the ambassadors of England and the messengers commissioners of Prussia met together at the towne of Hage in Holland the 28. day of August in the yere of our lord 1407. And there was a treaty between theÌ„ concerning the summe 25934. nobles and an halfe demanded on the behalfe of the sayd Master generall for amends and recompense in consideration of wrongs offered vnto himselfe and vnto his subiects of Prussia as is aforesayd Also the sayd Master and his Prussians besides the summe not yet declared in the articles which is very small are to rest contented and satisfied with the summe of 8957. nobles in lieu of al the damages aforesaid no times of paâ—ment being then assigned or limited but afterward to be reasonably limited and assigned by our sayd soueraigne lord the king Insomuch that our said soueraigne lord the king is to write his ful intention determination concerning this matter in his letters to be deliuered the 16. day of March vnto the aldermen of the marchants of the Hans residing at Bruges Otherwise that from thenceforth all league of friendship shall bee dissolued betweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia Also it is farther to be noted that in the appointment of the summe next before written to be disbursed out of England this condition was added in writing namely that if by lawful testimonies it may sufficiently and effectually be prooued concerning the chiefe articles aboue written or any part of them that satisfaction was made vnto any of those parties to whom it was due or that the goods of and for the which complaint was made on the the behalfe of Prussia in the sayd articles did or doe pertayne vnto others or that any other iust true or reasonable cause may lawfully be proued alledged why the foresaid sums or any of them ought not to be payed that theÌ„ in the summes contained in the articles abouementioned so much only must be cut off or stopped as shal be found either to haue bene payd already or to appertaine vnto others or by any true iust and reasonable cause alleaged not to be due Neither is it to be doubted but for the greater part of the summe due vnto the Prussians that not our lord the king but others which will in time be nominated are by all equity and iustice to be compelled to make satisfaction Also at the day and place aboue mentioned it was appointed and agreed vpon that our lord the king and his liege subiects for the said 4535. nobles demanded of the Engliâ—h in consideration of recompense to be made for iniuries offered vnto the Prussians are to discharge pay the summe of 764. nobles which are not as yet disbursed but they haue reserued a petition to them vnto whom the sayd summe is due or if they please there shal be made satisfaction which will be very hard and extreme dealing Item that in the last assembly of the sayd ambassadors of England and messengers of Prussia holden at Hage made as is aforesayd for the behalfe of England there were exhibited anew certaine articles of iniuries against the Prussians The value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 1825. nobles and three shillings Item on the contrary part for the behalfe of the Prussians the summe of 1355. nobles eight shillings and sixe pence Item forasmuch as diuers articles propounded as well on the behalfe of England as of Prussia and of the cities of the Hans both heretofore and also at the last conuention holden at Hage were so obscure that in regard of their obscurity there could no resolute answere bee made vnto them and other of the sayd articles exhibited for want of sufficient proofes could not clearely be determined vpon it was appointed and concluded that all obscure articles giuen vp by any of the foresayd parties whatsoeuer ought before the end of Easter then next ensuing and within one whole yeare after to be declared before the Chancelour of England for the time being and other articles euidently exhibited but not sufficiently proued to be proued vnder paine of perpetuall exclusion Which being done accordingly complete iustice shall be administred on both parts Item as concerning the eleuenth article for the behalfe of the Prussians first exhibited which conteined losses amounting vnto the summe of 2445. nobles as touching the first article on the behalfe of England exhibited in the land of Prussia conteining losses which amouÌ„ted to the summe of 900. nobles after many things alleadged on both parts relation thereof shall be made in the audience of the king and of the Master generall so that they shall set downe ordaine and determine such an ende and conclusion of those matters as shall seeme most expedient vnto them Now concerning the Liuonians who are subiect vnto the great Master of Prussia IN primis that the Master of Prussia demaunded of the sayd English ambassadours at their being in Prussia on the behalfe of them of Liuonia who are the sayd Master his liege people to haue restitution of their losses vniustly as he sayth offered vnto them by the English namely for the robbing and rifling of three ships The value of which ships and of the goods contained in them according to the computation of the Liuonian marchants doeth amount vnto the summe of 8037. pound 12. shillings 7. pence Howbeit afterward the trueth being inquired by the sayd ambassadors of England the losse of the Liuonians exceedeth not the summe of 7498. pound 13. shillings 10. pence halfepeny farthing Item forasmuch as in the sayd ships on the behalfe of the sayd Master and of certaine cities of the Hans there are alleadged aboue 250. men very barbarously to be drowned of whome some were noble and others honourable personages and the rest common marchants mariners there was demaunded in the first dyet or conuention holden at Dordract a recompense at the handes of the sayd English ambassadors albeit this complaint was exhibited in the very latter end of al the negotiations informe of a scedule the tenor whereof is in writing at this present beginneth in maner following Cum vita hominum c. Howbeit in the last conuention holden at Hage as is aforesaid it was concluded betweene the ambassadours of England and the messengers and commissioners of the land of Prussia and of the cities of the Hans that our sayd soueraigne lord the king should of his great pietie vouchsafe effectually to deuise some conuenient and wholesome remedie for the soules of such persons as were drowned Item that our sayd soueraigne lord the king will signifie in writing his full purpose intention as touching this matter vnto the aldermen of the Hans marchants residing at Bruges vpon the sixteenth day of March next following Otherwise that from hencefoorth all amity and friendship betweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia shall be dissolued Neither is it to be doubted but that a great part of the sayd goods for the which they of
with the Ianizaries abouesaid at three aspers a day one with another which is two hundred fourescore and fifteene thousand sixe hundred and fiftie pounds The fiue Bassas whereof the Uiceroy is supreme at one thousand aspers the day besides their yerely reuenues amounteth sterling by the yeere to ten thousand nine hundred and fiftie pounds The fiue Beglerbegs chiefe presidents of Greece Hungary and Selauonia being in Europe in Natolia and Caramania of Asia at one thousande aspers the day as also to eighteene other gouernours of Prouinces at fiue hundred aspers the day amounteth by the yeere to thirtie thousand sixe hundred and threescore pounds The Bassa Admirall of the Sea one thousand aspers the day two thousand one hundred toure score and ten thousand pounds The Aga of the Ianizaries generall of the footemen fiue hundred aspers the day and maketh by the yeere in sterling money one thousand fourescore and fifteene pounds The Imbrahur Bassa Master of his horse one hundred and fiftie aspers the day is sterling money three hundred and eight and twenty pounds The chiefe Esquire vnder him one hundred and fiftie aspers is three hundred and eight and twenty pounds The Agas of the Spahi Captaines of the horsemen sixe at one hundred and fiftie aspers to either of them maketh sterling one thousand nine hundred three score and eleuen pounds The Capagi Bassas head porters foure one hundred and fiftie aspers to ech and maketh out in sterling money by the yeere one thousand three hundred and foureteene pounds The Sisinghir Bassa Controller of the housholde one hundred and twentie aspers the day and maketh out in sterling money by the yeere two hundred threescore and two poundes sixteene shillings The Chaus Bassa Captaine of the Pensioners one hundred and twentie aspers the day and amounteth to by the yeere in sterling money two hundred threescore and two pounds sixteene shillings The Capigilar Caiasi Captaine of his Barge one hundreth and twentie aspers the day and maketh out by the yeere in sterling money two hundred three score and two poundes sixteene shillings The Solach Bassi Captaine of his guard one hundred and twentie aspers two hundred three score and two pounds sixteene shillings The Giebrigi Bassi master of the armoury one hundred and twenty aspers two hundred three score and two pounds sixteene shillings The Topagi Bassi Master of the artillerie one hundred and twentie aspers two hundred three score and two pounds sixteene shillings The Echim Bassi Phisition to his person one hundred and twentie aspers two hundred three score and two pounds sixteene shillings To fourtie Phisitions vnder him to ech fourtie aspers is three thousand eight hundred three score and sixe pounds sixteene shillings The Mustasaracas spearemen attending on his person in number fiue hundred to either three score aspers and maketh sterling threescore and fiue thousand and seuen hundred pounds The Cisingeri gentlemen attending vpon his diet fourtie at fourtie aspers ech of them and amounteth to sterling by the yeere three thousand fiue hundred and foure pounds The Chausi Pensioners foure hundred and fourtie at thirtie aspers twenty eight thousand nine hundred and eight pounds The Capagi porters of the Court and City foure hundred at eight aspers and maketh sterling money by the yeere seuen thousand and eight pounds The Solachi archers of his guard three hundreth and twenty at nine aspers and commeth vnto in English money the summe of sixe thousand three hundred and sixe pounds The Spahi men of Armes of the Court and the City ten thousand at twenty fiue aspers and maketh of English money fiue hundred forty and seuen thousand and fiue hundred pounds The Ianizaires sixteene thousand at six aspers is two hundred and ten thousand and two hundred and forty pounds The Giebegi furbushers of armor one thousand fiue hundred at sixe aspers and amounteth to sterling money nineteene thousand seuen hundred and fourescore pounds The Seiesiâ— seruitors in his Equier or stable fiue hundred at two aspers and maketh sterling money two thousand one hundred fourescore and ten pounds The Sacsi Sadlers and bit makers fiue hundred at seuen aspers seuen thousand six hundred threescore and fiue pounds The Catergi Carriers vpon Mules two hundred at fiue aspers two thousand one hundred fourescore and ten pounds The Cinegi Carriers vpon Camels one thousand fiue hundred at eight aspers and amounteth in sterling money to twenty sixe thousand two hundred and fourescore pounds The Reiz or Captaines of the Gallies three hundred at ten aspers and amounteth in English money by the yeere the summe of sixe thousand fiue hundred threescore and ten pounds The Alechingi Masters of the said Gallies three hundred at seuen aspers foure thousand fiue hundred fourescore and nineteene pounds The Getti Boateswaines thereof three hundred at sixe aspers is three thousande nine hundred fourty and two pounds The Oda Bassi Pursers three hundred at fiue aspers maketh three thousand two hundred and fourescore pounds The Azappi souldiers two thousand sixe hundred at foure Aspers whereof the six hundred do continually keepe the gallies two and twentie thousand seuen hundred fourscore and six pounds The Mariers Bassi masters ouer the shipwrights and kalkers of the nauie nine at 20. Aspers the piece amounteth to three thousand fourescore and foure pound foure shillings The Master Dassi shipwrights kalkers one thousand at fourteene aspers which amounteth by the yeere to thirtie thousand sixe hundred threescore pound Summa totalis of dayly paiments amounteth by the yeere sterling one million nine hundred threescore eight thousand seuen hundred thirty fiue pounds nineteene shillings eight pence answered quarterly without default with the summe of foure hundred fourescore twelue thousand one hundred fourescore and foure pounds foure shillings eleuen pence and is for euery day fiue thousand three hundred fourescore and thirteene pounds fifteene shillings ten pence Annuities of lands neuer improued fiue times more in value then their summes mentioned giuen by the saide Grand Signior as followeth TO the Uiceroy for his Timar or annuitie 60. thousand golde ducats To the second Bassa for his annuitie 50. thousand ducats To the third Bassa for his annuitie 40. thousand ducats To the fourth Bassa for his annuitie 30. thousand ducats To the fifth Bassa for his annuitie 20. thousand ducats To the Captaine of the Ianizaries 20. thousand ducats To the Ieu Merhorbassi master of his horse 15. thousand ducats To the Captaine of the pensioners 10. thousand ducats To the Captaine of his guard 5. thousand ducats Summa totalis 90. thousand li. sterling Beside these aboue specified be sundry other annuities giuen to diuers others of his aforesaid officers as also to certaine called Sahims diminishing from three thousand to two hundreth ducats esteemed treble to surmount the annuitie abouesaid The Turkes chiefe officers THe Uiceroy is high Treasurer notwithstanding that vnder him be three subtreasurers called Teâ—tadars which bee accomptable to him of the receipts out of Europe Asia and Africa saue their yeerely annuitie of
Court. If happely in one moneth euery Post be not able to goe so long a way yet doeth there notwithstanding once euery moneth arriue one Poste out of the shire Who so coÌ„meth before the new moone stayeth for the deliuery of his letters vntil the moone be changed Then likewise are dispatched other Posts backe into all the 13. shires againe Before that we doe come to Cinceo wee haue to passe through many places and some of great importance For this Countrey is so well inhabited neere the Sea side that you cannot goe one mile but you shal see some Towne borough or hostry the which are so aboundatly prouided of all things that in the Cities and townes they liue ciuily Neuerthelesse such as dwel abrode are very poore for the multitude of them euery where is so great that out of a tree you shall see many times swarme a number of children where a man would not haue thought to haue found any one at all From these places in number infinite you shall come vnto two Cities very populous and being compared with Cinceo not possibly to be discerned which is the greater of them These cities are as well walled as any Cities in all the world As you come in to either of them there standeth so great and mighty a bridge that the like thereof I haue neuer seene in Portugal nor else where I heard one of my fellowes say that hee tolde in one bridge 40. arches The occasion wherefore these bridges are made so great is for that the Countrey is toward the sea very plaine and low and ouerflowed euer as the sea water encreaseth The breadth of the bridges although it bee well proportioned vnto the length thereof yet are they equally built no higher in the middle then at either ende in such wise that you may see directly from the one ende to the other the sides are wonderfully well engraued after the maner of Rome-workes But that we did most marueile at was therewithall the hugenesse of the stones the like whereof as we came in to the Citie we did see many set vp in places dis-habited by the way to no small charges of theirs howbeit to little purpose whereas no body seeth them but such as doe come by The arches are not made after our fashion vauted with sundry stones set together but paued as it were whole stones reaching from one piller to an other in such wise that they lye both for the arches heads and galantly serue also for the high way I haue bene astonied to beholde the hugenesse of the aforesaid stones some of them are xii pases long and vpward the least 11. good pases long and an halfe The wayes ech where are galantly paued with fouresquare stone except it be where for want of stone they vse to lay bricke in this voyage wee trauailed ouer certaine hilles where the wayes were pitched and in many places no worse paued then in the plaine ground This causeth vs to thinke that in all the world there bee no better workemen for buildings then the inhabitants of China The Countrey is so well inhabited that no one foote of ground is left vntilled small store of cattell haue we seene this day we saw onely certaine oxen wherewithall the countreymen do plow their ground One oxe draweth the plough alone not onely in this shire but in other places also wherein is greater store of cattell These countreymen by arte do that in tillage which we are constrained to doe by force Here be solde the voydings of close stooles although there wanteth not the dung of beastes and the excrements of man are good marchandise throughout all China The dungfermers seek in euery streete by exchange to buy this durtie ware for herbs and wood The custome is very good for keeping the Citie cleane There is great aboundance of hennes geâ—se duckes swine and goates wethers haue they none the hennes are solde by weight and so are all other things Two pound of hennes flesh geese or ducke is worth two foi of their money that is d. ob sterling Swines flesh is sold at a penie the pound Beefe beareth the same price for the scarcitie thereof howbeit Northward from Fuquieo and farther off from the sea-coast there is beefe more plentie and solde better cheape We haue had in all the Cities we passed through great abundance of all these victuals beefe onely excepted And if this Countrey were like vnto India the inhabitants whereof eate neither henne beefe nor porke but keepe that onely for the Portugals and Moores they would be sold here for nothing But it so falling out that the Chineans are the greatest eaters in all the world they do feed vpon all things specially on porke which the fatter it is is vnto them the lesse lothsome The highest price of these things aforesaid I haue set downe better cheape shal you sometimes buy them for the great plentie thereof in this countrey Frogs are solde at the same price that is made of hennes and are good meate amongst them as also dogs cats rats snakes and all other vncleane meates The Cities be very gallant specially neere vnto the gates the which are marueilously great and couered with iron The gatehâ—uses are built on high with towers the lower part thereof is made of bricke stone proportionally with the walls from the walls vpward the building is of timber and many stories in it one aboue the other The strength of their townes is in the mightie walles and ditches artillerie haue they none The streetes in Cinceo and in all the rest of the Cities we haue seene are very faire so large and so straight that it is wonderfull to behold Their houses are built with timber the foundations onely excepted the which are layd with stone in ech side of the streetes are pentises or continuall porches for the marchants to walke vnder the breadth of the streets is neuerthelesse such that in them 15. men may ride commodiously side by side As they ride they must needs passe vnder many high arches of triumph that crosse ouer the streetes made of timber and carued diuersly couered with tiles of fine clay vnder these arches the Mercers do vtter their smaller wares such as list to stand there are defended from raine and the heate of the Sunne The greater gentlemen haue these arches at their doores although some of them be not so mightily built as the rest I shall haue occasion to speake of a certaine order of gentlemen that are called Louteas I wil first therefore expound what this word signifieth Loutea is as much to say in our language as Sir and when any of them calleth his name he answereth Sir and as we do say that the king hath made some gentleman so say they that there is made a Loutea And for that amongst them the degrees are diuers both in name and office I will tell you onely of some principals being not able to aduertise you of all The
