which they propounded unto themselves in this their new abode so to do nor did the condition of those times permit it And they were so fenced from the Arm sof Enemies as then both by the natural condition of their situation as also by the salt waters as they needed not to arm themselves for their own defence Therefore their Citizens being by long custom inured to these thoughts they had no thought of taking up Arms though the City were already much increased both in Forces and Authority unless when they were provoked and more to keep themselves from being injured by others or to assist their Friends and Confederates then out of ambition of Rule and of enlarging their bounds And he who shall consider what their greatest and and most difficult enterprises were in those first times will see they aimed all at this end The Venetians fought first with the French and afterwards against the Huns in defence of their Country and of their Liberties and long after with the Genoeses enforced thereunto by necessity and provoked by many grievous injuries For this very valiant and generous Nation would not rest quiet out of an emulation of glory in Sea-affairs wherein though they were oftentimes worsted by the Venetians yet they still found occasion of new Contests The Commonwealth of Venice hath oft-times taken up Arms likewise in times neerer this our Age with greater preparation for War and with more courage to defend their State in Terta firmâ— which they had already gotten with much ado and whereof they were justly possessed insomuch as they have sometimes valianâ—ly repulsed the fury of most powerful Leagues of Princes who were resolved upon their ruine But it becomes not the moâ—th of a Venetian to say how oft they have taken up Arms in defence of their Friends and Confederates lest he may seem to upbraid others with the services his Countrymen have done them But divers People and Cities assisted and preserved by their Forces do witness this And to speak only of things of more recent memory how great a desire hath this Commonwealth shewn to the common good and to this purpose how careful hath she been of the liberty and glory of Italy in sustaining long and heavy War to preserve the noble Neapolitan Territories in the Italian Princes and the like of Milan But he who will look further back and see what they have done will find that the Venetians have undertaken and finished famous enterprises out of zeal to Religion as they did in the Wars of the Holy Land against the Saracens and divers other times against other Princes to preserve and increase the glory of the holy Church and the Papal dignity which amongst many other actions is cleerly and nobly witnessed by the famous Naval victory won from the Emperor Frederick Barbâ—rossa for the which Venice doth at this day enjoy many great priviledges in witness of her great worth and singular merit But it is needless now to particularize in those things whereof all Histories are full It will suffice to touch upon some things whereby it may be conceived what the first beginnings of the City were and what were the intentions and end of her Citizens Romes ends were far different from these who from her very beginning aimed only at Empire and greatness being built by Romalus a fierce and ambitious man who not content to have recovered his Kingdom to his Grandfather Numiter and opened the way to the Lordship of Alba longa resolved by the assistance of a great many young men who followed him to purchase a better fortune and condition for himself and to build a new City which must have a warlike institution to keep the minds of those stirring youth busied in military exercises and to defend himself from his neighbors who finding that the new City aimed at greater designs thought to keep is low Romulus might with reason promise himself to purchase more Dominion and to enlarge his Confines for he built his City in a Country which was possest by many people who were weak and at odds within themselves so as he needed not fear any potent Prince who might oppose his designs or suppress his Forces before they were somewhat better established This was the first foundation of Romes greatness for the City beginning soon to habituate herself to military discipline and to turn her thoughts upon War and aggrandising her State she grew so confirm'd therein with time and with continual military orders as the Militia and all things thereunto tending did continually flourâ— sh in her For those that came after following as it falls out for the most part the example of their Predecessors her Citizens were always desirous of warlike glory and of Empire proving to be like Romulus and those other valiant men from whom they had their beginning and increase Thus they always made one War beget another not being able to endure the suspected power of their Neighbors nor yet the injuries done unto them by their Friends and Confederates under which two pretences they made first many notable acquisitions in Italy and afterwards passing over the Sea in Africa in Spain and in many other Provinces But to pass on now to another Consideration let us affirm that the situation is of great moment for the Rule and Dominion which one City is to have over another as that which affords security for self defence and opportunity to subjugate others this helps likewise to make a City plentiful and wealthy without which States are hardly acquired For where there is scarcity of livelihood povertie is more to be fought withall then Enemies and want of wealth renders a City alwaies weak and easie to be wasted and opprest Hence it was that Sparta though she had excellent Laws and Institutions yet whilst she observed them she could not much inlarge her Dominions for by them the City was bound for what concerned both the private and publick condition to be kept poor and far from any commerce with others and in our time the Cantons of the Switzers though they be a very valiant Generation yet being poor and seated amongst Mountains and for the most part in barren places their Soldiers being fighting under the pay of other Princes they have not been able to do any thing for themselves or to make any acquisitions but have onely preserved their Liberties If we shall then consider the situation of Venice we shall certainly find it very opportune for most things and miraculously well for some things For if we have respect to safety what City can be compared to this which without any Bulwarks of Walls or Garrisons of Soldiers defended by her natural scituation is of her self safe from all injuries and inexpugnable So as she is the onely example after so many Ages of being untoucht by the Barbarians violence If we respect abundance of plenty and wealth the accommodation that the Sea affords her and the so many Rivers which disgorge themselves either into
Commonwealth of Venice hath gotten an excellent Government but was not at first governed by those Laws which she now is But diversity of Occasions have opened the way to the wisdom of many of her Citizens who adding new Orders to the old have brought her to such a height of perfection Which might the easilier be done because that City was free-born and was from the very beginning ordered according to the true Civil end to wit to Peace and Concord and to the Union of her Citizens But on the contrary other modern Republicks the Cities wherein such Governments were formed having been formerly long accustomed to obey Emperors since they got their Liberty by many Accidents they knew not as not being well acquainted therewith how to use it by reason of the Citizens various dispositions of mind So as wheeling often about with an uncertain Form of Government they in process of time return'd under the command of one These Considerations being applied to the City of Rome will prove that the prudence of her Citizens though they were very wise and valiant men was not sufficient to reduce her to a perfect Form of Commonwealth but they might have amended many great disorders in her which did much shorten her life For he who will consider the conditions of the people of Rome will find them to be such as no Form of Government could better agree with them then a Popular State for they were all warlike men bred up even from the very first foundation of the City in the exercise of Arms. And though a Commonwealth may be formed amongst these which may have a certain similitude to an Aristocratical State when the Citizens being governed by certain Laws partake every man more or less of that Government according to their worth For Military discipline hath a certain species of Vertue though it be none of those that do immediately serve to purchase the ultimate end of a City yet this Government is very seldom met with and though it want the true and proper Form is commonly called by the usual name of a Commonwealth So as though at first the City of Rome leaned much thereunto in a short time the People had a great share therein who not knowing how to moderate themselves made it grow licentious But he who will look back even to her first beginning will find that the Peoples authority did thereby ever increase together with the City For the Peoples power and liberty was great not only after the driving out of the Tarquins but even when it was commanded by Kings that City seeming even from that time to be naturally more disposed to the Form of a Commonwealth then of a Kingdom For after the death of Romulus the People being powerful as having the weapons in their hand and as being the first Founders of that City usurped the authority of choosing Kings who on the contrary side that they might the better confirm themselves in their new Kingdom endeavoured to accommodate themselves to the nature of the People and to purchase their love by granting them many considerable things So as even under the Kingly government it had the power of Appeals as appeared in Horatius his case who being condemned by the Magistrates for his Sisters death appealed to the People and was by them freed In favor of them likewise the City was divided into Centuries with a certain Order of a very small Tax according to which the Degrees of the Militia and the Authority of the Publick Courts things which did all of them appertain to a Popular State were to be distributed To boot with these Laws the great number of Citizens which did even then arise to One hundred and thirty thousand made the Peoples party very powerful as also their having been so ready and so successful in engaging themselves in so many enterprises for the Commonwealth without receiving any pay for their pains But the Nobility was a long time very weak and in but little esteem For the first Founders of the City being Shepherds and all of the same condition there was no distinction of degree amongst them save what was soon after brought in 〈◊〉 Romulus who choosing the Senate out of all that former number that they might be assistant to the King in providing for things requisite for the State by this order he divided some of the worthiest of the People in this new City from the rest who gave the rise to the Roman Nobility But even this Order was very weak for it was