hungary and maryed in Almayne where she liued with the forenamed Ludouicke Lantgraue of Thuringe Whom she thorough her perswasions prouoked and incēsed to take that vyage to fight for the holy land where he in the same vyage was slayne After whose death Elizabeth remaynyng a widow entred the profefliō of cloysterly religion made her selfe a Nunne So growing and increasing from vertue to vertue that after her death all Almayne did sounde with the fame of her worthy doynges Mat. Paris addeth this more that she was the daughter of that Queene who being accused to be naught with a certayne Archbishop was therfore condemned with this sentence pronounced agaynst her Reginam interficere nolite temere bonum est etsi omnes consenserint non ego contradico That is although it be hard in English to be translated as it standeth in Latine To kill the Queene will ye not to feare that is good And if all men consent thereunto not I my selfe do stand agaynst it c. The which sentence beyng brought to Pope Innocent thus in poynting the sentence which otherwise seemeth to haue a double vnderstanding so saued the Queene thus interpreting and poynting the sentence Reginam interficere nolite timere bonum est si omnes consenserint non ego Contradico That is To kill the Queene will ye not to feare that is good And if all doe consent thereto yet not I I my selfe do stand agaynst it And so escaped she the daunger This Queene was the mother as is said of Elizabeth the Nunne who for her holy Nunny shenes was canonised of the popes church for a Sainct in Almanie about the yeare 1220. Ex Mat Parisiens And this by the way nowe to proceede farther in the yeares and life of this king Henry The next yeare following which was an 1221. the king went to Oxford where he had something to do with William Earle de Albemartia who had taken the Castle of Biham but at last for hys good seruice he had done in the realme before was released of the king with all his men by the intercession of Walter Archbishop of York and of Pandolphe the Legate About which present yeare entred first the Friers Minorites or gray friars into England and had their first house at Cāterbury whos 's first patron was Fraunciscus which dyed an 1127. and hys order was confirmed by the pope Honorius 3. an 1224. About the first comming of these Dominicke and gray Friers Franciscane into the Realme as is in Nic. Triuet testified many Englishmen y◠same time entred into their orders Among whome was Iohannes de sancto Egideo a man famously expert in the science of Phisicke and Astronomy And Alexander de Hales both Englishmen and great diuines This Iohannes making hys Sermon ad clerum in the house of the Dominick Fryers exhorted his auditory with great perswasiōs vnto wilful pouerty And to confirme his words the more by hys owne example in the middest of his sermon he came downe from the pulpite and put on hys Fryers habite and so returning into the pulpite agayne made an end of hys Sermon Likewise Alexander Hales entred the order of the Fraunciscanes of whom remayneth yet the booke intituled De. Summa Theologiae in old Libraries Moreouer not long after by William de longa spata which was the Bastard sonne of K. Henry 2. and Earle of Salisbury was first founded the house of the Carthusian monkes at Heytrope an 1222. After whose death his wife Ela was translated to the house of Hentone in Barkeshyre an 1227. which Ela also founded the house of Nunnes at Lacockes and there continued her self Abbes of the place The Byshop of London named William the same tyme gaue ouer his byshopricke after whom succeeded Eustace in that sea Flor. hist. In the towne of
he kept with the king at London yet was coÌ„pelled priuely to voide the Realme was pursued by Henry the sonne of Rich king of Almaine Certaine other straungers there were to the number of 200. and more which hauing the castell of Winfore there immured and intrenched themselues to whome at length prince Edward also adioyned himselfe In the meane time while this sturre was abroade the king keeping them in the tower seeing the greatest part of his nobles commons with the Londoners to be set against him agreed to the peace of the Barons was contented to assent againe to the ordinances and prouisions of Oxford Albeit the Queene by al meanes possible went about to perswade the king not to assent therto Who as semed was a great worker in kindling thys fire of discorde betweene the king the baronage In so much that when the sayde Queene Almore shoulde passe by barge from the tower to Windsore the LoÌ„diuers standing vpon the bridge with their exclamations cursings and throwing of stones diâ—t at her interrupted her course causing her to returne to the tower againe Notwithstanding the peace yet continued with the nobles and the king the forme therof was this First that Henry sonne of Richard king of Romanes should be deliuered by the King Quene Secondly that the Castels againe should be committed to the custodie of Englishmen not of straungers Thirdly that the prouisions and statutes decreed at Oxford should as well by the king as by al other inuiolably be obserued Fourthly that the realme henceforth shuld be ruled and gouerned not by foreners but by personages borne within the land Fiftly that all alienes and straungers should voyde the land not to returne againe except onely such whose abode shoulde by the common assent of the kings trustie subiectes be admitted and alowed Thus the King and the nobles ioyning together after this form of peace aboue prefixed although not fully with heart as after appeared put themselues in armes with all their power to recouer the Castell of windsore out of the strangers handes But Edward in the mid way betwene London the Castel meeting with his father and the barons entred coÌ„munication vpon the matter Which being finished he thinking to returne into the Castell againe by the policie of the Earle of Leicester William byshop of Worceter was not permitted to reenter WhereupoÌ„ the straungers within the holde destitute of all hope to withstand the great force approching rendred the Castell vnto the king and barons vppon this conuention That with horse and harnesse they might be suffered safe to depart the land not to returne any more Which being graunted certaine of the Barons conducted them in their iourney toward the sea side and there they left them In the same yeare about the beginning of October the king and Quene made ouer to France with Simon Montfort and other nobles to heare and stand to the arbitremeÌ„t of Lewes the French king coÌ„cerning the controuersie betweene the states of England and al through the procurement of Alinore the Queene For shee not forgetting the olde contiunelie of the Londiners exclaming against her vpon the bridge wrought alwaies what reueÌ„ge she could against them Concerning the arbitrement of this matter put to the French king part hath bene sayde before more shall be sayde Christ willing hereafter Some stories do adde moreouer that the king continuing long in France worde was sent to him out of England that vnlesse he returned againe to the realme they would elect a new king Whereupon the king returning out of France to Douer would haue entred the castel but he was stopped Wherefore the king in fierce anger and great indignation prepared his power towarde London where Simon Montfort the worthy Earle of Leicester through subtile traine was almost betraied and circumuented in Southwarke by the sodaine pursuing of the kings armie had not the Londiners wyth more spede breaking barres and chains made way to rescue him By the meanes of whome the Earle at that time escaped the daunger Now to come to the sentence of the French king for so much as the arbitrement of thys matter was committed to him as hath before bene specified he in a great frequency both of French and English persons about him considering peysing the cause on both sides betwene the king and the nobles clearely and solemnely pronounced on the kings side against the Barons ordaining that the king of England all this whyle had suffered wrong and that hee shuld be restored againe to his pristine state notwithstanding the prouisions made at Oxford which he ordained to be repealed and abrogated Ex Flor hist. Gisburn The sentence of the French king thus awarded as it gaue to the king of England with his retinue no little incouragement so it wrought in the nobles hearts great indignation which notwithstanding that partiall decreement of the French king spedde themselues home out of Fraunce to defend themselues with all their strength and power And not long after foloweth also the king by whose traine Simon Mountfort Earle of Leicester as is aboue recited was well neare circumuented in Southwarke Then the king calling his counsaile together at Oxforde from whence he excluded the vniuersitie of studentes for a season who were then at Northampton there coÌ„sulted