house as much as he will without the cost of any thing but of the letting in Also there is a great caue or ditch of water that commeth through the Citie euen vnto the high place where come euery morning at the break of the day twentie or thirtie Canoas or troughes of the Indians which bring in them all maner of prouision for the citie which is made and groweth in the Countrey which is a very good commoditie for the inhabitants of that place And as for victuals in the said Citie of beefe mutton and hennes capons quailes Guiny-cockes and such like all are very good cheape To say the whole quarter of an oxe as much as a slaue can carry away from the Butchers for fiue Tomynes that is fiue Royals of plate which is iust two shillings and sixe pence and a fat sheepe at the Butchers for three Royals which is 18. pence and no more Bread is as good cheape as in Spaine and all other kinde of fruites as apples peares pomegranats and quinces at a reasonable rate The Citie goeth wonderfully forwards in building of Frieries and Nunneries and Chappels and is like in time to come to be the most populous Citie in the world as it may be supposed The weather is there alwayes very temperate the day differeth but one houre of length all the yere long The fields and the woods are alwayes greene The woods full of popiniayes and many other kinde of birdes that make such an harmonie of singing and crying that any man will reioyce to heare it In the fields are such odoriferous smels of flowers and hearbs that it giueth great cement to the senses About the Citie of Mexico two three or foure leagues off are diuers townes of Indians some of 4000. or 6000. housholds which doe stand in such a goodly soyle that if Christians had the inhabitation thereof it would be put to a farther benefite In my time were dwelling and aliue in Mexico many ancient men that were of the conquerours at the first conquest with Hernando Cortes for then it was about 36. yeeres agoe that the said Countrey was conquered About Mexico there are diuers Mines of siluer and also in other places there about but the principall Mines that are in all New Spaine are in Sacatecas 80. leagues from Mexico and the Mines of S. Martin thirtie leagues both to the Northwestward of Mexico where is great store of gold and siluer Also there is a place called the Misteca fiftie leagues to the Northwest which doth yeeld great store of very good silke and Cochinilla Wine and oyle there is none growing in the Countrey but what commeth out of Spaine Also there are many goodly fruits in that Countrey whereof we haue none such as Plantanos Guyaues Sapotes Tunas and in the wildernes great store of blacke cheries and other wholsome fruites The Cochinilla is not a worme or a flye as some say it is but a berrie that groweth vpon certaine bushes in the wilde field which is gathered in time of the yeere when it is ripe Also the Indico that doeth come from thence to die blâ—w is a certaine heathe that groweth in the wilde fieldes and is gathered at one time of the yeere and burnt and of the ashes thereof with other confections put thereunto the saide Indico is made Balme Salsa perilla Cana fistula sugâ—r oxe hides and many other good and seruiceable things the Countrey doeth yeeld which are yeerely brought into Spaine and there solde and distributed to many nations ROBERT TOMSON A voyage made by M. Roger Bodenham to S. Iohn de Vllua in the bay of Mexico in the yeere 1564. I Roger Bodenham hauing a long time liued in the city of Siuil in Spaine being there married and by occasion thereof vsing trade and traffique to the parts of Barbary grew at length to great losse and hindrance by that new trade begun by me in the city of Fez whereupon being returned into Spaine I began to call my wits about mee and to consider with my selfe by what meanes I might recouer and renew my state and in conclusion by the ayde of my friends I procured a ship called The Barke Fox pertâ—ining to London of the burden of eight or nine score tunnes and with the same I made a voyage to the West India hauing obteined good fauour with the Spanish merchants by reason of my long abode and marriage in the countrey My voyage was in the company of the Generall Don Pedro Melendes for Noua Hispania who being himselfe appointed Generall for Terra Firma and Peru made his sonne Generall for New Spaine although Pedro Melendes himselfe was the principall man and directer in both fleets We all departed from Cadiz together the last day of May in the yere 1564 and I with my ship being vnder the conduct of the sonne of Don Pedro aforesayd arriued with him in Noua Hispania where immediatly I tooke order for the discharge of my merchandise at the port of Vera Cruz otherwise called Villa Rica to be transported theâ—ce to the city of Mexico which is sixty and odde leagues distant from the sayd port of Villa Rica In the way are many good townes as namely Pueblo de los Angeles and another called Tlaxcalan The city of Mexico hath three great causeyes to bring men to it compassed with a lake so that it needeth no walles being so defended by the water It is a city plentifull of all necessary things hauing many faire houses churches and monasteries I hauing continued in the countrey the space of nine moneths returned againe for Spaine with the Spanish fleet and deliuered the merchandise and siluer which I had in the ship into the Contractation house and there receiued my fraight which amounted outwards and homewards to the value of 13000 ducats and more I obserued many things in the time of my abode in Noua Hispania aswell touching the commodities of the countrey as the maners of the people both Spanâ—ards and Indians but because the Spanish histories are full of those obseruations I omit them and referre the readers to the same onely this I say that the commodity of Cochinilla groweth in greatest abundance about the towne of Pueblo de los Angeles and is not there woorth aboue forty pence the pound A notable discourse of M. Iohn Chilton touching the people maners mines cities riches forces and other memorable things of New Spaine and other prouinces in the West Indies seene and noted by himselfe in the time of his trauels continued in those parts the space of seuenteene or eighteene yeeres IN the yeere of our Lord 1561 in the moneth of Iuly I Iohn Chilton went out of this city of London into Spaine where I remained for the space of seuen yeres from thence I sailed into Noua Hispania and so trauelled there and by the South sea vnto Peru the space of seuenteene or eighteene yeeres and after that time expired I returned into Spaine and
Liuonia doe demaund restitution namely waxe and furres redounded vnto the vse and commoditie of our soueraigne lord the king And also our said soueraigne lord the king gaue commandement by his letters that some of the sayd goods should be deliuered vnto others And a great part of them is as yet reserued in the towne of Newcastle One Benteld also hath the best of the sayd three ships in possession Also it is reported and thought to be true that certaine Furriers of London which will be detected in the end haue had a great part of the sayd goods namely of the Furres Now as concerning the cities of the Hans IN primis the Hamburgers exhibited nine articles wherein they demaunded restitution for certaine damages offered as they sayd by the English men the value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 9117. nobles 20. pence For the which after due examination there was promised restitution to the summe of 416. nobles 5. shillings Besides the two articles propounded against theÌ„ of Scardeburg the summe wherof was 231. pounds 15. s. 8. d. coÌ„cerning the which there was sentence giuen in England by the coÌ„missioners of our lord the king the execution wherof was promised vnto the said Hamburgers by the ambassadors of England leaue and licence being reserued vnto the sayd Hamburgers of declaring or explaning certaine obscure articles by them exhibited which declaration was to be made at the feast of Easter then next to come or within one yeare next ensuing the said feast vnto the chancelor of England for the time being and of proouing the sayd articles and others also which haue not as yet sufficiently bene proued Which being done they are to haue full complement and execution of iustice Also by the Hamburgers there are demaunded 445. nobles from certaine of the inhabitants of Linne in England Which summe if it shal be prooued to be due vnto any English men the Hamburgers are to rest contented with those goods which they haue already in their possessions Item they of Breme propounded â—â—xe articles wherein the summe conteined amounteth vnto 4414. nobles And there was no satisfaction promised vnto them But the same libertie and licence was reserued vnto them in like maner as before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Stralessund propounded 23. articles wherof the summe amounted vnto 7415. nobles 20. d. for the which there was promised satisfaction of 253. nobles 3. q. Also here is a caueat to be obserued that they of Stralessund had of English mens goods a great summe particularly to be declared which will peraduenture suffice for a recompense And some of their articles are concerning iniuries offered before 20,22,23,24 yeres past Also their articles are so obscure that they will neuer or very hardly be able to declare or proue them Howbeit there is reserued the very same liberty vnto them that was before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Lubec propounded 23. articles the summe whereof extended vnto 8690. nobles and an halfe whereupon it was agreed that they should haue paied vnto them 550. nobles There was reserued the same libertie vnto them which was vnto the men of Stralessund Item they of Gripeswold exhibited 5. articles the summe whereof amounted vnto 2092. nobles and an halfe For the which there was promised satisfaction of 153. nobles and an half And the said men of Gripeswold haue of the goods of English men in possession to the value of 22015. nobles 18. s as it is reported by them of Linne And the same libertie is reserued vnto them that was vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Campen propounded ten articles the summe whereof extended vnto 1405. nobles There is no satisfaction promised vnto them but the same liberty is reserued vnto them which was vnto the other abouementioned Item the ambassadors of England demanded of the citizens of Rostok Wismer for damages iniuries by them committed against the subiects of the foresayd souereigne king 32407. nobles 2. s. 10. d. And albeit euery of the foresayd cities sent one of their burgomasters vnto the towne of Hage in Holland to treat with the English ambassadours it was in the end found out that they had not any authority of negotiating or concluding ought at al. And therfore they made their faithfull promises that euery of the said cities should send vnto our soueraigne Lord the king one or two procurator or procurators sufficiently instructed to treat conclude with our said souereigne lord the king about the damages and iniuries aforesaid at the feast of the nauitie of Saint Iohn the Baptist. Compositions and ordinances concluded between the messengers of Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia and the chancelor and treasurer of the realme of England 1403. IN the yere of our Lord 1403 vpon the feast of S. Michael the Archangel the right hono Henrie bishop of Lincoln chancelor of England and the lord de Roos high treasurer of England the ambassadors of Prussia Iohn Godek of Dantzik Henry Monek of Elbing masters of the same cities haue at Westminster treated in maner of composition about the articles vnderwritten between the most souereigne lord the king of England and the right reuerend honorable Conradus de Iungingen Master general of Prussia as concerning the iniuries offered vnto the people of Prussia and Liuonia vpon the sea by the English First that all ships with their appurtenances the commodities of the mariners according vnto the condition of the things and all other goods taken away by the English which are actually vndiuided whole are incontinently with al speed to bee restored And if there bee any defect in ought the value of the said defect is to be accounted with other losses of goods to be restored at the terme of the restitution to be made and deliuered Item that all ships damages and goods as they are conteined in our bill of accusation which are not now immediately restored are to be restored and payd in the land of Prussia between this and the terme appointed with full execution and complement of iustice Item concerning the persons throwen ouer boord or slaine in the sea it shall remayne to bee determined at the will and pleasure of the most mighty prince the king of England and of the right reuerend the Master of Prussia Item betwene this and the terme appointed for the restoring of the goods taken away vntill there be due payment restitution of the said goods performed the marchants of England and of Prussia are in no wise to exercise any traffique of marchandise at all in the foresaid lands Memorandum that the third day of the moneth of October in the yere of our Lord 1403. and in the fift yere of the reigne of the most mighty prince and lord king Henrie the fourth by the grace of God king of England and France c. betweene the reuerend father Henrie bishop of Lincolâ— chancelor and the