at first instituted by Romulus but of a small number of men and though others were afterwards added thereunto yet till such time as the City got her liberty 〈◊〉 never exceeded the number of Two hundred Senators nay even these were much lessened by the cruelty of Tarquinius Superbus and their Authority narrowly bounded by the Counterpoise of Regal power So as when the City put herself into Liberty there were not Noblemen enough to form a State of Optimati in this case did Publius Valerius find the City of Rome after the driving out of the Tarquins when he through Brutus his death remaâ—ning sole Consul was to constitute Laws and new mould the Commonwealth Wherefore desirous to introduce a State differing from the former under the name of Liberty it behoved him not to lessen but to encrease the Authority of the People For else they would not have indured it and by fiding with the Tarquins they might easily have confounded that Government and reduced the City again under the power of Kings For which reason also Brutus though he was first created Consul not willing to lose the favor and assistance of the people without which he thought the new Orders of the City could not be well established perswaded his Colleague Tarquinius Collatinus that to give satisfaction to the People to whom the name of Tarquin was become odious and suspitious to lay down his Consulship By these Reasons it appears that Valerius was compelled to ordain many things in favour of the People as were the Appeals from the Consuls The order that upon pain of death no man should enter into any place of Magistracy without the Peoples approbation the petty punishment appointed for them who should not obey the Consuls commands which was no more but to pay five Oxen and two Sheep Moreover he eased the poor of many grievances and made many other very Popular Laws whence he purchased the name of Publicola But which 't is understood that in ordering of the Commonwealth respect was to be had in many things to necessity and to the condition of those times yet if we shall consider other Accidents we shall find them much contrary to such a necessity for the new Legislator was not Prince as was Licurgus but possest a place of Magistracy for a short time the Authority whereof was hardly yet well known and not much valued So as he could not use force to withdraw the people from a Popular
State as it would have been needful finding the People so disposed as hath been said Therefore the City being after a while to be reformed again the Magistracy of Ten was chosen with greater Authority then was that of the Consuls which took away all Appeals to the end that being more feared and reverenced by all it might without any respect constitute new Laws with great firmness And if Appius his ambition had not ruined the business that Commonwealth might perhaps have been reduced to some better condition but yet not to any very perfect one it being too hard a thing to order Cities well which are already much augmented just as we see it falls out in every particular man who in his tender years may be easily made to undertake any manner of life but when by practise he is settled in as it were a certain proper nature of his own he cannot easily be altered from it And if there have been any one who hath been able to order a City already well grown yet we shall find that that City was not so great nor potent as was the City of Rome at this time of the new Reformation and therefore the difficulties were much less it being a very hard thing and which as saith the Philosopher 〈◊〉 almost exceed humane power to dispose of a great multitude in an excellent 〈◊〉 of Government Then as these things were the reason why this Common-wealth was not well ordered at first so did they in time bring her to great disorders and seditions and finally to her destruction For it is usual that the further he advanceth that is once out of the way so much doth he return backwards is so much the more pusled and the further from the place he intended to go to So the Authority of the people being by these new Institutions alwaies to increase together with the greatness of the City she swarved the further from the end true Liberty to which she seemed to address her self And because this Common-wealth was born with this infirmity the worth of none of her Citizens though it were never so great was sufficient to cure her thereof or to prolong her life As it happens in our humane bodies which contracting some ill disposition of humours at their first entring into the World are soon thereby opprest and brought to death no natural vertue though of force for other things being able to afford any cure 'T is notwithstanding very true that though such like accidents rendred the City uncapable of any excellent Government by inclining her to a Popular State yet had they not so determinately disposed of her but that she might have freed her self of many of her bad qualities had not the ambition of her Citizens by increasing these her natural imperfections made her fall into greater disorders Let us begin to consider what Publicola's actions were from the very beginning of the Commonwealth and we shall easily discover his ambitious thoughts by which he was moved to study so over-much how to please the peoples appetite in every thing These his intentions were apparently seen by taking his being refused in the Election of the Consuls so heinously as that he kept a good while from the Republick as if he had put his hand to the Government for his own Greatness not for the common Good But much more for that having compast that Degree and finding the People jealous of him for having built his house in a high and strong scituation fearing lest together with the Peoples Love he might loose his own Authority and Power he chose so to humble himself as forgetting the dignity which belonged to the Supreme Magistrate of so great a City he made the Fasces the ensigns of Consulship be held in a posture of Homage whilst he made his Oration to shew as he himself said That the Authority of the Consuls was subject to the Authority and Dignity of the People This his desire of being esteemed Popular was the reason why in this new Reformation he went not about to what was very necessary to amend in part those defects which could not totally be taken away to wit to give a just counterpoise to the Authority of the people tempering it with that of the Senate by very much increasing the number of the Senators and by apropriating the weightiest affairs of State to that Order which how necessary it was was afterwards seen but too late put in execution to wit in Sylla's time by whom the first number of Senators was doubled yet but to little purpose the Peoples Authority being already too mightily increased and many seeds of corruption being by this means sown abroad in the minds of the people But Valerius added but one hundred to the uumbea of the Senate neither did make any Law in savour of them both of which he might at that time easily have done For being at the time of the new Reformation to chuse new Senators of the Equestral Order or of some other of the people he would not onely have been content but would have wone much honour by exalting many of his Friends to that Dignity as it was seen he did by those few that were chosen And the People would have had sufficient power in the Commonwealth if without communicating the weightiest Affairs of the Kingdom unto them the indemptnity of chusing and of correcting Magistrates had been reserved to them And then that Appeals might have been granted them by which means they would not onely have had a hand in the City Affairs but likewise they might have secured themselves from being injured by the Nobility a thing much desired by the People and from danger of loosing their Liberties And the Authority and Reputation of the Senate being by this means augmented the Peoples Insolency might the more easily have been moderated in those accidents which afterward happened Which though it seemed as hath been said more harder to have been done in that City for another respect yet the revolutions of Government in the first birth of this Republick did a little lessen ordinary Difficulties For passing from Monarchy which in the Tarquins time was almost become Tyranny to a new condition the Lâ—gislator might have made it an Aristocracie it being as it were natural in the change of States that the Government which had wont to be in the power of a Tyrant passes into the hands of the Nobility who are usually the first who lay hold in pulling down Tyranny as in Rome where Tarquin and Brutus were the first Founders of Liberty Therefore if the People deserved to be made partaker in the new Government for having assisted herein much more ought the Nobility to have their dignities and priviledges increased this common benefit of the City having had its chief rise from them nor would the People have had any reason to complain thereof But Publicola in stead of increasing the honor of the Senate introduced by a very pernicious example small respect to
underneath the City Gates Nor did these as Consuls or Dictators lead Armies to fight against any save the Aequi Sanniti Toscani and other neighbouring Nations which were but weak Commonalties whose Dominions extended no further then their own Cities and the Territories thereof None of all those Countries being as then reduced under the power of any one Lord. Yet Livies words and the deed it self of having had recourse so often to the Dictator and having had War so many years with the same Nations shews how much so weak Potentates were feared by the Romans who cannot notwithstanding be said to have been much superior to them either for strength and worth of their Militia since it behoved to fight so often with them and hardly could they after so many dangers and a long course of time extinguish them or rather make them their Companions and Friends Who can then justly compare these things to Alexanders great atchievements to his so many Victories won over the greatest and most potent Kings of Asia What though Darius his men may be said to have been rude and base it cannot be denied but that they were Three hundred thousand armed men and of that Nation wherein the Monarchy had long been And Alexanders victorious Forces overran more Countries in little more then ten years then did the Romans in a much longer time when they were at their greatest The before-named Roman Commanders are deservedly praised for divers vertues But what could there be desired more in Alexander to make him be an excellent Commander Who had his share in more Battels then he Who shewed more boldness in undertaking enterprises greater constancie in prosecuting them more hopes in effecting them What other Commander was ever more highly esteemed and dearly beloved by his Soldiers Those vertues which divided amongst many men have made many Captains worthy to be praised met all of them abundantly in him Would Alexander peradventure have been afraid to pass into Italy who shewed his undauntedness in entring into the Desarts of Arabia without any other hope of bringing himself and his Army safe back