5. to 10. 3. The punishment of blindnesse upon the Sodomites vers 11. Secondly the overthrow and destruction of Sodome is described 1. the cause God rained from heavenâ— 2 The manner fire and brimstone 3. The lamentable effect the Cities were overthrowne 2. The divers readings v. 1. Lot sate in the gaâ—es of the City H. gates of Sodome caet worshipped with his face to the ground H. S. C. bowed himselfe with his face T.P.G.B. heb Shacah to bow or humble the body v. 6. that we may company with them S. know them caet v. 9. he came in as a stranger H. came in to dwell H. one came to sojourne C. P. he came alone as a stranger G. he came as one to sojourne B. this man but one came to sojourne T. heb eechad one v. 14. which married his daughters S.B.P. which were to marry his daughters H.T.G.C. v. 15. in the punishment of the City T.G. sinne of the City sic heb gnaven v. 16. and set them without the City Sept. have not this clause as the rest have v. 17. lest I be overtaken S. lest I perish caet v. 19. I cannot be saved in the mountaine S.C.H.B. I cannot escape to the mountaine P. T. G. heb malat to escape so it is taken v. 17. escape to the mountaine v 20. is it not a little one meaning City cater is not res perixigna a small matter I. which I aske T. it seemeth rather to be referred to the City segnai little whereof the City was called tsegnar or Zoar. my soule shall live because of thee S. my soule shall live caeter v. 21. I have admired thy face in this word S. I have received thy face in this thing caet nasah to receive T. interp I have respect of thee or unto thee v. 26. his wife looked backward S. looked behind her H. C. Lots wife behind him G. or following him looked backe B. his wife looked backe behind him P.T. sic heb for Lot went after his wife to set her forwards 28. flame arised S. sparkes H. smoke cae chitâ—r smoke v. 33. he knew not when he slept and when he rose S. when he lay downe and rose up câ—t 38. Called his name Ammon the sonne of my sonne in law S. Ammon 1. the sonne of my people H. called him the sonne of my people C. called him Ben Ammi câ—t sic heb The explanation of doubts QVEST. I. Why Lot sate in the gate of the City Vers. 1. LOt sate at the gate of the City c. 1. Neither as a Judge because hee sate in the gate which was the place of judgement 2. Neither to meet his shepherds with their flockes 3. But Lot there sate as Abraham in his tent doore to take occasion to entertaine strangers as also knowing the wicked use of the City to preserve them from their rage and violence Calvin QVEST. II. Of the 2. Angels that came in the evening Vers. 1. IN the evening came two Angels These two were not the sonne and the holy Ghost as some thinke and that God the father staid still with Abraham but they were as they are called Angels 2. They are two nor for that one had commission to destroy Sodome the other to deliver Lot or as though one Angell had not sufficed for this businesse but they were both joyned in commission as it pleased God 3. These were Angels and not Prophets which are also called men because they were Angels in nature and men in their habit 4. They stayed not 5. houres in the way as the Hebrewes thinke but Sodome was of such distance from Abrahams tent that the journey might well aske 5. or 6. houres 5. They came about eventide to Lot at noone and in the cleare day to Abraham they were to him messengers of joy but now Ministers of judgement 6. Lot bowed himselfe upon his face aphim his nose touched the ground which is not added here and not before concerning Abrahams obeysance as though Abraham being the more worthy person would not bow so low as Rabbi Carus but it is added ex abundanti Mercerus QVEST. III. Of Lots inviting of the Angels into his house Vers. 2. SEemy Lords 1. It is but a curious observation that adonai is here written with patach as being but a civill salutation and before c. 18.3 with camets as being then properly spoken of God for neither did Abraham know them at the first to bee Angels nor yet is the word in most copies there written with cametz 2. Neither doth Lot say turne aside into my house as by the posterne or privy gate for feare of the Sodomites as Rasi for their going in was well knowne unto them 3. It is also a curious note that Lot would have them first goe in and then wash that they might not bee seene washing in the streets 4. Neither doe the Angels at the first refuse that Lot might not come in danger for lodging of strangers which was publikely forbidden as some thinke in Sodome But they civilly refused to make triall of Lots humanity as for the same cause our Saviour did the like to make his two Disciples more earnest Luke 24. Mercer QVEST. IV. Whether the children and all the people of Sodome came together Vers. 4. FRom the young to the old all the people from all places 1. Not such children only as were of discretion came together Cajetane but even the youth of the City corrupt by the evill example of the rest flocked together with the rest Calvin as wee see that children where an unruly company is assembled doe run on heapes 2. Neither as Lyranus and Tostatus is it an hyperbolicall speech that all the people came together but it is most like that this was a generall concourse of the whole City all besetting Lots house some nearer some further off Pererius 3. Some thinke that the Sodomites would admit no strangers to come in among them and therefore they were so earnest against these young men for whereas there are 4. properties among men 1. mine is mine thine is thine 2. mine is thine and thine is mine 3. mine is mine and thine is mine 4. mine is thine and thine is thine the 1. of naturall men the 2. of populare the 3. of cruell men the 4. of godly the Sodomites were of the first and third ranke being unmercifull to others all having to themselves Mercer QVEST. V. Of the beastly and immoderate lust of the Sodomites Vers. 5. BRing them to us that we may know them c. 1. Their meaning is not that they would know what guests hee had received into his house 2. Neither did they by a mannerly tearme conceale their vile lust Calvin 3. But they were come to that impudency that they were not ashamed publikely to proclaime their wickednesse but the Scripture setteth downe an unhonest thing by an hohonest name 4. And this seemeth to have beene extraordinary and not usuall thus to beset Lots
effect 3. Doct. To love our enemies Vers. 21. FEare not I will nourish you Thus we are taught by Ioseph to love our enemies to doe good to them that hate us according to the doctrine of our Saviour 〈◊〉 44. For so Ioseph was a foster-father unto them that would have starved him in the pit Muscul. 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. Against Masses and Trentâ—li for the dead Vers. 3. THe Egyptians bewailed him 70. dayes Petrus Comestâ—r divideth this number into 40 dayes and 30. dayes the first was the time of the Egyptians mourning the other of the Hebrewes whereupon he groundeth the superstitious use of the Christians in mourning and saying Masses 30. dayes for the dead cap. 114. histor scholastic in Genes Contra. 1. The text saith that the Egyptians not the Hebrewes mourned these 70. dayes and that use taken up afterward by the Hebrewes was borrowed from the Egyptians for the stint of mourning used among the faithfull was but for seven dayes so long mourned Ioseph ver 10. 2. Though the Hebrewes mourne 30. dayes yet did they not pray for their soules or offer any sacrifice for them nor yet doe any penance for the dead which seemeth to be directly forbidden that they should not cut their haire or their beard or make any print in their flesh for the dead Levit. 19.28 as though the dead were profited by any such afflicting of themselves 2. Confut. Against the superstitious choice of the place of buriall Vers. 13. THey buried him in the cave of the field c. Thus was it the use among the Hebrewes to bury their dead without the Cities as we may read Luk. 7.12 where our Saviour did meet the people at the gate of the City carrying a young man to be buried This custome of a long time was reteined among the Gentiles as among the Athenians who would by no meanes grant to Servius Sulpitius a place of buriall within the City Cicer. epist. famil lib. 4. Plato also prescribeth that the dead should be buried in the fields and such as were barren and good for nothing else lib. 2. de legib It was also forbidden by the Romane Jewes Hominem mortuum in urbe ne sepelitâ— Bury not a dead man in the Citie The Christians were the first which buried the dead in their Churches not as Tostatus which first buried them within their Cities or houses as Pererius therein confuting him sheweth out of Diodorus that it was the manner of the Egyptians to keepe their dead in coffins at home placing them upright and to give their bodies as pledges to their creditors Diodor. lib. 2. cap. 11. and out of Herodotus how the Egyptians doe inclose their dead in vessels of glasse in their houses and make pictures of them Herod lib. 3. But this use to bury the dead in Churches and neare unto them for more holinesse of the place was first taken up by superstitious Christians which respect of the place if it be onely civilly used wee condemne not as Lycurgus ordained that the dead should be buried neere unto the Temples that others passing by might be stirred up by the sight of their monuments to imitate their vertues Plutar. in Lycurg But to place the dead in Church or Church-yard to be helped by the prayers of the living as Tostatus and Pererius is a superstitious device of fantasticall men without any warrant of Scripture for if they died in the Lord they rest from their labours and their workes follow them Revel 14.13 If otherwise they are in the place of torment from whence is no returne Luk. 16.26 and our prayers can doe them no good 3. Confut. Against traditions and visions Vers. 25. GOd will surely visit you Ioseph though he had received no vision or revelation from God concerning this yet he did verily beleeve the word and promise of God which hee had heard of Iacob which sheweth their errour that as not contented with the Scriptures seeke other helps as the Papists by their blinde traditions the Anabaptists by their fantasticall visions Calvin But wee are taught that the Scriptures are sufficient to lead us into all truth and that they which do teach otherwise though an Angell from heaven are to be held as accursed Galath 1.8 4. Confut. Against prayer for the dead Vers. 25. YE shall carry my bones hence The Patriarkes Iacob and Ioseph desired to be buried in the Land of promise 1. Because that was the place which the Lord did choose for his people to dwell in 2. They did hereby testifie their faith in Gods promises that he would bring their seed thither 3. They desired to be buried with their fathers as having the same hope of the resurrection 4. They foresaw by the spirit of prophecie that the Messiah should be borne there 5. But this was no cause as Bellarmine imagineth that they might receive benefit by the prayers and sacrifices of the dead 1. For at this time and 200. yeeres after Iacobs death there was no worship of God nor publike prayer professed in Canaan till the Israelites returned out of Egypt 2. And if prayer were availeable for the dead it might profit them which were buried in Egypt farre off as well as neere hand 3. No example can be produced out of the Canonicall Scriptures of the old Testament that ever any prayed for the dead 5. Confut. Against the carrying about of relikes Vers. 26. THey put him in a chest in Egypt Ioseph was layed up in a coffin and there kept they did not rake in his ashes and take out his bones and carry them about to worke miracles as they serve the bodies of Saints in the popish Church if they be their bodies Plinie maketh mention of Pyrrhus that his great toe on the right foot could not be burned with his body and that it gave helpe being touched to those which had the swelling of the splene whereupon it was laid up in the Temple Plin. l. 7. This whether it were an imposture of Sathan or one of Plinies fables I cannot say many like tales are current among the Romanists But Iosias practised the contrary who would not suffer the bones of the Prophet of Iudah to be removed that prophesied of him by name 2 King 23.17 6. Places of morall observation 1. Moâ— To mourne moderately for the dead Vers. 3. THe Egyptians bewayled him 70. daies But Ioseph onely mourned for his father seven daies vers 10. wherein appeareth the difference betweene the mourning of the faithfull which have hope and of infidels which have no hope of the resurrection the one is moderate the other excessive So the Apostle teacheth that wee should not mourne for the dead as those that have no hope 1 Thess. 4.13 but with sobriety and in measure 2. Mor. Vnity of religion the bond of peace Vers. 17. FOrgive the trespasse of the servants of thy Fathers God there is nothing which ought more to perswade men to unitie than that they worship one and the
that Cain dwelt in Eden but over against it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Septuagint translate on the east side now Paradise is said to be planted not on the east side of Eden but in Eden toward the east in respect of the situation as it was then to the Israelites being at that time when Moses wrote this story in the desart 3. all the translators in this place take this word Eden for a proper name 3. Doct. Henoch the first city in the world 3. V. 17 HE called the city Henoch Hence it is apparaÌ„t who was the first founder of cities that they were not froÌ„ the beginning as Aristotle thought 2. Neither that they first began to be built under the reigne of Iupiter who was after the floud 3. Neither that Athens or Cecropia built by Cecrops as the Greeks 4. Or Argos as the Argives 5. Or Thebes as the Aegyptians were the first Cities but this City built by Cain and called Henochia whereof Berosuâ— Annianus writeth that it was built about the mountaine Libanus and that in his time some part of the foundation did appeare being called by the inhabitants the city of Cain 5. Places of confutation 1. Confut. Man hath no power of himselfe to rule ever sinne 1. Vers. 7. VNto thee his desire shall be subject c. From hence Bellarmine and Pererius understanding these words of subjection of sin would prove that man hath free will by nature to sin and not to sin dominari peccato to rule over sin Answer 1. It is evident that this place is understood not of the subjection of sin but the submission of Abel to his brother as Chrysostom expoundeth 2. For of sin it was not true that Cain had dominion over it as he had over his brother 3. Neither can it properly be said that sin hath a desire to the soule but the soule rather to it 4. The Septuagint translate the conversion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thereof making no mention before of sin at all whose conversion then is it but Abels who was spoken of before 5. And if they will understand it of sin it would follow that man by his naturall power only could resist the temptation of sin which yet Bellarmine is ashamed to affirme 2. Confut. Monkery not knowne to the old world 2. Vers. 26. THen began men c. This place is urged by Bellarmine to prove the institution of Monkery that Enos brought in a more strict kind of life than was used before Ans. If the text be thus read they began to profane the invocation of the name of God then they have no colour of monkery from hence 2. If the other reading be admitted it followeth not that because Enos began after a wore strict manner to worship God that therefore he was a Monke 3. And his begetting of sonnes and daughters Genes 5.10 sheweth that he was no monke 6. Places of morall observation 1. Vers. 5. CAin was exceeding wroth Wee see the cause why the righteous are hated of the wicked is for their innocent life as Cain hated his brother as the Apostle saith because his workes are evill his brothers good 1 Iohn 3.12 2. Vers. 14. Thou hast cast me from thy face c. This is the greatest punishment of sinne to bee forsaken of God and given over to a reprobate sense as Cain was and as the Apostle saith the Gentiles were delivered over to a reprobate mind Rom. 1.28 as Ambrose noteth well nihil gravius guam â—rraâ—tâ—m a deo deseri ut se revocare non posset nothing is more grievous than for him that erreth to be forsaken of God that he cannot recall himselfe 3. Vers. 14. WHosoever findeth me shall slay me c. Bernard well noteth here consolationem miseram obtinuit quam querebat he obtained that miserable comfort which hee desired that is not to be killed as Saul desired the Prophet to honour him before the people Sam. 15. such are the momentany solaces of worldly men which are farre from the true and ever-during comforts 4. Vers. 17. In that Cain built a City and his posterity were the inventers of humane acts of tents musicke carving we see that saying of our Saviour to be verified that the children of this world are wiser in their generation than the children of light Luke 16.8 and Gregory well observeth â—â—iquimentem in amore presentis vitae figunt that wicked men doe fire their minde in the love of this present life Kaine buildeth a city and calleth it Henoch by his sonnes name which signifieth dedication but Henoch in the righteous line is the seventh so the wicked doe dedicate worldly possessions in the first place the righteous in the last 5. By this example of Cain and Habel we learne that we are not to measure Gods favour by the accidents of this life as Ambrose well sheweth that Abel justus innocens imâ—â—â—urus sublatus est c. a just innocent devout man in his young yeares is taken away whereas wicked Cain liveth long begetteth children buildeth Cities which is an evident demonstration of another life after this wherein God shall measure to every man according to their workes CHAP. V. The Method IN this Chapter there is a rehearsall of the yeares of the Patriarkes before the floud and of their acts there is a threefold account of their yeares before they begat children and after and the summe of both joyned together Their acts are either generall in begetting sonnes and daughters or speciall as of Henoch his godly conversation he walked with God in earth v. 22. his translation he walked with God in heaven v. 24. of Lamech his consolation in his sonne Noah v. 29. 2. The grammaticall interpretation v. 1. This is the booke of the generation of men S. of Adam cat this is the enumeration T. heb sepher a book an ennarration v. 3. Adam lived 230. yeares S. an 130. cater v. 4. The dayes of Adam which he lived after he begat Seth were 700. S. the dayes of Adam after hee begat Seth were 800. cater v. 6. Seth lived 205. yeares S. an 105. yeares cater v. 7. Seth lived 707. yeares S. 805. yeares cater v. 9. Enos lived 190. yeares S. 90. yeares cat v. 10. Enos lived after he begat c. 715. yeares S. 815. yeares cat v. 12 an 170. yeares S. 70. yeares cat v. 13.740 yeares S. 840. cat v. 15. an 165. yeares S. 65. yeares cat v. 16.730 yeares S. 830. yeares cat v. 21. an 165. yeares S. 65. yeares cat v. 22. and Henoâ—h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pleased God S. walked with God cat walked continenter steadfastly with God Tr. heb halech to walke walked in the feare of God Ch. v. 24. he was not found S. he appeared not H. Ch. was no more seene B. G. noâ— extitit he was no more Tr. heb he was not v. 24. God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