probations vnder paine of perpetuall exclusion from the petition of those things which are contayned in the articles aboue mentioned Prouided alwayes that if at the last it shall be by lawfull proofes made manifest concerning the summes aboue written or any part or parcell thereof that due satisfaction hath beene made to him or them vnto whom it was due or that those goods of and for the which complaint hath bene made on the behalfe of your subiects haue pertained or doe appertaine vnto others or any other iust true and reasonable cause may lawfully bee alleaged why the payment of all the foresayd summes or any of them ought not to be performed that then so much only is to be cut off or deducted from the sayd summes as shall be found to be already payd or to pertaine vnto others or else vpon some true iust and reasonable cause as is aforesayd not to be due We therefore considering that the sayd friendly conference and the finall agreement ensuing thereupon are agreeable vnto reason and equitie doe for our part ratiâ—ie and willingly accept the very same conference and agreement And forasmuch as it hath bene alwayes our desire and is as yet our intention that the league of amity and the integritie of loue which hath of olde time bene obserued betweene our and your subiects may in times to come perpetually remaine inuiolable and that your and our people may hereafter not onely for the good of our common weale but also for the commodity and peace of both parts according to their woonted maner assemble themselues and enioy the faithfull and mutuall conuersation one of another we will cause in our citie of London with the summe of 8957. nobles satisfaction to bee made vnto the Prussians and with the summe of 22496. nobles sixe pence halfe peny farthing recompense to be performed vnto the Liuonians in regard of the damages and iniuries which in very deede proceeded not of our consent by our subiects offered vnto them as it is aforesayd and within three yeares after the feast of Easter next ensuing the sayd summes of money to bee payed at three payments and by three equall portions Conditionally that vnto our subiects which be endamaged correspondent satisfaction be likewise on your part within the terme of the foresayd three yeeres performed with paying the summes of 766. nobles and of 4535. nobles demaunded on our behalfe and also with the payment of such summes as within one yeere immediately ensuing the feast of Easter aforesayd shal be found by sufficient delarations and proofes to be made on the behalfe of our subiects as is aforesayd to be due Euen as we in like maner will make satisfaction vnto your subiects within our citie aforesayd Now as touching the request of your ambassadors and of the Liuonians whereby we were required to procure some holesome remedy for the soules of certaine drowned persons as conscience and religion seemeth to chalenge in regard of whom we are moued with compassion and do for their sakes heartily condole their mishaps you are our entier friend of a certaintie to vnderstand that after we shall be by your letters aduertized of the number state and condition of the sayd parties drowned we will cause suffrages of prayers and diuers other holesome remedies profitable for the soules of the deceased and acceptable to God and men religiously to be ordained and prouided vpon condition that for the soules of our drowned countrey men there be the like remedie prouided by you The almighty grant vnto your selfe and vnto your whole Order that you may prosperously triumph ouer the enemies of Christ his crosse Giuen vnder our priuie seale at our palace of Westminster the 26. of March in the yere of our Lord 1408. and in the ninth yere of our reigne The letters of Fr Vlricus Master of Prussia directed vnto the king of England signifying that he is contented with the agreements concluded by his messengers at Hage To the most renowmed prince and mighty lord L Henrie king of England and France and lord of Ireland our most gracious lord VNto your highnes pleasure at all assaies humbly recommending my voluntarie seruice c. Most reuowmed king mighty prince and gracious lord we receiued of late with great reuerence as it be commeth vs by our welbeloued Arnold de Dassel the bearer of of these presents your Maiesties letters of late directed vnto vs making mention amongst other matters of certaine appointments first made and concluded between the noble and worthy personages William Esturmy knight Iohn Kington clerke and William Brampton citizen of London your ambassadours and messengers on the one parâ—e and our houorable and religious brethren namely Conradus Lichtensten great coÌ„mander Warnherus de Tettingen chiefe hospitalary commander in Elbing and Arnold de Hacken treasurer being the procuratours and commissioners of Fra. Conradus de Iungingen our last predecessour of famous memory on the other parte concerning the redressing reformation and amendement of vniust attempts committed on both sides at our castle of Marienburgh and also very lately at the towne of Hage in Holland namely the twenty eight of the moneth August in the yeare immediately past betweene your foresayde ambassadours William Esturmy knight and Iohn Kington clerke for your part and our trusty and welbeloued commissioners and procurators namely Arnold Hecht burgomaster of our citie of Dantzik and Iohn Crolow citizen of the same citie for our parte And for our more perfect knowlege in this behalfe our sayd commissioners made relation vnto vs and vnto our whole counsell that associating vnto themselues our messengers of Liuonia namely Tidman Myeul and Iohn Epenshâ—id together with your foresaid ambassadours and messengers they there finally appoynted and concluded of and about the aboue mentioned summes of money due on both partes of the which mention is made in your letters aforesayd With this speciall prouiso that in like manner satisfaction be made in all points both vnto other of our damnisâ—ed subiects of Prussia namely such whose goods or the true value thereof haue bene finally adiudged by the iudges or professors of our lawes and vnto such who hauing brought their articles of complaints vnto the audience of the most dread and mighty prince and lorde our lord Rupertus king of the Romans alwayes most soueraigne were in conclusion to haue the estimations of their goods to be adiudged by the sentence of the sayd lord with the aduise of two of his counsellers and also vnto other of our subiects who haue brought in sufficient proofe of damages vniustly inflicted vpon them by your subiects ouer and besides the premisses So that in like maner satisfaction be made vnto the common societie of the Hans marchants and by the arbitrament set downe in the conferences had at Marienburgh of the which it was aboue prouided and enacted on their behalfe namely if they will rest contented with our subiects in the courses and meanes then concluded If not we intend not
vnto y e foresaid Matthew Ludekinson Item by Nicholas Scot of Caleis the sonne of Tutbury and Hilg of Hull 256. nobles which are due vnto the foresayd Arnold de Aschen Item by the inhabitants of Scardeburgh Blakeney and Crowmer who had one Iohn Iolly of Blakeney for their captaine 156. nobles which are due vnto Henrie Culeman aforesayd Item by the inhabitants of Bayon Whose Capitaine was one Pideuille 125. nobles which are due vnto the said Iohn Vnkeltop Item by the inhabitants of Plymmouth and Dertmouth whose Captaines were Henry Pay and William Gadeling 600. nobles which are due vnto the foresayde Iohn Halewater in respect of his goods by them violently taken away Item 334. nobles to be payed by the selfe same parties being due vnto the sayde Iohn Halewater by reason that they detained his ship from him three moneths and more which ship was of the burthen of three hundreth tonnes of wine and had in it all the foresayde time fiue and fourtie seruants maintained at the expenses of the sayde Iohn Halewater Item that Sir William de Ethingham knight who was Uice-admirall for the sea must bee summoned to alleage a reasonable cause for that the sayd Sir William with his seruants expelled the said Iohn Halewater out of his ship for the space of fifteene dayes together and tooke of the goods and victuals of the said Iohn to the summe of 114. nobles why he ought not to pay the said summe of 114. nobles vnto Iohn Halewater aforesaid which if hee shall not bee willing nor able to alleage before the first of April next ensuing that then by the kings authoritie hee must be compelled to pay vnto the foresaid Iohn the said 114 nobles Item by the inhabitants of Caleis whose captaines were Michael Scot Bishop and William Horneby 1900. nobles which are due vnto the foresayde Eggard Scoff because the saide soueraigne king hath giuen them in charge by the said Michael Scot and the rest concerning the payment of the summe aforesaid Item by Iohn Bilis neere vnto Crowmer 68. nobles which are due vnto Nicholas Wolmersten of Elbing Which summes of nobles must by the kings authoritie bee leuied at the hands of his subiects aboue-mentioned betweene the time that nowe is and the feast of the Purification of the blessed virgine which shall fall in the yeere of our Lord 1411. effectually to bee deliuered and payed vnto the sayd Master generall or his lawfull procurator or vnto his successours or their lawfull procuratours at the Citie of London vpon the feast aforesaid Item it is couenanted that besides the summes specified in the foresayde letters obligatorie made in the behalfe of the said soueraigne prince there are due to be paied vnto one Iohn Marion of Wersingham lately deceased being in his life-time the liege subiect of the foresaid soueraigne prince 200. nobles of English money in regard of certaine iniuries and robberies done and committed before the date of these presents against the foresayde Iohn by one Eghard Scoff subiect vnto the said Master generall for the full satisfaction of the saide damages and robberies to bee made vnto the said deceased Iohn his wife children heires or exceutors by the said Egghard his heâ—res or by the administrators of his goods at the time and place aboue-mentioned Item it is couenanted confirmed and promised that for all the iniuries and robberies done and committed against one Iohn Dordewant of Elbing being in his life time subiect vnto the sayd Master generall by the liege people and subiects of the said soueraigne king the inhabitants of Scardeburgh before the date of these presents for the full recompense of all such iniuries and robberies there must bee payed vnto one Iohn Gruk of Dantzik eight hundred nobles of English money vpon the feast of Easter next following in the Citie of London by them of Scardeburgh being guiltie and culpable in this behalfe who are by definitiue sentence condemned vnto the said Iohn in the summe of 800. nobles by reason of the iniuries and robberies aforesaid Except the lawfull expenses in this behalfe layed out they are also taxed in due time for the issue And therefore the foresayde condemned parties whose names are in the sentence against them pronounced in this behalfe more expresly contained must in the meane season by the kings authoritie be compelled and constrained really and actually to obey the foresaid sentence namely by deliuering and paying vnto Iohn Gruk the summe of 800. nobles at the time and place aboue mentioned with reasonable expences wherein also the said parties stand condemned their lawfull taxation being reserued Item it is couenanted and granted that the heires of Lord Henrie de Percy the yonger after they shall come vnto lawfull age and shall haue attained vnto the possessions and goods of their inheritance must be compelled by the kings authoritie iustice going before to make satisfaction vnto the great procurator of Marienburgh with the summe of 838. nobles in lieu of certaine corne and graine which the foresaid Lord Henrie in the yeere 1403 bought and receiued of the said great procuratour for the vse of the castle of Zutberwik In testimonie and confirmation of all the which premisses the said Tedericus Lefardus and Iohn Crolow of their certaine knowledges haue put tâ—eir seales vnto these present letters indented in the presence of the aboue-named Richard Merlow Iohn Kington and William Askam commissioners for the behalfe of England Giuen at the Citie of London in England the fourth day of December in the yeere of our Lord 1409. Carta Henrici quarti Anno quinto regni sui concesâ—a mercatoribus Angliae in partibus Prussiae Daciae Norwegiae Swethiae Germaniae de gubernatore inter ipsos ibidem constituendo HEnricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae Dominus Hiberniae omnibus ad quos praesentes literae peruenerint salutem Sâ—iatis quod cum vt accepimus ob defectum boni sani regiminis gubernationis diuersa damna dissensiones grauamina angustiae inter mercatores Regni nostri Angliae in partibus Pruciae Daciae Norwegiae Hansae Swethiae commorâ—ntes saepius ante haec tempora mota fuissent perpetrata ac maiora exinde quod absit futuris temporibus verisimiliter euenire formidantur nisi pro meliori gubernatione inter eosdem mercatores mutuò habenda manus nostras adiutrices apponamus Nos damnis periculis in hac parte imminentibus praecauere eosdem Mercatores alios de dicto regno nostro ad partes praedictas venturos iuste fideliter regi pertractari intime desiderantes volumus tenore praesentium concedimus eisdem mercatoribus quod ipsi quoties quando eis placuerit in quodam loco competenti honesto vbi sibi placuerit se congregare vnire certas personas sufficientes idoneas in gubernatores suos in eisdem pattibus inter se ad eorum libitum eligere obtinere valeant libere impune
heate of the Sunne in the day causeth the deepe lakes of Ladega and specially of Onega to cleaue and if there should come then a sudden thaw as oftentimes in that time of the yeere doeth then doe these lakes open and breake whereby many men are lost and both men and horse drowned although other riuers do remaine frozen a long time after In the towne of Some also there are many warehouses whereof we cannot be destitute for the reposing of our wares as also as many barkes as you wil to transport your wares from thence to S. Nicholas road and that for three pence a poods caryage so that from the Citie of Nouogrod vnto S. Nicholas road you may haue wares caried for two altines The pood commeth vnto 23. altines the tunne Prouided alwayes that you buy your wares there your selfe and send it thence for there is no hope that the natiues will bring their wares from Nouogrod to Some in hope to sell vnto vs considering the great trade that they haue at the Narue which is within 180. miles off them Written by Thomas Southam a seruant to the company An Act for the corporation of Merchants aduenturers for the discouering of new trades made in the eight yeere of Queene Elizabeth Anno 1566. WHereas diuers very good Subiects of this Realme of England in the latter ende of the reigne of the late right high and mightie prince our Soueraigne Lord king Edward the sixt at the gracious incouragement and right good liking of the said king and by his Maiesties liberall example did at their aduenture and to their exceeding great charges for the glory of God the honor and increase of the reuenues of the Crowne and the common vtilitie of the whole Realme of England set forth thrâ—e ships for the discouery by Sea of Isles lands territories dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and by the Subiects of the sayd late king not commonly by seas frequented and after that Almightie God had called to his mercie the said king who died before the finishing and sealing of his most ample and gracious letters of priuiledges promised to the said Subiects as wel in consideration of the said enterprise as for diuers other respects it pleased our late souereigne Q. Mary at the humble suites of the same subiects to graunt by her letters Patents vnder the great Seale of England bearing date at Westminster the 26. day of February in the second yeere of her raigne for the considerations mentioned in the said letters Patents to the saide subiects being specially named in the saide letters Patents and to their successors that they by the name of Merchants aduenturers of England for the discouerie of lands territories Isles dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and not before their late aduenture or enterprise by seas or Nauigations coÌ„monly frequented should be from thenceforth one body and perpetual felowship and communaltie of themselues both in deed and in name and that the same felowship and communaltie from thenceforth should and might haue one or two gouernours foure Consuls and 24. assistants of the said felowship and comminaltie of Merchants aduenturers and that they by the name of the Gouernour Consuls assistants felowship and comminaltie of Merchants aduenturers for the discouery of lands territories Isles dominions and Seigniories vnknowen by the seas and Nauigations and not before their said late aduenture or enterprise by Seas frequented should or might be able in the lawe to implead and to bee impleaded to answere and to be answered to defend and to be defended before whatsoeuer Iudge or Iustice temporall or spiritual or other persons whatsoeuer in whatsoeuer court or courts and in all actions real personal and mixt and in euery of them and in all plaints of Nouel deseison and also in all plaints sutes quarrels affaires businesse and demaunds whatsoeuer they be touching and concerning the said felowship and comminaltie and the affaires and businesse of the same only in as ample maner and forme as any other corporation of this Realme might doe giuing also and granting vnto them by the said letters Patents diuers authorities powers iurisdictions preheminences franchises liberties and priuiledges as by the same letters Patents more at large will appeare And among other things mentioned in the said letters Patents whereas one of the three ships by the said fellowship before that time set foorth for the voyage of discouery aforesaid named the Edward Bonauenture had arriued within the Empire and dominion of the high and mightie Prince Lord Iohn Vasiliwich Emperour of all Russia Volodimersky great duke of Musky c. who receiued the Captaine and Merchants of the saide shippe very graciously granting vnto them freâ—â—y to traâ—fique with his subiects in all kinde of merchandizes with diuers other gracious priuiledges and liberties therefore the said late Queene by the same letters Patents for her her heires and successors did graunt that all the maine lands Isles ports hauens creeks and riuers of the said mighty Emperour of all Russia and great duke of Moâ—co c. and all and singular other lands dominions territories Isles ports hauens creeks riuers armes of the seas of al and euery other Emperour king prince ruler or gouerner whatsoeuer he or they be before the said late aduenture or enterprise not knowen or by the aforesaid merchants and subiects of the said king and Queene by the seas not commonly frequented nor any part or parcell thereof and lying Northwards Northeastwards or Northwestwards as in the said letters patents is mentioned should not be visited frequented nor hunted by any the subiects of the said late Queene other then of the said company and fellowship and their successors without expresse licence agreement consent of the Gouerner Consuls and Assistants of the said felowship and communaltie or the more part of them in maner forme as is expressed in the saide letters patents vpon paine of for feiture and losse as well of the ship and ships with the appurtenances as also of the goods merchandizes and things whatsoeuer they be of those the subiects of the said late Queene not being of the saide fellowship and communaltie which should attempt or presume to saile to any of those places which then were or after should happen to be found and traffiqued vnto the one halfe of the same forfriâ—ure to be to the vse of the said late Queene her heires successors and the other halfe to be to the vse of the said felowship communaltie as by the same letters patents more plainly will appeare Since the making of which letters patens the said fellowship haue to their exceeding great costes losses and expences not onely by their trading into the said dominions of the saide mightie prince of Russia c. found out conuenient way to saile into the saide dominions but also passing thorow the same and ouer the Caspian sea haue discouered very commodious trades into Armenia Media Hyrcania Persia and other dominions in Asia minor hoping by