save what his courage and his happy Genius promis'd him But how easily might he have passed into Italy Greece which was formerly conquered by his Father King Philip being at his devotion and to boot with the abounding commodities which that Country and his own Forces might have afforded him might not he have hoped to be received and assisted by so many people who were express enemies to the Roman Commonwealth who would not have refused to have obeyed so great a Prince as was Alexander so to avoid submitting themselves to the Dominion of a City like to one of theirs and with which they had long and grievous contestations Nay the hatred and envy which they bore to the Romans greatness would have made them all have sided with Alexander against them Was not Pyrrhus invited into Italy for this purpose by the Sâ—mniti and Tarentini and did not many of the Cities which were under the Romans obedience put themselves for the same reason under the power of Hannibal being thereunto moved rather out of their hatred to be commanded by the Romans then their fear of being supprest by the Carthaginian Forces It now remains that we consider some things of Alexanders Militia and of that of the Romans By which it will not be hard for him who will not willingly be deceived to know on which side the advantage and the disadvantage might have been Since if the numher of Combatants be to be valued who can doubt but that the Armies of which he was Lord who was Lord of so many Provinces as was Alexander were much to exceed those which one only City though very populous and very watlike as was that of Rome could put together And if Alexander would do most of his famous Actions with his Macedonians only it was out of his choice and judgment not out of any weakness for he thought an Army of a few valiant and expert Soldiers fitter to undertake a great enterprise then a great multâ—tude which oftentimes bring more confusion then aid So as having when he had overcome Darius made that so memorable Order of his Soldiers of Thirty thousand young men chosen out of the Flower of many subjugated Provinces and made them be instructed in the Macedonian Militia he little regarded his own Macedonians whom as it is written he permitted out of favor and in reward of their former service and at their own requests to follow his Ensigns and to pass with him into India to new undertakings But the so many Battels which he so successfully made may sufficiently witness the excellencie of his Discipline in the Militia as also his taking of so many Cities his long Voyages the perpetual exercise in military works By which things it may be conceived that no more Veteran Army could be found in those times which was more expert in all that belonged to the Militia more obedient to their Captains and more observant of all Military order then then was that of Alexanders The ordering of Soldiers used by Alexander which was called Phalanx is at this day celebrated in which the Ranks of Soldiers standing close being as it were woven together and covered over with great shields they made a solid and safe body of an Army able to sustain whatsoever charge of the Enemy Livy does afterwards consider that the Counsel of a wise Senate as was that of Rome would have prevailed over any one mans Resolves such as was Alexander but he considers not on the contrary side how that in affairs of importancie and chiefly in matters of War the supreme authority and command of one alone is requisite The Romans themselves were of this opinion who in cases of great difficulty had recourse to a Dictator whose Commissions were not limited but he was only charged to take such care as that the Commonwealth might undergo no loss nor prejudice Nor for all this is the authority or reverence due to a Dictator who is Magistrate but for a short time and subject to give an account for what he does in this to be compared with the majesty of a Kings command and of so great and so esteemed a King as was Alexander How often fell it out in Rome that when supplies were to be sent to an Army discords were importunately sollicited by the Tribunes and the Army hindered from being listed Was there any such thing in Alexander in whom supreme Authority and Empire did consist Nor did he yet want some more confiding Friends whose counsels he was accustomed to make use of and those but a few wise and wholly intent upon the good of that Prince upon whom all their greatness did depend as Counsels ought to be in business of great weight to the end that they may be maturely resolved upon and readily executed Which happens not where any command with equal authority and oft-times with much differing thoughts and ends
advice was followed by the Venetians when they had their Enemies at their own own homes and were in the same danger and disorder by reasou of the rout given them by the Genuses as the City of Rome was in after the defeat at Cannae For they joyned in confederacy with Barnaby Vis Coute Duke of Millan and making a great Effort sent many Soldiers against the City of Genua and did so molest their affairs by Land as they kept off those succours which otherwise would have been sent to their men who had taken the City of Chioggia who missing of supplies and being fought withal and besieged by the Venetian Forces of Conquerors became conquered and fell into the hands of the Venetians Moreover the Romans considered that in the Wars which they made in Sicily and in Spain they had this great advantage that they fought not with Honnibal a Captain of singular and unparalleld valor It was likewise held that the Roman Commanders and Armies might more securely make trial of their worth and fortune in Wars made out of Italy as they had oftentimes done for when they had any loss abroad they lost nothing but those men which the fortune of War bereft them of but if they should overcome they got the Enemies Country just as it befel them in Spain Wherefore it being disadvantagious for them to fight in Italy it proved the better advice to temporize with Hannibal in Italy and at the same time to fight with Mago Asdrubal and other Carthaginian Commanders in Sicily and in Spain So as the losses in Italy were recompeased by acqusitions made in Spain the which of all other Countries was the first that was reduced into a Province and did much inlarge the Confines of the Roman Empire But if the Sea had been open for the Carthaginians as it would have been if the Romans neglecting their Fleet had not provided for the affairs of Sicily Hannibal might easily have been furnished with things necessary from the Carthaginians wherewith to reinforce his Army So as no part of Italy should have been free from his forces who unassisted or succored could notwithstanding keep his Army so long together and attempt so many enterprises they therefore thought they had done enough in entertaining Asdrubal a Captain of great authority and valor so as he could not as they knew his design was pass with a new Army into Italy to joyn with Hannibal as he did after the Scipio's death and after the rebellion of many of the Spanish Cities the Carthaginians being moved to do their utmost since they had lost Syracusa and Capâ—a which were both of them faln into the Romans power So as no assistance being given unto Hannibal all the labor was lost which he had so many years undergone in Italy On the contrary the Romans persevering in their first opinion when the two Scipio's were dead sent Pâ—blius Scipio into Spain to keep Asdrubal from making his passage diverting the Forces which were to pass over with him into Italy by keeping the Carthaginians molested at home It follows not therefore by a general rule that what was good for one of the enemies must be hurtful for the other so as it were good for the Carthaginians to wage War in Italy far from their own homes this very same thing must be harmful for the Romans But since they could not be the first Assailant Hannibal having faln upon them with such violence it was reason that the Romans taking the same course should assault the Carthaginians Territories We read also that the same Hannibal being still of the same opinion which once he was being with Autiochus in the time of his Exile whilst he was treating of making War against the Romans he perswaded him to pass over as soon as he could and with as great a strength as he could put together into Italy affirming that all other enterprises would be to no purpose whilst Italy was at peace and quiet and that the Romans had means to maintain War abroad This very same thing for the same respects diversly considered ought to have instructed the Roman Commanders and Senators in the Carthaginian war to wit that they were not to suffer their Enemies to rest quiet at home so as â—ree from all thoughts of defending themselves they might the better turn all their Forces upon Italy and the very City of Rome And if they had taken that resolution at first which they did afterwards by the advice of Publius Scipio who from the conquering of Africa took the name of African to wage War with the Carthaginians neerer their own home they might peradventure have freed Italy sooner from the so many troubles and dangers which she underwent by Hannibals long abode But it may be moreover said that many other things did force or at least perswade the Romans to undertake these Wars Sardinia was first assaulted by the Carthaginians with those very Forces which were destined for Italy to relieve Hannibal so as it behoved the Romans to march with their Armies thither not only to maintain and defend that Island which was of such importance to the Commonwealth but for that they therein defended the welfare of Italy by keeping so many Warriers afar off who if they were free were ready to assault her And this advice proved very fortunate for Quintus Fabius gave so notable a Rout to the Carthaginians in Sardinia as they lost about Forty thousand of their Soldiers The death of Hiere the Tyrant of Siracusa occasioned the War made in Sicily and the great commotions of that Island by which it was comprehended that if these their designs had not been hindred by the Romans that great and famous City would have faln into the power of the Carthaginians to the great prejudice of the Romans who for the same reason being assisted by the Mamertines undertook the first Carthaginian War judging that if the Carthaginians should be absolute Masters of Sicily it would be a step to pass into Italy But this would have been the more incommodious at this time for that by reason of the so many places which Hannibal had taken in Italy they might have had a more easie and secure receptacle there Moreover the Romans were invited to make War with the Carthaginians in Spain and to divert their Forces by reason that they understood how that Province was but ill satisfied with the Carthaginian government and that it was well inclined to the Romans which did much facilitate those enterprises which were boldly undertaken and fortunately atchieved The City of Saguntum was also the first rise of these Wars in Spain which they thought it did not become the generosity of Rome to leave in the power of the Carthaginians so as upon any other good success they might seem to have lost the chief cause in this contest Neither did they notwithstanding take Saguntum till after eight years War in Spain when the other affairs of Rome began to prosper very much as