taken for Arabia as Ezek. 27.13 and 32.6 some thinke it more like to be a countrey neare to Arabia Perer. they cannot bee the Spanyards as Mercerus thinketh Of all the rest I judge Iosephus opinion to be most probable as shall appeare in the next place 6. Mesech 1. This is neither like to bee the Muscovites as some have thought because of the similitude of the letters Mercer 2. Neither is Mesech neare Arabia as Pererius would gather out of the Psalme 120.5 Woe is me that I am constrained to dwell in Mesech and in the tents of Kedar for although it bee agreed that Cedar is here taken for part of Arabia yet the other word is rather appellative than proper in this place and commeth of the Hebrew mashach which signifieth to prolong so the sense is why doe I sojourne so long as both Hierome and Tremellius translate and the Chalde read I have sojourned cum Asiavis c. cum tabernaculis Arabiani with men of Asia and in the tabernacles of the Arabians 3. Wherefore it is most like that Mesech was in Asia neare to Tubals countrey confining upon Armenia rather than Arabia and to be the countrey called Cappadocia Iosephus saith that the Cappadocians were first called Mesochaei Mesochians Pliny nameth them Mossyni Epiphanius Mossynaeci and Mela witnesseth that there is a certaine hill in Armenia toward Cappadocia called Moschicus and Iosephus testifieth that there was a certaine City in Cappadocia called Mosecha afterward Caesarea this therefore is that Mesech which is joyned so often in the Scripture with Thubal 7. Thiras 1. which is neither the Turkes as the Hierosolymitan 2. nor the Persians as Selomo Iarchi 3. But as it is received of the most this was the father of the Thracians who inhabited neare unto Pontus Euxinus not so called Thraces tanquam truces of their cruell and savage nature as of the hardnesse of the countrey but of their first founder Thyras Mercer Iun. QVEST. VI. Where the sonnes of Gomer inhabited Vers. 3. THe sonnes of Gomer Ashkenaz Riphath Togarmah 1. Some take Ashkâ—naz for the Gothes or Scithians Genevens Ierom. 51.27 2. Some for Germany Iosephus for the Rhegini a people of Italy sic Mercer 3. But it is most like they were a people inhabiting Asia as Ierosolymitan gathereth Ierem. 51.27 where Ashkenaz is numbred among the assistants of the Medes and Persians that came against Babylon And for the better evidence hereof there is a lake in Bithynia called Ascania and certaine Ilands of the Sea Aegeum are named Ascania Pliny also maketh mention of a famous mart towne in Phrygia called Ascania ex Iunio. 2. Riphath called also Diphath 1 Chron. 1.6 Epiphanius taketh them for the Caspians Ierosolymitan for the Phrigians Mercerus for the Râ—phei But it is most like they were the Paphlagonians who Iosephus saith were called Riphathaei whereof also the mountaines Riphaei were so named 3. Togarma this neither is like to be Turks as the Jewes nor the Germaine as the Chalde paraphrast Esech 27.13 for they had no traffick with Tiâ—us being so farre distant nor yet Barbary as the Jerosolymitan Paraphrast for Esech 38.6 the Thogarmians are reckoned among those nations that assisted Gog the Prince of Asia against the Israelites Iosephus taketh Togarma for the Phrigians but they are most like to be a people of Armenia the lesse whose Kings were called Tygranes as derived from Togarmah Iun. QVEST. VII Of the sonnes of Iavan Vers. 4. THe sonnes of Iavan Elisha c. Elisha the Chalde Paraphrast taketh for Italia Esech 27.7 some for the fortunate Islands whereof the Poets tooke occasion so much to celebrate the campi Elysii the Elisian fields tharg Hieros for Hellas Graecia Iosephus for the Aeolians famous for purple Ezech. 27.7 which is most probable Iunius Mercer 2. Tarshish Iosephus taketh it for India that yeeldeth gold lib. 8. antiquit and so doth Hierome the Septuagint Ezech. 23. for Tarshish reade Carthage the Chalde paraphrast Ierem. 10. Africa But Tarshish is rather Cilicia where was the City Tarsus S. Pauls countrey Iunius Mercer Act. 21.39 And hereupon because the Cilicians were chiefe Navigators and commanders of the Mediterranian sea all those coasts along were called Tarshish 3. Kittim some understand the Italians and Romanes as the Latine translation and Chalde Paraphrast Numer 24.24 Iosephus and Epiphanius the Cyprians where was the Citie Citium the towne of Zeno Citius chiefe of the Stoikes Mercer But Kittim are rather the people called Citii inhabiting in Asia neare to Cilicia of whom that City in Cyprus might be so called 4. Dodanim or Rhodanim 1 Chron. 1. v. 1. for the Hebrew daleâ—h and resh may easily be mistaken one for another the Hierosolymit understandeth Dodana in Epirus Mercer some the countrey by Rodanus the river of Rhone But the Rodians of the Isle Rodes are most like to take their beginning from hence as the Septuagint interpret Iun. QVEST. VIII Of the Isles of the Gentiles Vers. 5. THe Isles of the Gentiles that is all the sea coasts upon the Mediterranean sea not only the Islands as Rhodes Ciprus but the countries bordering upon the Sea were inhabited by these sonnes of Iavan for as Hierome citeth out of Varro and others the Grecians replenished the sea coasts from the mountaines Amanus and Taurus almost to the British sea the other sonnes of Iapheth inhabited the Asian and East parts as is before shewed And as yet there was no division of tongues whereof Moses entreateth c. 11. but he here speaketh thereof by way of anticipation QVEST. IX Of the sonnes of Cham. Vers. 6. THe sonnes of Ham were Chus Ham or Cham with his posterity dispersed themselves into the Meridoniall or Sotherne parts of the world both in Asia and Africa whereupon the tents or Tabernacles of Cham are taken for Aegypt Psal 78 51. and Chemmis was the name of a great Citie in Thebais and of an Island Chush is taken in Scripture both for Arabia in Asia and the great countrey Aethiopia in Africa Genes 2.13 the land of Chush must needs bee understood to bee Arabia Numb 12. Zippora Moses wife is said to bee Chusitis a Chusite or as other read an Aethiopian and yet shee was a Madianite which countrey bordered upon Arabia so 2 Chron. 14.9 Zerah King of Chush or Aethiopia came against Asia which is not like to have beene King of the African Aethiopia which was a great way distant from Palestina neither was there cause of hostility or enmity betweene the Jewes and them being so farre disjoyned and the text saith that Asa pursued the Aethiopians to Gerar and smote the Cities about it which did belong as should seeme to Zâ—rah But this Gerar was in the confines of Palestina as may appeare by the peregrination of Abraham and Isaack Genes 20.26 But that in some places Chush is taken for the greater Aethiopia beyond Aegypt is evident also in
the Scripture as 2 King 19.9 Tirhakâ— King of Aethiopia came out against Senacherib under whose dominion Arabia and the countries adjoyning in Asia were likewise Ierem. 13.23 can the Aethiopian or Chushite change his skin c. Wherefore Beroaldus opinion that would have Arabia only taken for Chush upon the reason before alleaged wanteth sufficient ground there was then two countries called Chush or Aethiopia one in Asia the other in Africa one in the West the other toward the East which two countries were severed by the Arabian sea This distinction Pererius well noteth to have beene observed by forreine writers Homer Herodotus Pliny Mizraim is by a generall consent taken for Aegypt which was so called of Aegyptus brother to Danaus who there reigned having expelled his brother which happened as Augustine following Eusebius saith in Iosua his time more than 800. yeares after the floud But according to the computation of Manethon an Aegyptian Chronographer cited by Iosephus lib. 1. cont Appion it was 390. yeares after Moses leading of the Israelites out of Aegypt Put otherwise called Pul. Isac 66.19 from him came the Lybians so the Septuagint translate Ezech. 30.5 the inhabitants were first called Puthaei and in Mauritania there was a river of that name called Phut Iosephus lib. 1. antiquit Plin. lib. 5. c. 1. Epiphanius taketh them to be the people called Axumitae beyond Aegypt among the Troglodites from this name some conjectuâ—e Phaieton to be derived which gave occasion to the Poeticall fictions So it is most like that Phut and his posterity inhabited the African coasts the people since were called Libians of Libya the daughter of Epaphus and the country Africa of Apher sonne of Hercules the Lybian Chanaan the posterity of this Canaan is exactly described v. 15. these were all called by one generall name of Cananites but distinguished into divers other people whose countrey was afterward given unto Abraham and his posterity QVEST. X. Of the Sabeans Vers. 7. THe sonne of Chuch Saba c. These Sabeans were neither people of Aethiopia as Iosephus nor yet so called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of worshipping because the incense which came from them was used in sacrifices But they inhabited Arabia Faelix of these Sabeans the Prophet Isay speaketh 45.19 prophane authors also make mention of them Pliny maketh them a people of Arabia famous for incense dwelling betweene the two Seas the Persian and Arabicke Strabo saith also Sabaei faelicem Arabam incolunt c. they inhabited the fortunate or happy Arabia and he further describeth them by their rich commodities of incense mirrh cynamon balme wherof they have such abundance that they use cynamon and casia in stead of wood for the fire they have their beds tables stooles vessels of silver and gold c. 2. Chavilah Iosephus and Hierome following him to whom subscribeth Mercer thinke this to be the Getulians in the remote parts of Africa but it is most like to bee a countrey not farre from the Ismalites and Amalekites in Asia confining upon the countrey Susiana in Persia for the Ismalites dwelt from Havilah to Sur Gen. 25.18 and Saul smote Amaleck from Havilah to Sur 1 Sam. 15.7 yet this is another Chavilah from that mentioned v. 29. 3. Sabthah which cannot be the people Astabari in Aethiopia so called of the river Astabarus which runneth into Nilus as Iosephus thinketh and Mâ—rcerus But these people called of the Greekes Sabbatheni inhabited a part of Arabia Faelix neare to the Persian Sea where Ptolomy placeth the City Sabathe which seemeth to be the same that Pliny calleth Sabbatholes which hath within the wals 60. temples 4. Rahma Hier. Regma Epiphanius agreeing with Iosephus thinke this Regmah to bee the countrey Garaon Garamantus in Lybia but by their merchandize of precious stones and spice Ezech. 27.22 they are rather thought to inhabite Arabia Faelix where Ptolomy placeth the City Ragamah 5. Sabthâ—ca the founder of the people Sacalitae in Arabia Faelix neare to the Persian gulph Iun. QVEST. XI Of Sheba and Dedan Vers. 7. THe sonnes of Raamah Sheba Dedan This Sheban is another from Saba before mentioned the first being written with Shin the other with Samech and this Sheba differeth from that Sheba which was of Abrahams posterity Genes 25.3 that Shebah inhabited Arabia deserta but this in Aethiopia It was the Queene of this countrey that came to Salomon 1 King 10.1 called the Queene of the South Matth. 12. But Arabia is more East than South from Palestina the Queenes of this countrey were called by the name of Candaces Act. 8. The Sabeans that drove away Iobs cattell were not as Pererius thinketh and Mercerus of this people but of the other Shabeans of Arabia deserta Dedan Iosephus and Hierome place the Dedanaeans in Aethiopia so also Mercerus but that is not like because they did trafficke with Tyrus Ezek. 27.20 which they could not conveniently doe if they dwelt in the remote and farre distant country of Aethiopia It is more probable that they inhabited some part of Arabia Faelix not farre from Idumea as may appeare Ierem 49.8 where the name of Dedan are threatned to bee destroyed together with Edom as being their assistant and coadjutors in evill But let this further bee noted that there are two other of the same name Dedan and Sheba which came to Abraham by Ketura Gen. 25. which inhabited Arabia deserta QVEST. XII Of Nimrods cruelty Vers. 8. ANd Chus begat Nimrod 1. Augustine as the Septuagint also translate thinketh he was a gyant in the stature of his body 2. Hierome that he first exercised tyranny and cruell dominion whereas before there was no such violent rule practised 3. Wherein his ambition appeareth to seeke to be Lord of all Noah yet living Calvin 4. Iosephus saith that he provoked men to pride and contempt of God teaching men to ascribe their happinesse to themselves not unto God 5. Hugo saith he brought in Idolatry teaching men to worship fire that was so commodious to men which errour the Chaldeans followed 5. Hee is called a Hunter by a Metaphor because hee hunted men as beasts are chased Ierem. 4 18. QVEST. XIII How Nimrod is said to be a mighty hunter before the Lord. Vers. 9. A Mighty hunter before the Lord. 1. which words are neither to be so taken as if it should have been said that Nimrod was the mightiest man under heaven sic Vatablus and Mercerus following Ramban 2. Neither that Nimrod did offer in sacrifice to God the beasts which he hunted for Ezraâ— Nor yet that Nimrod did simulate dissemblingly professe himselfe a worshipper of God Cajetane 4. Neither doth this clause onely serve to amplifie as Psal. 104.16 the Cedars are called the Cedars of God that is high trees So Nimrod should here bee said to bee a hunter before the Lord that is a mighty hunter as Ramban for that is said before 5. As for that fable
by Augustine 2. Some give too small a time as Herodotus of 500. yeares lib. 1.3 But others yeeld a longer time as Velleius a 1070. yeares Instinus a 1300. lib. 1. Eusebius Cyril Isidor Beda a 1240. yeares Diodorus a 1390. which opinion is most probable for from Abrahams birth to Manasses raine under the which the Assyrian Monarchy ceased are counted yeares an 1310. adde hereunto 40. yeeres of Ninus raine before Abrahams birth and they make a 1350. And if the Assyrian Empire were surprized in the 40. yeare of Manasses as Pererius thinketh the whole time will make a 1390. yeares Perer. QVEST. XVIII How long the City of Ninive stood Vers. 11. ANd builded Ninive c. Concerning the continuance also of this City of Ninive and the finall overthrow thereof many opinions there are 1. It is not like that this City was destroyed either in the 7. yeare of Ozias as Eusebius thinketh or in the reigne of Manasses as Iosephus either in the 14. yeare of his reigne as Diodorus or the 40. as Pererius nor yet under Iosias as Hierome for in the last yeare of Iosias reigne Pharao Necho went up against the King of Assur 2 King 23.29 As yet then the Kingdome of Assur flourished and Ninive also the head City thereof 2. Neither is it like that Ninive was surprized by Ciaxares King of Medes after whom Astiages reigned 35. yeares whom Cyrus succeeded as Herodotus for thus the destruction of Ninive should fall within the 70. yeares captivity of the Israelites But whereas the Prophet Nahum prophesieth that Ninive should bee destroyed by the Chaldeans Nahum 3.7 The opinion of the Hebrewes is most like that Nabuchadnezer destroyed Ninive and not the King of the Medes in the first yeare of his reigne about the beginning of Iehoiakims reigne for it is not like that the King of the Chaldeans could so prevaile and begin his Monarchy till hee had conquered the King of Assur and subdued the chiefe City the strength of his Kingdome so then the Kingdome of Assyria and state of Ninive continued almost 50. yeares beyond the 40. yeare of Manasses that is 15. yeares more of Manasses reigne and of 29. Iosias and some part of Iehoiakims reigne which make in all a 1440. yeares or thereabout QVEST. XIX Of Rehoboth Calah Resen Vers. 11. THe City Rehoboth and Calah Resen c. This is a great City 1. Rehoboth is here the proper name of a City not to be taken appellatively for the broad streets of Ninive as Hierosolymit and Hierome for the addition of the word City sheweth it to bee a peculiar place so called and therefore it is called Rehoboth of the river Genes 36.37 likely to bee the City Oraba which Ptolome placeth upon the river Tygris 2. Calah Epiphanius taketh for Thobel Hierosolym for the City Hariatha which Ptolome calleth Arâ—agicarta But it was rather the chiefe City of the countrey Calacina or Calachena in Assyria whereof Strabo maketh mention as confining upon Ninive Iun. 3. Resen not as the 70. read Dase some take it for the Towne Resama in Mesopotamia some for Arsianes in the province Susiana Epiphanius calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lobus Hierosolym Thelessarum But it is most like to bee the City Bessarum in Assyria according to Ptolome sic Iunius 4. Ninive was this great City not Resen before spoken of as Mercerus following R. Levi not so great in the beginning but at that time when Moses did thus write the wals were in compasse 60. miles the height of 102. feet the breadth able to receive three carts one meeting another it had an 150. towres of the height of 200. feet In this Citie when Ionas preached were an 120. thousand little children which could not bee above the 5. part so that the City may be supposed to have had no lesse than 600. thousand inhabitants It is called a City of 3. dayes journey that is to walke about the compasse or circuit thereof or as Pererius thinketh to take a view of the streets and parts thereof QVEST. XX. Of the sonnes of Mizraim Vers. 13. MIsraim begat Ludim c. 1. Ludim are not the Lydians of Asia minor but a people rather confining upon the Aegyptians and confederate with them as Ierem. 46.9 the Prophet nameth the Aethiopians Lybians Lydians as assistants to the Aegyptians the Ludaei then are the inhabitants of the countrey Meraeotis in Aegypt some take Ludim for Mauritania Mercer Hierosol 2. The Hanamaei Hananims are the Pentapolites or Cyrenians in Aegypt Hieros or rather a people in Aethiopia Mercer 3. Lehabims they are the Lybians in Africa where also the people called before Phutei inhabiting the inward parts Hierom. in tradition in Genes 4. The Naphtahims are certaine Aethiopians in the further part of Aegypt where there was a City called Napatha Plin. lib. 6. c. 29. 5. Pathrusims not the Pelusians in the edge of Aegypt as Hierosol or the inhabitants of Arabia Petrea but the Pharusians rather as Ptolome and Pliny call them a people inhabiting the middle part of Aegypt whereof Isay maketh mention Isay 11.11 Mercer 6. The Caslahims are the inhabitants of the countrey Cassiotis and the Capthorims of the region Sethroitis about the mouth of Nilus bordering upon Palestina Iun. QVEST. XXI Of the originall of the Philistims Vers. 14. OVt of whom came the Philistims 1. These are they whom the septuagint call Allophyli that is aliens or strangers and the Latines Palestini and their countrey Palestina which contained five regions according to five principall Cities of Gaza Ascalon Gath Accaron Azotus all bordering upon the Mediterranean sea 2. These Philistimes came of the Capthorims for so are they called the remnant of the Isle of Capthor Ierem. 47.4 which Capthorims cannot be the Cappadocians as the Chalde readeth here and both the Greeke and Latine interpreter Deut. 2.28 for the Cappadocians inhabited a large countrey neare to Pontus and the hill Taurus farre distant from Palestina and therefore it is not like the Philistims should come from so farre and of any other Cappadocia nearer hand we find no mention But these Capthorims inhabited in the nearer parts of Aegypt as is before shewed 3. Whereas here the Philistims are said to come from the Casluhims and in other places from the Capthorims it may be explained thus that the Capthorims came first up to the Casluhims which is in the way to Palestina and joyning with them being yet the chiefe ringleaders themselves invaded the country Palestina 4. Some thinke that both the Philistims and Capthorims came of the Casluhims Mercer but the better reading is to make this a parenthesis of whom came the Philistims so that the Capthorims shall be the seventh sonne of Mizraim 5. Some Hebrewes will have the Philistims and Capthorims to come both of the Pathrasims and Caslâ—hans of whom marrying together they say were the Philistims Giants and the Capthorims dwarfes But the Philistims are