de pace ad eos legatos mitâ—unt quam nostris dare placuit vt soluta certa pecuniae summa ab omni deinceps Italiae Galliaeque ora manus abstinerent Ita peractis rebus post paucos menses quà m eo itum erat domum repediaâ—um est The same in English THe French in the meane season hauing gotten some leasure by meanes of their truce and being sollicited and vrged by the intreaties of the Genuois vndertooke to wage warre against the Moores who robbed and spoyled all the coasts of Italy and of the Ilandes adiacent Likewise Richard the second king of England being sued vnto for ayde sent Henry the Earle of Derbie with a choice armie of English souldiers vnto the same warfare Wherefore the English and French with forces and mindes vnited sayled ouer into Africa who when they approched vnto the shore were repelled by the Barbarians from landing vntill such time as they had passage made them by the valour of the English archers Thus hauing landed their forces they foorthwith marched vnto the royall citie of Tunis and besieged it Whereat the Barbarians being dismayed sent Ambassadours vnto our Christian Chieftaines to treat of peace which our men graunted vnto them vpon condition that they should pay a certaine summe of money and that they should from thencefoorth abstaine from piracies vpon all the coasts of Italy and France And so hauing dispatched their businesse within a fewe moneths after their departure they returned home This Historie is somewhat otherwise recorded by Froysard and Holenshed in manner following pag. 473. IN the thirteenth yeere of the reigne of king Richard the second the Christians tooke in hand a iourney against the Saracens of Barbarie through sute of the Genouois so that there went a great number of Lords Knights and Gentlemen of France and England the Duke of Burbon being their Generall Out of England there went Iohn de Beaufort bastarde sonne to the Duke of Lancaster as Froysard hath noted also Sir Iohn Russell Sir Iohn Butler Sir Iohn Harecourt and others They set forwarde in the latter ende of the thirteenth yeere of the Kings reigne and came to Genoa where they remayned not verie long but that the gallies and other vessels of the Genouois were ready to passe them ouer into Barbarie And so about midsomer in the begining of the foureteenth yere of this kings reigne the whole army being embarked sailed forth to the coast of Barbary where neere to the city of Africa they landed at which instant the English archers as the Chronicles of Genoa write stood all the company in good stead with their long bowes beating backe the enemies from the shore which came downe to resist their landing After they had got to land they inuironed the city of Africa called by the Moores Mahdia with a strong siege but at length constrained with the intemperancy of the scalding ayre in that hot countrey breeding in the army sundry diseases they fell to a composition vpon certaine articles to be performed in the behalfe of the Saracens and so 61 dayes after their arriuall there they tooke the seas againe and returned home as in the histories of France and Genoa is likewise expressed Where by Polydore Virgil it may seeme that the lord Henry of Lancaster earle of Derby should be generall of the English men that as before you heard went into Barbary with the French men and Genouois The memorable victories in diuers parts of Italie of Iohn Hawkwood English man in the reigne of Richard the second briefly recorded by M. Camden pag. 339. AD alteram ripam fluuij Colne oppositus est Sibble Heningham locus natalis vt accepi Ioannis Hawkwoodi Itali Aucuthum cortupâ—èvocant quem illi tantopere ob virtutem militarem suspexerunt vt Senatus Florentinus propter insignia merita equâ—stri statua tumuli honore in eximiae fortitudinis fideique testimonium ornauit Res â—ius gestas Itali pleno ore praedicant Paulus Iouius in elogijs celebrat sat mihi sit Iulij Feroldi tetrastichon adijcere Hawkwoode Anglorum decus decus addite genti Italicae Italico praesidiúmque solo Vt tumuli quondam Fâ—orentia sic simulachri Virtutem Iouius donat honore tuam William Thomas in his Historie of the common wealthes of Italy maketh honorable mention of him twise to wit in the common wealth of Florentia and Ferrâ—ra The voyage of the Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mothers side to King Richard the second to Ierusalem and Saint Katherins mount THe Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington was as then on his way to Ierusalem and to Saint Katherins mount and purposed to returne by the Realme of Hungarie For as he passed through France where he had great cheere of the king and of his brother and vncles hee heard how the king of Hungary and the great Turke should haue battell together therefore he thought surely to be at that iourney The voiage of Thomas lord Moubray duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. written by Holinshed pag. 1233. THomas lord Moubray second sonne of Elizabeth Segraue and Iohn lord Moubray her husband was aduanced to the dukedome of Norfolke in the 21. yeere of y e reigne of Richard the 2. Shortly after which hee was appealed by Henry earle of Bullingbroke of treason and caried to the castle of Windsore where he was strongly safely garded hauing a time of combate granted to determine the cause betweene the two dukes the 16. day of September in the 22. of the sayd king being the yeere of our redemption 1398. But in the end the matter was so ordred that this duke of Norfolke was banished for euer whereupon taking his iourney to Ierusalem he died at Venice in his returne from the said citie of Ierusalem in the first yeere of king Henry the 4. about the yeere of our redemption 1399. The comming of the Emperor of Constantinople into England to desire the aide of Henry the 4. against the Turkes 1400. SVb eodem tempore Imperator Constantinopolitanus venit in Angliam postulaturus subsidium contra Turcas Cui occurrit rex cum apparatu nobili ad le Blackheath die sancti Thomae Apostoli suscepÃtque prout decuit tantum Heroem duxÃâ—que Londonias per multos dies exhibuit gloriose pro expenâ—iâ— hospiâ—ij suâ—â—oluens eum respiciens tanto falligio donariuis Et paulò post His auditis rumoribus Imperator laetior recessit ab Anglis honoratus à rege donarijs preciosis The same in English ABout the same time the emperor of Constantinople came into England to seeke ayde against the Turkes whom y e king accompanied with his nobilitie met withall vpon Black-heath vpon the day of saint Thomas the Apostle and receiued him as beseemed so great a prince and brought him to London and roially entertained him for a long season defraying the charges of his diet and giuing him many
cary me ouer the lands end whose name was M. Wood and with all speede I valed downe that night 10 miles to take the tide in the morning which happily I did and that night came to Douer and there came to an anker and there remained vntill tuesday meeting with the worthy knight sir Anthony Aucher owner of the saide ship The 11 day we arriued in Plimoth and the 13 in the morning we set forward on our voyage with a prosperous winde and the 16 we had sight of Cape Finister on the coast of Spaine The 30 we arriued at Cades and there discharged certaine marchandise and tooke others aboord The 20 of February we departed from Cades passed the straights of Gibraltar that night and the 25 we came to the I le of Mallorca and staied there fiue daies with contrary windes The first of March we had sight of Sardenna and the fift of the said monthâ— wee arriued at Messina in Sicilia and there discharged much goods and remained there vntill good Fryday in Leâ—t The chiefe marchant that laded the sayd Barke Aucher was a marchant stranger called Anselm Saluago and because the time was then very dangerous and no going into Leuant especially to Chio without a safe conduct from the Turke the said Anselm promised the owner Sir Anthony Aucher that we should receiue the same at Messina But I was posted from thence to Candia and there I was answered that I should send to Chio and there I should haue my safe conduct I was forced to send one and hee had his answere that the Turke would giue none willing me to looke what was best for me to doe which was no small trouble to me considering I was bound to deliuer the goods that were in the ship at Chio or send them at mine aduenture The marchants without care of the losse of the ship would haue compelled me to goe or send their goods at mine aduenture the which I denied and sayd plainely I would not goe because the Turkes gallies were come forth to goe against Malta but by the French kings means he was perswaded to leaue Malta and to goe to Tripoly in Barbary which by the French he wan In this time there were in Candia certaine Turkes vessels called Skyrasas which had brought wheat thither to sell and were ready to depart for Turkie And they departed in the morning be times carying newes that I would not goe foorth the same night I prepared beforehande what I thought good without making any man priuie vntill I sawe time Then I had no small businesse to cause my mariners to venture with the ship in such a manifest danger Neuerthelesse I wan them to goe all with me except three which I set on land and with all diligence I was readie to set foorth about eight of the clocke at night being a faire moone shine night went out Then my 3 marriners made such requests vnto the rest of my men to come aborde as I was constrained to take them in And so with good wind we put into the Archipelago being among the Ilands the winde scanted I was forced to anker at an Iland called Micone where I taried 10 or 12 daies hauing a greeke Pilot to carrie the ship to Chio. In this meane season there came many small botes with mysson sayles to goe for Chio with diuerse goods to sell the Pilot requested me that I would let them goe in my company to which I yeelded After the sayde dayes expired I wayed set saile for the Iland of Chio with which place I fel in the after noone whereupon I cast to seaward againe to come with the Iland in the morning betimes The foresaid smal vessels which came in my company departed from me to win the shore to get in y e night but vpon a sudden they espied 3 foystes of Turkes comming vpon them to spoyle them My Pilot hauing a sonne in one of those small vessels entreted me to cast about towards them which at his request I did and being some thing farre from them I caused my Gunner to shoot a demy-coluering at a foyst that was readie to enter one of the botes This was so happy a shott that it made the Turke to fall a sterne of the bote and to leaue him by the which meanes hee escaped Then they all came to me and requested that they might hang at my sterne vntill day light by which time I came before the Mole of Chio and sent my bote on land to the marchants of that place to send for their goods out of hand or else I would returne back with all to Candia they should fetch their goods there But in fine what by perswasion of my merchants English men those of Chio I was entreated to come into the harbour and had a safe assurance for 20 dayes against the Turkes army with a bond of the citie in the summe of 12000 ducats So I made hast solde such goods as I had to Turkes that came thither put all in order with as much speede as I could fearing the comming of the Turkes nauie of the which the chiefe of the citie knew right wel So vpon the sudden they called me of great friendship in secret told me I had no way to saue my selfe but to be gone for said they we be not able to defend you that are not able to help our selues for the Turke where he commeth taketh what he will leaueth what he list but the chiefe of the Turkes set order y â— none shal do any harme to the people or to their goods This was such news to me that indeed I was at my wits end was brought into many imaginations how to do for that the winde was contrarie In fine I determined to goe foorth But the marchants English men and other regarding more their gaines then the ship hindered me very much in my purpose of going foorth and made the marriners to come to me to demaund their wages to be payed them out of hande and to haue a time to employ the same there But God prouided so for me that I paied them their money that night and then charged them that if they would not lâ—t the ship foorth I would make them to answere the same in England with danger of their heads Many were married in England and had somewhat to loose those did sticke to me I had twelue gunners the Master gunner who was a madde brayned fellow and the owners seruant had a parlament betweene themselues and he vpon the same came vp to me with his sword drawen swearing that hee had promised the owner Sir Anthony Aucher to liue and die in the sayde shippe against all that should offer any harme to the shippe and that he would fight with the whole armie of the Turkes and neuer yeelde with this fellow I had much to doeâ— but at the last I made him confesse his
of it a Castle and the hauen is chained the citie hath onely two gates to say one for the lande and another for the sea they haue in the towne continually be it peace or warres 800 souldiers and fortie and sixe gunners besides Captaines petie Captaines Gouernour and Generall The lande gate hath alwayes fiftie souldiers pikes and gunners with their harâ—es watching there at night and day At the sea gate fiue and twentie vpon the walles euery night doe watch fifteene men in watch houses for euery watch house fiue men and in the market place 30 souldiers continually There may no soldier serue there aboue 5. yeres neither will they without friendship suffer them to depart afore 5. yeres be expired and there may serue of all nations except Greekes They haue euery pay which is 45. dayes 15 Mozenigos which is 15 shillings sterling Their horsemen haue onely â—ixe soldes Uenetian a day and prouender for their horses but they haue also certaine lande therewith to plow and sowe for the maintenance of their horses but truely I maruell how they liue being so hardly fed for all the sommer they feede onely vpon chopt strawe and barley for hey they haue none and yet they be faire fat and seruiceable The Uenetians send euery two yeeres new rulers which they call Castellani The towne hath allowed it also two gallies continually armed and furnished The 30 in the morning we ridde to a chappell where they say Saint Katherin was borne This Chappell is in olde Famagusta the which was destroyed by Englishmen and is cleane ouerthrowne to the ground to this day desolate and not inhabited by any person it was of a great circuit and there be to this day mountaines of faire great and strong buildings and not onely there but also in many places of the Iland Moreouer when they digge plowe or trench they finde sometimes olde ancient coines some of golde some of siluer and some of copper yea and many tombes and vautes with sepulchers in them This olde Famagusta is from the other foure miles and standeth on a hill but the new towne on a plaine Thence we returned to new Famagusta againe to dinner and toward euening we went about the towne and in the great Church we sawe the tombe of king laques which was the last king of Cyprus and was buried in the yere of Christ one thousand foure hundred seuentie three and had to wife one of the daughters of Venice of the house of Cornari the which family at this day hath great reuenues in this Island and by means of that mariage the Venetians chalenge the kingdom of Cyprus The first of October in the morning we went to see the reliefe of the watches That done we went to one of the Greekes Churches to see a pot or Iarre of stone which is sayd to bee one of the seuen Iarres of water the which the Lord God at the mariage conuerted into wine It iâ— a pot of earth very faire white enamelled and fairely wrought vpon with drawen worke and hath on either side of it instead of handles cares made in fourme as the Painters make angels wings it was about an elle high and small at the bottome with a long necke and correspondent in circuit to the bottome the belly very great and round it holdeth full twelue gallons and hath a tap-hole to drawe wine out therâ—at the Iarre is very auncient but whether it be one of them or no I know not The aire of Famagusta is very vnwholesome as they say by reason of certaine marish ground adioyning vnto it They haue also a certaine yeerely sicknesse raigning in the same towne aboue all the rest of the Island yet neuerthelesse they haue it in other townes but not so much It is a certaine rednesse and paine of the eyes the which if it bee not quickly holpen it taketh away their sight so that yeerely almost in that towne they haue about twentie that lose their sight either of one eye or both and it commeth for the most part in this moneth of October and the last moneth for I haue met diuers times three and foure at once in companies both men and women Their liuing is better cheape in Famagusta then in auy other place of the Island because there may no kinde of prouision within their libertie bee solde out of the Citie The second of October we returned to Arnacho where wee rested vntill the sixt day This towne is a pretie Uillage there are thereby toward the Sea side diuers monuments that there hath bene great ouerthrow of buildings for to this day there is no yere when they finde not digging vnder ground either coines caues and sepulchres of antiquities as we walking did see many so that in effect all alongst the Sea coast throughout the whole Island there is much ruine and ouerthrow of buildings for as they say it was disinhabited sixe and thirtie yeres before Saint Helens time for lacke of water And since that time it hath bene ruinated and ouerthrowen by Richard the first of that name king of England which he did in reuenge of his sisters rauishment comming to Ierusalem the which inforcement was done to her by the king of Famagusta The sixt day we rid to Nicosia which is from Arnacho seuen Cyprus miles which are one and twentie Italian miles This is the ancientest citie of the Island and iâ— walled about but it is not strong neither of walles nor situation It is by report three Cyprus miles about it is not throughly inhabited but hath many great gardens in it and also very many Date trees and plentie of Pomegranates and other fruites There dwell all the Gentilitie of the Island and there hath euery Cauallier or Conte of the Island an habitation There is in this citie one fountaine rented by saint Marke which is bound euery eight dayes once to water all the gardens in the towne and the keeper of this fountaine hath for euery tree a Bizantin which is twelue soldes Venice and six pence sterling He that hath that to farme with a faire and profitable garden thereto belonging paieth euery yeere to saint Marke fifteene hundred crownes The streetes of the citie are not paued which maketh it with the quantitie of the gardens to seeme but a rurall habitation But there be many faire buildings in the Citie there be also Monasteries both of Franks Greekes The Cathedrall church is called Santa Sophia in the which there is an old tombe of Iaspis stone all of one piece made in forme of a cariage coffer twelue spannes long sixe spannes broad and seuen spannes high which they say was found vnder ground It is as faire a stone as euer I haue seene The seuenth day we rid to a Greeke Frierie halfe a mile without the towne It is a very pleasaunt place and the Friers feasted vs according to their abilitie These Friers