conferring with his friendes and counsailours what way was best to be taken And hearing that the Barons were assembled in a great number at the towne of Northampton went thether with his host and with his banners displaied accompanied with Richard his brother king of Almaine Also wyth Edwarde his sonne Iohn Comyn of Scotland with many Scots Iohn of Dalliolo Lorde of Galewaye Robert of Bruse Lord Walter of Auand Roger of Clifford Philip of Marmyon Iohn of Wans Roger of Layburne Henry Percie Phillip Basset Roger of Mortymer and William of Walance and many other Therefore the king commaunded the Barons that were within to yeld vnto him presently the city and the pledges or els he would immediatly destroy them But they counselling with the yonger Simon de monte forti which by his fathers commaundement had got the residue thether to take counsell together for hys father and the Erle of Glocester were not yet come boldly and wyth one minde answered that they would not obey the kings wil but would rather defend themselues and the Citie if neede were euen to the death With the noble men of the kings part hearing sent word againe that at the least they should come to the wall of the Citie to speake to the King if by any meanes peace might be made And they suspecting no deccite followed their counsel and leauing their holds came to the wall towardes the medowe for there lay the king and his strong host hard by But in the meane space whilest diuers matters were reasoned and intreated of betwene the king and the Lords the Lord Phillip
and landes were seised to the King as is afore premised or whether for feare and hatred of the Spensers as is likely or els for loue and familiaritie of Syr Roger Mortimer For here is to be noted that the sayd Syr Roger Mortimer with diuers other of the BaroÌ„s part which had broken prison in England were fled before into Fraunce and now resorted vnto the Queene The king seeing this geueth forth in proclamation and limitteth a certayne day to yâ— Queene and his sonne to return or els to be proclaymed traytours to the King and to the Realme Notwithstanding the Queene persisting in her purpose denyeth to returne vnlesse the other Nobles which were fled might be permitted safely also to returne with her Whereupon the king immediately caused them both to be proclaimed traytours and all them that tooke their partes Here then began great hatred betwene king king betweene the king the Queene much preparation of warre great spoyling on the sea much sending betweene the pope theÌ„ but that would not serue Then the K. by the counsayle of the Spensers sendeth priuily to procure the death of the Queene and of his sonne which should be wrought by the execution of the Earle of Richmond the Queenes familiar But as the Lord would that imaginatioÌ„ was preuented and vtterly frustrate Albeit the Queene yet notwithstanding whether misdoubting and fearing what corruptioÌ„ of â—ony might do in the court of Fraunce or whether the French king being threatned by the king of England and by the Pope durst not deteine her she remoued from thence was receaued with Edward her sonne ioyously and honourably in the Court or country of the Erle of Denawde Where by meanes of such as were about her a mariage was concluded betweene the sayd Edward her sonne being of the age of 14. yeare and Phillip the foresayd Earles daughter When this was noysed in Eng. diuers men of honor name came ouer to the Queene And soone after the Erle of Daynawde prepared a crew of 5. hundred men of armes to set ouer the young Prince in his mother into England Of this the same sprang shortly through the realm Wherfore the K. in all defensable wayes made proiusioÌ„ to haue the hauens and portes of his land surely kept for to resiste the landing of his enemies On the contrary side the Queene with no lesse preparation prouideth all things to her expedition necessary Who when she saw her tyme speeding herselfe to the Sea coast with Prince Edward her sonne Lord Edmund Earle of Kent the Kings brother Syr Roger Mortimer the Lord Hygmore and other exiles of EnglaÌ„d accompanied also with the foresaid Hainawders of whoÌ„ Syr Iohn Henawd the Earles brother was Captayne of Englishmen straungers hauing with her the nuuÌ„ber of 2757. souldiours she took shipping in those partes had the winde so fauorable that they landed in England at a porte called Orwel beside Harwich in Suffolke in the Dominion of the Earle Marshal the moneth of September To whom after her landing resorted Earle Marshall the Earle of Leicester with other BaroÌ„s Knightes and Byshops also namely of Lincolne Hereforde Duresine and Ely The Archbishop of Caunterbury though he came not himselfe yet sent his ayde and money Thus the Queene well furnished with plenty both of men and vitaile setteth forward towarde London so that the further she came the more her number dayly encreased and the kinges power contrary decreased insomuch that as mine author affirmeth not one almost in all the Realme could be hyzed with any wages to fight on the kinges behalfe agaynst the Queene Neither did the Queenes army hurt any man or childe eyther in goodes or any other thing by the way At the arriuing of the Queene the King was then in London whiche first would not beleue it to be true Afterward seeing and perceauing how it was he asketh helpe of the Londiners Who after mature abuisement rendred this aunswere to the king agayne that as touching the King the Queene and their sonne the lawfull heyre of the kingdome they were ready withall duety and seruice to honour and obey As for straungers and traitors to the realm they would receaue none such within theyr Citie gates Furthermore to goe out of the City to fight that they sayd they would not vnles it were so that according to yâ— liberties of their city they might returne home againe before sonne set The king hearing this aunswere whiche liked him not well fortifieth the Tower of London wyth men vitaile commieting the custody thereof to Iohn Ealtham his yonger sonne and to the wife of Hugh Spenser his niece And leauing Walter Stapleton Bysh. of Excter behinde him to haue the rule of the citty of London he himselfe hearing dayly the great recourse of the people that drew to the Queene For more safegard to himselfe fled with a small coÌ„pany Westward toward Wales But before his departing froÌ„ London he caused a proclamation to be made wherin all singuler persons were charged vpon forteite of life goods euery man with all his power to rile muade the rebelles destroy them all onely the life of the Queene his sonne and his brother reserned Also that no man vpoÌ„ payne pretaxate should helpe rescue or relieue the sayd rebels with goodes vitailes or any otherwise Item it was also proclaymed that whosoeuer would bring to the King the head and body either dead or aliue of Sir Roger Mortimer should haue out of the kinges cofers W. pound In contrariwise the Queene setteth forth an other proclamation wherein it was forbidden to take spoyle violently the value of any mans goodes agaynst the wil of the owner vnder payne of loosing his finger if it were 3. d. Of his hand if it were 6. d. Of his head if it were 12. d. Moreouer who soeuer woulde bring to the Queene the head of Hugh Spencer the yonger chopt off from his body should receaue for so doing of the Queene 2. thounsand poundes This done the Queene sendeth her letters to the Citty of London for ayde and succont to subdue the oppressor of the Realme to the which letters first no answere was made Agayn she wrote the second letter which was then tacked vpon the crosse in Cheape which was then called the new crosse The copy and tenour of which letter was this The copie of a letter that the Queene sent vnto the Mayor and Citizens of London ISabell by the grace of God Queene of England Lady of Ireland and Countesse of Pountif And we Edward the first sonne of the King of England Duke of Guyan Earle of Chester of Pontif and of Mounstrell to the Mayor and all the comminaltie of London sendeth greeting For asmuch as we haue before this time sent to you by our letters and howe we come into this lande in good aray and good maner for the profite of holy Church and