Tyranny could put her self into a free condition why I say she could not do the like when Brutus and Cassius had slain Iulius Casar when it appears they ought rather to have done so now the people being more numerous and powerful and the City in such greatness as the liberty nay rather power which the people had in ordering that Commonwealth ought to have been more esteemed and held dear To this may be added that in the time of Kings the very name of Liberty was not well known much less was the good thereof injoyed Wherefore a good which they had not known ought to have been of less power with them And in the Government of Kings the City had been so successful as it seemed she might run a hazard by chusing a new form of Government which she had not formerly experienced And in the time of the Decemviri the affairs of Rome were also in a very weak condition nor ought the Liberty or command of that City be reputed a thing of such moment as it became afterwards by the wonderful felicity by which she marched to the height of all Glory and Greatness Besides the Government of Ten retained a certain shew of a Commonwealth and many being therein interessed she seemed to have thereby also a better ground for her subsistance Whereas in Caesars time he having reduced the main of all affairs into himself and begun to accept of the Title and Honors of a King all Form of a Commonwealth and of Liberty was lost and he having maintained himself in that degree onely by his own Greatness and in a City so full of Nobility at that time and of so many generously minded men his Principality must of necessity be the weaker and easilier to be eradicated which when it should fall it seemed that the former Government of Common-wealth must of it self rise up again These and other such like reasons afford occasion of seeking into the cause why contrary effects were seen to ensue We will herein consider first what the customs of the City of Rome were in each of these times and what effects were prevalent in the peoples minds men not being accustomed to imbrace such things as are truly useful but often such as by the predominate affection are held to be so Whilst the City was in an humble condition and that her Citizens were not begun to be corrupted by an immoderate ambition of Governing there was no siding nor partaking studied amongst them which crept on by little and little and did so contaminate all orders as it reduced the Commonwealth to such weakness as wanting strength to rule her self she must fall and being once down could not rise up again This corruption began amongst the Soldiers in whom the Commanders did permit such unbridled licentiousness to the end that they might dispose of them as they listed to oppres their particular enemies and sometimes against the very Commonwealth As Sylla did to lessen Marius his power and Marins no less to counterprize Sylla by the same means things growing into such disorder as he made the servants of the Commonwealth to take up arms against his enemies the Syllaniaâ—s and this authority did so continue in great Citizens and in the Commanders of Armies as it seemed a wonder that Pompey the Great who had exceeded all others in Glory and Power after his return into Italy having prosperously ended his enterprise against Mithridates should be content to quit the Army when every one feared that he would enter Rome therewithal and do even then with Rome as Caesar did not long after assume unto himself the chief Government of all publick affairs So great was the disorder and so little was the Authority either of Laws or Senate esteemed But his Design who plotted tyranny in the succeeding time prospered the better for that this corruption which was first entred into the Soldiers was past into the Nobility and spread every day abroad amongst the people For those who had been Generals of the great Enterprises of War being grown exceeding rich did several waies purchase the popular votes turning and winding them as they liked best to the end that the places of Magistracy might be conferred on them or upon their Friends and Adherents Neither was the very Senate free from this contagion but being long before accustomed not to be at their own command but to depend upon the power of those who were of supreme Authority in the Armies they fell headlong into the same errors into which the people were faln manifestly adhering by way of Faction not by any civil favor to particular Citizens who headed parties and the authors of novelties which was at first done with some appearance of honesty to maintain the Commonwealth and to defend Liberty against those who had been too immoderately exalted by the peoples favour to the injury of other more deserving Citizens and to the prejudice of Liberty But in the process of time and affairs those who had taken up Arms in behalf of the Commonwealth proved no less burthensom much power thereby encreasing in one particular person then those themselves against whom Arms were taken up For an immoderate desire of encreasing in power and wealth began to possess the souls of many who were already accustomed to rule longer and with greater authority then was sitting to be done in a Civil Government So as all things were put into great confusion and now not those who were worthy and valiant but those who were most bold insolent found places of greatest honor in the Commonwealth Hence it was that it being observed that those who had adhered to Sylla's party when his Adversary being overcome he was become almost the sole Arbitrator of all things had often gotten great riches and preferments in reward of their wicked actions the wealth of those who were proscribed by Sylla being given to these and such being easily proscribed at his Favorites pleasure whom they would rob of their Palaces or of what they valued most Many allured by hope of getting better things and more easily then they could have done in a well-governed Commonwealth loved confusion and favoured the Government of one alone thinking that they might obtain Honors and many other favors which are usually bestowed freely upon such as are partial to them by those who will preserve themselves in height of Power Hence then it arose that Brutus and Cassiâ—s the murderers of Caesar were not so backed nor met not with that general approbation from the City to uphold their fact and the common Liberty as Iunius Brutus and Virginius did when they raised the people to free themselves from the Tyranny of the Tarquiâ—s and of the Decemviri The latter had recourse unto the Camp and kindled a servent desire in the Soldiers to vindicate the injuries and msolencies used by the Tarquiâ—s and by Appiâ—s But what favour could Bruâ—â—i and Cassius expect from the Soldiers themselves being contaminated and more desirous
So that Cato siding with the Senate to the very last and being according to his wont and worth unwilling to be exposed to the licentious will and pleasure of the Conquerors he was born down together with the Senate and reduced to the necessity of making himself away And Caesar being by the Soldiers suffrages and by force confirmed and setled in Power and Authority which were already too immoderately granted him in the Commonwealth by the peoples favor he possest himself of the common publick Liberty and destroyed all Form of Civil Government The Tenth DISCOURSE To what Age of the City of Rome the greatest praise and merit is to be given for the prosperity and greatness whereto she arrived SUch and so many are the Grandeurs and prosperities of the City of Rome as the consideration thereof affords always new matter of discovering divers mysteries therein very well worthy to be examined and observed but if we shall consider amongst many other things how her prosperity did still from time to time increase both in state and reputation a particular desire will arise in us of knowing to what Age the chief praâ—se and merit of that Cities arrival at such a height of Greatness and Glory is to be attributed Three Ages may chiefly be numbred wherein that great City did still more and more increase and grow greater in Reputation To wit the first which may be termed her Infancy from the foundation of the City till the driving out of the Tarquins and to the first Consulship of Iunius Brutus and of Tarquinius Collatinus which was the space of Two hundred twenty four years The second which shall be her Adolesence from that time till the beginning of the second Carthaginian War betwixt two which times there passed the space of Two hundred forty six years The third her Youth which was the flowre of her years and of her greatest prosperity may be termed the rest of that time which past from the beginning of the said War which was in the Consulship of Appius Claudius sirnamed the Bold till Caesars Dictatorship the space of Two hundred and twenty years which makes up the full number of Seven hundred and ten years which the Common-wealth of Rome lasted which might be so termed for the temperate Government of the first Kings and for the authority which the Senate held therein also as long as their Dominion lasted For what concerns the times of Emperors no mention needs to be made thereof for what concerns our purpose For to boot with the corruption which insued of the first â—orm of Civil Government they enjoyed and for the most part but unworthily the labors of other men and though the City maintained herself in great height for the space of four hundred years nay though many gallant and magnifick things were by the Majesty of the Empire and by the Emperors power yet these did not concur to the first foundation of the Empire which is that which is now particularly enquired into but the Empâ—re did for the most part decline in divers parts and in sundry times till at last it began to hasten more headlong to ruine The chief and greatest praise then of this most noble and most artificial Fabrick may be attributed to the first that laid the first foundation For those that succeeded them finding that they might thereupon safely erect the great structure of the Roman Empire their Counsels were excited and their work chiefly helped by those who did first think thereupon and did so work as the City being well ordered and disposed of with good principles might rise to a greater degree of dignity and Empire But those of the third Age having noble examples of worth before them and seeing so good and gallant a work already so prosperously increased and raised up went more couragiously on to greater and more noble works having framed a conceit unto themselves out of the former prosperous successes that they might be able to make as they did their City the Mistress and Monarch of all Nations The first Age was governed by seven Kings of differing natures and customs for the most part but well fitted to what concerned the service of the new City and Romes rising greatness For Romulus the Father and Founder thereof