here said to come of the Casluhims 5. This Palestina then was first inhabited by the Cananites which were expelled by the Capthorims Deut. 2.23 and though afterward it was inhabited by the Philistims yet it was part of the land of Canaan and so of right belonged to the land of promise QVEST. XXII Of the progeny of the Cananites Vers. 15. ANd Canaan begat Zidon c. 1. He was the founder of Sidon a City in Phaeniciâ— called great Sidon Iosu. 19.28 because it was a famous City more ancient than Tirus which the Prophet nameth the daughter of Sidon Isay 23.12 Iustinus thinketh it was so called of the abundance of fish for in the Phaenician language a fisherman is called Said but it is more like that Sidon beareth the name of the founder to this day 2. Cheth or Heth from him came the Hethites that dwelt about Hebron as it may appeare by the cave which Abraham bought of them Genes 23.19 This was a warlike people and of them were there gyants men of great stature of whom the Syrians were afraid lest the King of Israel had hired them 2 King 7.6 3. Iebusi the founder of the City Jebus afterward called Jerusalem Iosua 18.28 from whence they could not be expelled till Davids time 2 Sam. 5. 4. Emori father of the Amortheans or Amorites which inhabited about Bashan and Gilead whose king was Og their country fell to the lot of Gad and Ruben and the halfe tribe of Manasses Num. 21. these Amorites were dispersed into divers parts of the land of Canaan and therefore the whole country beareth their name Genes 15.16 the wickednesse of the Amorites is not yet full their stature of body was great therefore compared to the Cedars Amos 2.9 But their wickednesse was greater as the Prophet to set forth the sinne of Israel saith their father was an Amorite c. Ezech. 16.3 5. Girghashi of whom came the Gergasenes Matt. 8. by the lake Tiberias where was the Towne of Ptolome called Gerasa of Iosephus Cesaera of Pliny Gelasa hence some thinke the lake Genesar had the name Mercer 6. Hivi of him came the Hivites these dwelt under mount Hermon Iosua 11.3 which is a part of mount Lebanon Iud. 3.3 toward the East belonging to Trachonitis Perer. some of the Hebrewes take the Hivites and Rephaim for all one and for that cause Genes 15.20 where the nations of the Cananites are rehearsed the Rephaim are named and the Hivites omitted 7. Arki who built the City Areas over against Tripolis under Lebanon Hierom. 8. Sivi of whom the desart of Sin tooke the name Perer. and the City Sin not farre from Lebanon Hierom. of him came the inhabiters of Capaâ—orsa Hierosal a towne in Idumea not farre from Jebus toward the south Ptolom 9. Arvadi of whom came the Aradians that inhabited the Island Aradus famous for their skill in sea-faring Ezech. 27. v. 8. 10. Zemari Hierom placeth the Semareans in Colo Syria with their city Edessa Hierosol taketh them for the Emisseni in Syria whom Pliny calleth Hemiseni But it is most like that he was the author of those that inhabited Zemaraim Iosua 18.22 of whom also the mountaine Zemaraim was so called 2 Chron. 13.4 11. Chamathi two Cities of this name Chamath we read of in the Scripture one in the land of Canaan which belonged unto the possession of Nephthaly Iosua 19.35 called Hamoth Dor one of the Cities of refuge Iosua 21.32 The other was a chiefe Citie of Damascus Ierem 49.23 Tou the King of this Hamath was in league with David 1 Chron. 18.9 This Chamath the sonne of Canaan was the father of the Inhabitants of this Country which Zeiglerus would have to be Ithurea Iosephus and Hierome and Hierosol thinke this Hamath to be Antiochia the chiefe City of Syria Iunius taketh it for the Province Camatha which extendeth from Lebanon to Arabia deserta the chiefe City whereof in time past was called Amathus QVEST. XXIII Of the Perizzites BUt whereas Genes 15.20 21. two other Nations are named which inhabited the promised land the Canaanites and Perizzites whereof no mention is made in this place The reason hereof may bee 1. either because those were of some of these kindreds the one called Canaanites as being the chiefe among them the other might be the Samareans as Pererius or some other so called because they inhabited the plaine Countrey in unwalled Townes for so the word is taken Esther 9.19 where the Jewes are called Perazim that is dwelling in Villages 2. Or which is most like as all these eleven sonnes of Canaan dwelled not in Canaan as the Arvadians and Camatheans so some forrainers of other kindreds might inhabite amongst them which came not of Canaan as the Kenites Kenizites Cadmonites whose Countrey is promised to Abraham Gen. 15.19 Such were the Philistims that came of the Capthorims which expelled the Anims Deut. 2.23 Iosua 13.3 There were also the Geshurites and Maachathites Iosu. 13.13 Such also might these Perizzites be 3. And beside these people of the Canaanites the ancient Inhabitants being expelled and removed might change their names Mercer QVEST. XXIV Of the borders and bounds of Canaan Vers. 9. THen the border of the Canaanites c. 1. Moses doth carefully limit the Countrey of Canaan because it was that land which the Lord had promised to the Israelites 2. The foure bounds of the Countrey of Canaan are Zidon in the North and Gaza on the South on the West side and on the East side the five Cities Sodoma with the rest Zoar is not named because it was but a small Towne and of no great account Gen. 19.20 in the North corner and Lasha in the South the same is Calirrhoe as Hierome thinketh where was a Bath of hot waters 3. This is the descrption of the whole land of Canaan which comprehended the seven Nations of the Canaanites expelled by the Hebrewes But that land of Canaan which is described by Iosua 13.3 was but one Countrey on the West toward the Sea a part of this great Country of Canaan which was the land of the Philistims QVEST. XXV Iapheth the eldest sonne C ham the youngest 2. THe brother of Iapheth the elder It is rather thus to bee read then the elder brother of Iapheth 1. Some thinke that Sem was the youngest sonne of Noah and C ham the next and Iapheth eldest as Lyranus Tostatus Genebrard But the contrary is evident Gen. 9.24 where Cham is called the younger sonne in respect of Sem and Iapheth 2. Neither was Sem the eldest as Augustine thinketh lib. 16. de Civit. Dei cap. 3. and Cajetanus Vatablus and some Hebrewes as Kimhi for Noah was five hundred yeare old when he beganne to beget his children Gen. 5.32 and when the floud came he was 600. yeare old Gen. 7.6 Now â—wo yeare after the floud Sem at an hundred yeare old begat Arphacsad Gen. 11.10 but then
for the water because brick work will endure the fire for they were not so foolish to imagine that the whole world could be preserved in one Tower and though the building might stand against the rage of fire yet the men enclosed should not be able to endure the heat 3. But the cause of chusing this matter for building was the necessity of the place Mercer where stone was not to be had and yet the earth of that plaine being of a fat and slimie substance was very fit to make bricke which was the cause why Pharao built his Cities in the plaine Countrey of Egypt of brickes Exod. 1. and beside that region afforded a kinde of naturall lime of slimie nature like pitch which issued forth of the River Is in great abundance as Herodotus saith and out of a fountaine neere to Naptha which in the Babylonian language signifieth liquid Pitch or Brimstone Strabo 4. This stuffe which they used for morter was neither argilla a kinde of Potters clay as Vatablus nor yet Crâ—ta chalke as Oleaster or luâ—um a soft earth as Pagnine nor calx viva lime as Diodor. Tharsense but as the Hebrew word chemer signifieth which the Septuag translate asphaltoâ— it was a reddish sulphurious earth clammie like pitch which was in stead of camentum as Hieron or intritum Tremell morter so that this chemâ—r slimie earth was in stead of chomer morter by which meanes of bricke and bitumen Semiramis afterward enlarged the wals of Babylon Perer. QVEST. III. Who was the chiefe in this worke vers 4. LEt us build a City and Tower 1. Cajetane gathereth from hence that all the people of the world were not here assembled because one City could not suffice for them all But that is no reason for they built not this City for the habitation of all but to be a monument of their fame and as the chiefe City of all other which they should build afterwards 2. Nimrod seemeth to have beene the captaine and ring-leader of this company for Babel was the beginning of his Kingdome Gen. 10.10 so thinketh Iosephus and Augustine 3 Though the counsell came first from Nimrod or some few abiit tandem in â—â—udium catholicum it grew to be the catholike that is common desire of all Muscul. QUEST IV. Of the heighth of the tower of Babel WHose top shall reach to heaven 1. It is not like that as Augustine supposeth they indeed thought to build a tower so high whose top should touch the clouds quest 21. in Gen. and so these words to be taken according to their literall sound 2. And that report of Abydenus cited by Eusebius is to be held but a fable that when they had builded almost up to heaven iâ— was tumbled downe by a mighty wind and it is very like that the Poets tooke occasion hereby to devise that fiction of the warre of the Giants and their laying the great hils of Pelion Ossa Olympus one upon another to climbe up to heaven 2. Neither to answer the objection of the heathen who tooke exception to this story it being unpossible though all the earth were laid for a foundation to build up to heaven need we with Philo to make an allegory of the building of this Tower who understandeth thereby their proud and high attempts against God 3. Neither yet is it like as Berosus Annianus that they reared this tower so high to make it equall to the mountaines or that as Iosephus writeth they imagined to bring it so high and accordingly performed it that it exceeded the mountaines in height to be a defence from like generall floud or that this tower was foure miles high as Hierome saith he was enformed by some in 14. Esai much lesse 27. miles high as some Hebrewes imagine 4. But in these words there is an hyperbolicall speech wherein more is expressed than meant usuall both in the Scriptures and in forraine writers as Deuter. 1.28 Their Cities are walled up to heaven their meaning then is that they would build this tower exceeding high And it is very like that it was of a very great and unwonted height although no certainty thereof is extant in any writer Herodotus speaketh of a Temple consecrate to Belus in Babylon foure square containing two stadia or furlongs in breadth and a tower in the middest being one furlong in height and another above that till it came to eight one above another so that by this account it should seeme to have beene an Italian mile in heighth Diodor. saith it was so high that the Chaldeans made it a Sea marke Plinie writeth that it continued till his time and Hierome that it remained till his and Theodoret also in his memorie The Hebrewes thinke that one third part of this tower sunke another was burnt the third part stood but howsoever that were it is like that some part of it remained as a perpetuall monument of their pride and follie Mercer QVEST. V. What moved the Babylonians to build this tower 4. THat we may get us a name lest we be scattered c. 1. It is not like that they built this tower to keepe them from the like generall inundation as Iosephus thinketh for they could not be ignorant that God had made a covenant with Noah never to destroy the world so againe 2. Neither did they make this bricke tower to be a defence against the rage of fire wherewith they knew the world should be destroyed for what was one tower to save the whole world 3. But one cause might be of the building of this tower the ambitious desire of dominion as Hugo saith Factum esse cupiditate regnandi Nimrod set forwards this worke that it might be the beginning and chiefe of his kingdome Genes 10.10 4. Another reason is here expressed lest they should be dispersed not as the Latine Interpreter before they should be dispersed for they knew it not they built them a City and Tower to maintaine society that they might dwell together and not be scattered here and there and Iosephus thinketh that they did it of purpose to oppose themselves against the ordinance and commandement of God who would have them dispersed into divers parts that the world might be replenished 5. As also another end of their purpose is here insinuated to get them a name as the Psalme saith They thinke their houses shall endure for ever and they call their lands by their names Psal. 49.11 as Absolon reared up a pillar to keepe his name in remembrance 2 Sam. 18.18 and Philo saith that these Babylonians did write their names also in this tower to revive their memories with posterity QVEST. VI. Whether they sinned in building this Tower HEnce appeareth Tostatus errour that thinketh it was not a sinne in them to build this tower to preserve their memory because he thinketh that Noah was one of the chiefe builders and that God hindred this worke not because it was evill but for that it
rather thinke with Augustine and Eucherius that all was done in a yeare or two at the most Mercer his going out of Chaldea staying at Charran and departure from thence for it is not like but that Abraham made all haste to obey Gods call QVEST. VIII Why Lot accompanied Abraham Vers. 5. ABraham tooke Sarai c. and Lot 1. Lot followed not Abraham because he was his adopted son as Iosephus thinketh for then he would not have suffered him to goe apart from him Gen. 13. and he called him his brother not his sonne ibid. But Lot as one set apart also to be a worshipper of God is content to leave his other kindred and accompany righteous Abraham 2. Where mention is made of the soules which they had gotten in Charran it is neither like that Lots two daughters were there borne but rather at Sodome neither by soules with some doe wee understand cattell for that were improper neither need we referre it to the winning and converting of soules as the Chalde text seemeth to interpret alleaged before but it is taken for the servants which Abraham had purchased there Muscul. And such as were borne of those servants 3. But as for that opinion of Nicolaus Damascenus and Iustinus that Abraham before he came into Canaan was King of Damascus I leave it as a fancie for the text sheweth thâ—r Abrahâ—m came forthwith from Charran to Canaan and it had shewed some disobedience in Abraham in foreslaking the time to follow the calling of God yea wee finde not that Abraham had any certaine dwelling place but removed from place to place and was as a pilgrime and stranger therefore not like to have beene a King QVEST. IX What place Sechem was and the valley of Moreh Vers. 6. ABraham passed thorow the land to the place of Sechem and to the Plaine of Moreh 1. This Sechem was not on the East side of Canaan as Perer. but rather toward the West where the Sunne goeth downe Deut. 11.30 2. It is called the place rather than Citie of Sechem because afterward there was built the City Sechem Gen. 33.18 so called of Sechem the sonne of Hâ—mor 3. Eusebius maketh two Sechems this which in his time was called Neapolis destroyed by Abimelech Iud. 9. re-edified by Ieroboam 1 King 12.25 and another in Mount Ephraim which pertained to the lot of the Priests Iosu. 21.21 but it is evident that these were all one for Ieroboams Sechem was also in Mount Ephraim 1 King 12.25 Neither doe we finde mention made of two Sechems in the Scripture not farre from this City was the Mountaine that had two tops Hebal and Garrizim Deut. 11.30 from whence the blessings and curses were delivered this is the same City which is called Sychar Ioh. 4. neare unto which was Iacobs Well Mercer 4. Not farre from Sechem was the Plaine of Morch so called of More the possessor thereof as the Plaine of Mamre was named of the owner Mercer which the Septuag translate the high Oak the truth is that it was boâ—b a Plaine and set with Oakes Deut. 11.30 another word is used Guerabah which signifieth a Plaine there Iacob under an Oake buried the images which were in his house Gen. 35. 4. He hid them under an Oake that was by Sechem Iosua made a covenant with the people in this Sechem and pitched a stone under an Oake in witnesse thereof Iosua 24.26 In this Plaine was Abimelech made king by the men of Sechem Iud. 9.6 Some thinke that in this Plaine were situated the fiue Cities Sodome Gomorrha Adama Seboim Zoar Lyran. Tostat. QVEST. X. Why it is added the Canaanites were in the land THe Canaanite was in the land 1. These Canaanites were not they which gave denomination to the whole Countrey and land of Canaan but these were some one people of Canaans posterity which were especially called by that name who inhabited in the West part of Canaan by the Sea and the coast of Jordan Num. 13.30 2. This is expressed that the Canaanites dwelt in the land not to shew Abrahams right because he came of Sem to whose seed this Countrey appertained which was usurped by the Caanites for it appeareth not thar Sems posterity ever inhabited this Countrey and if it had beene Abrahams right God should have given him but his owne whereas it was Gods love toward Abraham that brought him to this Countrey Deut. 4.37 and these people were cast out for their wickednesse Abrahams seed did not possesse it for their righteousnesse Deut. 9.6 Neither had they any right unto it but of Gods favour 3. But this is added to shew that Abraham was a stranger in Canaan to whom God gave not so much as the breadth of a foot as Saint Stephen saith Act. 7.5 that his faith hereby might bee exercised in beleeving God who promised it to his seed Iun. as also seeing Abraham was called to a land where the wicked dwelt wherein he had no certaine possession given him the Lord would have him thereby to be put in minde of his celestiall countrey as the Apostle sheweth Heb. 11.16 Calvin QVEST. XI How God appeared to Abraham Vers. 7. THe Lord appeared to Abraham 1. God is not said before to have appeared to Abraham and how he appeared it is not expressed whether in a dreame in vision or face to face that is manifestly not darkly for these are the three wayes wherby God appeareth Num 12.6.8 it is not like that God shewed himselfe by a dreame as Cajetane thinketh for the Scripture useth to expresse that kind of apparition by name as Matth. 1. The Angell of the Lord appeared to Ioseph by dreame but after some other manner 2. God promiseth to Abraham two unlikely things that he should have seed whereas his wife was barren that his seed should have that land wherein the Canaanites yet dwelt that was a mighty nation that Abraham should wholly depend upon God 3. And the Lord deferreth his promise both that Abraham and his seed should be tryed by affliction in Canaan and Egypt that they might acknowledge Gods free gift and he stayeth till the wickednesse of the Canaanites was come to the full Genes 15.16 4. Hee buildeth an Altar to testifie his thankfulnesse Perer. not without Gods warrant for the Lord in that place appeared Muscul. and Abraham doth testifie his inward faith by his outward profession Calvin QUEST XII Why Abraham so oft removed Vers. 8. HE removed thence to a Mountaine c. 1. He removed because his building of Altars was offensive to the Inhabitants and it was a wonder that hee was not stoned of them for the same Calvin As also it pleased God hereby to trie Abrahams faith being tossed thus from post to pillar and that thereby hee might bee a meane by his godly life and religion to call that people to repentance Pererius 2. Hee is said to pitch his tents being ready as souldiers are to remove their campe Chrysost.