thus as if he had beâ—e wroth he sayd to one of his clerkes Fetch hether quickly the certification that came to me â—roÌ„ Shrewsbury vnder the 〈◊〉 seale witnessing the errors and heresyes which this Losel hath venunously sowne there Then hastely the clarke tooke out and layde forth on a cupbord diuers rolles and writinges among which there was a litle one which the clarke deliuered to the Archbyshop And by and by the Archbishop read this roll conteyning this sentence The third sonday after Easter the yeare of our Lorde 1407. William Thorpe came vnto the towne of Shrewsbury and thorow leaue graunted vnto him to preache He sayd openly in S. Chaddes church in his sermon that the sacrament of the aulter after the consecration was materiall bread And that images should in no wise be worshipped And that meÌ„ should not go on pilgrimages And that priestes haue no title to tithes And that it is not lawful for to sweare in any wise ¶ And when the Archbishop had red thus this roll he rolled it vp agayne and sayd to me Is this wholesome learning to be among the people ☞ And I sayd to him Sir I am both ashamed on theyr behalf and right sorowful for them that haue certified you these thinges thus vntruelye for I preached neuer nor taught thus priuily nor apertly ¶ And the Archbishop sayd to me I will geue credence to these worshipfull men which haue written to me and witnessed vnder theyr scales there amoÌ„g them Though now thou denyest this weenest thou that I will geue credence to thee Thou Losell hast troubled the worshipfull communalty of Shrewsbury so that the Balifes and comminalty of that towne haue writteÌ„ to me praying me that am Archbishop of Cant. primate and Chancellor of England that I will vouchsafe to graunt them that if thou shalt be made as thou art worthy to suffer open iouresse for thine heresies that thou may haue thy iouresse openlye there among them So that all they whome thou and suche other Losels haue there peruerted may thorow feare of thy deed be reconciled agayne to the vnity of holy Church And also they that stand in true fayth of holy Church may thorow thy deed be more established therein And as if this asking well pleased yâ— Archbishop he sayd By my thrift this harty prayer and feruent request shall be thought on But certaynely nother yâ— prayer of the men of Shrewsbury nor the manassing of the Archbishoppe made me any thing afrayd But in rehearsing of this malice and in the hearing of it my hart greatly reioysed yet doth I thank God for the grace that I then thought and yâ—t think shall come to all the Church of God here thorow by the speciall mercifull doing of the Lord. And as hauing no dread of the malice of tyrantes by trusting stedfastly in the helpe of the Lord with full purpose for to knowledge the sothfastnes and to stand therby after my cunning and power I said to the Archbishop Sir if the truth of Gods word might now be accepted as it should be I doubt not to proue by likely euidence that they that are famed to be out of the fayth of holy Church in Shrewsbury in other places also are in the true fayth of holy Church For as theyr wordes found and theyr workes shew to mans iudgement dreading and louing faythfully God theyr will their desire ther loue theyr busines are most set to dread to offend God to loue for to please him in true faythfull keeping of his coÌ„mauÌ„dementes And agayne they that are sayd to be in the faith of holy Church in Shrewsbury in other places by open euidence of their proud enuious malicious couetous lecherous and other foule words workes neither know nor haue wil to know nor to occupy their wits truely and effectuously in the right fayth of holy Church Wherefore all these nor none that folow theyr maners shall any time come verely in the fayth of holy church except they inforce them more truely to come in the way which now they despise For these men and women that are now called faithfull and holden iust nother know nor will exercise theÌ„selfe to know of faythfulnes one commaundement of God And thus full many men and womeÌ„ now and specially meÌ„ that are named to be principall lims of holy church styree God to great wrath deserue his curse for that they call or hold them iust meÌ„ which are full vniust as their vicious wordes their great customable swearing and theyr slaunderous and shamefull works shew openly and witnes And therfore such vicious men vniust in theyr own confusion call them vniust men womeÌ„ which after their power and cunning busy themselues to liue iustly after the coÌ„maundement of God And where sir ye say that I haue distroubled the coÌ„minalty of Shrewsbury many other men and women with my teaching If it this be it is not to be wondred of wise men since all the communalty of that City of Ierusalem was distroubled of Christes own person that was very God and man and most prudent preacher that euer was or shal be And also all the Sinagoge of Nazareth was moued agaynst Christ so fulfilled with ire towards him for his preaching that the men of the Sinagoge rose vp and cast Christ out of theyr City led him vp to the top of a mouÌ„tayn for to cast him down there headling Also accordingly hereto the Lord witnesseth by Moises that he shall put dissention betwixt his people and the people that coÌ„trarieth and pursueth his people Who sir is he that shall preach the truth of Gods word to the vnfaith full people and shall set the sothfastnes of the Gospell and the prophecy of God almighty to be fulfilled ¶ And the Archbishop sayd to me It foloweth of these thy wordes that thou and such other thinkest that ye do right well for to preach and teach as ye do without authority of any Bishop For ye presume that the Lord hath choseÌ„ you onely for to preach as faythful disciples and speciall folowers of Christ. ☞ And I sayd Syr by authority of Gods law and also of Sayntes and Doctors I am learned to deme that it is euery Priestes office and duty for to preach busilye freely truely the word of God For no doubt euery Priest should purpose first in his soule couer to take the order of priesthood chiefly for to make knowne to the people the word of God after his cunning and power approuing his words euey to be true by his vertuous works and for this intent we suppose that Bishops other Prelates of holy church should chiefly take and vse their prelacye and for the same cause Bishops should geue to Priestes their orders For Bishops should accept no man to Priesthood except that he had good wil and fâ—â—l purpose were wel disposed and wel learned to preach
themselues aboue the vniuersall church thought it lawfull for them to doe all things after their owne pleasure and that no one man froÌ„ henceforth should transport the councell from one place to another as Eugenius atteÌ„pted to doe now to Bononia now to Florentia theÌ„ agayne to Bononia after to Ferraria and after that agayne to Florentia and that hereafter the Bishops should withdraw theyr minds from the carefulnes of temporall goodes whiche as he himselfe did see had no mind at all on spiritual matters therfore by how much this SessioÌ„ was most holy and necessary by so much more the assent of the Ambassadours was most laudable acceptable to all the fathers These wordes thus spoken he rose vp and the congregation was dissolued Now after that Gabriel Condulmarius was deposed from the bishopricke of Rome the principall fathers of the Councell being called together in the Chapter house of the great Church consulted together whether it were expedeÌ„t that a new bishop should be created out of haÌ„d or deâ—erred for a time Such as thought good that the election shoulde be done with speed shewed how daungerous a thing it was for such a coÌ„gregatioÌ„ to be without a head also what a pestiferous sicknes was in al the City which not onely consumed young men and children but also men of middle age and old men in like maner and that this plague came first by straungers vnto the poore of the Citty and so infected the rich now was come vnto the fathers of the counceel amplifiyng moreouer and encreasing the terror therof and making the thing worse then it was as the maner is Neither doth the decree sayd they any thing let or hinder wherein it is prouided that there should be delay of lx dayes after the sea is voyde for that is to be vnderstand when as the sea is voyd at such time as there is no Councell holden neyther ought we to tary or make any delay least the Princes being perswaded by Gabriel should resist Unto whom the deposition of Gabriell and the election of some other is to be certified all vnder one message The other which thought good that there should be a delay sayde that the Councell did lacke no head for so muche as Christ was the head thereof neither did lacke a ruler for so much as it was gouerned by the Presidents other officers and that no mention shoulde be made of any pestilence in such case seing that vnto stout strong men death is not to be feared neither can any thing daunt or feare theÌ„ which contend for the Christian fayth As for that pestileÌ„ce which doth now encrease and grow in the City forasmuch as iudgement is now geuen it is to be hoped that it wyll asswage which was thought to haue come for the neglecting of iustice Also that in so doubtful a matter they ought rather to vse the princes agaynst theyr will then to neglect them and that it is not be feared but that in this case God will helpe those that are stoute valiaunt The matter being thus discussed amongest them albeit that there was as many mindes as there was men yet it seemed vnto them all that it was most profitable to choose the Byshop by and by but