was excellent at Arms so as accompanied by other military men he began the first habitation and did so order things as the new City might subsist of herself without putting herself under the protection of any neighboring people But Numa who succeeded him that he might give the form of a true City to the new Inhabitants ordering them by certain Laws and chiefly by Religious worship did so behave himself as in all succeeding times that City was always much given to Religious affairs which though they were false of themselves yet did he thereout draw good advantage concerning Civil affairs The third King Tullus Hostilius reassuming Arms bridled the boldness of the neighboring people who conspired the ruine of the City and getting many victories over them began not only to think of such things as concerned the safety of the City but to enlarge her Confines by way of Arms in her neighbors Territories Anus Martius did study Civil affairs more and minded the multiplying of people in the City and the making of divers Orders which might reduce it to the form of a great and well-governed City Tarquinius Priscus accustomed the People to know the majesty and dignity of Empire by which reverence he to the great service of publick affairs increased obedience in those who both then and afterwards were to command in the City and in the Armies But Tarquinius Superbus the City being already got to her full growth procuring his own ruine by his rashness and unbridled licentiousness opened the way to the liberty of Rome and to her greater greatness By which things it may be conceived that the second Age found the City already well instituted in Arms and Religion much increased in People and Buildings accustomed to know the dignity and majesty of Empire she being esteemed and feared by the neighboring people an Enemy to Tyranny and finally fit to receive a good Form of Civil Government and able to govern herself by her own Orders and Forces So as those who followed in the ensuing Age finding the way chalk'd out unto them to lead the City on to a greater degree not only of safety but of glory they found less of difficulty in all their undertakings As it is usual in all things whereunto it is harder to give a beginning then to augment them Wherefore the praise is due to those first Romans which is given to the first Invertor of things of knowing how to put on generous thoughts and use good counsels when the City was so weak as she knew not how to nourish them nor had any example of her own men Therefore in the following Age the height of praise which was given to any one that had deserved well of
That whatsoever hath had a beginning must have an end will not satisfie our inquisitive understandings Empires as all other earthly things have their beginning increase perfection declination and last ruine and destruction all of them ordained and disposed of by certain causes And though they may be seen to vary according to the variety of Accidents that is not notwithstanding Chance which appears to us to be so when we cannot penetrate into the true causes of things In the beginning the Roman Empire was governed in the form of a Common-wealth her first Founders having begun to enlarge her Dominion amongst her neighboring people She continued in this her infancie as I may call it many years till the times of those famous Scipio's who brought Spain and Africa under her dominion But afterwards in the ensuing Age wherein Caesar Pompey and so many other famous Commanders did flourish she mounted to the height of her greatness and glory Neither did Augustus Caesar degenerate from the worth of them though the Form of Government was changed but he likewise did much increase the Empires Confines in the Eastern parts amongst the Indians and other exterior Nations and establish'd excellent Orders both Civil and Military in the Empire But this Monarchy may be said to staâ—d at a stay at this time being constituted in a Throne of Majesty reverenced and obeyed by all Nations and in this condition she preserved herself for well nigh three hundred years wherein though many and great Wars were made by the so many Emperors who governed in those days yet were they rather made for the preservation then for the enlarging of the Empires confines For there was not almost any of the barbarous and far distant Nations as well of the East as of the West which those Emperors were not forc'd to vanquish and overcome several times and reduce them to the obedience of the Empire from which they had rebelled And if any one did enlarge the Empire in furthest remote parts as did the Emperor Trajan in Armenia India and some others in other Regions and Provinces it was notwithstanding at the same time lessened in other parts by new Rebellions But in Galienus his time who was the thirty fourth Emperor the Empires supreme greatness began to decline For though she received her mortal wound afterwards in the time of Arcadius and Honorius which was above a hundred years after yet in this intervening time the Empire being in her decaying age grew weak yet sustein'd herself and like a Tree whose root hath been for a long time very deeply fix'd could not be easily eradicated so as though she were oftentimes shrewdly shaken by Armies of sundry Nations yet was she able to resume her strength and keep herself on foot Thus stood the Roman Empire then wherein many miraculous things offer themselves to our consideration and invite us to seek out the true occasion thereof For on one side it appears a strange thing that an Empire arrived at such a height of greatness when she once began to decline hasted so fast to her ruine there not being any other Potentate left in the World which was able to counterpoise her power yea which did not obey her as subjugated by her Armies having also so many Soldiers to defend her desirous for their own advantage to preserve the Empire But on the other side he who shall consider into the hands of how many base and wicked men this so great Empire fell he may very well wonder how so violent a thing could endure for so many Ages and how a Dominion governed by so many Tyrants could pass from hand to hand through the series of so many Emperors whereof there were above five hundred between Caesars time and that of Arcadius and Honorius in whose days the Roman Empire began visibly to fall by the taking of Rome by the ruine of Italy and of other Provinces belonging to the Empire And yet 't is known that the Persian Monarchy which was of so great esteem amongst the antient Kingdoms was quickly ruined by its falling into the hands of Princes given to idleness and pleasure and was by Alexander carried to another Nation whereof there are many examples seen almost in every Age. Let us then say that another violence helped very much to sustain this violence of such a force is the union of alike things Thus did the corrupt Customs of the People and Militia of Rome help to maintain the State and Power of these Tyrannous Princes For since People lived in Rome with much licentiousness and were enteâ—tained with many Pastimes and publick Shews made by the Emperors wherein those appeared to be most splendid who were most overgrown with vice as were Caligula and Nero who did not only make the wonted sports of Hunting and of Comedies be often represented with more then usual magnificence but introdâ—ced new Shews as Naval battels Chariots drawn by Camels and Elephants and permitted all licentiousness to the Soldiery no man desired to change condition and the Pretorian Soldiers enjoying all things of use and priviledg neer unto the City did not greatly care to be commanded by generous men And when such Princes grew tedious to them they put them to death proclaiming a new Emperor and receiving from the new Prince many gifts in reward of their wickedness And the disorder grew so great as sometimes the Empire of the World was by the Soldiers sold by Outcry to who would give most for it and at low rates as it fell out in the time of Didius-Iulianus Nor was the authority of the Senate able to correct this so great inconvenience as well for that being trodden under foot by force it was grown very weak as also for that the antient Roman generosity was wanting in them So as the Senate having resolved after the death of Caligula to free the City and Empire from the like Tyranny and to restore her to her liberty they could not be constant iu their resolution but being abased by fear submitted soon to the obedience of Claudius of Caesars linage and accepted of him for their Emperor as soon as he was cry'd up by the Pretorian Soldiers The like to which happened afterwards in many Emperors those being confirmed by the Senate which were chosen by the Army This licence was diversly used by the Soldiers themselves For the Pretorian Bands and that Army wherein the Emperor was at the time of his death pretended a particular priviledg in the choice of the new Emperor Yet Emperors were so often cry'd up by other Armies also which were in several Provinces of the Empire as all of them desirous in Galienus his time to usurp this authority there were thirty two who at one and the same time made use of the name and title of Roman Emperor So as it seems it may be truly said that the Roman Empire was preserved not in respect to unity or to the same form of Government but only in respect of
affairs when the Commonwealth was much increased The Roman Armies recâ—ived so notable defeats in the War which Pyrrhus made against them as the whole affairs of the Commonwealth seemed to be in no little danger having so potent and victorious an Enemy within their bosoms yet at last not being dismayed for any adverse fortune but treating freely with their Enemy rather as vanquishers then vanquished they reduced their affairs to such a condition as Pyrrhus thought it his best course to quit Italy and leave the Romans quiet It is herein to be considered that the Romans being so long accustomed to continual Wars with their neighbors the Italians and particularly with the Samnites a little before this time against whom the Romans marched with numerous Armies and had good success winning many famous victories insomuch as Val. Corvinus kill'd above thirty thousand Samnites in one day made much for their withstanding so great an Enemy as Pyrrhus and for their maintaining themselves against Forein Forces against the use of Elephants and other new ways of warfaring which Italy had not known before whence it was that the City of Rome did at this time abound in valiant men and who were expert in the Militia So as Cynneas who was sent by Pyrrhus to Rome told him that he had seen a City so very full of Inhabitants as he feared if his Highness should continue his war with the Romans he should go about to overcome an Hydra And Pyrrhus himself hath more then once admired the worth of the Roman Commanders Who doth not even with wonder consider how many Commanders and how many Armies the Commonwealth of Rome could set out in the War with the Carthaginians and especially in that with Hannibal which did more endanger the affairs of Rome then all the rest since it mainâ—ained War in so many several parts at one and