sinnes the sinne of bloud Gen. 4.10 The sinne of oppression Exod. 2.23 The detaining of hirelings wages Iam. 5.4 The sinne of uncleannesse as in this place Perer. 2. By the cry of sinne is here understood the impudency of sinners Gregor Peccatum cum voce est culpa in actione peccatum cum clamore est culpa cum libertate c. Sin with a voyce is a fault in action sinne with a loud cry is a licentious liberty lib. 5. moral c. 7. 3. Their sin is said to be multiplied 1. because of the continuall custome of sinning 2. The number of offenders 3. The number of sinnes as pride fulnesse of bread idlenesse contempt of the poore Ezech. 16.49 Perer. 4. Their sinne in the singular number is said to bee increased because though they had many sinnes yet there was one most notorious amongst them the sin of uncleannesse Muscul. 5. The fruitfulnesse of the ground pleasantnesse of the water brought abundance their abundance made them wanton Philo. 6. And their sinne was so much the greater because not 15. yeares before God had both chastised them by captivity and againe in mercy delivered them yet they notwithstanding neither regarding the mercies nor judgements of God went on in their sinne Luther QVEST. XIV Why the Lord punisheth and for what reason Vers. 21. I Will goe downe and see 1. It is a figurative speech for God who filleth all things neither goeth nor commeth and he which knoweth all things need no inquisition or search to informe his knowledge Perer. 2. God punisheth three wayes 1. for the most part God deferreth the punishment of sinners till the next world that by his patience some may bee brought to repentance that men should think of another life and place of judgement beside this that he might take triall of the faithfulnesse of his servants that serve him obediently in faith though presently they neither see punishment nor reward 2. The Lord punisheth in this life but after a long time much patience and often warning as the Israelites at he length because of their sins were carried into captivity 3. Sometime the Lord punisheth forth with when the sinne is dangerous and contagious as Core Dathan and Abiron were straight-wayes punished for their rebellion 3. God punisheth for three causes in this life 1. for the correction and amendment of him that is punished 2. for the preserving and maintaining of Gods honour that is contemned 3. for the good example of others QVEST. XV. How Abraham went on the way with the Angels and how he stood before God Vers. 22. ABraham stood before the Lord and drew neare c. Whereas Abraham is said v. 16. to goe out with the Angels toward Sodome it was not to shew them the way as Rupertus noâ— yet only to shew his humanity unto them who as he had entertained them friendly so would bring them on the way kindly Perer. the Hebrewes also thinke he went a mile with them to shew his courtesie but he did it rather to shew his duty and reverence to the Angels Calvin for Abraham did not now thinke they were Prophets but knew them to be Angels not by their departure and going into heaven as Augustine thinketh but he discerned it before by their communication 2. Abraham acknowledgeth the third Angell to be God and therefore the other two onely are called Angels Genes 19.1 Iun. and prepareth himselfe to make intercession to God as the Chalde readeth he stood in prayer some thinke that the three Angels vanished away and then God spake to Abraham some that this was a new vision after the Angels were departed some take this to be an Angell who is called Jehovah because the Lord spake in him Mercer but by this meanes Abraham should have committed Idolatry in worshipping the Angell because God spake in him therefore it is to be thought that this third Angell was Christ and whereas in the next Chapter v. 18. Lot also saith Lord hee speaketh not to the Angels but turneth to God 3. Hee draweth neare unto God both by his reverent approaching and in his devout affections Calvin QVEST. XVI Abrahams prayer not to be accused of temerity Vers. 24. WIlt thou destroy and not spare the people for fifty righteous c. 1. It is evident that Abrahams intercession is specially intended for Sodome whereof the Lord maketh specially mention v. 20. yet his affection and pity was in like manner extended to the other Cities that they might be spared according to the same rule 2. Neither did Abraham dissemble his affection as some thinke as though he only made intercession for Lot his kinsman there dwelling but he remembreth all other righteous men that should bee there found Calvin 3. Neither doth Abraham pray more in affection than judgement as Pererius thinketh because it is no unjust thing with God to chastise temporally the righteous with the wicked as Ezekiel and Daniel were carried into captivity for the same chastisement is to a divers end to the wicked and impenitent a beginning of everlasting judgement to the righteous a correction for their amendment neither was it necessary that for the deliverance of the just the whole City should be spared for God could deliver the righteous as Noah in the floud and Lot in the families of Sodome and destroy the rest Abraham upon these reasons is not to be accused of temerity because that from this place the Apostle seemeth to derive that sentence Rom. 3.6 else how shall God judge the world 4. Wherefore concerning the first reason I thinke rather with Vatablus that Abraham urgeth not Gods justice as in it selfe considered but in the opinion of the infidels who not knowing how the same punishment may sort out to divers ends would accuse God of injustice if the righteous should have perished with the wicked or with Calvin that Abraham propoundeth to himselfe the destruction of Sodome as a fore-runner of everlasting judgement and therefore prayeth that according to the rule of Gods justice the righteous might be exempted from it 5. Neither doth Abraham entreat that the City should altogether be untouched and the wicked goe unpunished but that the righteous might be spared Calvin so he requesteth two things the one that the very place might be preserved not utterly destroyed if not yet at the least that the righteous perish not Marl. 6. Whereas God saith v. 26. I will spare all the place c. He in his mercy granteth more than Abraham asked that if there could have been so many righteous found the City for their sakes should have beene wholy delivered which was an indulgence which the Lord would have granted for this time not to bee a perpetuall rule for the Lord afterward by his Prophet threatneth that if Noah Daniel and Iob were among the people they should onely deliver their owne soules he would not spare the rest for their sakes Esech 14.16 Pererius QVEST. XVII Why Abraham beginneth at fifty and endeth
Lot refuseth to goe to the mountaines Vers. 20. SEe now this City hereby c. 1. Neither was this done in mystery that Lot refused the mountaine to dwell in Zoar to signifie as Gregory collecteth that a low humble and meane life is to bee preferred before high places 2. neither did Lot refuse the high places because of the craggy rockes and steepe hils which are to bee seene in the mountaines of Engaddi 3. But Lot himselfe giveth two reasons why he preferreth Zoar before the mountaines one in respect of himselfe because the City was hard by and he might sooner escape thither than to the mountaine the other in behalfe of the City he intreateth for it because it was but a little one and not likely to bee so wicked as the more populous Cities QVEST. XVII How the Lord saith I can doe nothing Vers. 22. I Can doe nothing c. 1. Some apply this to the Angels which could not exceed Gods commission Muscul. 2. Some to Christ in respect of his humanity to be assumed 3. But it is better understood of Christ as hee is God neither doth this restraine the power of God which is no otherwise executed but according to his will hee cannot because hee will not neither can change his decree concerning the saving and delivering of Lot as in the like phrase of speech it is said in the Gospell that Christ could doe no great workes in his owne countrey because of their unbeleefe Mark 6.5 for like as the Lord promiseth and purposeth a blessing to the faithfull as here deliverance to Lot so he hath decreed to with-hold it from unbeleevers 4. The Hebrewes doe here but trifle that the Angell is here deprived of his power because hee did arrogate it to himselfe v. 13. and that they were deprived of their ministry 138. yeares till Iacobs ladder QVEST. XVIII Of the name of the City Zoar. Vers. 22. THe name of the City was called Zoar. 1. It is then corruptly called Segor as the Latine and Septuagint read 2. Theodoret also is deceived that saith Segor signifieth the opening of the earth because the earth swallowed up the inhabitants of this City for that is the signification of Bela which was before the name of the place Gen. 14.2 derived of the word balaug to swallow or devoure 3. The right etymology then of the word is here given by Lot because it was tsegnar a little one 4. This was an happy change not only of the name but of the condition and state of the City before it had the name of destruction but now it is called little that it might put them in mind of Gods mercy in sparing of the City for that time at Lots request Muscul. QVEST. XIX How the Lord rained from the Lord. Vers. 24. THe Lord rained brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven c. 1. This is not all one to say the Lord rained fire from himselfe as Vatablu◠Oleaster with others that note this to be a phrase of the Hebrewes to put nownes for pronownes as Gen. 4. Lamech saith heare ô ye wives of Lamech for my wives 2. Neither doth it only signifie that this was an extraordinary and miraculous raine caused by the Lord himselfe beside the course of naturall causes as Cajetane 3. But this place was well urged by the fathers to prove the eternity of Christ that the Lord Christ to whom the father hath committed all judgement did raine from Jehovah his father Thus the fathers applied this text Iustinus Tertullian Cyprian Epiphanias Cyril with others Thus Marcus Arethusus in the Syrinian Councell did godlily interpret this place against the heresie of Photinus that held Christ not to have beene before his mother 4. For thus the Lord hath tempered the Scriptures that beside the literall sense in divers places of the old testament the mystery of the Trinity is insinuated Gen. as Let us make man Psal. 1. This day have I begotten thee which the Jewes understand literally the first they say is but a phrase of speech the second uttered of David But to our understanding the mystery of the Trinity is here revealed QVEST. XX. Of the raine of fire and brimstone the beginning and manner thereof RAined brimstone and fire 1. This was a miraculous and extraordinary raine wherein fell together fire and brimstone as a fit matter to disperse the fire and salt also as it may bee gathered Deut. 29.23 The land shall burne with brimstone and salt and it may bee that water powred downe also whence was gathered the dead sea remaining to this day 2. This raine came from heaven that is the upper region of the aire the place for fiery meteors and it is not unlike but that the nature of the soile being full of pitch and slime and other combustible matter Gen. 14.10 did much increase the combustion though Strabo be deceived who thinketh that this fierce fire did break out first from the earth lib. 17. 3. This was a fit punishment for this wicked people that as they burned with unnaturall lust so they should be consumed with unnaturall fire Gregor 4. The subversion of these cities was very sudden it was done as Ieremy saith in a moment Lament 4.6 And Abraham rising up early in the morning saw onely the smoake and not the falling of the fire and yet the sunne was but in rising when it began to raine fire and brimstone Gen. 19.24 28. by the breake of day the Angell hastened Lot forward v. 15. betweene which and the Sun rising one may goe foure miles as the Hebrewes 5. Of all examples of Gods judgements this is the most fearefull in Scripture 1. because of the strange punishment 2. the suddennesse of their destruction 3. The perpetuall monument thereof to this day 4. And it was a forerunner of everlasting fire and perdition Iude v. 7. QUEST XXI How many Cities were destroyed with Sodome Vers. 24. VPon Sodome and Gomorrhe 1. Neither were these two cities onely destroyed as Solinus 2. Nor yet tenne cities as Stephanus or thirteene as Strabo 3. nor five as Lyranus Theodoretus who thinke that Zoar also was destroyed after Lots departure 4. But it is most like that onely foure cities were overthrowne Sodome Gomorrhe Admah Zeboim for these onely are rehearsed Deut. 29.23 for Zoar was preserved by the intercession of Lot v. 21. I will not overthrow this citie for the which thou hast spoken and it was known by the name of Zoar in Isayas time cap. 15. 5. Hierome also maketh mention of it in his dayes and saith Sola de quinque Sodomorum urbib precib Lot preservatae est it was onely of the five cities of the Sodomites preserved by the prayer of Lot 5. But whereas it is said Sapient 10.6 that the fire came downe vpon the five cities the word is pentapolis which is taken joyntly for the whole region wherein the five cities stood not for the five cities severally ex Perer.
mounting c. Abraham saw not the raine of fire and brimstone but the smoake onely thereof and yet he rose very early so that it seemeth the burning of Sodome was done in a moment for the raine fell not till Lot was entred into Zoar which was about the Sunne rising vers 23. By this we may see how suddenly the world at Christs comming shall be consumed with fire and we changed in a moment in the twinkling of an eye 1 Cor. 15.52 Muscul. 6. Doct. Wherefore unlawfull copulations are often more fruitfull than lawfull Vers. 36. THus were both the daughters of Lot with childe c. We finde in Scripture that many lawfully companying with their husbands as Sara Rebecca Rachel Anna yet hardly conceived and yet divers with one unlawfull copulation were with childe as Thamar with Iuda Bersebe with David Lots daughters with their father which the Lord doth not as more favouring such unlawfull conjunctions but to this end that such secret uncleane works should come to light for their conversion as in Iuda David or confusion Marlor 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. Vniversality no sure marke of the Church Vers. 4. ALL the people from all quarters All rhe whole City of Sodome consented in evill onely Lot and his family were free Universality then is but a slender or uncertaine argument of the truth or Church that professeth it It is oftner seene that the greater part is the worse than otherwise The Romanists therefore reason but simply that their religion is the best because the greater part of the world received it for by the same reason the uncleane conversation of Sodome might bee justified against Lot 2. Confut. Against Atheists that beleeve not the transmutation of Lots wiâ—â— Vers. 26. SHe became a pillar of salt Let not prophane persons scoffe at this as though it were one of Ovids Metamorphosis fables There is a great difference betweene Gods actions and Poets fictions he that beleeveth that God made all things of nothing which dayly seeth birds to come forth of egges and living creatures to be ingendred by dead seed and hopeth for the resurrection of the body cannot doubt but that God could turne a womans body into a salty pillar 3. Confut. Monkish and solitary life maketh not more holy Vers. 38. HE dwelt in a cave Even Lot in a solitary cave committed sinne it is not then the place that amendeth mens manners Gregory well saith sic desit spiritus non adjuvat locus If an heart be wanting the place helpeth not Lot sinned in the mountaine Adam fell in Paradise the Angels in heaven It is then but a Popish fantasie that a Monks coule a cloister life an Hermites weed can make a man more holy But it is to be feared that as dtunkennesse and incest were committed even in the cave so the Gloisters and Cells of Popish votaries are not free from the like uncleannesse 6. Places of morall observation 1. Observ. Vnruly people to be gently handled Vers. 7. I Pray you my brethren doe not so wickedly c. Lot sheweth that a furious multitude is to be gently dealt withall and not to be exasperated with sharpe words as here Lot calleth the Sodomites his brethren not in the same profession but in respect of his cohabitation and common condition of life This is S. Pauls rule Instructing them with meeknesse that are contrary minded 2 Tim. 2.25 2. Observ. God delivereth in extremity Vers. 10. THe men put forth their hands and pulled Lot c. The Lord though he deferre his helpe yet will not faile us in the greatest danger when we are brought to a straight As here Lot was delivered from the Sodomites as from raging Lions when he was as under their pawes Calvin In the like pinch the Lord delivered David when Saul had compassed him in 1 Sam. 23.26 3. Observ. Prophane persons make a mocke of Gods judgements Vers. 14. HE seemed to his sons in law as though he had mocked c. Such are the prophane Atheists and worldlings that make but a mocke and scorne of Gods judgements and are no better perswaded of the end of the world by fire than these wretches were of the destruction of Sodome of such S. Peter speaketh That there shall be in the last dayes mockers c. which shall say where is the promise of his comming c. 2 Pet. 3.3 Calvin 4. Observ. We must not deferre our turning to God Vers. 16. AS he prolonged the time By Lots example who delaying the time if God had not beene more mercifull to draw him forth might have perished in the overthrow of Sodome wee are taught how dangerous a thing it is to deferre our calling and to trifle or dally with Gods judgements Therefore the Prophet Amos saith Prepare to meet thy God O Israel Amos 4.12 better to meet and prevent the Lord by repentance than to stay till his judgements overtake us 5. Observ. We must not forsake our calling Vers. 26. HIs wife looked backe This teacheth us that a man should not fall away from his profession and calling whereinto he is once entred as our Saviour saith He that setteth his hand to the plowe and looketh back is not fit for the kingdome of God Luk 9.26 Muscul. 6. Obser. He that wavereth in faith is never setled Vers. 28. NOt so my Lord Lot not following the Lords direction to goe first to the mountaine entreateth for Zoar yet being in Zoar he is not contented to stay there So they which doe not submit themselves to Gods ordinance but are doubtfull in faith are unconstant and wavering and never setled as Saint Iames saith A wavering minded man is unstable in all his wayes 7. Observ. Custome and continuance in sinne dangerous Vers. 35. THey made their father drunke that night also c. We see then what a dangerous thing it is once to give way to the tentation of Satan Lot having beene once drunken already is more apt to fall into it againe so fearefull is a custome and continuance in sinne Our instruction is therefore that we should resist the temptation at the first and not by yeelding to give way for a second assault 〈◊〉 the Apostle saith Be not overcome of evill but overcome evill with goodnesse Rom. 12.21 8. Observ. The sinne of drunkennesse how dangerous FUrther we see how much drunkennesse is to be taken heed of which did prostitute Lot so excellent a man to such beastly uncleannesse Origen well noteth Decepit Lot ebrietas quem Sodoma non decepit uritur ebrius flammis mulierum quem sobriam sulphurea flamma non attigerat drunkennesse deceived Lot whom Sodome could not deceive he burneth with the lust of women being drunken whom while he was sober the flames of brimstone touched not Wherefore let us alwayes remember that saying of the Apostle Be not drunke with wine wherein is excesse but be ye fulfilled with the spirit Eph. 5.15 CHAP. XX. 1. The Method THis Chapter hath two