most honest to deferre it Hereupon Iohn Segouius a man of excellent learning sayd Most reuerend fathers I am diuersly drawne by sundry reasons to this side and that But as I way the matter more deeply in my minde this is my opinion that to come to a speedy election it seemeth good to speake after mans iudgement but to delay it for two moneths to speak after Gods iudgement it seemeth much better I do iudge that not onely the wordes but also the meaning of our decree ought to be obserued Wherefore if ye will geue any credite vnto me folow rather daungerous honesty theÌ„ secure vtility albeit that in deede vtility cannot be discerned from honesty This opinion of delay took place among the Fathers and they determined to staye for the space of two monethes In the meane time messegers were sent vnto the princes to declare the deposition of Eugenius by the Synode and publish it abroad During this time the corrupt ayre was nothing at all purged but the mortality dayly encreasing many died and were sicke Whereupon a sodayne feare came vpon the fathers Neyther were they sufficiently aduised what they might do for they thought it not to be without daunger either to depart or to tary Notwithstanding they thought it good to tary also they caused other to tary that since they had ouercome famine and the assaults of theyr enemies on earth they would not seeme to shrinke for the persecutioÌ„ of any plague or sicknes But forsomuch as the could not all be kept there it was politickly prouided that the councell should not seme to be dissolued for any maÌ„s departure And for the more establishmeÌ„t of the matter there were certaine thinges read before the fathers which they called De stabilimento whose authority continued long time after When as the Dogge dayes were come and that all herbes withe red with heat the pestilence dayly encreased more more that it is incredible how many dyed It was to horrible to see the corses hourely caryed through the streetes when on euery side there was weeping wayling sighing There was no house voyd of mourning no myrth or laughter in no place but matrones bewayling their husbandes the husbandes theyr wiues Men women went through the streetes and durst not speake one vnto another Some taryed at home and other some that went abroad had perfumes to smell vnto to preserue them agaynst the plague The common people dyed without nuÌ„ber and like as in the cold Autumne the leaues of the trees do fall euen so did the youth of the City consume and fall away The violence of the disease was such that ye should haue met a maÌ„ mery in the street now and within x. houres heard that he had bene buryed The number of the dead corses was such also that they lacked place to bury them in in so much that all the Churchyards were digged vp and filled with dead corses great holes made in the Parish Churches wheras a great number of corses being thrust in together they couered them ouer with earth For which cause the fathers were so afraid that there appeared no bloud in their faces and specially the sodayne death of Lodouicus the Prothonotary did make all men afrayd who was a strong man florishing in age singularly learned in both lawes whoÌ„ the same enuious and raging sicknes tooke away in a few houres By and by after dyed Lodouicus the Patriarke of Aquileia a man of great age and brought vp alwayes in troubles and aduersity neither coulde he see the day of the Popes election which he had long wished for Notwtstanding he tooke partly a consolation in that he had
in tymes past by ignoraunce had all vnder hys possession yet neyther must he thinke that violence will alwayes continue neyther must he hope for that now which he had then for so much as in those former dayes bookes then were scarse also of such excessiue price that few coulde attayne to the buying fewer to the reading studying therof which bookes now by the meanes of this arte are made easie vnto al men Ye heard before pag. 665 how Nicholas Belward bought a new testament in those dayes for foure markes and 40. pence where as now the same price will serue well 40. persons with so many bookes Moreouer in the pag. 411. col 1. it was noted and declared by the testimony of Armachanus how for defect of bookes and good authors both vniuersities were decaied and good wits kept in ignoraunce while begging Fryers scaping all the wealth from other priestes heaped vp all bookes that coulde be gotten into theyr owne Libraryes where eyther they dyd not diligently applye them or els did not rightly use them or at least kept them from such as more fruitfully would haue perused them In this then so great raritie and also dearth of good books when neither they which could haue books would well vse them nor they y◠woulde could haue them to vse what maruell if the greedines of a few prelates did abuse the blindnes of those daies to the aduauncement of themselues Wherefore almighty God of hys mercifull prouidence seeing both what lacked in the church and how also to remedy the same for that aduauncement of his glory gaue the vnderstanding of this excellent arte or science of printing whereby three singular cōmodities at one time came to the world First the price of all bookes diminished Secondly toe speedy helpe of reading more furthered And thirdly the plenty of all good authours enlarged according as Aprutinus doth truely report Imprimit ille die quantum non scribitur anno 1. The presse in one day will do in printing That none in one yeare can do in writing By reason whereof as printing of bookes ministred matter of readyng so readyng brought learning learning shewedlight by y◠brightnes wherof blind ignorance was suppressed errour detected finally Gods glory with trueth of hys worde aduaunced This facultie of Printing was after the inuention of Gunnes the space of 130. yeares which inuention was also found in Germany an 1380. And thus much for the worthy commendation of printing ¶ The lamentable losing of Constantinople ANno 1453. Constantinus Paloelogus beyng Emperour of Constatinople the 29. day of the month of May the great Cittye of Constantinople was taken by the Turke Mahometes after the siege of 54. dayes which siege began in the beginning of Aprill Within the city beside the Citizens were but onely 6000. rescuers of the Greekes And 3000. of the Uenetians Gennues Against these Mahometes brought an army of 400. thousand collected out of the countryes and places adioyning nere about as out of Grecia Illirico Wallachia Dardanis Triballis Bulganis out of Bithynia Galatia Lydia Cecilia and suche other which places had the name yet of Christians Thus one neighbour for lucre sake helped to destroy all other The Cittie was compassed of the Turkes both by the sea land Mahometes the Turke deuided his armye in 3. sondry partes which in 3. partes of the citty so bette the walles and brake them downe that they attempted by the breaches therof to enter the cittye But the valiauntnes of the Christians there in wanne much cōmendation whose Duke was called Iohn Iustinianus of Genua But for so much as the assaultes were great and the number of the Christian souldiours dayly decreased fighting both at the walles and at the Hauen agaynst such a multitude of the Turkes they were not able long to hold out Beside the armyes which lay battering at the walles the Turke had vpon the sea his nauy of 200. and 50. sayle lying vpon the hauen of the City reaching from the one side of the hauens mouth vnto the other as if a bridge should be made frō the one banke to the other Which hauen by the cittizens was barred with yron chaines whereby the Turks were kept out a certayne space Agaynst whiche nauy 7. ships there were of Genua within the hauen and 3. of Creta and certayne of Chio which stoode agaynst them Also the souldiours issuing out of the Cittie as occasion would serue did manfully gaynstand them and with wild fire set their ships on fire that a certayn space they could serue to no vse At length the cheynes being brast a way made the Turkes nauy entred the hauen and assaulted the Cittie whereby the Turke began to conceiue great hope and was in forwardnes to obtain the Citie The assault and skirmish thē waxing more hoate Mahometes the tyraunt stode by vppon an hill with hys warriours about him crying houling out vnto them to skale the walles and enter the towne otherwise if any reculed he threatned to kill them and so he did Wherefore a great number of his souldiours in theyr repulse and retire were slaine by the turkes men being sēt by his commandement to slay them and so they were iustly serued and well payd theyr hyer Although this was some comfort to the Christians to see and behold out of the Cittie the Turkes retinue so consumed yet that hope lasted not long Shortly after by rage of warre it happened Iustinian the Duke aboue named to be hurt who notwithstanding that he was earnestly desired by Paloelogus the Emperour