called Giagra the tree whereon these Nuts doe grow is called the Palmer tree and thorowout all the Indies and especially from this place to Goa there is great abundance of them and it is like to the Date tree In the whole world there is not a tree more profitable and of more goodnesse then this tree is neither doe men reape so much benefit of any other tree as they do of this there is not any part of it but serueth for some vse and none of it is woorthy to be burnt With the timber of this tree they make shippes without the mixture of any other tree and with the leaues thereof they make sailes and with the fruit thereof which be a kinde of Nuts they make wine and of the wine they make Sugar and Placetto which wine they gather in the spring of the yeere out of the middle of the tree where continually there goeth or runneth out white liquour like vnto water in that time of the yeere they put a vessell vnder euery tree and euery euening and morning they take it away full and then distilling it with fire it maketh a very strong liquour and then they put it into buts with a quantity of Zibibbo white or blacke and in short time it is made a perfect wine After this they make of the Nuts great store of oile of the tree they make great quantity of boordes and quarters for buildings Of the barke of this tree they make cables ropes and other furniture for shippes and as they say these ropes be better then they that are made of Hempe They make of the bowes bedsteds after the Indies fashion and Scauasches for merchandise The leaues they cut very small and weaue them and so make sailes of them for all maner of shipping or els very fine mats And then the first rinde of the Nut they stampe and make thereof perfect Ockam to calke shippes great and small and of the hard barke thereof they make spoones and other vessels for meat in such wise that there is no part thereof throwen away or cast to the fire When these Mats be greene they are full of an excellent sweet water to drinke and if a man be thirsty with the liquour of one of the Mats he may satisfie himselfe and as this Nut ripeneth the liquor thereof turneth all to kernell There goeth out of Chaul for Mallaca for the Indies for Macao for Portugall for the coasts of Melinde for Ormus as it were an infinite number and quantity of goods and merchandise that come out of the kingdome of Cambaia as cloth of bumbast white painted printed great quantity of Indico Opium Cotton Silke of euery sort great store of Boraso in Paste great store of Fetida great store of yron corne and other merchandise The Moore king Zamalluco is of great power as one that at need may command hath in his camp two hundred thousand men of warre and hath great store of artillery some of them made in pieces which for their greatnesse can not bee carried to and fro yet although they bee made in pieces they are so commodious that they worke with them maruellous well whose shotte is of stone and there hath bene of that shot sent vnto the king of Portugall for the rareness of the thing The city where the king Zamalluco hath his being is within the land of Chaul seuen or eight dayes iourney which city is called Abneger Threescore and tenne miles from Chaul towards the Indies is the port of Dabul an hauen of the king Zamallaco from thence to Goa is an hundred and fifty miles Goa GOa is the principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies wherein the Uiceroy with his royall Court is resident and is in an Iland which may be in circuit fiue and twenty or thirty miles and the city with the boroughs is reasonable bigge and for a citie of the Indies it is reasonable faire but the Iland is farre more fairer for it is as it were full of goodly gardens replenished with diuers trees and with the Palmer trees as is aforesayd This city is of great trafique for all sorts of marchandise which they trade withall in those parts and the fleet which commâ—th euery yeere from Portugall which are fiue or sixe great shippes that come directly for Goa arriue there ordinarily the sixth or tenth of September and there they remaine forty or fifty dayes and from thence they goe to Cochin where they lade for Portugall and often times they lade one shippe at Goa and the other at Cochin for Portugall Cochin is distant from Goa three hundred miles The city of Goa is situate in the kingdome of Dialcan a king of the Moores whose chiefe city is vp in the countrey eight dayes iourney and is callâ—d Bisapor this king is of great power for when I was in Goa in the yeere of our Lord 1570 this king came to giue assault to Goa being encamped neere vnto it by a riuer side with an army of two hundred thousand men of warre and he lay at this siege foureteene moneths in which time there was peace concluded and as report went amongst his people there was great calamity and mortality which bred amongst them in the time of Winter and also killed very many elephants Then in the yeere of our Lord 1567 I went from Goa to Bezeneger the chiefe city of the kingdome of Narsinga eight dayes iourney from Goa within the land in the company of two other merchâ—nts which carried with them three hundred Arabian horses to that king because the horses of that countrey are of a small stature and they pay well for the Arabian horses and it is requisite that the merchants sell them well for that they stand them in great charges to bring them out of Persia to Ormus and from Ormus to Goa where the ship that bringeth twenty horses and vpwards payeth no custome neither ship nor goods whatsoeuer whereas if they bring no horses they pay 8 per cento of all their goods andâ— at the going out of Goa the horses pay custome two and forty pagodies for euery horse which pagody may be of sterling money sixe shillings eight pence they be piâ—ces of golde of that value So that the Arabian horses are of great value in those countreys as 300,400,500 duckets a horse and to 1000 duckets a horse Bezeneger THe city of Bezeneger was sacked in the yeere 1565 by foure kings of the Moores which were of great power and might the names of these foure kings were these following the first was called Dialcan the second Zamaluc the third Cotamaluc and the fourth Viridy and yet these foure kings were not able to ouercome this city and the king of Bezeneger but by treason This king of Bezeneger was a Gentile and had amongst all other of his captaines two which were notable and they were Moores and these two captaines had either of them in charge threescore and ten
falchines of the king of Pegu which chaunced about a moneth after the king of Pegu was gone with a million and foure hundred thousand men to conquere the kingdome of Sion They haue for custome in this Countrey and kingdome the king being wheresoeuer his pleasure is to bee out of his kingdome that euery fifteene dayes there goeth from Pegu a Carouan of Falchines with euery one a basket on his head full of some fruites or other delicates of refreshings and with cleane clothes it chaunced that this Carouan passing by Martauan and resting themselues there a night there happened betweene the Portugales and them wordes of despight and from wordes to blowes and because it was thought that the Portugales had the worse the night following when the Falchines were a sleepe with their companie the Portugales went and cut off fiue of their heads Now there is a lawe in Pegu that whosoeuer killeth a man he shall buy the shed blood with his money according to the estate of the person that is slaine but these Falchines being the seruants of the king the Retors durst not doe any thing in the matter without the consent of the king because it was necessarie that the king should knowe of such a matter When the king had knowledge thereof he gaue commaundement that the male factors should be kept vntill his comming home and then he would duely minister iustice but the Captaine of the Portugales would not deliuer those men but rather set himselfe with all the rest in armes and went euery day through the Citie marching with his Drumme and ensignes displayd For at that time the Citie was emptie of men by reason they were gone all to the warres and in businesse of the king in the middest of this rumour wee came thither and I thought it a strange thing to see the Portugales vse such insolencie in another mans Citie And I stoode in doubt of that which came to passe and would not vnlade my goods because that they were more sure in the shippe then on the land the greatest part of the lading was the owners of the shippe who was in Malacca yet there were diuerse marchants there but their goods were of small importance all those marchants tolde me that they would not vnlade any of their goods there vnlesse I would vnlade first yet after they left my counsell and followed their owne and put their goods a lande and lost euery whit The Rector with the customer sent for mee and demaunded why I put not my goods a lande and payed my custome as other men did To whom I answered that I was a marchant that was newly come thither and seeing such disorder amongst the Portugales I doubted the losse of my goods which cost me very deare with the sweate of my face and for this cause I was determined not to put my goods on lande vntill such time as his honour would assure me in the name of the king that I should haue no losse and although there came harme to thē Portugales that neither I nor my goods should haue any hurt because I had neither part nor any difference with them in this tumult my reason sounded well in the Retors eares and so presently he sent for the Bargits which are as Counsellers of the Citie and there they promised mee on the kings head or in the behalfe of the king that neither I nor my goods should haue any harme but that we should be safe and sure of which promise there were made publike notes And then I sent for my goods and had them on land and payde my custome which is in that countrey ten in the hundreth of the same goods and for my more securitie I tooke a house right against the Retors house The Captaine of the Portugales and all the Portugall marchants were put out of the Citie and I with twentie and two poore men which were officers in the shippe had my dwelling in the Citie After this the Gentiles deuised to be reuenged of the Portugales but they would not put it in execution vntill such time as our small shippe had discharged all her goods and then the next night following came from Pegu foure thousand souldiers with some Elephants of warre and before that they made any tumult in the citie the Retor sent and gaue commaundement to all Portugales that were in the Citie when they heard any rumour or noyse that for any thing they should not goe out of their houses as they tendered their owne health Then foure houres within night I heard a great rumour and noyse of men of warre with Elephants which threw downe the doores of the ware-houses of the Portugales and their houses of wood and strawe in the which tumult there were some Portugales wounded and one of them slaine and others without making proofe of their manhoode which the day before did so bragge at that time put themselues to flight most shamefully and saued themselues a boord of litle shippes that were at an anker in the harbour and some that were in their beds fled away naked and that night they caried away all the Portugalles goods out of the suburbes into the Citie and those Portugales that had their goods in the suburbes also After this the Portugales that were fledde into the shippes to saue themselues tooke a newe courage to themselues and came on lande and set fire on the houses in the suburbes which houses being made of boorde and strawe and the winde blowing fresh in small time were burnt and consumed with which fire halfe the Citie had like to haue beene burnt when the Portugales had done this they were without all hope to recouer any part of their goods againe which goods might amount to the summe of sixteene thousand duckats which if they had not set fire to the towne they might haue had againe withont any losse at all Then the Portugales vnderstanding that this thing was not done by the consent of the king but by his Lieutenant and the Retor of the citie ware very ill content knowing that they had made a great fault yet the next morning following the Portugales beganne to bende and shoot their ordinance against the Citie which batterie of theirs continued foure dayes but all was in vaine for the shotte neuer hit the Citie but lighted on the top of a small hill neere vnto it so that the citie had no harme When the Retor perceiued that the Portugales made battery against the Citie hee tooke one and twentie Portugales that were there in the Citie and sent them foure miles into the Countrey there to tarry vntill such time as the other Portugales were departed that made the batterie who after their departure let them goe at their owne libertie without any harme done vnto them I my selfe was alwayes in my house with a good guard appointed me by the Retor that no man should doe me iniurie nor harme me nor my goods in such wise that hee perfourmed all
that he had promised me in the name of the king but he would not let me depart before the comming of the king which was greatly to my hinderance because I was twenty and one moneths sequestred that I could not buy nor sell any kinde of marchandize Those commodities that I brought thither were peper sandols and Porcellan of China so when the king was come home I made my supplication vnto him and I was licenced to depart when I would From Martauan I departed to goe to the chiefest Citie in the kingdome of Pegu which is also called after the name of the kingdome which voyage is made by sea in three or foure daies they may goe also by lande but it is better for him that hath marchandize to goe by sea and lesser charge And in this voyage you shall haue a Macareo which is one of the most marueilous things in the world that nature hath wrought and I neuer saw any thing so hard to be beleeued as this to wit the great increasing diminishng of the water there at one push or instant and the horrible earthquake and great noyse that the said Macareo maketh where it commeth We departed from Martauan in barkes which are like to our Pylot boates with the increase of the water and they goe as swift as an arrowe out of a bow so long as the tide runneth with them and when the water is at the highest then they drawe themselues out of the Chanell towardes some banke and there they come to anker and when the water is diminished then they rest on dry land and when the barkes rest dry they are as high from the bottome of the Chanell as any house top is high from the ground They let their barkes lie so high for this respect that if there should any shippe rest or ride in the Chanell with such force commeth in the water that it would ouerthrowe shippe or barke yet for all this that the barkes be so farre out of the Channell and though the water hath lost her greatest strength and furie before it come so high yet they make fast their prowe to the streme and oftentimes it maketh them very fearefull and if the anker did not holde her prow vp by strength shee would be ouerthrowen and lost with men and goods When the water beginneth to increase it maketh such a noyse and so great that you would thinke it an earthquake and presently at the first it maketh three waues So that the first washeth ouer the barke from stemme to sterne the second is not so furious as the first and the thirde rayseth the Anker and then for the space of sixe houres while the water encreaseth they rowe with such swiftnesse that you would thinke they did fly in these tydes there must be lost no iot of time for if you arriue not at the stagious before the tyde be spent you must turne backe from whence you came For there is no staying at any place but at these stagions and there is more daunger at one of these places then at another as they be higher and lower one then another When as you returne from Pegu to Martauan they goe but halfe the tide at a time because they will lay their barkes vp aloft on the bankes for the reason aforesayd I could neuer gather any reason of the noyse that this water maketh in the increase of the tide and in deminishing of the water There is another Macareo in Cambaya but that is nothing in comparison of this By the helpe of God we came safe to Pegu which are two cities the olde and the newe in the olde citie are the Marchant strangers and marchantes of the Countrey for there are the greatest doings and the greatest trade This citie is not very great but it hath very great suburbes Their houses be made with canes and couered with leaues or with strawe but the marchants