the same time in Italy Spain Africa and Greece Which they were able to do by reason of the infinite number of men wherewith Italy was then inhabited who were all well disciplined by reason of their long exercise in War We read that when the Romans made War with Hannibal they had sometimes what of their own proper Soldiers and what of their Associates who did all neighbor neer upon them twenty three Legions which made about an hundred thousand Soldiers for defence of their Empire Moreover whilst the Common-wealth kept her Forces divided in several parts as she did with wonderful judgment in the Carthaginian war which was the sorest of all the rest though she tasted of adverse fortune sometimes in some parts yet were not all her Forces utterly destroyed for that part of their Forces which was yet safe and entire was able to make good the fortune of the whole Commonwealth Thus after those notable Routs which the Roman Armies had the one by the Tygurian Gauls when the Forces were commanded by Lucius Cassius the other by the Cymbrians when they were led on by Caius Servilius Cepio in which two Battels the Romans lost above Eighty thousand Soldiers they were able notwithstanding to recruit themselves and defend their affairs because they had another victorious Army at the same time commanded by Marius who had just at that time gloriously ended the War against Iugurth Thus when the Commonwealth of Rome seemed to be utterly ruined by reason of the two discomfitures given them the one at Thraâ—ymenes the other at Cannae she was restored again by her prosperoussuccess in War with Spain Thus when two of her Armies were worsted in Spain the Common-wealth was preserve in safety by fortunate success of their Wars in Sicily and in Italy When the Romans were in greater danger then ever there being at the same time two great Carthaginian Armies in Italy and two most valiant Generals Hannibal and Asdrubal yet would not the Romans keep all their Warriors in Italy but did at the same time maintain and reinforce their Armies in Sardiâ—ia Sicily France and Spain And though by reason of so many Wars which begot one another the Commonwealth must needs oftentimes run great hazards especially since she oft-times exposed her Armies to the doubtful event of Battel yet did they thereby receive this of good and safety that by reason of their continual exercise of Arms they were the more easily provided of valiant and experienced men and were the better able to govern themselves in adverse fortune The Carthaginians on the contrary not being able to make use of many good Commanders or Soldiers for they did not make use of their own peculiar Militia as did the Romans but did imploy some few of the chief of their City-Factions in commanding their Armies could not so easily recruit and reinforce their Armies when they were weakened by any adverse fortune nor had they whereout to pick better or more fortunate Commanders when any of theirs were faulty Insomuch as when the Carthaginians were overcome by Scipio in Africa they were forc'd to recal Hannibal from Italy suffering the Romans to take breath in those parts where they were most molested and Hannibal himself not having means to recruit his Army which he had brought with him from Africa and which was wasted and weakened by long march and adverse fortune was necessitated to give way to the valor and fortune of the Romans It made not a little likewise for the Government of the Roman Commonwealth and for the maintaining of her in her weak beginnings that the Militia was exercised for many years without any pay to the Soldiers So as whâ—lst their means was yet but small and yet they must still be in Arms by reason of their being still infested by many of the neighboring Nations the want of monies was no cause of not maintaining their Armies as it hath been the ruine of many Statâ—s but if they happened to receive a Rout the Army might be recruited by other chosen and commanded men But afterwards when the City was much better peopled and much stronger so as she was able to make greater undertakings the publick Exchequer was so enriched answerable to what became a well-ordered Government and which aspired to the heighth of Empire as she was not for this cause so incommodated as that she must yield under the weight of War nor yet for any her greatest mifortune Whereas in some other Commonwealths as in that of Sparta the poorness of the Exchequer introduced by Lycurgus his Laws hindred her from enlarging her Empire and when she aspired thereunto she was forc'd for want of things requisite to flie for help to the Kings of Persia so as in lieu of domineering over the rest of the Grecians she became a servant to Barbarians because she exceeded those Terms and Rules wherewith her Government was founded and established After these considerations some things may be added which proved likewise very advantagious for the securing of the Romans greatness As the continuation of the Militia out of a duty imposed upon every Citizen
and Forces on all sides The City of Rome stands on firm land or Terra firmâ— but so neer the Sea as she may reap the commodity thereof without being thereby endangered she is apt to breed up Armies and to nourish men in the exercise of the Militia not is she inconveniently seated for the transportation of her Forces by Sea into other far off Provinces This diversity of situation hath begot diversity of inclinations in the Inhabitants Thus doth Nature always adapt mens minds to those Arts which they are to exercise themselves in or else Custom doth inform the Habit and turns it into Nature For as the Romans following exercises conformable to the situation of their City were more inclined to Land-war and in Peace to husbandry So the Venetians invited to other things according to the diversity of place applied their studies otherwise to defend their Liberty and to increase their wealth using the Sea Militia for the one and Traffick and Merchandising for the other Which whosoever shall upbraid our Citizens withall seems not to know that without these a City could neither have long preserved it self nor increase in state and wealth as it hath done For not having any particular Territories whereout to extract their livelihood she would have been always poor and weak and wanting other imployments she would have been destroyed if not by forein Forces by her own Idleness as many other Cities have been the Citizens wanting wherein to imploy their thoughts and to exercise themselves in quiet times But if the Citizens of Rome were much commended for their husbandry insomuch as of this day many famous men of that Commonwealth are as much celebrated for having been good Husbandmen as good Commanders as were Curtius Dentâ—tus Quintius Cinciâ—â—tus Attalius Collatsinus Marcâ— Regulus Scipio Africâ—â—ons and others wherefore should the Venetians be upbraided with their Merchandising this being an exercise as fitting and requisite for the situation of Venice as was that of Tillage and Husbandry to the like of Rome If the care of cultivating the Earth did not abase the minds of those antient and reverend Romans who have left so evident examples of worth to all other Cities and Nations why should the industry of Merchandising redound to the opprobry of the Vâ—â—â—tians seeing to the contrary with how much glory and how much publick benefit they have for so long a feries of years govern'd the Commonwealth The studies and actions of the Romans and Venetians have then been different but notwithstanding alike in this that they aimed at the same end though they took several ways there unto to wit aâ— Glory at the Grandeur and Liberty of their Commonwealth Many famous examples of Fortitude of love to their Country and of all other sorts of worthiness have been seen in each of them so as in our men nothing was more to be desired unless 〈◊〉 and more frequent occasions wherein to have imployed themselves that the greatness of their actions might have corresponded to the magnnimity of this minds Yet do not we Venetians want 〈◊〉 of many 〈◊〉 who have been very famous for fortitude of mind and military worth and he who stall examine the life and actions of many Princes of the Commonwealth will find them to be such as deserve praise and celebration Such have Ordelâ—so Fallerâ— Viâ—â—l◠〈◊〉 Micâ—â—li and Hâ—â—â—rico Dandule 〈◊〉 bastione 〈…〉 Cantarem Pietre 〈◊〉 Andrea Gritâ—i Sebastiano Veniero and divers others been whose words might be 〈◊〉 to that of the Fabriâ—â—i Marcelli Fabii 〈◊〉 and others of their so much 〈…〉 then if they had had a larger field to exercise themselves in or had the 〈◊〉 of their Common-wealth afforded them same equal to the merit and valor of those 〈…〉 But let us now come to consider those 〈◊〉 important 〈◊〉 of the condition of Times and their Neighbors qualities The City of Venice 〈◊〉 her beginning when Italy was possest by the wild Northern Nations and when being perplex'd with all other sort of miseries she fell finally into the slavery of Barbâ—â—ians wherein she lived for the space of many years How then could a new City aspire to Empire while the Forces of the Barbarians were so powerful in that Province as the most powerful Roman Empire was not able to withstand them which was shook and destroyed by their fury It rather seems a wonder that a City in her first and weak beginnings was able to manage so great a War and withstand as she did afterwards the violence of two fierce and potent Nations to wit the French and Huns The French when their King Pipin being entred Italy with puissant Forces to drive out the Lombards and being scandalised that the City of Venice had leaned to the friendship of Nicephorus Emperor of Constantinople turn'd his Forces upon her to subjugate and destroy her And the Hâ—ns when parting from Pannonia which took from them the name of Hungary having overcome a very powerful Army of the Germans and kill'd their King Lodovicâ—s they fell to 〈…〉 again their fury was withstood by the 〈◊〉 which 〈◊〉 a powerful Prince was forced to give way unto But afterwards the Forces of these Western Barbarians being in time weakned by Châ—â—â— the Great the State of Italy fell again in to the Western Emperors who being then very powerfull and masters both of Germany and France the Forces of a weak Commonwealth were not likely to contest with so great Princes with any hope of acquiring 〈◊〉 These difficulties being added unto by the Cities situation withheld the Venetians a long while from thinking how to enlarge their Dominions in Terra sirms in which opinion being for a long time confirmed and having very 〈◊〉 imployed their studies and Forces in Sea enterprises though the 〈◊〉 of times did counsel them to the contrary giving them hopes of noble acquisitions on Land they either despised or knew not how to make use of the occasions which afterwards were offered Thus when the German Emperors troubled with the domestick troubles of that Province did forgo their possessions in Italy the Venetians not minding then that opportunity left the advantage to others which they might easily have reaped whereupon other Cities of Italy purchasing their 〈◊〉 from the Emperors at low raâ—es framed a peculiar Government unto themselves as did Florence and others were possest by others powerful men as 〈…〉 and other Cities of Lombardy when if the Commonwealth of Venice whole power was already much increased had been minded to have 〈◊〉 themselves of any of the Imperial Territories it is not to be doubted but they might in a short time have made notable acquisitions But when they began very late and more provoked by injuries then by ambition of dominion to think upon Territories by Land they found divers other Princes become very powerful both in 〈◊〉 and Authority and confirm'd in the States which they 〈◊〉 under 〈◊〉 a shore lawful 〈◊〉 Wherefore they met with many difficulties and amongst the