said to have slept with his fathers 2 King 16.20 Mercer For if it were no more but thus to be gathered to his fathers that is to die and be buried the same was said before and such repetition of the same thing might be thought needlesse 6. Wherefore beside this sense this phrase doth further shew the divers state of the soule after this life that both Abraham had his people the just and righteous to whom he was gathered as also Ismael his that the soules which goe hence are not solitary and alone but goe as it were from one people to another from one city to another Luther Calvin Perer. QUEST XVI Why Ismael is joyned with Isaack in the buriall of his father Vers. 9. HIs sonne Isaack and Ismael buried him c. 1. Isaack is set before Ismael not as though he had repented him of his presumption against Isaack and gave him the prioritie as the Hebrewes imagine but Isaack is preferred before Ismael for the dignity of his prerogative 2. Neither doth this shew that Abraham had called Ismael home againe after he was cast out for that had beene against the counsell of God that the bond-woman with her sonne should bee cast out 3. But it is like that Abraham being sicke and wearing away sent for Ismael dwelling not farre off and reconciled him and Isaack Mercer QUEST XVII How Isaack was blessed after Abrahams death Vers. 11. AFter the death of Abraham God blessed Isaack c. 1. We refuse here the fond conceit of the Hebrewes that Abraham blessed not Isaack because of Esau which should come of him and therefore God and not Abraham is said to blesse Isaack for although no expresse mention be made of Abrahams blessing Isaack it is not to bee thought that Abraham omitted it and seeing God blessed Isaack Abraham had no reason to withhold his blessing 3. This blessing of Isaack was rather spirituall than temporall for Isaack was married twenty yeareâ— before he saw his posterity or had any children borne whereas Ismael begat twelve Dukes Isaack therefore with patience expected Gods promise and blessing upon him Mer. 3. We see here also performed that promise of God I will be thy God and the God of thy seed for Isaack is blessed after Abrahams death Marâ—â—ret QUEST XVIII Of the dwelling of Ismaels sonnes Vers. 13. THese are the names of the sonnes of Ismael c. Nebaioth of whom came the Nabathaei in Arabia Petraea and Napathaei in Arabia foelix or the happie of Kedar the Kedarens as Lampridius or Cedraei as Plinie calleth them in Arabia petraea of Adbeel the Adubeni or Agubeni with Ptolomy in Arabia the happy of Mibsam the Mnasemanenses in Arabia the happie of Mishma the Raabeni in Arabia the desart where Ptolomie placeth the towne Zagmais of Dumah the Dumaei betweene the Adubenes and Raabenes where is the towne Dumetha of Massa the Masani neare to the Raabenes of Chadar the Athritaei of Thema the Themanei in Arabia foelix where is the towne Thema of Iethur the Itureans in Coelae-Syria of Naphish the Nubaei Arabians neare to the mount Libanus of Kedma the Cadmonaei called Esites because they worshipped fire by the corrupt use of the Hebrew word ish fire ex Iâ—niâ— QUEST XIX The Massorites curious observation Vers. 14. MIsma Dumah Masha 1. Of Dumah and Masha mention is made Isay 21.11 where some translate masha burden in the same place also Thema is mentioned verse 14. another of the sonnes of Ismael here rehearsed 2. The Massorites doe note that this is one of the 14. verses through the whole Bible that consisteth of three words Mercer 3. And further they observe that these three names the first derived of shamang to heare the second of dum which is to keepe silence the third of nasha to beare doe signifie the three principall things that make a quiet and good life to heare to keepe silence to beare but these notes are too curious Mercer QUEST XX. Why mention is made of Ismaels age Vers. 17. THere are the yeares of the life of Ismael 137. yeares The Hebrewes thinke that Ismael a wicked mans age is recorded for this end that we may have a perfect account of Iacobs yeares for if Ismael died the same yeare that Iacob went from his father unlesse he be supposed to have hidden himselfe 14. yeares in Hebers house before he came to Laban as the Hebrewes thinke which is not like he shall want 14. yeares of his age as they further gather thus Iacob was 63. yeares old when he fled from his fathers house because of Esau his father being then 123. years old and Ismael 137 14. yeare elder than Isaack then he served 14. yeare before Iosephs birth Ioseph was 30. yeare old when he stood before Pharao then followed 7. yeares of plenty and two yeares of dearth when Iacob went downe to Egypt all maketh but 116. yeare But Iacob then confesseth when hee appeared before Pharao to bee 130. yeare old the 14. yeares wanting they imagine Iacob to have spent in Hebers house But this computation of the Hebrewes faileth many waies 1. Heber was dead long before Iacobs 60. yeare he died some 4. yeares after Abraham in the 19. yeare of Iacobs age as may be gathered thus Heber was borne 67. yeares after the flood Gen. 11. v. 10. to 15. and lived 464. yeares which make together 531. yeares after the flood and Abraham died 527. yeares after the flood as is before shewed quest 11. 2. It is also an uncertaine conjecture that Ismael died the same yeare that Iacob went toward Mesopotamia neither can it be proved 3. These 14. yeares may be otherwise supplied if we say that Iacob might be 14. yeares in Labans house before he served for his wives Mercer or which is the more likely that Iacob was 77. yeares old before he went out of his fathers house Concent 4. Therefore for this cause is mention made of Ismaels age who is the onely evill man whose whole age is recorded in Scripture but to shew the fulfilling of Gods promise who condescended to Abrahams request that Ismael might live in Gods sight Genes 17.18 for so the Lord endued him with long life and blessed him with much prosperity and an honourable issue QUEST XXI How Ismael is said to dwell in the presence of his brethren Vers. 18. ANd they dwelt from Havilah to Shur c. And he lay or his lot fell before all his brethren 1. The meaning is not that Ismael did issue out or fall upon all his brethren as the word Naphal signifieth whereof commeth the word Nephilim Giants Muscul. 2. Neither that hee full that is died Aben Ezra 3. Or that he died before his brethren that is his sonnes in a full age Lyran. 4. Or that he died before his brethren as though his life was shorter than of the rest 5. But either it may be expounded his lot fell Iun. or if this seeme to be coact as Calvin
but the house of God and gate of heaven cat v. 19. It was called Lemmaus S. it was called Luz cat v. 20. Because the Lord is with me T. if God will be with me caet if the word of God will be my helpe C. heb Cim if because 3. The explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. Why Isaack biddeth Iacob goe into Mesopotamia Vers. 2. ARise get thee to Padan Aram. 1. Isaack herein followeth the counsell of Rebeckah to send Iacob into Mesopotamia being perswaded it came from God as Abraham was bidden before to heare the voice of Sarah Iun. 2. Though Abraham would not suffer Isaack to goe into that Countrey yet Iacob is commanded by his father both because by this means he should escape the danger threatned by his brother and for that there was no such feare lest Iacob should not returne seeing there was of that kindred already planted in Canaan and therefore his wives that he should marry would be the more willing to come with him but Isaacks case differed in both these points 3. Isaack reneweth the same blessing in effect which he had given before to Iacob for his further strengthening lest Iacob might have thought that the blessing which he had obtained by craft was of the lesse force QUEST II. Why Rebeckah is said to be the mother of Iacob and Esau. Vers. 5. IAcob and Esaus mother 1. Neither as Rasi is it hard to ghesse wherefore Esau is added 2. Not as Ramban because she is called Iacobs mother before is she now said to be the mother of both to avoid suspition of partiality 3. Nor yet because as the Hebrewes imagine Iacob and Esau were twins and lay wrapped in the same skinne contrary to the ordinary course 4. Or to assure Iacob of deliverance from danger seeing he went to his uncles house to whom they were both alike deare 5. But Esau is added to make way for the story following where mention is made of Esau according to the manner of the Hebrew speech Iun. 6. As also by the preferring of Iacob before Esau it appeareth that Isaacks judgement was altered and that now he gave the preeminence to Iacob QUEST III. Why Mahalath is said to be the sister of Nebaioth Vers. 9. SIster of Nebaioth 1. Nebaioth is added not for that he was her brother also by the mother and the rest were not 2. Nor yet onely because he was the eldest sonne and most renowned amongst his brethren 3. But he is named as the chiefe of Ismaels house who was now dead and the government committed to his eldest sonne Nebaioth for Iacob was now 77. yeares old when he went into Mesopotamia in the 63. yeare of whose age Ismael died who was fourteene yeares elder than Isaack and lived 137. yeares and Isaack was 60. yeares elder than Iacob so that Ismaels 137. yeare doth fall into Iacobs 63. yeare see more of this Quest. 20. in chap. 25. QUEST IV. Why Esau marrieth Ismaels daughter Vers. 9. HE tooke unto his wives Mahalah c. 1. Which was not as Rupertus thinketh Quo magis eos offenderet to offend his parents the more for then he would have married againe from the Canaanites 2. Neither yet chiefly did he it for multiplication of his seed that he might therein be equall to his brother Marlorat 3. But Esaus chiefest intent was to please his father in this marriage because Ismael was his fathers brother But Esau tooke not a right course herein seeing he both multiplied wives and graffed himselfe into the flocke of him that was of the bond-woman and belonged not to the covenant Mercerus QUEST V. Whether Bethel where Iacob slâ—pt and pitched a stone were the same City with Ierusalem Vers. 11. HE came unto a certaine place The Hebrewes thinke that this place where Iacob rested was the Mount Moriah where Abraham offered Isaack where afterward also the Temple was built of the same opinion are Lyranus Cajetanus and before them Augustine quaest 83. in Gen. But this conceit hath no ground at all and many reasons make against it 1. This place was neare to Bethel but Bethel was farre from Jerusalem as may appeare by Ieroboams act who set up two golden Calves one in Dan another in Bethel to the intent that the people should not goe up to Jerusalem to sacrifice 1 King 12.29 2. Jerusalem was the possession of the childâ—en of Benjamin Bethel belonged to Ioseph Iud. 1.21 22. therefore they were not the same City If any object that there were two Cities called by the name of Bethel as the Rabbines thinke and that one of them is numbred among the Cities that fell to Benjamin Iosu. 18.22 yet in the same place vers 28. Ierusalem is reckoned for another City of Benjamins part Jerusalem then and Bethel are still two Cities 3. Borchardus which himselfe spent many years in viewing the land of Canaan sheweth that Bethel could not be Jerusalem because this stone which Iacob erected and Deborahs monument were then to be seene not at Jerusalem but beside the towne called Bethel Perer. QUEST VI. Why Iacob slept all night in the field Vers. 11. HE came to a certaine place 1. The Hebrewes fable that Iacob went from Beersabee to Charran in one day as they affirme the like of Abrahams servant and because in this verse the word machoâ— is thrice named some of them understand the three Temples that should be built some the three principall feasts but these things have no ground 2. Some say that the Sunne did set miraculously before his time Iosephus thinketh that Iacob durst not goe to the City because of the envie of the Inhabitants but the reason why he lay in the field all night is because it was late before he came thither Ibi dormivit ubi nox cum comprehendit There he slept as Chrysostome saith where the night overtooke him Hom. 54. in Gen. QUEST VII Why Iacob went so meanly furnished for his journey HE tooke of the stones and laid under his head Abraham sent his servant with camels and other company to attend him with jewels of gold but Isaack sendeth forth Iacob alone with a staffe whereof the reasons may be these 1. I will omit the allegories of Augustine who by Iacob going with a staffe to take a wife understandeth Christ by his Crosse redeeming the Church Serm. 79. de tempor of Rupertus who by Iacobs poverty setteth forth the small preparation of the Apostles sent forth to preach the Gospell with a scrip and a staffe or of Gregory who saith that in itinere dormire to sleepe in the way with Iacob is to sequester the minde from the cogitation of earthly things and caput in lapide ponere est Christo menta inharere to lay the head upon a stone is with the minde to cleave to Christ Lib. 4. Moral 2. But these indeed are the causes Theodoret saith Vt manifestius divina providentia declararetur that Gods providence might more fully appeare toward
whatsoever he hath decreed concerning any mans salvation shall stand Calvin For the gifts and calling of God are without repentance Rom. 11.29 Yet must not this doctrine make us secure to sinne presumptuously trusting to Gods election but as the Apostle saith We must worke out our salvation with feare and trembling lest we be circumvented of Sathan and prevented of that which we vainly hoped for Confut. Against the errour of the Novatians THis example of Ruben notwirhstanding his fall restored to his patriarchal dignity doth further confute that error of the Novatians who denied pardon to those which were fallen and refused to receive them into their society and congregation Calvin We see that our Saviour Christ when Perer had thrice denied him yet vouchsafed to receive him to mercy and to confirme him in his Apostleship 6. Places of morall observation 1. Observ. Amendment of life delivereth from dangers Vers. 2. THou said Iacob put away the strange Gods c Iacob being in great danger doth purge and cleanse hâ—s houshold so the next way to finde deliverance and to obtaine ptotection from God is to amend our life and to renew our hearts and to turne every man from his evill wayes Perer. Heereupon Balaam gave that wicked counsell to put a stumbling blocke before the Israelites to cause them to sinne that they might run into Gods displeasure and be out of his protection 2. Observ. The people must shew themselves willing to be reformed Vers. 4. THey gave unto Iacob all the strange gods Herein appeareth the singular and prompt obedience of Iacobs houshold who are contented to put away their idols iewels and caterings wherein they had so much before delighted Mercer which â—eacheth that the people should shew themselves ready and willing to be reclaimed from their superstitions and corruptions of life as we read that the souldiers and people came unto Iohn and asked him Master what shall we doe Luk. 3. 3. Observ. God striketh feare into mens hearts Vers. 5. THe feare of God was upon the cities Thus God is able to command the affections of men and to smite them with feare where otherwise there is no apparent cause of feare as here the strong and populous cities of Canaan are afraid of Iacob So Rahab confessed to the spies the feare of you is fallen upon us Iosu. 2.9 Thus God is able to deliver his Church whereas no other meanes are at hand by terrifying the hearts of the enemies thereof 4. Observ. It is lawfull and commendable to mourne moderately for the dead Vers. 8. IAcob and his company made such lamentation for the departure of that godly matron Deborah that he called the place the â—ake of lamentation It is not then unlawfull to mourne for the dead nay it is an uncomly thing to shew drie cheekes in the funeralls of parents wives and children as some doe S. Paul forbiddeth not to mourne for the dead but not as they that have no hope 1. Thessal 4. Muscul. 5. Observ. Our â—oyes in this life are miâ—ed with sorrow Vers. 19. THus died Rachel Iacob doth not so much rejoyce for the birth of Benjamin as he hath occasion of griefe offered for the losse and death of deare Rachel thus the Lord seeth it to be good to temper our joy with sorrow and therein we see the mutable and changeable condition of this life which affordeth no perpetuall and constant joy Perer. And therefore amidst our joyes it is good to arme our selves against sorrow as Iob in the midst of his prosperous estate did looke for adversity saying The thing which I feared is now come upon me Iob 3.25 6. Observ. One affliction followeth after another WE see further that Iacobs life was a continuall warfare still one temptation followed in the necke of another 1. Dinah was ravished 2. Simeon and Levi put the city to the sword 3. Deborah dieth 4. Then Rachel his beloved wife 5. Then Ruben commiteth incest 6. Ioseph is sold into Egypt 7. Isaack dieth 8. Benjamin is also taken from him to goe into Egypt Thus many are the tentations and tribulations wherewith the Lord trieth his children Calvin We learne that while we live here we should prepare our selves for crosses and afflictions and when we are escaped one to looke presently for another This was Iobs case when one messenger followed at the heeles of another bringing him evill tidings Iob 1. 7. Observ. Godly women may die in childbirth Vers. 18. AS shee was about to yeeld up the ghost c. The Hebrewes note three women in Scripture that died in travaile Rachel the wife of Phinehes the sonne of Eli and Michol Davidâ— wife because it is said she had no children till the day of her death but this is a simple conjecture the meaning is that she had no children at all Mercer But we see by this example that even godly women may have Rachels lot to die in travaile and therefore such are not to hee discomforted if it please God that they so end their daies 8. Observ. Great blemishes sometime fall out in the Church of God Vers. 21. RVben lay with his fathers concubine c. It need not then seeme strange if such blemishes fall out sometime in the Church of God and families of Saints as Ruben here committeth incest in Iacobs house and it seemeth Bilha the mother of two tribes in Israel was consenting thereunto so among the Corinthians a young man had his fathers wife 1 Cor. 5.1 Mercer CHAP. XXXVI 1. The Method and Contents IN this chapter the externall state and happinesse of Esau is set forth first by his polygamie and marriage of many wives with the fruits thereof his children and the adjunctes thereunto his riches vers 1. to vers 8. Secondly by his genealogie where his children and nephewes are rehearsed and described 1. By their nativitie of what wives he had them vers 8. to 15. 2. By their dignity vers 15. to 20. Thirdly by the estate of his country where first the old inhabitants the Hâ—rites are described vers 20. to 32. then the new inhabitants the Edomites first governed by Kings vers 31. to 40. then by Dukes againe vers 40. to the end 2. The divers readings v. 2. Eliba Sebagon S. Aâ—libama Sibeon cat v. 5. Ieul Ieglom S. Iehus Iaalon cat v. 6. all the bodies of his house S. the soules of his house caet he went out of the land of Canaan S. into another country H. C. G. P. into a country away B. into the region of Seir T. from his brother Iacob H. from the face of his brother S. B.G.P. because of his brother C. before the comming of his brother T. from the face of his brother heb v. 8. Iacob dwelt in the land where his father dwelt in Canaan S. v. 11. Kâ—nez and Châ—ra H. Kenes cater v. 13. Zaresome S. Zerach Sammah cat v. 14. The sonnes of Libemas the daughter of Enam S. of Aâ—libamah the daughter of Ana caeter
beside he reckoneth Manasses and Ephraim which came not downe with Iacob but were in Egypt Perer. in Genes 46. numer 25. Contra. 1. It is untrue that Phares and Benjamins sonnes were then unborne at Iacobs going downe into Egypt I have shewed before quast 9. how it is not unlikely but they might very well be all then borne otherwise Moses words should not be true all the soules which came with Iacob into Egypt vers 26 if these came not with him 2. Ephraim and Manasses came not downe with Iacob and therefore they are not in the first number of 66. but they were borne before Iacob descended not afterward and therefore are fitly comprehended in the other account of 70. 3. Wherefore seeing the Septuagint reade 75. Moses numbreth but seventy in all eyther Moses must be in an error or they for both cannot agree with truth 6. Places of morall use 1. Mor. Not to take a journey in hand without prayer Vers. 1. IAcob offered sacrifice to God Iacob would not take this long and perilous journey in hand but first he calleth upon God to consult with him and prayeth that his journey bee prosperous which example teacheth us not to enterprise any journey or to take in hand any businesse of waight without prayer Muscul. so did Abrahams servant Gen. 24. so did Iacob Gen. 28. 2. Mor. To provide as much as in us lieth not to be chargeable to others Vers. 6. THey tooke their cattell and their goods Though Pharaoh sent them word to take no care for their stuffe yet they provided having of their owne to be as little chargeable as they might to others not like to some that are carelesse for themselves and rely altogether vpon the helpe of others Muscul. this made S. Paul to labour with his owne hands that he should not be grievous to others although it was their dutie to maintaine him 2 Cor. 11.8 3. Mor. The hatred of the world maketh us cleave faster to God Vers. 34. EVery sheepe-keeper is an abomination to the Egyptians God turned the hatred of the Egyptians to their great good for by this meanes they had a place provided by themselves where they might quietly serve God Calvin so when the righteous are hated of the world it causeth them to sequester themselves from the vaine delights thereof and cleave more nearely to God as the prophet David did when his enemies hated him but I gave my selfe to prayer Psal. 109.5 CHAP. XLVII 1. The Method and Argument FIrst in this chapter is set forth the manner of entertainment of Iacob and his sonnes at Pharaohs hands and Iosephs First concerning Iacobs sonnes Ioseph presenteth five of them before the king vers 2. 2. Then they make their request vers 3 4. 3. Pharaoh granteth it vers 5.2 Concerning Iacob he first saluteth Pharaoh 2. Communeth with Pharaoh about his age vers 9.3 taketh his leave 4. Ioseph placeth his father and brethren in the land of Rameses and nourisheth them vers 11.12 Secondly there is declared the extremity of famine and dearth in Egypt 1. They gave all their money for corne vers 13 14. 2. They sell all their cattell and goods for food vers 16 17 18. 3. They sell themselves and their grounds for bread vers 19 20. to v. 27. In this last sale these particulars are expressed 1. Ioseph taketh possession of their grounds by removing of the people from one place of the land to another vers 21. 2. The immunity and priviledge of the princes or priests 3. The covenant that Ioseph maketh for the fift part of the increase and the peoples consent vers 23. to 26. 3. The law established vers 26. Thirdly concerning Iacob there is set forth 1. The time of his dwelling in Egypt and his age vers 27 28. 2. The promise and oath which Ioseph maketh to Iacob to burie him with his fathers in Canaan and Iacobs thankefulnesse to God vers 30.31 2. The divers readings v. 2 he tooke the last of his brethren H. G. P. from his brethren S. of the company of his brethren â— part of his brethren T. G. michtsah a part or end v. 10. Iacob blessed the king H. blessed Pharaoh câ—t v. 12. giving food to every one H. wheate by the body S. providing bread according to every ones family C. nourished them with bread even to the young children G. with bread to the mouth of the little ones â— that is as put into their mouth T. as the father of the house he provided bread for all from the great to the small v. 13. there was no bread in all the world H. in all the land 〈◊〉 v. 13. the land of Egypt and Canaan oppressed with famine H. famished B. G. failed or fainted because of the famine C. S. were mad or at their wits end because of the famine T. labah to be mad to faile that is they did murmure or were mutinous because of the famine v. 18. that we be not destroyed of my Lord. S. we will not hide from my Lord. cat v. 21. and he made the people servants to Pharaoh S. H. he removed the people from citie to citie or into â—â—â—taine cities caet v. 2â— the land of the officers or governours bought he not T. the land of the priests cat he cohen signifieth both a prince and priest v. 22. the priests had a portion out of the common barns H. of Pharaoh cat v. 27. and the Israelites dwelt in Egypt T. and Israel dwelt cat v. 28 and he lived· H. and Iacob lived caet v. 31. he worshipped upon the top of his rod. S. he worshipped toward the beds head B. G. prayed toward the beds head C. Bowed himselfe upon the pillow T. caet mittah with cametz signifieth a bed mitteh with three pricks a rod the Apostle followeth the reading of the Septuagint Heb. 11. which translation was then of great authority in the Church the sense being not much differing 3. The explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. Which five of his brethren Ioseph preferred to Pharaoh Vers. 2. Ioseph tooke part of his brethren 1. Because the word here used chetzah signifieth an end or extreame part some thinke that Ioseph tooke five of the uppermost or chiefest of his brethren in person and wisdome sic Lyran. Tostat. so is the word used Iud. 18.2 where the children of Dan sent out five of their strongest men 2. Some thinke he tooke five of the lowest or meanest that Pharaoh should conceive no liking to make them courtiers sic Oleaster but the word here signifieth not an end or extremitie but only a part as shall be shewed 3. Some say that beside Iudah Ioseph tooke one of every of Iacobs wives sonnes that he should not be partiall Cajetan but that is uncertaine 4. Some Hebrewes goe yet further and shew which five they were namely Ruben Simeon Levi Isachar Benjamin five of the weaker sort and therefore their names are not doubled or