haue all one house or Magason which house they call Godon which is made of brickes and there they put all their goods of any valure to saue them from the often mischances that there happen to houses made of such stuffe In the new citie is the pallace of the king and his abiding place with all his barons and nobles and other gentlemen and in the time that I was there they finished the building of the new citie it is a great citie very plaine and flat and foure square walled round about and with ditches that compasse the wals about with water in which diches are many crocodils it hath no drawe bridges yet it hath twentie gates fiue for euery square on the walles there are many places made for centinels to watch made of wood and couered or guilt with gold the streetes thereof are the fayrest that I haue seene they are as streight as a line from one gate to another and standing at the one gate you may discouer to the other and they are as broad as 10 or 12 men may ride a breast in them and those streetes that be thwart are faire and large these streetes both on the one side and on the other are planted at the doores of the houses with nut trees of India which make a very commodious shadowe the houses be made of wood and couered with a kind of tiles in forme of cups very necessary for their vse the kings palace is in the middle of the citie made in forme of a walled castle with ditches full of water round aboue it the lodgings within are made of wood all ouer gilded with fine pinacles and very costly worke couered with plates of golde Truely it may be a kings house within the gate there is a faire large court from the one side to the other wherein there are made places for the strongest and stoutest Eliphants appointed for the seruice of the kings person and amongst all other Eliphants he hath foure that be white a thing so rare that a man shall hardly finde another king that hath any such and if this king knowe any other that hath white Eliphantes he sendeth for them as for a gift The time that I was there there were two brought out of a farre Countrey and that cost me something the sigth of them for that they commaund the marchants to goe to see them and then they must giue somewhat to the men that bring them the brokers of the marchants giue for euery man halfe a duckat which they call a Tansa which amounteth to a great summe for the number of merchants that are in that citie and when they haue payde the aforesayde Tansa they may chuse whether they will see them at that time or no because that when they are in the kings stall euery man may see them that will but at that time they must goe and see them for it is the kings pleasure it should be so This King amongst all other his titles is called the King of the white
they go vp to them with long ladders for feare of the Tygers which be very many The countrey is very fruitful of all things Here are very great Figs Orenges Cocoes and other fruits The land is very high that we fall withall but after we be entred the barre it is very lowe and full of riuers for they goe all too and fro in boates which they call paroes and keepe their houses with wife and children in them From the barre of Nigrais to the citie of Pegu is ten dayes iourney by the riuers Wee went from Cosmin to Pegu in Paroes or boates and passing vp the riuers wee came to Medon which is a prety towne where there be a wonderfull number of Paroes for they keepe their houses and their markets in them all vpon the water They rowe too and fro and haue all their marchandizes in their boates with a great Sombrero or shadow ouer their heads to keepe the sunne from them which is as broad as a great cart wheele made of the leaues of the Coco trees and fig trees and is very light From Medon we went to Dela which is a very faire towne and hath a faire port into the sea from whence go many ships to Malacca Mecca and many other places Here are 18. or 20. very great and long houses where they tame and keep many elephants of the kings for there about in the wildernesse they catch the wilde elephants It is a very fruitfull countrey From Dela we went to Cirion which is a good towne and hath a faire porte into the sea whither come many ships from Mecca Malacca Sumatra and from diuers other places And there the ships staie and discharge send vp their goods in Paroes to Pegu. From Cirion we went to Macao which is a pretie towne where we left our boats or Paroes in the morning taking Delingeges which are a kind of Coches made of cords cloth quilted caried vpon a stang betweene 3. or 4. men we came to Pegu the same day Pegu is a citie very great strong and very faire with walles of stone and great ditches round about it There are two townes the old towne and the newe In the olde towne are all the marchants strangers and very many marchants of the countrey All the goods are sold in the olde towne which is very great and hath many suburbes round about it and all the houses are made of Canes which they call Bambos and bee couered with strawe In your house you haue a Warehouse which they call Godon which is made of bricke to put your goods in for oftentimes they take fire and burne in an houre foure or fiue hundred houses so that if the Godon were not you should bee in danger to haue all burned if any winde should rise at a trice In the newe towne is the king and all his Nobilitie and Gentrie It is a citie very great and populous and is made square and with very faire walles and a great ditch round about it full of water with many crocodiles in it it hath twenty gates and they bee made of stone for euery square fiue gates There are also many Turrets for Centinels to watch made of wood and gilded with golde very faire The streets are the fairest that euer I saw as straight as a line from one gate to the other and so broad that tenne or twelue men may ride a front thorow them On both sides of them at euery mans doore is set a palmer tree which is the nut tree which make a very faire shew and a very commodious shadow so that a man may walke in the shade all day The houses be made of wood and couered with tiles The kings house is in the middle of the city and is walled and ditched round about and the buildings within are made of wood very sumptuously gilded and great workemanship is vpon the forefront which is likewise very costly gilded And the house wherein his Pagode or idole standeth is couered with tiles of siluer and all the walles are gilded with golde Within the first gate of the kings house is a great large roome on both sides whereof are houses made for the kings elephants which be maruellous great and faire and are brought vp to warres and in seruice of the king And among the rest he hath foure white elephants which are very strange and rare for there is none other king which hath them but he if any other king hath one hee will send vnto him for it When any of these white elephants is brought vnto the king all the merchants in the city are commanded to see them and to giue him a present of halfe a ducat which doth come to a great summe for that there are many merchants in the city After that you haue giuen your present you may come and see them at your pleasure although they stand in the kings house This king in his title is called the king of the white elephants If any other king haue one and will not send it him he will make warre with him for it for he had rather lose a great part of his kingdome then not to conquere him They do very great seruice vnto these white elephants euery one of them standeth in an house gilded with golde and they doe feede in vessels of siluer and gilt One of them when he doth go to the riuer to be washed as euery day they do goeth vnder a canopy of cloth of golde or of silke carried ouer him by sixe or eight men and eight or ten men goe before him playing on drummes shawmes or other instruments and when he is washed and commeth out of the riuer there is a gentleman which doth wash his feet in a siluer basin which is his office giuen him by the king There is no such account made of any blacke elephant be he neuer so great And surely there be woonderfull faire and great and some be nine cubites in height And they do report that the king hath aboue fiue thousand elephants of warre besides many other which be not taught to fight This king hath a very large place wherein he taketh the wilde elephants It standeth about a mile from Pegu builded with a faire court within and is in a great groue or wood and there be many huntsmen which go into the wildernesse with she elephants for without the she they are not to be taken And they be taught for that purpose and euery hunter hath fiue or sixe of them and they say that they anoint the she elephants with a certaine ointment which when the wild elephant doth smell he will not leaue her When they haue brought the wilde elephant neere vnto the place they send word vnto the towne and many horsemen and footmen come out and cause the she elephant to enter into a strait way which doeth goe to the palace and the she and he do runne in for it is
paces another marble pillar being round called Pompey his pillar this pillar standeth vpon a great square stone euery square is fifteene foote and the same stone is fifteene foote high and the compasse of the pillar is 37 foote and the heigth of it is 101 feete which is a wonder to thinke how euer it was possible to set the said pillar vpon the said square stone The port of the said Citie is strongly fortified with two strong Castles and one other Castle within the citie being all very well planted with munition and there is to the Eastward of this Citie about three dayes iourney the citie of Grand Cayro otherwise called Memphis it hath in it by report of the registers bookes which we did see to the number of 2400 Churches and is wonderfully populous and is one dayes iourney about the wals which was iourneyed by one of our Marriners for triall thereof Also neere to the saide citie there is a place called the Pyramides being as I may well terme it one of the nine wonders of the world that is seuen seuerall places of flint and marble stone foure square the wals thereof are seuen yards thicke in those places that we did see the squarenes is in length about twentie score euery square being built as it were a pointed diamond broad at the foote and small or narrow at the toppe the heigth of them to our iudgement doth surmount twise the heigth of Paules steeple within the saide Pyramides no man doth know what there is for that they haue no entrance but in the one of them there is a hole where the wall is broken and so we went in there hauing torch-light with vs for that it hath no light to it and within the same is as it were a great hall in the which there is a costly tombe which tombe they say was made for king Pharao in his life time but he was not buried there being drowned in the red sea also there are certaine vauts or dungeons which goe downe verie deepe vnder those Pyramides with faire staires but no man dare venter to goe downe into them by reason that they can cary no light with them for the dampe of the earth doth put out the light the red sea is but three daies iourney from this place and Ierusalem about seuen dayes iourney from thence but to returne to Cayro There is a Castle wherin is the house that Pharaoes wiues were kept in and in the Pallace or Court thereof stande 55 marble pillars in such order as our Exchange standeth in London the said pillars are in heigth 60 foote and in compasse 14 foote also in the said Citie is the castle where Ioseph was in prison where to this day they put in rich men when the king would haue any summe of money of them there are seuen gates to the sayd prison and it goeth neere fiftie yardes downe right also the water that serueth this castle commeth out of the foresaide riuer of Nilus vpon a wall made with arches fiue miles long and it is twelue foote thicke Also there are in old Cayro two Monasteries the one called S. Georges the other S. Maries in the Courts where the Churches be was the house of king Pharao In this Citie is great store of marchandize especially pepper and nutmegs which come thither by land out of the East India and it is very plentifull of all maner of victuals especially of bread rootes and hearbes to the Eastwards of Cayro there is a Well fiue miles off called Matria and as they say when the Uirgin Marie fled from Bethleem and came into AEgypt and being there had neither water nor any other thing to sustaine them by the prouidence of God an Angell came from heauen and strake the ground with his wings where presently issued out a fountaine of water and the wall did open where the Israelites did hide themselues which fountaine or well is walled foure square till this day Also we were at an old Citie all ruinated and destroyed called in olde time the great Citie of Carthage where Hannibal and Queene Dido dwelt this Citie was but narrow but was very long for there was and is yet to bee seene one streete three mile long to which Citie fresh water was brought vpon arches as afore aboue 25 miles of which arches some are standing to this day Also we were at diuers other places on the coast as we came from Cayro but of other antiquities we saw but few The towne of Argier which was our first and last port within the streights standeth vpon the side of an hill close vpon the seashore it is very strong both by sea and land and it is very well victualed with all manner of fruites bread and fish good store and very cheape It is inhabited with Turkes Moores and Iewes and so are Alexandria and Cayro In this towne are a great number of Christian captiues wherof there are of Englishmen onely fifteene from which port we set sayle towardes England the seuenth of Ianuarie Anno 1587 and the 30 day of the sayd moneth we arriued at Dartmouth on the coast of England The second voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the Cities of Alexandria and Cayro in Aegypt Anno 1586. I Embarked my selfe at Bristoll in the Hercules a good ship of London and set saile the 21 day of Februarie about ten of the clocke in the morning hauing a merry winde but the 23 day there arose a very great storme and in the mids of it we descried a small boate of the burden of ten tunnes with foure men in her in very great danger who called a maine for our helpe Whereupon our Master made towardes them and tooke them into our ship and let the boate which was laden with timber and appertained to Chepstow to runne a drift The same night about midnight arose another great storme but the winde was large with vs vntill the 27 of the same moneth which then grew somewhat contrary yet notwithstanding we held on our course and the tenth day of March we descried a saile about Cape Sprat which is a litle on this side the streight of Gibraltare but we spake not with her The next day we descried twelue sayle more with whom we thought to haue spoken to haue learned what they were but they made very fast away and we gaue them ouer Thursday the 16 of March we had sight of the streights and of the coast of Barbary The 18 day we passed them and sailed towards Patras Upon the 23 of March we met with the Centurion of London which came from Genoa by whom we sent letters to England and the foure men also which we tooke in vpon the coast of England before mentioned The 29 of March we came to Goleta a small Iland and had sight of two shippes which we iudged to be of England Tuesday the fourth of Aprill we were before Malta and being there becalmed our Maister caused