not to leaue his Tower which he had to keepe seeing hys wound was not deadly daungerous yet could he not be intreated to tary but lefte his standing and his fort disfurnished setting none in his place to award the same And so this donghty Duke hurte more with hys false hart then with force of weapon gaue ouer and fled to Chius where shortly after for sorrow rather then for sorenes of wound he died Many of his souldiours seeing their captayne flee followed after leauing their fort vtterly destitute without defence The Turkes vnderstanding y◠vantage soone brast into the cittie The Emperour Paloelogus seeing no other way but to flee making toward the gate eyther was slayne or els troden down with the multitude In the which gate 800. dead mēs bodies were found and taken vp The Cittie of Constantinople thus being gotte the Turkes sacking and raunging about the streetes houses and corners did put to the sword most vnmercifully whō soeuer they found both aged and young matrones virgins children and infants sparing none the noble matrones and virgins were horriblye rauished the goods of the cittie the treasurers in houses the ornaments in churches were all sackt and spoyled the pictures of Christ approbriously handled in hatred of Christ. The spoyle and hauocke of the citie lasted three dayes together while the barbarous souldiours murdered and rifeled what them
Belgrade For the Christian princes at that time were in ciuill dissention and variance amongst themselues and the Pope with his Churchmen also were so busye in suppressing of Luther and of the Gospell then newly springing that they minded nothing els except it were to maintaine the welth of their own bellies Which pope if he had set his care as his duety was so muche in stirring vp Princes against the common enemy as he was bent to deface y◠gospel to persecute the true professors therof soone might he haue brought to passe not only that Belgrade might haue bene defended against the Turk but also y◠to be recouered againe which was lost before and moreouer myght haue stopped the great dangers and perils which nowe are like to fall vpon the religion and church of Christ whyche the Lord of his great mercy auert and turne away Certesse what so euer the Pope then did this had bene his duty setting al other things apart to haue had an earnest compassiō of so many miserable lost captiues which were fallen from their faith religion vnto the misery and slauery of the Turke thraldome of the deuil and to haue sought all means possible to haue reduced thē as lost shepe into the fold againe which then might sone haue ben done if prelates princes ioyning together in christian concord had loued so well the publike glory of Christ and soules of Christians as they tendered their owne priuate worldly friuolous quarels And admit that the Pope had conceiued neuer so much malice against Luther hys quarell also being good yet the publike church standing in such danger as it then did by the inuasion of the Turke reason woulde nature led religion taught time required that a good Prelate forgetting lighter matters shuld rather haue laid hys shoulder to the excluding of so great a dāger as then was imminent both to himselfe and the vniuersall Churche of Christ But nowe his quarel being vniust and the cause of Luther being moste iust and godly what is to be sayde or thought of suche a Prelate who for bearyng the Turke whome in a time so daungerous hee ought chiefly to haue resisted persecuted the trueth whych hee shoulde specially haue mainteined But Christ for his mercy stande for hys Churche and stirre vp zealous Princes and Prelates if not to recouer that is lost yet at least to retaine that little which is left Solyman therefore taking hys occasion and vsing the commoditie of time while our princes were thus at variance betwixt themselues wythout any resistance or interruption brought his army vnto Belgrade in the yere of our Lorde 1521. Which Citye being but slenderly defenced the Turke through his vnderminers guns and other engins of warre without great difficultie with little losse of hys souldiours soone subdued and ouercame After thys victorye Solyman resting himselfe a whole yeare and casting in his mynde howe to make all sure behinde him for feare of ennemies to come vppon his backe thought it expedient for his purpose if he might obtain the Ilande of Rhodes for that onely remained yet Christian betwixt him and Asia wherfore the next yeare following he brought hys army of 450. ships and 300. M. men to the besieging thereof This Rhodes was a mighty and strong Iland wtin the sea called Mare mediterraneum The inhabitants wherof at the first did manfully resist the turke sparyng no labor nor paines for the defence of thēselues of al christendome But afterward being brought to extremity and pinched with penury seing also no aid to come from the christians somwhat began to languish in thēselues The turkes in the meane time casting vp two great mountaines wyth strength of hand 2. miles of frō the citye like rolling trenches caried them defore thē neare vnto the city in the tops wherof they plāted their ordinance artillery to batter the city The maister of the knightes of the Rhodes was then one Philippus Villadamus a Frenchman in whome no diligence was lacking that appertained to the defence of the city The Rhodians likewise so valiantly behaued themselues vpon the walles that with their shot all the ditches about the city were filled with the carcases of dead Turkes Besides thys suche a disease of the bloudy flixe raigned in the Turkes campe that 30. M. of them died thereof and yet for all thys Solyman woulde not cease from hys siege begonne who at length by vnderminers casting downe the vamures and vttermost partes of the citie wan groūd still more and more vpon the Rhodians and with mortary pieces so battered the houses that there was no free place almost standing in all the Citie And thus continued the siege for the space of fiue or sixe monethes and yet all thys while came no help vnto them from the christians Wherfore they being out of all hope thorough the aduise of Ualladamus yelded themselues vnto the Turke vppon condition that hee woulde spare them wyth life and goodes which conuention the Turke kepte wyth them faithfully and truely Thus Solyman with his great glory and vtter shame to all christian princes and also ruine of all Christendome got the noble I le of Rhodes although not wythout great losse and detriment of hys army in so much that at one assault 20. thousande Turkes about the walles were slayne with fire sword stones and other engines Wherby it may be coniectured what these Rhodians might or would haue done if succor had come to them from other christian princes as they looked for This city was wonne vpon Christmas day An. 1522. Thys conquest of Rhodes obtained Solyman the 4. yeare after bringeth backe his army againe into Hungary where he founde none to resist him but onely Ludouike the yong king who being accompanied with a smal army and nothing able to matche wyth the Turke yet of a hasty rashnes and vaine hope of victory would needes set vpon him who if he had staide but a little had prospered the better For Ioannes Uainoda being a Capitaine well exercised in Turkish warres before was not farre off comming with a sufficient power of able souldiors But Paulus the Archbishop Coloss. a Franciscane Frier a man more bold then wise with his temerity and rashnes troubled al their doings For the whole summe of the army of the Hungarians contained in all but only 24. M. horsmen and footemen who at length comming vnto the battaile and being compassed about wyth a great multitude of the Turkes army were brought into great distres The Turks twise shorte of their pieces against the Christian army yet scarce was any Christian touched with the stroke therof whych was thought to be done of purpose bicause they were christians whych had the ordering of the gunnes for then the speciall gunners of the Turkes were Christians whome for the same cause they spared Then the Turkes horsmen comming vpon the backe of the christian armie compassed them about