yeare c. since our money is spent c. 1. This was neither the second yeare from the beginning of the famine as the Hebrews imagine that after Iacobs comming into Egypt at his prayer Nilus came to his ordinary course and God for his sake remitted the five yeares of famine at that time which came afterward for this is contrary to the story Gen. 45.6 where Ioseph saith there were five yeares of famine yet behind neither was this in the third yeare but their money was spent in the fift yeare they had corne the sixt yeare for their cattell and in the seventh yeare they had given them seed to sow their grounds because the 7. yeares of famine were expired during the which they could not sow sic Mercer Iun. Luther Calvin 2. Isaack Carus maketh this a doubtfull speech thus reading if our money be spent supposing that they gave all their money in the beginning to Ioseph and he gave them corne for it as long as their money did last according to his discretion but this is not like for the text is v. 15. when money failed in the land of Egypt they had no more money to bring 3. Likewise it is uncertaine as some doe note that corne continued all at one price all the yeares of famine it is like that Ioseph did set reasonable prices but whether at the same continuall rate it cannot be gathered Mercer QUEST VIII Whether Ioseph dealt hardly or unjustly in taking the Egyptians money cattell and land for corne Vers. 20. SO Ioseph bought all the land of Egypt for Pharaoh It may seeme very hard that Ioseph when he had received all the Egyptians money for corne doth take also their cattell and last of all their land wherefore Iosephs fact may be thus justified 1. The corne which was layd up in Pharaohs barnâ— was proper to the King for in the seven plentifull yeares Pharaoh had taken up the fift part for his money of the people and now he selleth it againe Muscul. therefore here was nothing but just 2. Beside the equitie we must consider Iosephs fidelity it became him to deale faithfully with Pharaohs goods being put in trust withall and it is like that he did nothing without the privity and direction of the King Calvin 3. Iosephs charity appeared who when as the people had sold themselves to be Pharaohs servants and their lands Ioseph remitteth their service and taketh only their lands Perer. 4. His liberality also is seene in this that whereas he might have taken foure parts for Pharaoh and left the fift for them he only reserveth the fift part for Pharaoh whereas in fruitfull grounds such as the land of Egypt was husbandmen doe willingly occupie land for the halfe of the increase Mercer Perer. 5. Iosephs justice appeareth in that he doth not force them to any thing but al is done by the peoples franke offer and willing consent Calvin 6. Iosephs prudencie and policie may be considered who tooke this course both for the maintenance of the crowne and common-wealth the King and his people he sold them corne and gave it not no gratis accipiendo cultum terrarum relinquerent quoniam qui alieno utitur suum negligit lest if they had received it freely they might have lived idly and neglected tillage for hee that may live of anothers will be carelesse of his owne Ambros. officior 2.16 who further saith that Ioseph did this ut constitueret tributum quo suae tutius habere possent to raise a tribute that every man for ever after might more safely hold his owne 7. The people were so far from complaining of Iosephs injustice or hard dealing that they thankfully acknowledge that he had saved their lives vers 25.8 God by this meanes doth punish the Egyptians riotous and licentious life in the yeares of plenty by their extreme penurie and scarcity now Mercer QUEST IX Wherefore Ioseph removed the inhabitants of Egypt to new dwellings Vers. 21. HE moved the people to the cities from one side of Egypt c. 1. They were not removed from the principall cities to smaller townes as some expound but the contrary rather they were removed from their fields and grounds to the cities 2. They were not carried from one side of Egypt to the other that had been too great a toyle but throughout Egypt this course was taken that the owners and former possessours should change their grounds 3. Which was done to this end to acknowledge Pharaoh to bee Lord of their grounds and that it should not grieve them to pay this new tribute and imposition out of those possessions assigned them which might have seemed grievous in their old inheritance Iun. Mercer QUEST X. Of the privilege and immunitie of the Priests in Egypt Vers. 22. FOr the Priests had an ordinarie 1. All the interpreters doe so reade but Iunius who thinketh that those were chiefe officers rather to the King that had this immunitie than the Priests because Iosephs family was nourished at the Kings charge and his fathers houshold also as a part of his family which otherwise the Egyptians would have repined at Cont. 1. Iacobs family was nourished by the Kings extraordinary favour as likewise his dwelling was given him in the best of the land and therefore there was no repining at it 2. The officers also might be nourished at the Kings charge but they are not spoken of because they belonged to Pharaohs houshold whereof Moses speaketh not here but of the other subjects 3. The consent of interpreters the Chalde and Septuagint which here translate Priests with Calvin Muscul. Mercerus Tostatus Pererius and others the testimony of forreine writers Herodot in Euterpe Diodorus lib. 2. that Priests had their ordinary from the King the great honour and dignity of the Priests in Egypt who were honoured for their continent and contemplative life Hierom. ex Cheremon lib. 1. advers Iovinian were held the Masters and chiefe professours of the Mathematickes and other liberall sciences Arist. princip Metaphys were conversant and of counsell with the Kings of Egypt Strab. lib. 17. all these reasons doe shew that it is most probable that this favour was rather shewed to the order of Priests than of any other 2. Neither was this ordinary allowed to the Priests only in this time of famine as Mercerus thinketh but it was a perpetuall custome for the Priests to be so maintained singulis corum continuo cibi sacripraesto sunt c. meat is prepared daily for every one of them Herodot in Euterpe QUEST XI Whether Ioseph offended in giving allowance of food to the Priests of Egypt NOw in that Ioseph as Pharaohs chiefe officer alloweth this ordinary to the idolatrous priests 1. Hee is not therein to be reprehended for his connivence because he did no more resist their superstition Calvin for it is not unlike but that he did what he could and was grieved that he could not helpe it as he desired 2. But seeing the law and
heavenly prophecie of the comming of Shilo Gen. 49.10 where I have brought divers expositions of sundry learned men and some not yet touched by any I have handled in this other parts of this worke many difficult questions with such perspicuity brevity variety as I either could or they have yet beene treated upon by any so that I trust as Hierome saith of the transslating of Origen into the Latine tongue I may say of our English Agnoscit Anglicana lingua quantum boni ante nescierit scire nunc coeperit praefat in Origen in Luk. That by this meanes it knoweth both how much good it was ignorant of before and beginneth to know now These my labours I now commend to the profitable use of the Church of God and your favourable censure and your Lordships to the blessed protection of the Almighty Your Lordships ready to be commanded in the Lord ANDREW WILLET CHAP. XLIX 1. The Method and Argument of the Chapter THis chapter containeth the last will and testament of Iacob whereof there are two parts the first concerneth his sonnes to vers 29. the second himselfe and his buriall vers 29. to the end In the first part Iacobs sonnes are partly censured and accursed Ruben is deprived of the birth-right and dignitie because of his incest vers 3 4. Simeon and Levi are divided in Israel because of their crueltie against the Sichemites to vers 8. Partly they are blessed more principally Iudah with preheminence over his brethren vers 8. strength against his enemies vers 9. stabilitie and continuance of his regiment vers 10. with plentie vers 11. Ioseph who is blessed with strength and valour against his enemies vers 23 24. whereof the Author is God vers 25. and with a fruitfull countrie vers 26. Lesse principally are blessed all the other sonnes of Iacob which are in number seven Zebulun vers 13. Isachar v. 14 15. Dan vers 16 17. Gad vers 19. Asher vers 20. Nepthali vers 20. Benjamin vers 27. In the second part Iacob 1. Chargeth his sonnes to burie him with his fathers vers 29. 2. The place is described by the situation vers 30. by the persons there buried vers 31. by the parties of whom it was bought vers 32. 3. Then Iacob dieth quietly and in peace 1. The divers readings v. 3 The beginning of my sorrow H. the beginning of my sonnes S. the beginning of my strength caet oon signifieth both strength and sorrow First in gifts greater in dominion H. hard to beare hard and stubborne thou hast done wrong S. thou shouldest have had three parts the birth-right the kingdome the priesthood C. the excellencie of dignitie the excellencie of strength cat v. 4. Thou arâ— powred out like water thou shalt not increase H. as water thou shalt not wax hot S. because thou didst follow thine owne will as water powred out thou shalt not prosper nor receive the increasing part C. light or unstable as water B.G.P. thou shalt fall away as water T. v. 4. Thou defiledst my bed H. thou didst defile my bed when thou wentest up S.C. thou didst defile my bed with going up B. thou didst defile my bed thy dignitie is gone G.P. thou hast defiled he went up to my bed T. v. 5. Simeon and Levi brethren the warring instruments of iniquitie H. Simeon and Levi brethren have finished the iniquitie of their purpose S. Simeon and Levi brethren valiant men in the land of their pilgrimage have shewed their strength C. Simeon and Levi c. the instruments of crueltie in their habitations B.G.P. in their compacts and agreements T. mechera signifieth a compact or bargaine an habitation a sword v. 6. In their will they pulled away oxen T. hanged a bull S. digged through a wall caet shor signifieth a bull or oxe bur shur is a wall v. 9. Thou art come up from the branches S. from the prey caet taraph signifieth a prey and a branch As a lyons whelp S. as a lyonesse H.B.G.C. as a great lyon T.P. Labi a lyon which word is used here Lebia a lionesse v. 10. The rod shall not depart A.P.G. prinâ—e S.C. scepter H. B.G. the tribe T. shebet a rod a tribe v. 10. Till hee come which is to be sent H. till those things come which are laid up for him S. till the Messiah come C. untill Shiloh come B.G. till his sonnes come T. heb shiloh of shil a sonne but shalach signifieth to send v. 10. Hee shall be the expectation of the Gentiles H.S. to himselfe shall be the gathering of the Gentiles B. â— the people shall be obedient unto him T.C.P. jachah is to obey chavah to wait expect v. 11. Israel shall dwell in the circuit of his citie people shall build his temple c. C. he shall bind his asse-foale to the vine c. caet the Chalde is here very corrupt and commeth nothing neare the text And his asse to the vine O my sonne H. and his asse-colt to the best vine caet v. 12. His teeth whiter than milke H.S. white with milke cat the Chalde is very corrupt reading thus his hills shall be red with wine and his fields white with corne v. 14. Isachar a strong asse couching betweene the bounds H. Isachar desired good resting betweene the lots S. Isachar rich in substance and his possession betweene the bounds C. Isachar a strong asse couching betweene two burthens B.G.T. mishphath a bound a lot a burthen v. 15. Hee saw his part that it was good c. and he shall make the provinces of the people subject C. he shall see that rest is good and that the land is pleasant caeter Hee became an husband-man S. he shal be subject to tribute caet mus signifieth tribute and melting because it maketh men to waste and melt v. 16. The Chalde thus maketh a paraphrase upon this verse from the house of Dan shall be chosen and rise a man in his time shall the people be delivered the rest agree in the common translation v. 17. The Chalde also thus readeth There shall a man rise of Dan whose feare shall fall upon the people and he shall strike the Philistims c. v. 18. Is thus interpreted I looke not for the salvation of Gedeon the sonne of Ioas which is a temporall salvation nor the salvation of Sampson but I looke for the redemption of Christ the sonne of David c. C. v. 19. The campe of armed men shall come out of the house of Gad and passe over Iordan to battell before his brethren and with much substance shall they returne C. Gad a tentation shall tempt him but he shall tempe him neare the feet S. Gad being girded shall fight before him and he shall be girded backward H. Gad an hoast of men shall overcome him but he shall overcome at the last cat v. 20. The land of Aser is
worthie si quis salva fide refugiat periâ—ulum instans If one not violating his faith doth shun the instant danger unlesse we will say that Christ when he escaped out of their hands that sought to stone him did it of feare Luke 4. But I rather preferre the 7. exposition before touched QUEST XXII Why Moses sufferings are called by the Apostle the rebukes of Christ. BUt seeing so oft mention hath beene made of that place to the Hebrewes it shall not be amisse briefly to shew the meaning of those other words of the Apostle vers 26. esteeming the rebuke of Christ greater riches than the treasures of Egypt 1. We refuse here the exposition of Lyranus that he calleth the rebukes of Moses the rebukes of Christ because by faith foreseeing what Christ should suffer hee by Christs example was confirmed to endure the like for in this sense they are Moses rebukes rather than Christs 2. Neither are they called Christs rebukes because they were such as Christ commendeth Blessed are they that suffer persecution for righteousnesse sake Matt. 5. 3. or for that Christ was to come of that people and therefore their rebukes are counted the rebukes of Christ Cajetan 4. or because Moses was a figure of Christ and suffered the like rebukes because that as Moses left the Court and palace of Pharaoh to be partaker of the afflictions of his people so Christ descending from heaven tooke upon him our infirmities Oecumenius Theophylact. 5. But they are called Christs rebukes because he suffereth in his members and accounteth their afflictions as his owne in which sense the Apostle saith he fulfilled the rest of the afflictions of Christ in his flesh for his bodies sake which is the Church Col. 1.24 QUEST 23. Why Pharaoh sought to slay Moses Vers. 15. PHaraoh heard of this matter and sought to slay Moses The causes why Pharaoh sought Moses life Iosephus alleageth to be these three 1. Because the Egyptians envied his prosperous successe in the warres against the Ethiopians 2. They feared him as like to be one that aspired to great matters and might seeke some innovation and change in Egypt 3. The Egyptian Priests did prophesie of him that he was like to prove very dangerous to Egypt By these meanes the King was incensed against him But I rather approve that which Philo writeth that Pharaoh was not so much moved against Moses for the death of one Egyptian as for that by this he perceived that Moses was a friend and favourer of the Hebrewes whom he accounted his enemies and an enemie to the Egyptians his subjects and friends Philo lib. 1. de vita Mosis QUEST XXIV The causes why Moses lived in exile and banishment 40. yeares Vers. 15. THerefore Moses fled Zeiglerus thinketh that whereas at the fortieth yeere of Moses age there were 390. yeeres expired since the promise made to Abraham and that tenne yeeres onely remained of the affliction of the people which was to continue 400. yeeres in one place and other Genes 15.13 Moses thought to prevent the time there being but tenne yeeres to come and therefore God punished his presumption with fortie yeeres exile But this cannot stand with the Apostles testimonie of Moses that by faith he forsooke Egypt if it were a worke of faith how could it be a punishment for his presumption Therefore the causes of Moses flight and exile are better touched by Ferus 1. That the people should not depend upon man but trust in God for their deliverance 2. That Moses might be weaned altogether from the pleasures of Egypt and delicate life in Pharaohs Court 3. That he might be taught that the deliverance of Israel should not be by sword or strength but by the spirit of God 4. To punish the peoples ingratitude for not more thankfully accepting of this benefit that God had stirred them up a deliverer for not onely this Hebrew whom Moses rebuked rejected his calling but generally all the people made light of it as S. Stephen sheweth Act. 7.25 QUEST XXV Of Midian what countrie it was and where situate Vers. 15. ANd dwelt in the land of Midian 1. This was the chiefe Citie of the Midianites so called of Midian one of the sonnes of Keturah by Abraham it was situate in Arabia upon the red sea as Iosephus 2. Hierome saith there were two Cities of this name one on the South part of Arabia by the red sea the other by Arnon and Arcopolis the ruines whereof were to be seene in his time 3. The whole Countrie was called Arabia where the Midianites Amalekites Israelites dwelt together Philo. And these Arabians were called Petrei of their metropolis or chiefe Citie Petra Borrh. 4. This Midian was not farre from Mount Sinai for thereabout did Moses keepe his father in lawes sheepe Exod. 3. and thither came Iethro with Moses wife and children and S. Paul placeth Sinai in Arabia Gal. 4. 5. The women of this Countrie joyning with the Moabites inticed the Israelites to commit fornication Numb 25. These Midianites oppressed Israel seven yeeres of whom Gideon slew 135000. Iud. 8. QUEST XXVI Rehuel Iethro Hobab whether the same Vers. 18. ANd when they came to Rehuel their father c. This Rehuel was not the same with Iethro as the Septuagint and Latine translator here read Iethro and as Hierome thinketh they were two names of the same man 2. Neither had he foure names Iethro Rehuel Hobab Keni as Thostatus Lyranus for Hobab was the sonne of Rehuel Numb 10.29 and hee was called Keni of his nation and countrey because he was a Kenite Numb 24.21 Iunius 3 Pererius also is deceived thinking that Hobab was not Moses father in law but his wives brother and his father in lawes sonne because saith he Moses father in law departed from them at Mount Sinai Exod. 18. but Hobab staied with them still and was their guide in the wildernesse Numb 10.31 But Pererius herein erreth also for these two stories of Iethro and Hobab Exod. 18. and Numb 10. must be joyned together they were both one man and hee tooke his leave of Moses as it is shewed Exod. 18. but he returned againe unto them before they departed from Sinai to be their guide as Moses requested Numb 10. and it is like he brought his kindred and family with him because the Kenites are read afterward to have cohabited with Israel Iudg. 1.16.4 Wherefore Rehuel was grandfather unto Moses wife called also their father after the manner of the Hebrewes Iethro and Hobab are the same for they are both said to be the father in law of Moses Exodus 18. and Num. 10.29 and Hobab and Iethro was the sonne of Rehuel ibid. Iun. QUEST XXVII Whether Rehuel were Prince and Priest of Midian Vers. 16. ANd the Prince of Midian c. The Hebrew word is Cohen which signifieth both Prince and Priest and one that is preferred or exalted in any office or authoritie as Davids sonnes are called cohanim