company neere vnto vs which we saw not by meanes of the great fogge which hearing the sound of the piece vnderstanding some of the company to be in great extremitie began to make towards vs and when they came within hearing of vs we desired them for the loue of God to helpe to saue vs for that we were all like to perish They willed vs to hoise our foresaile as much as we could make towards them for they would do their best to saue vs and so we did And we had no sooner hoised our foresaile but there came a gale of winde a piece of a sea strooke in the foresaile and caried saile maste all ouerboord so that then we thought there was no hope of life And then we began to imbrace one another euery man his friend euery wife her husband and the children their fathers and mothers committing our soules to Almighty God thinking neuer to escape aliue yet it pleased God in the time of most need when all hope was past to aide vs with his helping hand and caused the winde a little to cease so that within two houres after the other ship was able to come aboord vs tooke into her with her boat man woman and child naked without hose or shoe vpon many of our fecte I do remember that the last person that came out of the ship into the boat was a woman blacke Moore who leaping out of the ship into the boat with a yong sucking child in her armes lept too short and fell into the sea and was a good while vnder the water before the boat could come to rescue her and with the spreading of her clothes rose aboue water againe and was caught by the coat pulled into the boate hauing still her childe vnder her arme both of them halfe drowned and yet her naturall loue towards her child would not let her let the childe goe And when she came aboord the boate she helde her childe so fast vnder her arme still that two men were scant able to get it out So we departed out of our ship left it in the sea it was worth foure hundreth thousand ducats ship goods when we left it And within three dayes after we arriued at our port of S. Iohn de Vllua in New Spaine I do remember that in the great and boysterous storme of this foule weather in the night there came vpon the toppe of our maine yarde and maine maste a certaine little light much like vnto the light of a little candle which the Spaniards called the Cuerpo santo and saide it was S. Elmo whom they take to bee the aduocate of Sailers At the which fight the Spaniards fell downe vpon their knees and worshipped it praying God and S. Elmo to cease the torment and saue them from the perill that they were in with promising him that at their comming on land they would repaire vnto his Chappell and there cause Masses to be saide and other ceremonies to be done The friers cast reliques into the sea to cause the sea to be still and likewise said Gospels with other crossings and ceremonies vpon the sea to make the storme to cease which as they said did much good to weaken the furie of the storme But I could not perceiue it nor gaue no credite to it till it pleased God to send vs the remedie deliuered vs from the rage of the â—ame His Name be praised therefore This light continued aboord our ship about three houres flying from maste to maste from top to top and sometime it would be in two or three places at once I informed my selfe of learned men afterward what that light should be and they said that it was but a congelation of the winde and vapours of the Sea congealed with the extremitie of the weather which flying in the winde many times doeth chance to hit on the masts and shrowds of the ships that are at sea in foule weather And in trueth I do take it to be so for that I haue seene the like in other ships at sea and in sundry ships at once By this men may see how the Papists are giuen to beleeue and worship such vaine things and toyes as God to whom all honour doth appertaine and in their neede and necessities do let to call vpon the liuing God who is the giuer of all good things The 16. of April in Anno 1556. we arriued at the port of S. Iohn de Vllua in new Spaine very naked and distressed of apparell and all other things by meanes of the losse of our foresaid ship and goods and from thence we went to the new Towne called Vera Cruzâ— fiue leagues from the said port of S. Iohn de Vllua marching still by the sea side where wee found lying vpon the sands great quantitie of mightie great trees with rootes and all some of them of foure fiue and sixe cart load by our estimation which as the people tolde vs were in the great stormy weather which we indured at sea rooted out of the ground in Terra Florida which is three hundreth leagues ouer by Sea and brought thither So we came to the saide Towne of Vera cruz where wee remained a moneth and there the said Iohn Field chanced to meete with an olde friend of his acquaintance in Spaine called Gonçalo Ruiz de Cordoua a very rich man of the saide Towne of Vera cruz Who hearing of his comming thither with his wife and family and of hiâ— misfortune by Sea came vnto him and receiued him and all his houshold into his house and kept vs there a whole moneth making vs very good cheere and giuing vs good intertainement and also gaue vs that were in all eight persons of the said Iohn Fields house double apparell new out of the shop of very good cloth coates cloakes hose shirts smocks gownes for the women hose shooes and al other necessary apparel and for our way vp to the Citie of Mexico horses moiles and men and money in our purses for the expences by the way which by our accompt might amount vnto the summe of 400. Crownes And after wee were entred two dayes iourney into the Countrey I the saide Robert Tomson fell so sicke of an ague that the next day I was not able to sit on my horse but was faine to be caried vpon Indians backes from thence to Mexico And when wee came within halfe a dayes iourney of the Citie of Mexico the saide Iohn Field also fell sicke and within three dayes after we arriued at the said Citie hee died And presently sickened one of his children and two more of his houshold people and within eight dayes died So that within tenne dayes after we arriued at the Citie of Mexico of eight persons that were of vs of the saide company there remained but foure aliue and I the said Tomson was at the point of death of the sicknes that I got vpon the way which
continued with mee the space of sixe moneths At the ende of which time it pleased Almightie God to restore me my health againe although weake and greatly disabled And being some thing strong I procured to seeke meanes to liue and to seeke a way how to profite my selfe in the Countrey seeing it had pleased God to sende vs thither in safetie Then by friendship of one Thomas Blake a Scottishman borne who had dwelt and had bene married in the said Citie aboue twentie yeeres before I came to the saide Citie I was preferred to the seruice of a gentleman a Spaniard dwelling there a man of great wealth and one of the first conquerours of the said Citie whose name was Gonçalo Cerezo with whom I dwelt twelue moneths and a halfe At the ende of which I was maliciously accused by the Holy house for matters of Religion and so apprehended and caried to prison where I lay close prisoner seuen moneths without speaking to any creature but to the Iailer that kept the said prison when he brought me my meat and drinke In the meane time was brought into the saide prison one Augustin Boacio an Italian of Genoua also for matters of Religion who was taken at Sacatecas 80. leagues to the Northwest of the Citie of Mexico At the ende of the said seuen moneths we were both caried to the high Church of Mexico to doe open penance vpon an high scaffold made before the high Altar vpon a Sunday in the presence of a very great number of people who were at the least fiue or sixe thousand For there were that come one hundreth mile off to see the saide Auto as they call it for that there were neuer none before that had done the like in the said Countrey nor could not tell what Lutheranes were nor what it meant for they neuer heard of any such thing before We were brought into the Church euery one with a S. Benito vpon his backe which is halfe a yard of yellow cloth with a hole to put in a mans head in the middest and cast ouâ—r a mans head both fâ—aps hang one before and another behinde and in the middest of euery flap a S. Andrewes crosse made of red cloth sowed on vpon the same and that is called S. Benito The common people before they sawe the penitents come into the Church were giuen to vnderstand that wee were heretiques infidels and people that did despise God and his workes and that wee had bene more like deuils then men and thought wee had had the fauour of some monsters or heathen people And when they saw vs come into the Church in our players coates the women and children beganne to cry out and made such a noise that it was strange to see and heare saying that they neuer sawe goodlier men in all their liues and that it was not possible that there could be in vs so much euill as was reported of vs and that we were more like Angels among men then such persons of such euill Religion as by the Priestes and friers wee were reported to be and that it was great pitie that wee should bee so vsed for so small an offence So that being brought into the saide high Church and set vpon the scaffold which was made before the high Altar in the presence of all the people vntill high Masse was done and the sermon made by a frier concerning our matter they did put vs in all the disgrace they could to cause the people not to take so much compassion vpon vs for that wee were heretiques people that were seduced of the deuill had forsaken the faith of the Catholique Church of Rome with diuers other reprochfull wordes which were too long to recite in this place High Masse and Sermon being done our offences as they called them were recited euery man what he had said and done and presently was the sentence pronounced against vs. That was that the said Augustine Boacio was condemned to weare his S. Benito all the dayes of his life and put into perpetuall prison where hee should fulfill the same and all his goods confiscated and lost And I the saide Tomson to weare the S. Benito for three yeeres and then to be set at libertie And for the accomplishing of this sentence or condemnation we must be presently sent downe from Mexico to Vera Cruz and from thence to S. Iohn de Vllua and there to be shipped for Spaine which was 65. leagues by land with strait commandement that vpon paine of 1000. duckets the Masters euery one should looke straitly vnto vs and carry vs to Spaine and deliuer vs vnto the Inquisitors of the Holy house of Siuill that they should put vs in the places where we should fulfill our penances that the Archbishop of Mexico had enioyned vnto vs by his sentence there giuen For performance of the which we were sent downe from Mexico to the Sea side which was 65. leagues with fetters vpon our feete and there deliuered to the Masters of the ships to be caried for Spaine as before is said And it was so that the Italian fearing that if he had presented himselfe in Spaine before the Inquisitors that they would haue burned him to preuent that danger when wee were comming homeward and were arriued at the yland of Terçera one of the ysles of the Açores the first night that we came into the said port to an ancker about midnight he found the meanes to get him naked out of the ship into the sea swam naked a shoare and so presently got him to the further side of the yland where hee found a little Caruel ready to depart for Portugal in the which he came to Lisbone and passed into France and so into England where hee ended his life in the Citie of London And I for my part kept still aboord the ship and came into Spaine and was deliuered to the Inquisitors of the Holy house of Siuill where they kept me in close prison till I had fulfilled the three yeeres of my penance Which time being expired I was freely put out of prison and set at libertie and being in the Citie of Siuil a casher of one Hugh Typton an English marchant of great doing by the space of one yeere it fortuned that there came out of the Citie of Mexico a Spaniard called Iohn de la Barrera that had bene long time in the Indies and had got great summes of golde and siluer and with one onely daughter shipped himselfe for to come for Spaine and by the way chanced to die and gaue all that hee had vnto his onely daughter whose name was Marie de la Barrera and being arriued at the Citie of Siuil it was my chance to marry with her The marriage was worth to mee 2500. pounds in barres of golde and siluer besides iewels of great price This I thought good to speake of to shew the goodnes of God to all them that put their trust in him that I being brought
kept the Termes and Parliaments And although there be other places of iustice yet this is aboue all so that all men may appeale vnto this place and may not appeale from this city but onely into Spaine before the king and it must be for a certeine summe and if it be vnder that summe then there is no appellation from them Many riuers fall into this lake which the city standeth in but there was neuer any place found whither it goeth out The Indians know a way to drowne the city and within these three yeeres they would haue practised the same but they which should haue bene the doers of it were hanged and euer since the city hath bene well watched both day and night for feare least at some time they might be deceiued for the Indians loue not the Spanyards Round about the towne there are very many gardens and orchards of the fruits of the countrey maruellous faire where the people haue great recreation The men of this city are maruellous vicious and in like maner the women are dishonest of their bodies more then they are in other cities or townes in this countrey There are neere about this city of Mexico many riuers and standing waters which haue in them a monstrous kinde of fish which is maruellous rauening and a great deuourer of men and cattell He is woont to sleepe vpon the drie land many times and if there come in the meane time any man or beast and wake or disquiet him he speedeth well if he get from him He is like vnto a serpent sauing that he doth not flie neither hath he wings There is West out of Mexico a port towne which is on the South sea called Puerto de Acapulco where as there are shippes which they haue ordinarily for the nauigation of China which they haue newly found This port is threescore leagues from Mexico There is another port towne which is called Culiacan on the South sea which lieth West and by North out of Mexico and is 200 leagues from the same and there the Spanyards made two ships to goe seeke the streight or gulfe which as they say is betweene the New found-land and Groenland and they call it the Englishmens streight which as yet was neuer fully found They say that streight lieth not farre from the maine land of China which the Spanyards account to be maruellous rich Toward the North from Mexico there are great store of siluer mines There is greater quantitie of siluer found in these mines toward the North then there is in any other parts and as the most men of experience sayde alwayes they finde the richer mines the more Northerly These mines are commonly vpon great hilles and stony ground maruellous hard to be laboured and wrought Out of some of the mines the Indians finde a certeine kinde of earth of diuers colours wherewith they paint themselues in times of their dances and other pastimes which they vse In this countrey of Noua Hispania there are also mines of golde although the golde be commonly found in riuers or very neere vnto riuers And nowe in these dayes there is not so much golde found as there hath bene heretofore There are many great riuers and great store of fish in them not like vnto our kindes of fish And there are maruellous great woods and as faire trees as may be seene of diuers sorts and especially firre trees that may mast any shippe that goeth vpon the sea okes and pineapples and another tree which they call Mesquiquez it beareth a fruit like vnto a peascod maruellous sweet which the wilde people gather and keepe it all the yere and eat it in stead of bread The Spanyards haue notice of seuen cities which old men of the Indians shew them should lie towards the Northwest from Mexico They haue vsed and vse dayly much diligence in seeking of them but they cannot find any one of them They say that the witchcraft of the Indians is such that when they come vp these townes they cast a mist vpon them so that they cannot see them They haue vnderstanding of another city which they call Copalla and in like maner at my beeing in the countrey they haue vsed much labour and diligence in the seeking of it they haue found the lake on which it should stand and a canoa the head whereof was wrought with copper curiously and could not finde nor see any man nor the towne which to their vnderstanding should stand on the same water or very neere the same There is a great number of beasts or kine in the countrey of Cibola which were neuer brought thither by the Spanyards but breed naturally in the countrey They are like vnto our oxen sauing that they haue long haire like a lion and short hornes and they haue vpon their shoulders a bunch like a camell which is higher then the rest of their body They are maruellous wild and swift in running They call them the beasts or kine of Cibola This Cibola is a city which the Spanyards found now of late without any people in the same goodly buildings faire chimneys windowes made of stone timber excellently wrought faire welles with wheeles to draw their water and a place where they had buried their dead people with many faire stones vpon the graues And the captaine would not suffer his souldiers to breake vp any part of these graues saying he would come another time to do it They asked certeine people which they met whither the people of this city were gone and they made answere they were gone downe a riuer which was there by very great and there had builded a city which was more for their commodity This captaine lacking things necessary for himselfe and his men was faine to returne backe againe without finding any treasure according to his expectation neither found they but fewe people although they found beaten wayes which had beene much haunted and frequented The captaine at his comming backe againe had a great checke of the gouernour because he had not gone forwards and scene the end of that riueâ— They haue in the countrey farre from the sea side standing waters which are salt and in the moneths of April and May the water of them congealeth into salt which salt is all taken for the kings vse and profit Their dogs are all crocked backt as many as are of the countrey breed and cannot run fast their faces are like the face of a pig or an hog with sharpe noses In certeine prouinces which are called Guatimala Soconusco there is growing great store of cacao which is a verry like vnto an almond it is the best merchandize that is in all the Indies The Indians make drinke of it and in like maner meat to eat It goeth currantly for money in any market or faire and may buy any flesh fish bread or cheese or other things There are many