manhood or mercy in them but they make hauocke of all So the Citizens of Croia after they had yelded were all promised theyr liues were all destroyd and that horribly In Mysia after the king had geuen himselfe to the turkes hand hauing promise of life Mahumet the Turke slew him with his owne hands The Princes of Rasia had both theyr eies put out with â—asens redde hoate set before them Theodosia otherwise called Capha was also surreÌ„dered to the Turke hauing the like assuraunce of life and safety yet contrary to the league the Citizens were put to the sword and slaine At the winning and yelding of Leâ—bos what a number or young men and children were put vpon sharpe stakes and poles and so thrust thorough At the winning of the Citty of Buda what tyrannye was shewed and exercised agaynst the poore Christians whiche had yelded themselues and agaynst the two Dukes Christopher Bisserer and Ioannes Tranbinger coÌ„trary to the promise and handwriting of the Turke is to be sene in the story of Melchior Soiterus de Bello Pannonico The like also is to be read in the story of Bernardus de Breydenbach who writing of the taking of Hydrimtum a City in Apulia testifieth of the miserable slaughter of the young men there slayne of old men troden vnder the horse feet of matrons virgines rauished of women with child cut rent a pieces of the Priestes in the Churches slayne of the Archbishop of that Citty who being an aged man and holding the crosse in his hands was cut a sonder with a woodden saw c. The same Bernerdus also wryting of the ouerthrow of Nigropontus otherwise called Chalcides an 1471. describeth the like terrible slaughter whiche there was exercised where the Turke after hys promise geueÌ„ before to the coÌ„trary most cruelly caused all the youth of Italy to be pricked vpon sharp stakes some to be dashed against the hard stones other some to be cut in sonder in the middest and other mo with other kinds of forments to be put to death in so much that all the streetes and wayes of Chalcides did flowe with the bloud of them whiche were there slayn In which history the foresayd writer recordeth one memorable example of maydeÌ„ly chastity worthy of all Christians to be noted and commended The story is tolde of the Pretors daughter of that City who being the onely daughter of her father noted to be of an exceeding singuler beuty was saued out of the slaughter brought to Mahumet the turke to be his concubine But she denying to consent to his turkishe appetite and filthynes was commaunded therewith to be slayne and murthered and so died she a Martyr keping both her fayth and her body vndefiled vnto Christ Iesus her spouse Ibid. The like cruelty also was shewed vpon them whiche kept the Castle afterward yelding themselues vpoÌ„ hope of the turkes promise were slayne euery one What should I speake of the miserable slaughter of Methone the CitizeÌ„s therof dwelling in Peloponesus who seing no other remedy but needes to come into the Turkes hands set the barne on fire where they were gathered together meÌ„ women and children some women also with child voluÌ„tarily cast themselues into the Sea rather then they would sustayne the Turkes captiuity Vide pag. 734. Miserable it is to beholde long to recite incredible to beleue all the cruel parts and horrible slaughters wrought by these miscreantes agaynste the Christians through all places almost of the world both in Asia in Africa but especially in Europa Who is able to recite the innumerable societyes and companyes of the Grecians Martyred by the Turkes sword in Achaia Attica Thessalia Macedonia Epirus and all Peloponesus besides the Iland of Rhodes and other Ilandes and Cyclades adiaceÌ„t in the sea about numbred to 52. of the which also Pathmos was one wher S. Iohn being banished wrote his reuelations Where did euer the Turkes sette any foote but the bloud of Christians there without pitty or measure went to wracke what place or prouince is there almost thorow the world wher the turks either haue not perced or are not like shortly to enter In Thracia through all the coastes of Danubius in Bulgaria Dalmatia in Seruia Transiluania Bosna in Himgaria also in Austria what hauocke hath bene made by them of Christen mens bodies it will rue any Christen hart to remember At the siege of Moldauio at the winning of Buda of Pesta of Alba of Walpo Strigonium Sociosia Tathe Wizigradum Nouum Castellum in Dalmatia Belgradum Uaradinum Quinque ecclesie also at the battel of Uerna where Ladislaus king of Polonie with all his army almost through the rashnes of the Popes Cardinall were slayne at the winning moreouer of Xabiacchus Lyssus Dinastrum at the siege of Guntza and of the faythfull towne Scorad where the nuÌ„ber of the shotte agaynst theyr walles at the siege thereof were reckoned to 2539. likewise at the siege of Uienna where all the Christian captiues were brought before the whole army and slayne and diuers drawne in pieces with horses but especially at the winning of Constantinople aboue mentioned pag. 706. also at Croia Methone what beastly cruelty was shewed it is vnspeakeable For as in Constantinople Mahumer the dronken Turk neuer rose from diner but he caused euery daye for his disport 300. ChristiaÌ„ captiues of the nobles of that City to be slayn before his face So in Methone after that his captayn Omares had sent vnto him at Constantinople 500. prisoners of the Christians the cruell tyraunt commaunded them all to be cut and deuided in sonder by the middle so being slain to be throwne out into the fieldes Leonicus Chalcondyla writing of the same story addeth moreouer a prodigious narratioÌ„ if it be true of a brute Oxe whiche being in the fieldes and seing the carcases of the dead bodies so cut in two made there a loud noise after the lowing of his kind and nature afterward comming to the quarters of one of the dead bodyes lying in the field first tooke vp the one halfe then comming agayne tooke vp likewise the other halfe and so as he could ioyned theÌ„ both together Which being espyed of them which saw the doing of the brute Oxe and maruelling thereat and word being brought thereof to Mahumet he commaunded the quarters agayne to be brought where they were before to proue whether the beast would come agayne who fayled not as the author recordeth but in like sort as before taking the fragmentes of the dead corps layde them agayne together It foloweth more in the author howe that Mahumet being astonied at the straunge wonder of the Oxe commaunded the quarters of the christiaÌ„ mans body to be interred and the Oxe to be brought to his house and was much made of Some sayd it to be the body of a Uenetian some affirmed that he
the Proconsull Respite from persecution The second destruction of the Iewes Hierusalem reedified enlarged Some write that the place where Christ was crucified was taken into the walles Hierusalem called by a new name Aeliopolis Antoninus Pius Emperour Anno. 140. The letter of Antoninus Pius to the common of Asia A notable argument of the Emperour to proue the good conscience of Christians and the false conscience of the Heathen He meaneth Hadrian which adopted this Antoninus of hys sonne in law to be hys sonne heyre O noble edict M. Antoninus Verus Emperour Anno. 162. Policarpus the blessed Martyr Byshop of Smyrna Ex Euseb. hist. Eccles Lib. 4. Cap. 15. Hieron in Catalogo Twelue Martyrs in Asia The cruell and beastly handling of the Christian Martyrs The singular patience and constancie of the Christians Germanicus a most constant Martyr Quintus a Phrigian to hardie hold Polycarpus flyeth persecution Policarpus prayeth for the church Policarpus hath a visioÌ„ of hys burning Policarpus pursued and taken Policarpus might escape and would not Policarpus falleth to prayer Policarpus refuseth to doe sacrifice Policarpus comforted by a uoyce from heaueÌ„ Policarpus allured to chaunge hys name would not consent A faythfull seruaunt of Christ his Lord. Policarpus ready to geue reason of hys doctrine Policarpus obedient to higher powers Policarpus threatned with wilde beastes An example of brotherly loue The willing minde of Policarpus to suffer His prayer before hys death The thankesgeuing of Policarpus A miracle shewed An example of much cruelty The Iewes enemies alwayes to the Christians Marke that he sayth we loue them and worshippe them not Twelue Martyrs put to death in Smyrna Ex Irenaeo lib. 3. cap. 3. Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 14. Anno. 167. Germanicus Ex. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 15. Histor. eccle The olde age of Policarpus Policarpus the scholler of Iohn Irenaeus lib. 3. Cap. 1. The Epistle of Policarpus to the Philippians Iustification by fayth Ex Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 20. Irenaeus conuersaunt with policarpus Policarpus conuersaunt with the Apoâ—tles The authoritie of Policarpus in the Churches of Asia Policarpus came to Rome Polycarpus conferreth with Anicetus The East church and Romaine Church differre about Easterday Ex Nicepho Lib. 4. cap. 39. Difference of ceremonyes caused no breach of charitie in the Primitiue Church Socrates deceiued in hys Tripart hist. Ex Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 17. Metrodorus Pionius Carpus Papylus Agathonica Martyrs Felicitas with her 7. Children Ianuari Felix Philipus Siluanus Alexander Vitalis Martialis Martyrs Iustinus Martyr Ex Euseb. Lib. 4. Cap. 16. Crescens A Philosopher procurer of the death of Iustinus Crescens a rayling Philosopher and a malicious rayler A slane of fame and feare Crescens proued an vnlearned Philosopher Tacianus coÌ„mended The prayse of Iustinus Martyr Ex Catalogo Hiero. The death and martirdome of Iustinus the noble Philosopher and a Christian Martyr Praxedis Potentiana Christian virgines Ptolomeus Lucius Martyrs Euseb. lib. 4. Cap. 17. The boldnes Christian constancie of Lucius Lucius condemned and Martyred The third also condemned and Martyred A place of Gracianus suspected Concordus Martyr Concordus spitteth 〈◊〉 face of 〈◊〉 Idole The story of Vincentius suspected of vntrueth Ex Isuardo Vincentiâ— Henrico de Erford Symmetrius Florellus pontianus Alexander Caius Epipodus Victor Corona Marcellus Valerian Martyrs Aucthors in the writing the miracles of Martyrs suspected Getulus Corcalâ—â— Amantius Primitiuus Maâ—tyrs The vii sonnes of Symphâ—rosa Crescens Iulianus Nemesius Primitiâ—us Iustinus Statteus Eugenius Martyrs The persecution in Lyons and Vienna two Cities in Fraunce Ex Euseb. lib. 5. Cap. 2. A letter of the brethren of Fraunce to the brethreÌ„ of Asia Vetius Epaegaethus Martir The stoutnes of a godly young man The faynting of certaine weake Christians False slaunders of the Christians The rage of the Heathen against the Christians The cruell handling and great patience of Blandina Sanctus a Martyr The notable constancy of Sanctus The cruell tormentors of Sanctus A miraculous working of God Byblydes an holy Martyr Eculeus ad quintum feramen Diuers Martyrs strangled in prison Other martyrs dyed in prison â—hotinus a blessed martyr The rage of the people agaynst Pbotinus The comfort of the godly standing to their confession The denyers of their confesâ—ioâ— comfortles and notwithstanding punishâ—d The spitefull handling of Gods people Maturus and Sanctio Martyred Blandina brought forth agayne Attalus commaunded to pryson The denyers returning agayne to their confession Alexander the Phrigian Martyred The worthy pacience and constancie of Attalus Blandina and Ponticus 〈◊〉 brought forth Ponticus Martyred Blandina Martyred Apoc. 22. Iustinus Priscus Bachius Iustinus father Iustine desirous of Philosophy Iustine proueth all sectes of Philosophy Iustine a Platonist The end of Plato hys Philosophy Ex Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 8. Iustine beginneth to fauour Christen Religion Iustine goeth into desert Iustinus miraculously conuerted by an olde man The vanity of the olde Philosophers reproued The doctrine of the Prophetes commended The vtilitie of reading the Prophetes Prophetes to â—â— credited for twâ— causes Iustinus baptised Diatriba Iustinus an earnest defender of Christ. Two Apologies of Iustinus The summe of his Apologies The second A-Apology of Iustine The Lord take away this spirit of fury condemning innocentes before they be conuicted Ex Euseb. lib 4. Cap. 16. A place of Epiphanius found faulty Câ—m dignitate latus pro Christo pertulit The singuler modesty of the foresayd Martyrs declared Ex Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 2. The holy Martyrs refuse to be called Martyrs Ex Euseb. Lib. 5. ca â— Alcibiades The straite fasting of Alcibiades corrected by the holy Ghost A lesson for scripulous consciences Irenaus newely made minister and coÌ„mended to Eleutherius Appollinaris and Melito exhibited Apologies to the Emperour for the Christians Ex Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 26. The summe of the Apologye of Melito The Christians Religion began with the Empire of Rome Christen religion maketh common weales to florish The bookes of the olde Testament autentike and receaued Ex Eusebio ibidem A miraculous rayne obtayned by the Christians Antoninus Verus M. Aurelius Commodus Emperrours The discrepance betweene Eusebius and Platina Anno. 175. Quitnes geuen to the Church Appollonius Martyr Appollonius accused by hys owne seruaunt Apoollonius exhibiteth an Apology of hys fayth to the Senate An old wicked law of the Romaines The ridiculous pride of the Emperour Vincentius Eusebius Peregrinus Potentianus Martyrs Iulius a Senator conuerted to Christ. Ex Vincen lib. 10. cap 119. Henr. de Erfor Peregrinus sent to Fraunce and Martyred at at Rome Ex Platinain vita Sixti Iulius with hyâ— family baptised and after Martyred Xistus Byshop of Rome The trifling ordinaunceâ— of Xistus S. Peter celebrated the Lordes supper onely with the Lords praiâ—â— Plateua â—â— vita Sixti The ordinaunce of Xistus suspected Telesphorus Byshop of Rome and Martyr The ordidaunces of Telesphorus Lent fast and the originall therof examined Montanus first brought in
the clergy as Herman bishop of Bamberge counsellor to the Emperour and other priests mo for Simony And there moreouer in the sayd Councell he threateneth to excommunicate likewise the Emperour himselfe and to depose him from his regall kingdom vnlesse he would abrenounce the heresie of simonie and do penance The councel being ended Guibertus Archbishop of Rauenna perswadeth with one Centius a Romaine the captains son whom the Pope had excommunicate to take the Emperours part against the Pope Who watching his tyme in the temple of S. Mary vpon Christmas day in the morning taketh the Pope putteth him fast in a strong tower The next day the people of Rome hearing this harnes themselues with all erpedition to helpe the bishop whom when they loosed out of prison they besieged the house of Centius and pluckt it downe to the ground His familie hauyng their noses cut off were cast out of the Citie Centius himselfe escaping fled to the Emperour Guibert the Archbishop pretending good will to the Pope departed from Rome who likewise had wrought with Hugo Cādidus Cardinall and with Theobaldus Archb. of Millaine also with diuers other bishops about Italy to forsake the Pope and take the Emperors part Gregory the Pope called Hildebrand hearing the conspiracie layeth the sentence of excommunication vpon them all and depriueth them of their dignitie The Emperor beyng mooued and worthily with the arrogant presumption of the proud prelate calleth together a Councell at Wormes In which Councell all the bishops not onely of Saxonic but of all the whole Empire of Germaines agree conclude vpon the deposition of Hildebrand and that no obedience hereafter should be geuen to him This being determined in the Councel Roulandus a Priest of Parmen was sent to Rome with the sentence who in the name of the councell should commaund Gregory to yeld vp his seate also charge the Cardinals to resort to the Emperour for a new election of an other Pope The tenor of the sentence sent vp by Rolandus was this The sentence of the Councell of Wormes against Hildebrand FOr so much as thy first ingresse and comming in hath bene so spotted with so many periuries and also the Church of GOD brought in no little danger through thine abuse and newfanglenes Moreouer because thou hast diffamed thine owne lyfe and conuersation with so much and great dishonesty that we see no little perill or slaunder to rise therof therfore the obediēce which yet we neuer promised thee hereafter we vtterly renounce neuer entend to geue thee And as thou hast neither taken vs yet for Bishoppes as thou host openly reported of vs so neither will we hereafter take thee to be Apostolike Vale. Gregory the Pope tickled with this sentence first condemneth it in his councell of Laterane with excommunication Secondarily depriueth Sigifridus Archbishop of Mentz of his dignities and ecclesiastical liuings with all other bishops Abbots and Priests as many as tooke the Emperors part Thirdly accuseth Henricus the Emperour himselfe depriueth him of his kingdome and regall possession and releaseth all his subiects of their oth of allegeance geuen vnto him after this forme and maner The tenour of the sentence Excommunicatorie agaynst Henricus the Emperour by Hildebrand O Blessed S. Peter Prince of the Apostles bowe downe thyne eares I beseech thee and heare me thy seruaunt whom thou hast brought vp euen from myne infancie and hast deliuered me vnto this day from the handes of the wicked which hate persecute me because of my fayth in thee Thou art my witnesse and also the blessed mother of Iesu Christ and thy brother S Paule fellow partener of thy martyrdome how that I entred this function not willingly but inforced against my will not that I take it so as a robbery lawfully to ascēd into this seat but because that I had rather passe ouer my lyfe like a pilgrime or priuate person then for any fame or glory to clime vp to it I do acknowledge that worthily all this to come of thy grace and not of my merites that this charge ouer christen people and this power of binding and loosing is committed to me Wherefore trustyng vpon this assurance for the dignitie and tuition of holy church In the name of God omnipotent the father the sonne the holy ghost I do here depose Henry the sonne of Henry once the Emperour from his Imperiall seat and princely gouernment who hath so boldly and presumptuously layd handes vpon thy Church And furthermore all such as tofore haue sworne to be his subiectes I release them of their