test the Wars proved very heavy unto them which they were forc'd to 〈…〉 did not joyn against them because they saw that if that Dukes State fell into the power of the Venetian Commonwealth the way would be laid open to her for much greateâ— matters in Italy whereupon a noble Victorie which was already almost gotten was impeded Hereby it may be then conceived how much the condition of the times was averse to the Commonwealths inlarging her Precincts by Land partly by reason of her self and partly through other various accidents which though they were somewhat more favorable unto her in what concerned the Sea yet met she not with small interruptions therein to her enterprises For the Eastern Emperors being Masters of Greece and of other States and Countries wherein the Commonwealth was to have inlarged the Confines of her command by Sea she could not make any great acquisitions whilst they preserved themselves in such reputation and strength as became their State But afterwards when that Empire began to decline she began to increase and flourish gloriously and her worth was waited upon by much prosperitie as was seen when the Venetians went in companie of the French to the business of the Levant and after many noble warlike actions they took the City and Empire of Constantinople of which acquisition the Commonwealth had so great a share as that their Dukes did then assume the title of Signoridella quarta parte é Mezza di tutto L' Imperio della Romania And soon after with the like prosperous success they did by sundry means reduce many Islands and chief Maritime Towns under their obedience and the Commonwealth marched on apace to greater power and command But this course of glorie and victorie by War was much slackened by the original Customs and Orders of the City as has been said which related more to Peace and Merchant affairs then to War Insomuch as the Venetians seemed for a while to make use of these new acquisitions rather for the better accomodation of their Navigation and Traffick then for any occasion of other enterprises Their business did therefore infinitely increase at this time insomuch as there was not any City famous for merchandizing in the Levant whither the Venetian Ships and Merchants did not flock Nay a great number of men of that Nation did usually remain in those Cities through whose hands the most precious Merchandise of those Countries past to the great advantage of the City and of her private Citizens So as the Genoeses plying the same places at first a certain rivalship and emulation arose amongst them as well for the profit of merchandizing as for the expertness and glory of Sea affairs till at last they came to open and cruel War which kept the Commonwealth so busied and perplexed by disturbing Navigation and even private affairs as for a long while they had no leasure to undertake other enterprises though they had met with opportuity for it and that they had been thereunto disposed For the Venetians having sundry times hazarded their Fleets upon the doubtful event of Battel they tasted both prosperous and adverse fortune insomuch as they were to fight in their own Gulf not more for Empire then for the safety of the City Thus whilst the Commonwealth spent her best years partly in these private affairs and merchandizing business partly in the so long and troublesome Wars against the Genoeses another Power arose in the Levant much greater and more formidable then was the Grecian Empire For the Ottaman Lords beginning by divers accidents but chiefly by reason of the discords among Christians to make notable and successful progress in their rising Empire grew quickly very great and powerful not onely by Land but also by Sea having reduced the City of Constantinople into their hands a very fit place for Sea enterprises whereby the Commonwealth of Venice was not onely bereft of all hopes of further increasing their Dominion by Sea having so great and powerful an â—nemy to near at hand but even what they had already got was exposed to hazard so as being to maintain a bitter and difficult War and to manage it with unequal Forces against this their sore and perpetual adversarie she had more reason to think upon her own defence then by force of Arms to win what belonged to others Let us in the next place consider the conditions of the nearest neighboring people amongst which she was to inlarge her Confines whereby we may also know what difficulties the Commonwealth met with for at the very first she was to overcome the Dalmatians a Nation not onely very valiant but of a quick wit given to sedition and desirous of novelties Whence how great her difficulties were in quelling these may be conceived by this that the Commonwealth of Rome having so many and so far distant Nations yet could she never handsomely put the yoke upon Dalmatia which never was under the Roman Empire until the time of Qctavius Augustus but had still before notably indamaged the Roman Armies It is then no wonder that the state of a Commonwealth should be less which had to contend with such Enemies and who may not know by the actions of this Commonwealth that she rather wanted occasion then worth for the further encreasing her State and fortune Let us now likewise consider the condition of the times wherein the Common-wealth of Rome had her happy beginnings and made the first progress to her Empire Which we shall find to differ much and to be free of the so many difficulties which the Venetians met with Rome had not at her first rise any powerful neighboring Prince for the Assyrians had then the Monarchie whose confines did not extend beyond Asia and after the concourse of many years it was carried by Cyrus amongst the Persians with whom it remained for about Two hundred years till it was destroyed by Alexander of Macedon who though he made greater conquests and made his Forces be felt and dreaded much further off yet dying young in the height of his Victories he could not get into Europe nor afford the Romans occasion of making trial of their Forces with a powerful and valiant Prince And by his death he having left no issue either legitimate or illegitimate behind him that Monarchie was soon destroyed and his Empire was divided between his chief Commanders so as several Kingdoms were thereout framed with which severally the Romans did afterwards much to their advantage make War So as Asia having then been the chiefest Seat of the Empire the Provinces of Europe were not at that time any waies annoied by the power thereof and those that were further from thence as was Italy less then the rest But Greece which was then in high esteem for the excellencie of her Inhabitants genius for what concerned both Civil and Military vertues was divided into many several Peopledoms who contending within themselves for the dignitie both of the soveraigntie of that very
Province it so fell out that aspiring either wholly or chiefly thereat they minded not the annoying of other Nations by their Forces In Africa the Carthaginians were very strong the power of Carthage being almost at the same times as much increased as was the like of Rome in Italy So as she had the Dominion of many provinces of Europe and did possess the greatest part of Spain but this power did not any waies molest the Romans first designs not did it hinder them from making qcquisitions in Italy not from confirming therein those Forces with which she afterwards did subdue the World For the Carthaginians came not near the Romans for little less then Five hundred years till such time as both the Commonwealths inlarging their Confines they grew to be neighbors Whereupon at last they commenced War out of the envy and jealousie that each 〈◊〉 of other This was the condition and 〈◊〉 of times wherein the Commonwealth of Rom◠had 〈◊〉 rise and encrease Whence it may be observed that though there might be some great 〈◊〉 then yet was there none which might compare with the Roman Emperors who had a greater Monarchy then all the rest besides they were so far off as their greatness could not impede Romes increasing though she were as yet but a new-begun City But she met with the like prosperous condition both of affairs and times in relation to her neerest neighbors For Rome had not only not any great contestation with any powerlike Prince in her first and weakest beginning but for the space of three hundred and sixty years till the first French war she had no occasion of making trial of her Forces against any powerful people for then Italy was not only not subject to any one Prince alone who might be greater by other Forces and other States as it happened afterwards in the Venetians times but being divided into many parts as well in respect of dominion as of other separations each Country contained many people of differing government and power So as Latium alone of herself which is now called Campagna di Roma contained four Nations or rather Communalties the Hernici Latini Volsci and Equi with whom the People of Rome did for a long time make war I mention not the Cecinensi the Crustumeni Antinati Sabini Albani and other Nations of less esteem against which in her beginning she exercised her Forces whilst she learned as a man may say the first rudiments of her Militia Tuscany though being taken all together she were very powerful and whose Confines were then much larger yet was she divided into so many Signories or Lordships as the Forces of every People apart by themselves must needs be weak and of small moment which may easily be known by this that bare Three hundred men of the Family of the Fabli were able to wage War with the Veienti who were the chief of that Region with whom they oft times fought with display'd Banners and with dubious event and were at last supprest more by the fraud then force of their Enemies So likewise the other parts of Italy which were neerer Rome were so weakly inhabited as it is not much that a new City but yet well instructed in weapons might get unto herself State and Dominion Nay he who shall consider what the increase of that Commonwealth was from time to time will wonder how that People who got afterwards the dominion of the whole World was so late in enlarging the Confines of her Territories upon her Neighbors when they were to contend in War with those that were weaker then they and that the bounds of their Empire did extend to beyond Italy For for above the space of four hundred years when the City was so much increased in Citizens