Priests of the Philistims thus say Wherefore harden yee your hearts as the Egyptians and Pharaoh hardned their hearts when he wrought wonderfully among them 1. Sam. 6 6. 6. That the Hebrewes by the remembrance of these great workes should bee kept in obedience to the law of God as it is therefore set before the ten Commandements Exod. â—0 2 7. That the just confusion and subversion of the Egyptians might bee made manifest to all men that hardned their hearts notwithstanding such grievous plagues Perer. QUEST XXXII Who were exempted from the plagues of Egypt FUrther it will be inquired who were exempted from these plagues in Egypt whether they were generally upon all 1. It is certaine that all the Israelites that dwelt in the land of Goshen were exempted wherein three things are to be considered first that although this exception and reservation bee expressed only in five plagues as in the swarmes of noisome flies and beasts chap. 8.23 in the murrane of the cattell chap. 9.7 in the haile chap 9.26 the thicke darknesse chap. 20.23 and in the destruction of the first borne chap. 12.23 Yet by the same analogy it is to be understood that the Israelites were also freed from â—he rest of the plagues Secondly mention is first made of this privilege in the fourth plague when the Sorcerers were hindred from working for this cause that whereas before they tried their skill in their counterfeit signes in the land of Goshen for in all Egypt the plagues overspread and from thence it is like that they had the water which they turned into bloud now it is insinuated that they had no longer power to doe any such thing no not in the land of Goshen as they had before Thirdly not onely the persons of the people of Israel were free as Exod. 12.23 from the death of the first borne but even their cattell chap. 9.7 and their ground the land of Goshen where they dwelt chap. 8.22 2. Another sort is likely also to have beene exempted from these plagues namely such strangers as sojourned of other nations in Egypt for the story runneth upon the Egyptians that they were plagued because they only were guilty of the wrong done to the Lords people the other that were not accessary might either withdraw themselves out of Egypt seeing the hand of God so heavy upon them or they might through the mercy of God be spared 3. Whereas these plagues did most of all light upon Pharaoh and next upon the Ministers and Officers of his Kingdome as the chiefe authors of the affliction of the Israelites and then generally upon all the common sort of people who executed the Kings cruell edict for the drowning of the Hebrewes children Exod. 2.23 yet wee are to thinke that although in other generall plagues which came upon Israel many righteous persons did suffer in the calamity of the City as in the destruction of Jerusalem and the Babylonian captivity yet that in these universall plagues they that feared God of the Egyptians were spared as is expresly mentioned in the seventh plague that they which feared the word of the Lord among the servants of Pharaoh were delivered from it chap. 9.20 that hereby it might appeare that the Egyptians were punished for their cruelty towards the Lords people Perer. QUEST XXXIII Whether the Egyptians which inhabited with Israel in the land of Goshen were exempted from the plagues BUt it is more doubted of the Egyptians which dwelt among the Israelites in the land of Goshen for they were mingled together as is evident chap 3.22 whether they were freed from these generall plagues 1. Thostatus thinketh thaâ— they also tasted of all the plagues as well as the rest of Egypt because their hatred was no lesse towards the Lords people But in some plagues as in the fourth of the swarmes and in the seventh of the haile it is affirmed that there were none in the land of Goshen If the Country were freed then the inhabitans also and though these Egyptians that cohabited were haters of them also yet the Lord might spare them for his peoples sake because some plagues should also have touched the Israelites if they had fallen upon their neighbours as the haile and lightning 2. Augustine thinketh that the Egyptians inhabiting Goshen were free from all the plagues but the last upon the first borne because this was upon their persons the other upon the ground it selfe wherein Goshen was privileged quaest 44. in Exod. But this is not like neither for in the fifth plague only the cattell and beasts of Israel are preserved from the murrane chap. 9.4 the beasts of the Egyptians though dwelling among Israel cannot bee said to bee the cattell of Israel 3 Wherefore this distinction and difference must bee made that all those plagues which might be inflicted upon the persons or substance of the Egyptians without any damage or annoyance to the Israelites among whom they dwelt did as well fall upon them as other Egyptians as such plagues as their persons were smitten with as the sixth of botches and sores and the tenth of the first borne as also which fell upon their cattell as the fifth plague likewise the ninth plague of darknesse come upon the Egyptians also who as it is observed Wisdome 18.1 did heare the Israelites but saw them not even the Egyptians which were neighbours to the Israelites felt of that plague also But from the other plagues which were an annoyance to the ground it selfe and to all the inhabitans even the Egyptians also were freed that cohabited with them as from the plague of waters turned into bloud for herein the Egyptians there dwelling could not be punished but the harme would likewise redound to the Israelites such were the plagues of the frogs lice swarmes haile grashoppers which were noisome to all the inhabitants where they fell and in some of these plagues it is expressed directly that the land of Goshen was free as chap. 8.22 in the 4. plague of the swarmes and in the 7. of the haile chap. 9.26 QUEST XXXIV Of the diversity in the manner of the plagues THe last of these generall considerations is both of the divers manner of inflicting these plagues and of Pharaohs divers behaviour that is for the diversity of the plagues some of them were sent upon their persons as the 6.9 and 10. some upon their cattell as the fifth some upon their fruits as the seventh some upon the water and the earth as the rest some continued seven dayes as the first some three as the ninth most of them but one as is shewed before Quest. 29. Some of them are sent without any warning given before as the third plague chap. 8.16 and the sixt chap. 9.8 and the ninth chap. 10.20 Some plagues are expresly mentioned to have beene removed by the prayer of Moses as the second of frogs chap. 8.9 the fourth of swarmes chap. 8.30 the seventh of haile and lightning chap. 9.33 the eight of the
be a very great plague B.G. cum caeter for the perfect distinction athnah over sheep divideth it from the clause following the Septuagint reade a verie great death but the word is deber a plague Vers. 15. For now when I stretch out mine hand I. or rather I had stretched out my hand and might have smitten thee c. and so thou shouldest have perished from the earth I. A reason is given why the Lord did smite only the cattell with the pestilence whereas he might have smitten the Egyptians also and cut them off at once this sense the Chalde expresseth it was very neere mee to send a plague to smite thee and thy people better than for now I have stretcht my hand that I may smite thee V.A.P.L.S. for no such plague was now sent or I will stretch my hand that I may smite thee c. and thou shalt perish from the earth B.G. for neither do we reade this to have been done Vers. 16. I have caused thee to remaine I. or caused thee to stand A. P.H. or I have sustayned or kept thee G. or thou art reserved 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S. better than I have appointed thee L.V.B.G. To shew my power in thee I.B. S.L. better than 〈◊〉 shew thee my power C.A.P.G.V. that the preposition in is to be supplied appeareth cap. 14.18 the Lord is said to get honour upon Pharaoh and so the Apostle readeth Rom. 9.17 Vers. 27. Thou Pharaoh sent and called B. G. cum câ—ter Then Pharaoh sent them that should observe and called I. Though it may bee referred to Pharaohs sending to see in the Land of Goshen yet it is not safe to adde unto the text Vers. 30. I know that thou thy servants will not yet feare I.P.B.C.L.S. better than I know afore I pray that you will feare V.A.G. terem better signifieth here nondum not yet than antequam before as the sense giveth 3. The explanation of difficult questions QUEST I. Why Pharaoh is so often sent unto whom the Lord did foresee that he would not hearâ— Vers. 1. GO to Pharoh and tell him 1. Though God knew that Pharaoh would not heare yet he sendeth unto him againe both that his malice obstinacie might be made manifest that the judgements also of God upon him hereby might appeare to bee most just Simler 2. And though it was not in Pharaohs power to mollifie his heart yet hee is punished because neither would he though it had beene in his power Simler The necessitie of Gods decree doth not take away the freenesse of the will to evill neither is compulsive but only maketh the event evitable Pharaoh then is punished not for the necessitie that lay upon him but for the malice and unwillingnesse and disobedience of his heart Borrh. QUEST II. Why Moses in bringing the plagues dâ—th not alwaies use Aarons rod. Vers. 3. BEhold the hand of the Lord is c. This plague is not brought by the lifting up of Aarons rod as the other 1. For if Aaron should have alwayes used his rod it might have been thought that there was vertue in the rod. Cajetan 2. God therefore so wisely disposeth in the sending of these plagues that no exception could be taken If Moses had done all they might have suspected him to bee a Sorcerer and therefore most of these plagues are brought by the ministrie of Aaron And if they two should have done all they might have been taken for gods as Paul and Barnabas was Act. 14. If they had alwayes used the rod they might have ascribed vertue unto it If God had by his immediate hand sent all the plagues without any meanes it had not bin so admirable for who doubteth but that God of himselfe can do all things Ferus QUEST III. Why the Lord punisheth the Egyptians in their cattell Vers. 3. VPon thy flocke which is in the field c. 1. The Lord never sendeth any great plague upon the world but he giveth warning of it before so he did forewarne the old world of the floud by Noah the Sodomites of their destruction by Lot the Egyptians were admonished here by Moses the Israelites by Ieremie of the captivitie of Babylon 2. The cattell heere are punished for the sinne of their masters God beginneth with smaller punishments before he proceed to greater Osiander 3. This plague was lesse troublesome than the former but more discommodious for by the destruction of their horse and oxen their tillage was hindred and they should want their sheepe for cloathing their asses and horses for burden Simler 4. And this plague was most just for as they had oppressed the Israelites before in taking their oxen to plow their horses and asses to carrie burdens so the Lord doth worthily punish them in their cattel Perer. As the fish were destroyed before in the water so now the beasts upon land to let them know that they were worthie to possesse nothing God might justly deprive them of all Borrh. 5. The Latine translator readeth as though the hand of God should be not onlie upon their cattell but upon their very fields and grounds which should be first poisoned and infected but he leaveth out the Hebrew pronoune asher which shall be in the fields for it is evident by the text that the cattell onely were infected QUEST IV. Why the Lord doth not alwayes exempt his people from temporall calamities Vers. 4. I will make separation betweene the cattell of Israel c. Though it pleased God in this and other plagues for his great glory sake to exempt his people from these publike calamities yet alwayes the Lord doth not so deale with his servants for the true Prophets suffered famine under Achab as well as the rest Ieremie was taken with the Citie Daniel carried into captivitie which the Lord doth for these causes 1. To purge out the corruption and infirmities which are in his owne servants 2. To make triall of their patience that God thereby might be glorified Simler 3. And the Lord doth chastise them in the small afflictions of this life making a separation betweene the righteous and the wicked in the great judgements of the next world as the Lord saith by his Prophet In a little have I forsaken thee but with great compassions will I gather thee Isay. 54.7 Ferus QUEST V. In what sense all the cattell of Egypt are said to have died Vers. 6. ALl the cattell of Egypt died All the cattell in generall died not for many died afterward being smitten with the haile and tempest vers 27. 1. Some therefore doe thus expound it that no cattell died but the Egyptians and all that died were theirs Cajetan 2. But it seemeth rather to be taken according to the phrase of Scripture all died that is the greatest part Iun. Perer. Simler QUEST VI. Whether Pharaoh sent into Goshen in the other plagues Vers. 7. THen Pharaoh sent and behold 1. Some thinke that Pharaoh sent before when
foreseeth all things did set unto Abraham this terme of 400. yeeres â—ee no doubt most faithfully kept his promise and as he had decreed so after 400. yeeres expired he delivered his seede from their oppressors 3. Moses act in killing the Egyptian was an act of faith not of presumption as both S. Stephen witnesseth Acts 7.25 Hee supposed 〈◊〉 brethren would have understood that God by his hand should give them deliverance as also the Apostle to the Heb. 11.25 By faith Moses when hee was come to age refused to be called the sonne of Pharaohs daughter and chose rather to suffer adversity with the people of God and againe vers 27. By faith he forsooke Egypt c. If Moses then of faith shewed himselfe to be the deliverer of his people as when he killed the Egyptian and cares not for the favour and honour of Pharaohs court then was it not a presumptuous act for the which he should be punished 4. And how standeth it with Gods justice to punish all the people of Israel with the captivity of 30. yeeres longer for the sinne and presumption of one man if Moses had offended and trespassed therein 5. Neither is that observation of forty perpetuall neither David for his sinne nor Peter for his deniall of Christ nor the incestuous young man among the Corinthians were injoyned any such time of penance and Nebuchadnezzars time of repentance farre exceeded this proportion which continued seven yeeres Dan. 4.20 for true repentance is not measured by the number of dayes but by the weight of the contrition and sorrow of heart neither is it found in Scripture that any one man had 40. dayes penance imposed upon him There was another reason of the 40. yeeres wandring of Israel in the desert for according to the time wherein the spies searched the land which was 40. dayes they have a yeere set for a day for the punishment of the sinne of the spies in raising a slander upon that good land all but Caleb and Iosuah and of the people in giving no credit unto them see Numb 14.34 QUEST LXV The time of the Hebrewes departure out of Egypt compared with the Chronology of the Heathen NOw in the last place it shall bee declared how this time of the departing of Israel agreeth with the â—orren computations according to the Chronology of the Heathen 1. They therefore observe five notable periods of times from whence they use to make supputation of their yeeres from the monarchy of Ninus and Semiramis in Abrahams time from the floud of Ogyges and from Inachus and Phâ—râ—neus about the time of the Patriarke Iacob from the battell of Troy which fell out in Sampsons dayes or under Helâ— the high Priest from the beginning of the Olympiades which began in the 8. yeere of the reigne of Ahaz from the building of Rome in the 1. yeere of the seventh Olympiade which concurreth with the 16. yeere of the reigne of Hesekiah 2. According then to these divers kindes of computations there are also divers opinions concerning the time of Israels departure out of Egypt Apion the Gramarian a professed adversary to the Jewes against whom Iosephus wrote two bookes will have Moses to bring the Israelites out of Egypt in the time of the seventh Olympiade when the City Carthage was built by the Tyrians in Africa thus Iosephus reporteth the opinion of Apion in his 2. booke But this to bee apparantly false Iosephus sheweth proving that the Temple of Salomon was built 143. yeeres before Carthage and the Israelites came out of Egypt 480. yeeres before that 1. King 6.1 so that their leaving of Egypt was above 600. yeeres before the building of Carthage 3. As Apion commeth farre short in his computation so Porphyrius goeth as much beyond who in the fourth booke of those which hee wrote against the Christians will have Moses to be before the times of Semiramis which is a grosse error for it is without all question that Abraham was borne under the monarchy of Ninus and from Abrahams birth untill the deliverance of Israel out of Egypt are 505. yeeres whereof an 100. are counted from Abrahams birth to Isaacs and 405. from thence unto Israels redemption as hath beene shewed 4. Lactantius lib. 4. cap. 5. thinketh that Moses was 900. yeeres before the battell of Troy whereas it will be found that he was only 356. yeeres or thereabout elder than those times 5. Manethon an ancient Writer of the Egyptian affaires maketh Moses more ancient by 393. yeeres than when Danaus went to Argos that is about a thousand yeeres before the battell of Troy But that cannot bee seeing the Trojan warre is held to have beene in the time of Sampson or Helâ— not above 356. yeeres after the returne of the Hebrewes out of Egypt 6. Some Christian Writers thinke that the Hebrewes were delivered out of the Egyptian Captivity in the time of Ogyges floud as Iustinus Martyr Clemens Alexandrinus 1. lib. Stromatum Iulian Africanus But that is not like for the same Iulian African by the testimony of divers Heathen Writers sheweth that Ogyges floud was 1020. yeeres before the beginning of the Olympiades But from the departure of Israel out of Egypt untill the Olympiades began which was in the 8. yeere of the reigne of Ahaz are counted but 760. yeere or thereabout so that Moses should bee above two hundred and fifty yeeres after Ogyges floud 7. This is then the right computation compared with the Chronology of the Heathen that the deliverance of Israel out of Egypt was 356. yeere before the Trojan battell and 764. yeeres before the Olympiades 788. yeeres before the building of Rome 910. yeeres before the Captivity of Babylon 980. yeeres before the reigne of Cyrus 1200. yeeres before Alexander the Great 1496. yeeres before Herod under whose reigne Christ was borne And according to the sacred Chronologie this redemption of Israel from the Egyptian bondage was 2453. yeeres after the creation of the world 797. yeeres after Noahs floud 505. yeeres after the death of the Patriarke Ioseph 480. yeeres before the building of Salomons Temple and 1536. yeeres before the birth of our blessed Lord and Saviour Christ Jesus Ex Perer. 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. How the Lords holy dayes should be kept Vers. 16. IN the first day shall be an holy convocation The word is mikra which also signifieth reading which sheweth how holy and festivall dayes ought to be spent in assembling the people together and in reading and preaching unto them the mercies and benefits of God Pellican And this was the use among the people of God as S. Peter saith Moses hath of old time them that preach him in every City seeing he is read in the Synagogues every Sabbath 2. Doct. A particular application of our redemption by Christs death needfull Vers. 21. CHuse out of every of your households a lambe God would as it were by a speciall application have every private house and family admonished of this singular
other his historicall commentaries which are likewise mentioned chap. 34.17 Deut. 31.9.22 Iun. Calvin Simler This same charge is likewise registred by Moses Deut. 25.17 Galas 6. This the Lord would have committed to writing for these causes 1. That a thankfull memorie should still be retained in time to come of this great deliverance 2. That the people of God should know the sentence denounced against Amalek which should be executed in due time Simler 3. And that Saul who was to performe this service should with better courage and boldnesse set upon that enterprise Ferus QUEST XX. Why Moses is commanded to rehearse it to Ioshua Vers. 14. REhearse it or as the Hebrew is put in the cares of Ioshua 1. Moses is bidden to intimate this to Ioshua because he was to be his successor Iun. 2. Some thinke that this was the thing which he should rehearse to Ioshua how Moses by his prayer and the lifting up of his hands obtained the victorie which Ioshua was not present to see Pellican But it followeth in the next words what it was namely the sentence of God for the utter extirpation of Amalek 3. That both it might be an incouragement to Ioshua against the rest of Gods enemies seeing that they which made the first attempt are thus judged of God Simler As also to be a caveat unto Ioshua and the Israelites that they should make no league or peace with this nation which before the Lord stood accursed Tostat. 4. In like manner God will have it written in every faithfull mans heart that he hath ordained the Devill and his Angels and all our spirituall enemies that wee should be at perpetuall defiance with them Ferus Rupert 5. Neither was this charge given to Ioshua that they should beare still in mind this injurie which was offered them by the Amalekites but that they should thinke of the judgements of God against them it is one thing to remember private wrongs another to beare in mind the judgements of God given in charge QUEST XXI Whether Amalek were wholly destroyed by Saul Vers. 14. I Will utterly put out the remembrance of Amalek c. Tostatus here affirmeth thus Nomen Amalechitarum totaliter periit tempore Saulis That the name of the Amalekites did wholly perish in the time of Saul quast 7. in Exod. But this appeareth to bee otherwise for after that time when Saul was sent against Amalek 1 Sam. 15. and after that Tostatus saith Non fuit populus Amalechitarum c. There was 〈◊〉 more people of the Amalekites wee find that the Amalekites burnt Zildag Davids Citie 1 Sam. 30.2 Some therefore thinke that the meaning is that the Lord would overthrow and destroy statum dominium the state Kingdome and dominion of that nation Pellican But the words are more generall hee would put out the remembrance or memorie of Amalek 3. The truth then is this that God gave indeed a charge unto Saul utterly to destroy Amalek and if Saul had done his faithfull endevour at that time there had not beene any left But Saul being negligent to execute the Lords commandement onely the destroying those Amalekites that were nearest and made resistance letting them alone which were farther off Iun. 1 Sam. 15. Martyr 1 Sam. 27.8 David afterward perfected what Saul had omitted did smite Amalek 1 Sam. 27.8 afterward he put to the sword the whole host of the Amalekites letting none to escape saving 400. which rode away upon camels 1 Sam. 30.17 And after this we find no great exploit done by that nation but by little and little they were rooted out according to the sentence of God here decreed against them QUEST XXII Of the building of the Altar and the name thereof Vers. 15. ANd Moses built an Altar and called it Iehovah nissi 1. Moses by the example of the godly Patriarkes built an Altar whereon to offer sacrifice unto God and to shew his thankfulnesse for this great victorie Simler 2. There was yet no setled Priesthood ordained but the right of sacrificing belonged unto the first borne as mention is made afterward of certaine young men of the children of Israel which were sent to offer sacrifice chap. 24.8 Now Moses though he were not the first borne Aaron being elder than he yet he was extraordinarily consecrated of God both Prince and Priest to offer sacrifice who consecrated Aaron afterward for the Priesthood Tostat. 3. The name given unto this Altar signifieth Iehovah is my banner which name some thinke was not given to the Altar but is referred to the sacrifices there offered Calvin And so the Chalde interpreteth that hee worshipped God upon that Altar Tostatus saith that the name of God is incommunicable and cannot be given unto the creatures but complexè with some other addition as Gen. 22. Abraham calleth the mountaine The Lord will be seene but this observation is not alwayes true for Iakob called the Altar which he set up in Sechem The mightie God of Israel without any other addition where notwithstanding the word Altar must be supplied The Altar of the mightie God of Israel Iun. As we use commonly to say We will goe to S. Andrewes meaning the Church so called Oleaster So the word Altar is to be supplied here The Altar of Iehovah my banner Simler QUEST XXIII Of the meaning of these words The hand is upon the throne of Iah Vers. 16. THe hand is on the throne of Iah 1. Here the Latine translator readeth very corruptly manus solius Domini the hand is of the Lord onely for manus super solium Domini the hand is on the throne of God and the Interlineary glosse giveth this note upon it Omnia opera nostra operatur in nobis He worketh all our works in us which is a true note but upon a wrong text 2. Iunius in his last edition doth understand it of Amalek reading thus Because the hand of Amalek was against the throne of Iah that is against his people But here Amalek is thrust into the text and Iunius himselfe hath reversed that interpretation in his Analysis inclining to their opinion that take this to be the forme of an oath which the Lord taketh for the assurance of this sentence against Amalek 3. Some by the throne of God understand the heavens and make this the meaning that as the covenant with the heavens is sure so this decree against Amalek Ex Simler 4. Others by the hand upon the throne understand the power and majesty of God which with an outstretched hand shall bee revenged of Amalek Iunius in his first edition Tostat. Lyran. Galas 5. Some by throne interprete the Church of God which is as Gods seate and resting place which hee will defend against all the adversaries thereof Ex Calvin 6. But the fittest interpretation of all is this that God as by the lifting up his hand to heaven and laying it upon his throne doth sweare that he will have continuall warre with Amalek for as men