othe whereby all subiects are bound to the allegeaunce of their princes For it is meete and connenient that he should be voyd of dignitie whiche seeketh to diminish the maiestie of thy Church Moreouer for that he hath contemned my monitions tending his health and wealth of his people and hath separate himselfe from the fellowship of the Churche which he through his seditions studieth to destroy therefore I binde him by vertue of excommunication trusting and knowyng most certainly that thou art Peter in the rocke of whom as in the true foundation Christ our king hath built his church The Emperour thus assaulted with the Popes censure sendeth abroad his letters thorough all nations to purge himselfe declaring how wrongfully agaynst all right he was condemned The princes of Almany partly fearing the cracke of the Popes thunderclap partly again reioycing that occasion was renued to rebell agaynst the Emperour assembled a commencement where they did consult and so conclude to elect another Emperor and to fall from Henry vnlesse the Pope would come to Germany and he there content to submit himselfe and obtayne his pardon Wherein is to be considered the lamentable affections of the Germains in those dayes so to forsake such a valiant Emperor and so much to repute a vile Bishop But this was the rudenes of the world thē for lack of better knowledge The Emperor seyng the chiefe princes ready to forsake him promiseth them with an othe that if the Pope would repayre to Germany he would aske forgeuenes Upon this the bishop of Triers was sen◠vp in commission to Rome to entreat the Pope to come into Germany The bishop at the instance of the Legate of the Princes was content He entred into Germany thinking to come to Augusta After he was come to Uercellos the bishop of that city beyng the Chancellor of Italy and desirous to disturbe peace for the old grudge he had to the Emperour falsly perswadeth with the Pope that he was certayn the Emperor was comming with a mighty great army against him counsailing him therfore to prouide betimes for his owne safegard in some stronger place Wherby the Popes mynde beyng altered hee retyred backe to Canusium or Canossus a Citie being subiect to Matilda a Countesse of Italy where he should not need to feare the
Emperour Henricus vnderstanding the false feare of the Pope of his retire to Canusium incontinent commyng out of Spires with his wife and his young sonne in the deepe sharp of Winter resorteth to Canossus All his pieres and nobles had left him for feare of the Popes curse neyther did any accompany him Wherfore the Emperour beyng not a little troubled laying apart hys regall ornamentes came barefooted with hys wyfe and childe to the gate of Canossus where he from morning to night all the day fasting most humbly desireth absolution crauing to be let in to the speech of the Bishop But no ingresse might be geuen him once within the gates Thus he continuing 3. dayes together in hys petition and sute at length answer came that the Popes maiesty had yet no leysure to talke with him The Emperour nothing moued therwith that he was not let into the Citty patient and with an humble minde abideth without the walles with no litle greuance and paynefull labour for it was a sharpe winter and all frosen with cold Notwithstanding yet through his importunate sute at length it was graunted through the intreating of Matilda the Popes paramour and of Arelaus Erle of Sebaudia and the Abbot of Cluniake that hee should be admitted to the Popes speach On the 4. day beyng let in for a token of his true repentance he yeldeth to the Popes handes his crowne with all other ornaments Imperiall and confessed himselfe vnworthy of the Empire if euer he doe against the Pope hereafter as he hath done tofore desiring for that tyme to be absolued and forgeuen Henricus the Emperour with his wife and chyld barefoote and barelegd waiting on Pope Hildebrand three dayes and three nightes at the gates of Canusium before he could be suffred to come in The Pope answereth he will neither forgeue hym nor release the bande of his excommunication but vpon conditions First to promise that he shall be content to stand to his arbitrement in the councell and to take such penance as he shall enioyne him also that he shall be prest and redy to appeare in what place or tyme the Pope shall appoint him Moreouer that he beyng content to take the Pope iudge of his cause shall aunswer in the sayd councel to all obiections and accusations layd against him that he shall neuer seeke any reuengement herein Item that he though he be quit and cleared therin shall stand to the Popes mynd and pleasure whether to haue his kingdom restored or to loose it Finally that before the triall of hys cause he shall neither vse his kingly ornaments scepters or crowne nor to vsurpe the authoritie to gouerne nor to exact any othe of allegeaunce vpon his subiects c. These things beyng promised to the bishop by an oth and put in writing the Emperour is onely released of excommunication The tenour of the writing is this The forme and tenour of the othe which Heniicus made to the Pope I Henricus King after peace and agreement made to the mynde and sentence of our Lord Gregorius the 7. promise to keepe all couenants and bandes betwixt vs and to prouide that the Pope go safely wheresoeuer he will without any daunger eyther to him or to his retinue Especially in all such places as be subiect to our Impery Nor that I shall at any tyme stay or hinder him but that he may doe that belongeth to his function where whensoeuer his pleasure shal be And these things I bynd my selfe with an othe to keepe Actum Canos 5. Calend. Februarij indic 15. Thus the matter beyng decided betwixt them after the Popes owne prescribement the Emperour taketh hys iourney to Papia The Pope with his Cardinals dyd vaunce and triumph with no little pryde that they had so quailed the Emperor brought him on his knees to aske them forgeuenes Yet notwithstanding mistrusting themselues misdoubting tyme what might befall them hereafter if fortune should turne God geue the Emperour to enioy a more quiete kingdome therfore to preuent such dangers betime they study and consult priuily with them selues how to displace Henry clean frō his kingdom And how that deuise might safely be conueyed they conclude and determine to deriue the Empire vnto Rodolphus a man of great nobilitie amongst the chiefest states of Germany and also to incite and stirre vp all other princes and subiects beyng yet free and discharged from their othes against Henry so by force of armes to expulse the emperour out of his kingdom To bring this purpose the better to passe legates were sent downe from the Pope Sigehardus Patriarch of Aquilia and Altimanus Byshop of Padway which should perswade through all Fraunce that Henry the Emperor was rightfully excommunicate and that they should geue to the bishop of Rome their consents in chusing Rodolphus to be Emperor This beyng done there was sēt to the said Rodolphus duke of Swenia a crowne from the Pope with this verse Petra dedit Petro Petrus diadema Rodolpho The rocke gaue the crowne to Peter Peter geueth it to Rodolph Here by the way of digression to make a litle glose vpon this barbarous verse two notable lyes are to be noted One where he lyeth vpon Christ the other where he lyeth vpon S. Peter First that Christ gaue any temporal diademe to Peter it is a most manifest lye and against the scriptures when as he would not take it beyng geuen to himselfe and sayth his kingdome is not of this world Agayne where he saith that Peter geueth it to Rodulph Here he playeth the Poet for neither had Peter any suche thing to geue and if he had yet he would not haue geuen it to Rodulph from the right heyre neither is it true that Peter did geue it because Hildebrand gaue it For it is no good argument Hildebrand did geue it Ergo Peter dyd geue it except ye will say Hildebrand stirred vp great warres bloudshed in Germany Ergo Peter stirred vp great warres in Germany So Peter neyther could nor would nor did geue it to Rodolphus but only Hildebrād the Pope who after he had so done he gaue in commaundement to the Archbishop of Mentz and of Collen to elect this Rodulphus for Emperour and to annoynt hym kyng and also to defend him with all force strength they might While this conspiracy was in hand Henricus the emperor was absent and the Popes ambassadors with hym also In the meane space Rodulphus was elected Emperor vnknowing to Henry Upō this commeth the bishop of Strausborough vnto the emperor certifiyng him what was done He suspecting seing the stomack and doyngs of the Saxōs so bent against hym mustreth his men with expedition marcheth forward to defend his right But first sendeth to Rome trusting vpon the league betwixt hym and the Pope and requireth the bishop to proceede with his sentence agaynst Rodulphus for the rebellious inuasiō of his