there lying on the ground To be short at length with much ado we gat the top of the mountaines about noone there we made a stand til all the company was come vp and would haue stayed longer to haue refreshed our men but the fogge and raine fell so fast that wee durst not stay So wee made hast to descend towards the towne out of the fogge and raine because that in these high mountaines by report of the Spaniards themselues it doeth almost continually raine Assoone as we were descended downe neere halfe the way to the towne the raine ceased and going downe a little further on the toppe of a hill we saw the towne not farre distant from vs. Here we all cleared our muskeâ—s and when our colours came in sight we discharged a second voleâ— of shot to the great discouragement of the enemie Thus we marched on around pace The enemie was in readinesse a little without the towne to encounter vs on horsebacke Being nowe fully descended from the mountaines wee came into a faire plaine champion fielde without either hedge bush or ditch sauing certaine trenches which the water had made as it descendeth from the mountaines Here we set our selues in a readinesse supposing the enemie would haue encountered vs but haâ—ing pitched our maine battell and marching forward a good round pace captaine â—eling and captaine Roberts tooke ech of them some lâ—oseshoot and marched in all hast toward the enemie before the maine battell wherein was our generall with capt Sommers and came to skirmish with them but it was soone ended for the enemie fled One Spaniard was slaine in this skirmish and not any one of our companies touched either with piece or arrow God be thanked We soone marched into the towne and had it without any more resistance but there we found not the wealth that we expected for they had conueyed all into the mountaâ—nes except such goods as they could not easily cary as wiue and iron and such things By three of the clocke in the afternoone the 29 of May we enâ—red the citie Here we remained vntil the 3 of Iune without anie great disturbance sauing sometime by night they would come on horse-backe hard vnto our Corps du guard and finding vs vigilant and readie for them would depart againe The first of Iune there came a Spaniard neere vnto vs alone the Corps du guard perceiuing him called our General who soone came towards him but before he approached the Spaniard made signes that he should lay aside his armes which he refused to doe but promised as he was a souldier if he would come hee should haue free passage Upon which promise hee came to him on horse-backe and our General brought him within the towne and there communed with him Who demanded what he ment to do with the â—owne he answered that he meant to remaine there and keepe it or if he did depart from it he would burne it The Spaniard then demanded what the ransome of it should be Our General required 30000 ducats Whereunto he replied that it was very much So hauing had some other conference together hee shewed him that hee had bene a souldier in Flanders a long time and now was sent thither by his kings commandement Among other things our General demanded of hâ—m what the reason was they had not walled the citie bring so faire a thing as that was The Spaniard replied that hee thought it to bee stronger walled then anie citie in the world meaning by those huge high mountains which the enemie must passe ouer before he can approch it which we found very true Thus with many other faire speeches he tooke his leaue for that day and told our Generall that he would go speake with the gouernour but it might be himselfe for any thing we know howbeit because our General had granted him free comming and goingâ— he suffred him to depart who before his departure requested to haue a token of our General that he might shew to the Gouernour how he had spoken with vs or else he doubted that he would not beleeue him Wherupon our General gaue him a piece of 12 pence so he departed and promised the next day by ten of the clocke to returne vnto vs with an answere in which meane time nothing befâ—â— The next day being the 2 of Iune at his houre appointed he returned w t his Indian ruâ—ning by his horses side So he was brought to the Generall and there remained till after dinner and dined in his company in the gouernours house that was The dinner ended with the best entertainement which could be giuen him they communed again about the ransome of the citie Our General proposed his old demand of 30000 ducats The Spaniard first proffered him 2000 then 3000 last of all 4000 and more he would not giue Our General counting it a small summe of money among so many did vtterly râ—â—use it So the Spaniard departed But before his departure our general told him that if he came not to â—im again before the next day noone with the ransome which he demanded he would set all on fire That whole day past and the night also without any thing of momeÌ„t except some shew of assâ—ulâ— by their approching towards our Corps du guard and retiâ—ing backe againe The 3 day being come in the morning some of our company went forth a league or more from the towne some â—wo leagues and more vnto certaine villages thereabouâ— set them on fire but the enemy neuer came to resist them so they returned backe againe safe into the towne and brought certaine Indian prisoners with them among whom there was one which spake broken Spanish which being examined coâ—fessed vnto vs of his own accord how the General had sent to the other towns thereabout for aide and that he thought they would be there with him that day When we vnderstood thisâ— we grew into some distrust of the Spaniards trechâ—ry and thought vpon the messâ—â—ger how he had vsed long delayes with vs wherupon we were commanded presently euery man to make ready to dâ—part and to fire the citie which foorthwith was done And afâ—er we had seene it all on fire burnt to ashes we tooke our leaues and so departed marched away that day being the 3 of Iune not that way we came but by the great beaten way And when we had marched halfe the way towards the waters side we came vnto that strong baricado which they had madeâ— and there lay all that night Here we found the Spanish captaines word to be true which we tooke at the fort by the waters side for this baricado was of such force that 100 men in it wel furnishedâ— wouâ—d haue kept backe from passing that way 100000 first by reason of the huge and high mountaâ—nes next the steepenes of them on both sides last of all in regard of the fine contriuing of it with the large trenches and other
I know to be true Those that are desirous to discouer and to see many nations may be satisfied within this riuer which bringeth foorth so many armes and branches leading to seuerall countries and prouinces aboue 2000 miles East and West and 800 miles South and North and of these the most eyther rich in golde or in other marchandizes The common souldier shall here fight for golde and pay himselfe in steede of pence with plates of halfe a foote broad whereas he breaketh his bones in other warres for pronant and penury Those commanders and chieftaines that shoot at honour and abundance shall finde there more rich and beautifull cities more temples adorned with golden images more sepulchres filled with treasure then either Cortez found in Mexico or Piçarro in Peru and the shining glorie of this conquest will eclipse all those so farre extended beames of the Spanish nation There is no countrey which yeeldeth more pleasure to the inhabitants either for those common delights of hunting hawking fishing fowling or the rest then Guiana doth It hath so many plaines cleere riuers abundance of Phesants Partriges Quailes Railes Cranes Herons and all other fowle Deere of all sorts Porkes Hares Lions Tygers Leopards and diuers other sortes of beastes either for chase or food It hath a kind of beast called Cama or Anta as bigge as an English beefe and in great plentie To speake of the seuerall sorts of euery kind I feare would be troublesome to the Reader and therefore I will omit them and conclude that both for health good ayre pleasure and riches I am resolued it cannot bee equalled by any region either in the East or West Moreouer the countrey is so healthfull as of an hundred persons more which lay without shift most sluttishly and were euery day almost melted with heate in rowing and marching and suddenly wet againe with great showers and did eate of all sorts of corrupt fruits and made meales of fresh fish without seasoning of Tortugas of Lagartos or Crocodiles and of all sorts good and bad without either order or measure and besides lodged in the open aire euery night we lost not any one nor had one ill disposed to my knowledge nor found any Calentura or other of those pestilent discases which dwell in all hot regions and so neere the Equinoctiall line Where there is store of gold it is in effect needlesse to remember other commodities for trade but it hath towards the South part of the riuer great quantities of Brasil-wood and diuerse berries that die a most perfect crimson and carnation And for painting all France Italy or the East Indies yeelde none such For the more the skin is washed the fairer the colour appeareth and with which euen those browne and tawnie women spot themselues and colour their cheekes All places yeeld abundance of cotton of silke of balsamum and of those kindes most excellent and neuer knowen in Europe of all sortes of gummes of Indian pepper and what else the countries may afford within the land we knowe not neither had we time to abide the triall and search The soile besides is so excellent and so full of riuers as it will carrie sugar ginger and all those other commodities which the West Indies haue The nauigation is short for it may be sayled with an ordinarie winde in sixe weekes and in the like time backe againe and by the way neither lee shore enemies coast rockes nor sandes all which in the voyages to the West Indies and all other places we are subiect vnto as the chanell of Bahama comming from the West Indies cannot well be passed in the Winter when it is at the best it is a perilous and a fearefull place The rest of the Indies for calmes and diseases very troublesome and the sea about the Bermudas a hellish sea for thunder lightning and stormes This very yeere there were seuenteene sayle of Spanish ships lost in the chanell of Bahama and the great Philip like to haue sunke at the Bermudas was put backe to Saint Iuan de Puerto rico And so it falleth out in that Nauigation euery yeere for the most part which in this voyage are not to be feared for the rune of yeere to leaue England is best in Iuly and the Summer in Guiana is in October Nouember December Ianuarie Februarie and March and then the ships may depart thence in Aprill and so returne againe into England in Iune so as they shall neuer be subiect to Winter-weather either comming going or staying there which for my part I take to be one of the greatest comforts and incouragements that can be thought on hauing as I haue done casted in this voyage by the West Indies so many calmes so much heat such outragious gustes foule weather and contrarie windes To conclude Guiana is a countrey that hath yet her maydenhead neuer sackt turned nor wrought the face of the earth hath not bene torne nor the vertue and salt of the soyle spent by manurance the graues haue not bene opened for golde the mines not broken with sledges nor their Images puld downe out of their temples It hath neuer bene entered by any armie of strength and neuer conquered or possessed by any christian Prince It is besides so defensible that if two forts be builded in one of the Prouinces which I haue seene the flood setteth in so neere the banke where the channell also lyeth that no ship can passe vp but within a Pikes length of the artillerie first of the one and afterwards of the other Which two Forts will be a sufficient guarde both to the Empire of Inga and to an hundred other seueral kingdomes lying within the said riuer euen to the citie of Quito in Peru. There is therefore great difference betweene the easinesse of the conquest of Guiana and the defence of it being conquered and the West or East Indies Guiana hath but one entrance by the sea if it hath that for any vessels of burden so as whosoeuer shall first possesse it it shall be found vnaccessible for any enemie except he come in Wherries Barges or Canoas or else in flat bottomed boates and if he doe offer to enter it in that manner the woods are so thicke two hundred miles together vpon the riuers of such entrance as a mouse cannot sit in a boat vnhit from the banke By lande it is more impossible to approch for it hath the strongest situation of any region vnder the sunne and is so enuironed with impassable mountaines on euery side as it is impossible to victuall any company in the passage which hath bene well prooued by the Spanish nation who since the conquest of Peru haue neuer left fiue yeeres free from attempting this Empire or discouering some way into it and yet of three and twentie seuerall Gentlemen Knights and Noblemen there was neuer any that knewe which way to leade an army by land or to conduct shippes by sea any
hath 483383 great houses which pay tribute and 39400 men of warre The port of Cauchinchina standeth in the latitude of sixteene degrees and a halfe to the Northward The citie Champa standeth in foureteene degrees to the Northwards of the Equinoctiall The prouince of Enam hath 7. great cities and 13. small and 90. townes and castles and is 88. leagues broad and hath 589296. great houses that pay tribute and 15100. souldiers Horsemen 454528. Footmen 7459057. The totall summe 7923785. A briefe relation of a voyage of The Delight a ship of Bristoll one of the consorts of M. Iohn Chidley esquire and M. Paul Wheele made vnto the Straight of Magellan with diuers accidents that happened vnto the company during their 6. weekes abode there Begun in the yeere 1589. Written by W. Magoths THe fift of August 1589. the worshipfull M. Iohn Chidley of Chidley in the countie of Deuon esquire with M. Paul Wheele and Captaine Andrew Mericke set forth from Plimmouth with three tall ships and one called The wilde man of three hundred tunnes wherein went for General the aforesaid M. Iohn Chidley and Beniamin Wood as Master the other called The white Lion whereof M. Paul Wheele was captaine and Iohn Ellis Master of the burthen of 340. tunnes the third The delight of Bristol wherein went M. Andrew Merick as Captaine and Robert Burnet Master with two pinnesses of 14. or 15. tunnes a piece The Generall in his ship had 180. persons M. Paul Wheele had 140 in our owne ship we were 91. men and boyes Our voyage was intended by The Streight of Magellan for The South Sea and chiefly for the famous prouince of Arauco on the coast of Chili We kept company together to the yles of the Canaries and so forward to Cape Blanco standing neere the Northerly latitude of 20. degrees on the coast of Barbarie where some of our people went on shoare finding nothing to their content Within 12. dayes after our departure from this place The Delight wherein I William Magoths was lost the company of the other two great ships and the two small pinnesses Howbeit we constantly kept our course according to our directions along the coast of Brasil and by the Riuer of Plate without touching any where on land vntill we came to Port desire in the latitude of 48. degrees to the Southward of the Equinoctial Before we arriued at this place there died of our company by Gods visitation of sundry diseases 16. persons Wee stayed in this harborough 17. dayes to graue our ship refresh our wearied people hoping here to haue met with our consorts which fell out contrary to our expectations During our abode in this place we found two little springs of fresh water which were vpon the Northwesterly part of the land lighted vpon good store of seales both old and yong From hence we sailed toward the Streight of Magelan and entred the same about the first of Ianuary And comming to Penguin yland within the Streight we tooke and salted certaine hogsheads of Penguins which must be eaten with speed for wee found them to be of no long continuance we also furnished our selues with fresh water And here at the last sending off our boat to the yland for the rest of our prouision wee lost her and 15. men in her by force of foule weather but what became of them we could not tel Here also in this storme we lost two anckers From hence we passed farther into the Streight and by Porâ— famine we spake with a Spaniard who told vs that he had liued in those parts 6. yeeres and that he was one of the 400. men that were sent thither by the king of Spaine in the yere 1582. to fortifie and inhabit there to hinder the passage of all strangers that way into the South sea But that and the other Spanish colonie being both destroyed by famine he said he had liued in an house by himselfe a long time and relieued himselfe with his â—alâ— euer vntil our comming thither Here we made a boat of the bords of our chests which being finished wee sent 7. armed men in the same on land on the North shore being wafted on land by the Sauages with certaine white skinnes who as soone as they came on shore were presently killed by an 100. of the wilde people in the sight of 2. of our men which rowed them on shoare which two onely escaped backe againe to vs with the boaâ— After this traiterous slaughter of our men we fell backe againe with our ship to the Northeastward of Port famine to a certaine road where we refreshed our selues with muskles and tooke in water wood At this time wee tooke in the Spaniard aforesaid and so sailed forward againe into the Streight Wee passed 7. or 8. times 10. leagues Westward beyond Cape Froward being still encountered with mightie Northwest winds These winds and the current were so vehement against vs that they forced vs backe asmuch in two houres as we were getting vp in 8. houres Thus after wee had spent 6. weekes in the Streight striuing against the furie of the elements and hauing at sundry times partly by casualtie and partly by sicknes lost 38. of our bestmen and 3. anckers and nowe hauing but one ancker left vs and small store of victuals and which was not the least mischiefe diuers of our company raising dangerous mutinies we consulted though some what with the latest for the safegard of our liues to returne while there was some small hope remayning and so set saile out of The Streight homeward about the 14. of Februarie 1590. We returned backe againe by The riuer of Plate and sailing neere the cost of Brasill we met with a Portugal ship of 80. tunnes which rode at an ancker vpon the coast who as soone as she descried vs to chase her incontinently weyed ran her selfe on ground betwene the yland of S. Sebastian and the maine land But we for want of a good boat and by reason of the foule weather were neither able to bord her nor to goe on shore Thence in extreme misery we shaped our course for the yles of Cape Verde and so passing to the yles of The Açores the Canaries being something out of our course the first land that wee mette withall in our Narrow sea was The yle of Alderney And hauing now but sixe men of all our company left aliue the Master and his two mates and chiefe Mariners being dead wee ran in with Monuille de Hage eight miles to the West of Cherbourg in Normandie Where the next day after our comming to an ancker hauing but one in all left being the last of August 1590. by the foule weather that rose the ancker came home and our ship draue on the rocks And the Normaâ—s which were commanded by the gouernour of Cherbourg who came downe to vs that night to haue layd out another ancker