to be the sonne of Reguel 2. Oleaster thinketh Iethro and Reguel to be the same so also Iosephus and that Hobab or Chobab was the sonne of Iethro and Reguel and brother to Zipporah And his reason that Iethro and Reguel are all one is because the same title is given to them both Iethro is said to be the Prince of Midian Exod. 3.1 and so is Reguel Exod. 2. Contra. 1. The reason why in one place the father is called the Prince in another the sonne is because the sonnes succeeded the fathers in the principalitie and Priesthood among the Gentiles as they did among the Jewes Lipoman in 2. Exod. Which thing was usuall in the primitive Church as Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus writing to Victor Bishop of Rome there sheweth that seven of his ancestors had beene Bishops in that place before him and he was the eighth Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 22. Pellican 2. Hobab could not be brother unto Zipporah for Numb 10.29 hee is called chothen the father in law of Moses which word though Oleaster contend to signifie a kinsman yet seeing Iethro is called by the same word chothen Exod. 3.1 it seemeth in the same sense also to be given unto Hobab 3. Therefore the truer opinion is that Iethro and Hobab were all one and Reguel was father unto Iethro and grandfather to Zipporah Moses wife Iun. Pellican as is before shewed cap. 2. quaest 26. 4. Some thinke that Iethro was a common name both to the father which was Reghuel and to the sonne which was Hobab Galas Exod. 3.1 But that is not like for Iethro onely hath this addition Moses father in law as it is ten times repeated in this Chapter But Reghuel is not so called Exod. 2. whose daughter Zipporah is said to be because the grandfathers with the Hebrewes are so called by the name of fathers I rest therefore in the former opinion as most probable 5. Concerning the word cohen which signifieth both Prince and Priest and whether Iethro were Prince or Priest or rather both see before cap. 2. quaest 27. It was an ancient custome that they which were Rulers and Magistrates to defend the people did execute also the Priests office by sacrifices and prayer to protect and direct them such an one was Melchisedeck and Iethro here Lippoman 6. Likewise whether Iethro were the worshipper of the true God is handled before chap. 2. quest 28. where it is resolved that he was a worshipper of the true God though not purely as Calvin saith Mihi videtur vitiatum fuisse aliqua ex parte illius sacerdotium It seemeth to me that his Priesthood had some blemish and was stained with superstition But it is not like that he sacrificed to Idols for Moses in all likelihood would not have married his daughter then or conversed with him so long Procopius saith that they worshipped the most high God as Melchisedeck did Nec tamen interim abstinebâ—nt ab idolatria But yet they abstained not from idolatrie But as Calvin saith there is difference betweene Idolatrie Et impurum Dei cultum degenerem in unae parte And the impure worship of God degenerating in some one part The religion then which Iethro professed was principally the worship of the true God yet intermingled with some superstitions of the idolatrous heathen though hee was not a professed Idolater QUEST II. How Iethro heard what the Lord had done for Moses and Israel WHen he heard all that God had done 1. Some thinke that Moses sent his wife out of the desert unto her father in law and that by this meanes Iethro had intelligence of Moses affaires Calvin But this to be unlikely shall be shewed afterward seeing it is very probable that Moses had sent backe his wife from the place where the child was circumcised by the way Exod. 4. 2. Some thinke that Moses had sent some message unto Iethro and so signified unto him what had happened Simler But the manner of speech When he heard giveth rather that he was led by some common fame and rumor though it is most like that Moses being now not farre from Midian would have sent to his father in law to his wife and children which were deare unto him if Iethro had not prevented him 3. Therefore the common fame and rumor which was spread among the nations moved Iethro to come Galas Especially seeing Midian was not far from Egypt bordering upon the red sea Simler And now Moses was not far from Midian being about mount Sinai where he had beene before time accustomed to keepe his fathers sheepe Tostat. From whence the report and rumour of the Israelites and their acts as the late victorie obtained against Amalek might easily be brought QUEST III. The causes which moved Iethro to come unto Moses Vers. 2. THen Iethro tooke Zipporah c. The causes which moved Iethro to take this journey were these 1. That he might congratulate and rejoyce for those great mercies and benefits which the Lord had vouchsafed unto Moses and all Israel Simler Which his joy is expressed afterward vers 9. Some of those benefits concerned Moses and the people in generall as the deliverance out of Egypt their passing thorow the red Sea the giving of Manna but some specially belonged unto Moses as that the Lord had made him the Captaine and guide of his people and had given him power to worke great miracles Tostat. Therefore both these are put together in the text When he had heard what the Lord had done for Moses and for Israel his people Iethro therefore came to shew and expresse his joy in both these respects 2. Beside another end of his comming was to bring unto Moses his wife and children Simler For he was not now farre off from the host of Israel the Citie of Midian being held to be but 16. miles distant from Rephidim where they had pitched last Pelarg. 3. Further though Iethro doubted not of the truth of those things which he had heard yet he is desirous to come to be an eye witnesse and present beholder of those great works which the Lord had done for them as of the cloudie and fierie piller of the Manna that fell dayly and the water that issued out of the rocke Simler 4. Yea he came to glorifie God to whom he offered sacrifice vers 12. Pellican and to joyne himselfe to the people of God wherein appeared Gods providence both toward Moses and Iethro that as he was a comfort and reliefe to Moseâ— in his exile for outward things so Moses should be a meanes for his spirituall good to bring him to the knowledge of God Ferus QUEST IV. When Moses had sent Zipporah away Vers. 2. AFter the sending her away 1. Some read after the sending that is of gifts either of Moses to his father in law Simler or of Iethro with his daughter Ex Lippoman But the pronoune ha is of the feminine gender and cannot agree to either of them some therefore understand
afterward wherein this privilege beyond other servants consisteth 3. Augustine thus understandeth it she shall not goe out as other maids for remunerabit eam he shall reward her so also Vatablus because other servants did goe out nudi siue mercede naked and without any reward But Augustine here following the vulgar Latine readeth ancillae maids whereas it is in the originall as other men servants So also Rupertus this is prescribed according to the president of their father Iacob Qui non passus est illam sicut ancillam siâ—e dote exire Which would not suffer his wife as a maid servant to goe forth without a dowry But this is not all 3. Procopius referreth it to that which followeth vers 8. He shall not have power to sell her to â— strange people But it was not lawfull to sell any other Hebrew servant to a strange people therefore this had beene no such privilege 4. The most thus understand it Vult potestatem habere redimendi se ante sexennium Hee would have them to have power to redeeme themselves before the six yeeres expired which it was not lawfull for other servants to doe So Lyran. Marbach Osiand Borrhaius with others this was part of the privilege but not all 5. But this privilege is more generall and containeth divers branches as afterward followeth for hee was either to espouse her to himselfe or to his sonne or suffer her to be redeemed of her friends if none of these he was to provide her of three things food rayment and dwelling or else to let her goe out free i in all these respects it is said She shall not goe out as other servants did Iâ—n in Analys QUEST XXIV Whether it must be read betrothed or bethrothed not Vers. 8. IF she pleâ—se not her master so that he betrotheth her not There are divers interpretations made of this verse 1. The Latine readeth If she please not her master cui tradita fuit to whom shee was delivered that is upon hope of marriage so also Tostat. Borrh. Lyran. But in the originall there is the negative particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lo and therefore it cannot be read affirmatively 2. Some thinke that the negative 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lo not is here taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lo to him and that in fifteene places beside in the old Testament the adverbe is taken for the pronoune whereof this is one and so they read thus If she displease her master who hath betrothed her to himselfe So read the Chalde and Septuag so also Lippom. But beside that it is a forcing of the words to take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the adverbe for the pronoune it is not like that after a man had espoused unto him a wife another should have liberty to redeeme her 3. Therefore the true reading is So that he doe not betroth her to himselfe Vatabl. Iun. or suffer her to be redeemed that is of her friends yet he shall have no power to sell her to a strange people QUEST XXV How she was to be redeemed Vers. 8. OR cause her to be redeemed 1. Tostatus giveth this sense Deâ— alteri qui cam emat He shall give unto another money to redeeme her and so take her to his wife qu. 9. But this is not like that having paid for her before to have her service he should give money againe to be rid of her 2. Vatabluâ— thus expoundeth remittet illi pecuniam servitutis c. he shall release unto her the money or price of her service as though shee had beene redeemed with money So also Oleaster But this were an improper speech He shall cause her to be redeemed that is let her goe out free the one seemeth to be contrary to the other for they which went out free needed not to bee redeemed 3. Wherefore the meaning is he shall suffer her to be redeemed either by her selfe Oleaster by her father Osiand or some of the next of kindred Iun. or by him that intendeth to have her to his wife Marbach And she must be redeemed at a reasonable price the yeeres of her service which she hath served being considered as if shee were sold to serve six yeeres for six pound three of those yeeres being past shee was to be redeemed at any time before she had served the whole six yeeres for three pound halfe the money Lyran. Galas QUEST XXVI Why it was not lawfull to sell their maids to strangers Vers. 8. HE shall have no power to sell her to a strange people c. 1. Cajetane understandeth here homini Hebraâ— alterius populi she should not be sold over to an Hebrew of another people or place because the Hebrew maids were not to be carried from City to City But Oleaster giveth a good reason against this sense Populus alterius urbis non videtur alius populus ab Israeli The people of another City seemed not to be another people from Israel 2. Therefore the meaning is that she should not be sold over to any other strange people of the Gentiles for these reasons 1. Because injury was done unto God when as those whom he had chosen for his peculiar people and were properly his servants should become slaves to Idolaters and so the name of God among the Heathen should bee blasphemed 2. There was wrong also offred unto the maid which should be so sold boâ—h because her bondage should be perpetuall and not for a time as it was among the Hebrewes beside her chastity was like to be endangered among the Gentiles and her selfe in great hazard to be corrupted in religion and seduced to Idolatry Tostat. quaest 10. 3. And as it was not lawfull to sell her unto any strange nation so neither to any of the strange people which sojourned among the Israelites because both such kinde of service was more hard and beside it continued longer for like as the strangers which were servants to the Hebrewes were in harder case than the Hebrewes servants Levit. 25.46 for they were the Israelites possession and inheritance for ever and were not set free neither in the seventh yeere of remission nor in the yeere of Jubile So the Hebrew servants which served strangers were in worse condition than those which served Hebrewes for an Hebrew serving an Hebrew was set free in the seventh yeere but if he served a stranger he could not have his libertie till the yeere of Jubile unlesse he were redeemed with money Levit. 25.55 Tostatus 4. The meaning then of the Law is this that if the master did neither marry his maid himselfe not his sonne he should suffer her to be redeemed but in no wise was he to sell her to any strange people Marbach Which is therefore especially forbidden because the Gentiles buying servants for a perpetuity would give more for them than the Hebrewes would whom they were to serve but six yeeres therefore it was needfull that the covetousnesse of the
said to rest when we cease from labour so the earth is said to rest when wee forbeare labouring therein Againe because the earth when it is plowed to bring forth fruit sendeth out the strength and nourishment thereof which is abated and weakened by continuall bringing forth of fruit for which cause wee see by experience that Husbandmen doe let their grounds lye fallow and rest to gather strength therefore in this respect also it is said to rest Tostat. qu. 9. And although by this rest of the seventh yeere both the earth waxed stronger for to beare fruit afterward and the beasts also of the field were provided for yet this was not the speciall end of this seventh yeere of rest but these were the reasons of the institution thereof 1. That the poore might by this meanes be liberally provided for when they might freely without any let reape the fruit of the ground of vineyard and olive trees Tostat. 2. It was a benefit also to the servants who this yeere were set at liberty and as they had every weeke a day of rest so now they have every seventh yeere a whole yeere of rest and intermission 3. Beside the rich hereby were taught to moderate their greedy desire in gathering and laying up the fruits of the earth without any end Gallas And in this yeere the rich man tooke care as well as the poore What shall I eat Therefore the Lord would teach them by experience what the state of a poore man was 4. This also was a type and figure of their spirituall rest in Christ which should be accomplished in the kingdome of God as this seventh yeere of rest was made perfect and full in the yeere of Jubile Simler QUEST XX. What the poore lived upon in the seventh yeere BUt here a further question ariseth what the poore did eat this yeere and that which they left the beasts of the field did eat 1. Augustine is of opinion that they did sow the seventh yeere as they did in the six yeeres yet they did not reape or gather their fruit this yeere but left it to the poore But this is against the text here for six yeeres they are bidden to sow and gather their fruits but the seventh to let it rest therefore there here being an apparent opposition betweene the six yeeres and the seventh in the seventh they were neither to sow nor reape but it is yet more evident Levit. 25.4 in this seventh yeere the Lord saith Thou shalt neither sow thy field nor cut thy vineyard And so it is the opinion of Iosephus and generally of the Hebrewes and with them consent Lyranus Tostatus Simlerus with others that the land did rest upon the seventh yeere from all manner of labour and tillage for it would have seemed an hard thing to the stiffenecked Hebrewes if they should have sowed and others reape 2. Cajetane thinketh that the poore lived by selling of such herbes as grew of their owne accord that yeere in the field vendebant eas ex earum pretâ—â— viveâ—â—â—â— they sold them and lived of the price of them but the text saith The rest of the land shall be meat for you Levit. 25.6 they then did eat of that which grew in the field 3. Wherefore they lived not only of the herbes which grew in the fields but of the fruit of vines and olives and other fruitfull trees Beside they had a kinde of harvest of the seed which was shed the former yeere as in some countries yet that are fruitfull the seed which was left after harvest doth bring forth abundance Gallas Simler and therefore it is said Levit. 25.5 That which groweth of it owne accord of thy harvest thou shalt not reape c. 4. And beside this common provision which came of it selfe out of the ground which as well the owner as the poore and strangers gathered for their use Levit. 25.6 the fruits of the sixth yeere were by Gods promise in such abundance as that they served for three yeeres the sixth seventh and eighth till the ninth yeere Levit. 25. vers 21 22. QUEST XXI Whether the seventh yeere were generally neglected in Israel 490. yeeres together as Tostatus thinketh NOw concerning the observation of this seventh yeere of rest Tostatus hath here a singular opinion by himselfe that it was neglected generally of the Israelites for the space of 490. yeeres and kept only during the time of 380. yeeres as he thus would gather from the going up of the Israelites out of Egypt till the captivity of Babylon under Nabuzaradan Nebuchadnezzars chiefe Captaine he counteth yeeres 867. which are thus divided from their departure out of Egypt unto the building of Salomons Temple were 480. yeeres 1 King 6.1 from the which he would have abaâ—ed 40. yeeres the time of the Israelites being in the wildernesse so there remaine 440. from the building of Salomons Temple untill the captivity he counteth 427. yeeres more so the whole maketh 867. of this time 490. yeeres they neglected the seven Sabbath of yeares and therefore they were 70. yeeres in captivity for omitting 70. Sabbaticall yeeres which fell out just in 490. yeeres as it is said 2 Chron. 36.21 To 〈…〉 of the Lord by the mouth of Ieremy untill the land had her fâ—ll of Sabbaths for all the dayes that 〈…〉 desolate she kept Sabbath to fulfill seventy yeeres Tostat. quaest 1â— Contra. 1. But it is not like that this observation of the seventh yeere of rest was so long time or generally neglected for part of this terme of 490. yeeres will reach Davids reigne for all the yeeres of the reignes of the Kings after David untill the captivity make but 440. the other 50. yeere will comprehend all Davids reigne and ten yeeres before some part whereof might extend to 〈◊〉 time but it is not like that such an evident Law under those faithfull Prophets and Kings would have beene omiâ—ted altogether 2. In the corrupt times under the idolatious Kings it is true that this yeere of remission was neglected as may appeare Ierem. 36.8.14 when as the King and Princes proclaimed liberty to their servants according to the Law and afterward revoked it againe for the which the Prophet thâ—re sharply reproveth them Neither would the faithfull Prophets of God have spared to tell the Princes and people of this great negligence if that the Sabbaticall yeere had altogether beene discontinued 3. In Hezekiah his time this yeere of rest was not intermitted for while the City was besieged by Senacherib for two yeeres together the land brought forth fruit without sowing 2 King 19.29 which blessing was conditionall in respect of their keeping of the seventh yeere of rest Levit. 25.6.21 They therefore enjoying the promised blessing did in all likelihood performe their due obedience 4. Beside captivity is threatned for the neglect of their Sabbaths of all sorts Levit. 26. â—5 both the Sabbath of dayes of weekes of moneths yeeres and seven yeeres It is as like that they