as she raised Armies of Forty thousand Foot besides Horse the affairs of Rome were notwithstanding in such condition as they made War even under the Walls of Rome with the Equi Volsci and Veientes her first Enemies And this wonder is not a little increased when you shall consider that Military discipline did flourish even from the very first in Rome and was ever afterwards held in great esteem by her Citizens who were bent with all their might to augment the power of their City not being content as were the Venetians to enjoy peace and security Wherefore the Romans gave easily way for friendship to all Foreiners that they might by the multitude of their Citizens render their City more powerful and fitter to worst Adversaries And their first King Romulus set up a Sanctuary where all sorts of men whether free or slaves good or guilty might have receptacle But that Commonwealth had also her imperfections whereby being troubled with perpetual civil discords she found many impediments and much difficulty in effecting her Citizens generous designs But being gotten to a great height of power the Counterpoise of forein Forces ceasing by her own greatness she was able for a time to bear with her so many discorders till at last she was brought to her final ruine We must now be permitted to take some other things into consideration which appertain to particular order of this Commonwealth A City which aspires unto Empire must above all things else be well provided of Arms so as she want not any thing that is requisite for War but she stand◠no less in need of good Laws which are for many respects of great importance in all Governments as also for that when the licentiousness of Arms intrusted in the hands of Citizens is not corrected by the authority of Law that which was destin'd for the good and preservation thereof it turns at last to her ruine Therefore it is requisite that a City be constituted with such Laws as may result both to safety from foreign Enemies and to union between her own Citizens by which civil agreement the strength and reputation of a Commonwealth is much increased Of these two conditions which ought to make a City powerful and so as that power may continue long the Commonwealth of Rome had the first in perfection but was very faulty in the second On the contrary excellent provision was made by the Founders of Venice for the second but much remains to be wish'd for in the former Thus then had Rome a naturally warlike people which she kept continually exercised in Arms observing exactly Military discipline and orders But she was much disorderly and confused in Civil affairs nor knew she how to keep any setled from of Government leaving too much authority in the People and wanting usual means to suppress the immoderate power of Citizens Whereas in Venice the form and order of Civil Government is in every particular well disposed of and excellently well understood so as she is the only example which in so many Ages and so many accidents both of good and bad fortune hath never been troubled with any important domestick discords But then as for Military orders they are
with such expence and with the loss of so many men only to retain and keep some Territories This was the tree from which the boughs or sprouts could not be so fast cut off but that one War soon succeeded another wherewith Italy was long perplex'd till in the year 1529. the Princes being tyred and the People ruin'd agreement was made in that famous Meeting at Bolognia in which so sound foundations of the peace and quiet of Italy were laid as they may almost be said to have continued till now with fair hopes of longer continuance For though fâ—r thus many years there have been some commotiens in Italy made both by her own Inhabitants and by Foreiners yet in respect of the calamities she underwent in those former Ages they may rather be termed uprores then wars This condition of affairs and of affectionâ— being changed and the materials being removed by which the fire of war was fed Italy remained in great tranquility Soon after this introduction of Peace the Statâ— of Milan by the immaâ—ure death of Francisco Sfâ—rza who left no issue behind â—im fell into the power of Charls the Emperor and afterwards into his son Philip's in which Princes no such respect concurr'd as lately have been mentioned whereby the peace of Italy might be troubled as it had been before For these Princes by reason of their other great possessions being peacefully Masters of so fair and noble a part of Italy as is the Kingdom of Naples and Dukedom of Milan they had no reason to trouble the peaceful condition of affairs either out of any apprehension of their own businesses or out of a desire to enjoy what appertained to others They were treed from fear not onely by the friendship solemnly established and ratified by the other Portentâ—tes of Italy but much more by their own power and greatness and thâ— knowledge that to intreach upon one might easily move all the rest and afford occasion of bringing â—orein Forces into Italy whereby to disturb â—heir own setled possession of so large and nobe a share â—hereof kept thâ—m from dreaming upon the possessing of other mens estates So likewise the Commonwealth of Venice was at this time in such a condition as being only to covet peace she might hope to injoy it safely because she was neither so great nor powerful as to hope after new acquisitions being counterpoised by greater Forces in Italy who upon the least discovery in her of taking up Arms would oppose her and not suffer hâ—r to increase to their prejudice neither was she yet so weak as she might dread being easiâ—y opprest by others so as to secure herself from such a danger she might be constrained to think upon novelties or to procure new friends The Câ—uâ—ch Territories being secured no less by the reverence due to religion then by force of Arms remained safe and quiet nor had the Popes any reason either to fear their own affairs not yet to desire a greater temporal â—state for having recovered many Cities which the Church had formerly lost discords being ceased and the faction wherewâ—th she had been troubled beâ—ng almost eâ—â—inguished and the authority of the Barons of Rome being moderated that holy See was in a condition of as great dignitie and safety as she had been at any time before and Duke Cosâ—o de Medici Duke of Florence being allied to the favor and friendship of a potent Prince wherein he was very fortunate was safe enough and being likewise a new Prince in â—uscany he was to think as he wisely did rather how to setle himself well in his noble Dominon then to dream of becoming the Author of new Wars and of increasing his State Hence it was that the Forces of these greater Potenrates being ballanced and theit thoughts tempered all occasions of making any great change or alteration of States in her was taken away such as had hapned in the former Ages through the commotions of the very Princes of Italy As for such dangers as might happen from abroad Italy was at this time secured by various accidents If wâ— shall first consider the Empire from whence her greatest troubles had often tâ—mies come those Emperors knew very well by what had succeeded to Charls in the Imperial dignity that they had not Forces sufficient wherewith to betake themselves to forein enterprises out of any particular interest or ambition without the help of Germany which was but little inclined to increase their power and authority But though the moderate minds of those Princes which was alwaâ—es inclined to Justice and Equity must be greatly praised the eminent danger their States lay in by reason of the Turks Forces was above all other things able to keep them from thinking of molesting other mens States which Turks being so near and so powerful neighbors have kept them busied and molested and in a condition of thinking rather how to secure their own affairs then to increase their fortune by new acquisiâ—ons not onely when they were forced to take up Arms for the defence of Hungary and Austria but even in time of peace and greatest security The French I must confess have been more intent to trouble the peace of Italy on which they had a long time set their minds out of a desire to get some footing there But though the Forces of that flourishing and powerful Kingdom were very formidable before these Civil Discords yet experience hath shewed that their attempts when they have had none to receive and to uphold them in Italy have caused more dread then damage for their Armies being to be furnished with all necessaries from a far off they have been overcome by weaker â—orces and oft-times by their own wants Therefore because in these later times when they past over the Mountains they were not conâ—ederate as formerly they had been with any great Potentate in Italy therefore have they been able to â—arry there but a while nor have they made the noise of their Trumpets be heard a far off though they havenever let 〈◊〉 any occasion out of a desire of Novelty and glory so as all those who have at any time been ill satisfied by the Imperiâ—lists and then by the Spainards have been easily received into friendship with them This was the defence of Sieâ—na imbraced a City opprest by the severe Government of Caesars Officers Thus were the Ferneâ—s taken into protection to keep them in their possession of Parma and Piacenza out of which the Emperor would have driven them Thus was the Prince of Salerno listned unto who by his favor and the insurrection of the people furthered the hopes of great acquisitions in the Kingdom of Naples Thus Paul the Fourth met with good correspondencie in Henry King of France as soon as he discovered himself to be ill affected towards Caesar and that he would take up Arms against him for he hoped to attain those things by the friendship and conjunction of a powerful Prince and one who according
Holds as now it is she might not peradventure have run so great a misfortune she had not so soon lost so many and so noble Cities as she did but it may be alleadged on the contrary that if in that evil Crisis of affairs wherein she was brought to such adversity she had had so many important Forts as now she hath and that they had faln into the power of the Enemy she would not certainly have so soon recovered her losses and restored herself into her pristine power and greatness as she did We likewise see the State of Milan which fell so often into the power of the French it staid not long under their Dominioâ— for not finding any strong and Royal Forts wherein they could make any safe abode nor having time to erect any by reason of their continual Wars or for want of monies the defenders of that State did often times prevail and every accident either of the change of the peoples minds or of their Enemies increase of Forces were sufficient to drive them out Which would not have happened if they had but once been Masters of any strong Holds from whence they could not have been expel'd without a long and hard siege Guide Ubaldâ— D. of Urbin a Prince but of small Territories but very wise and well experienced in War moved by these respects after he had recovered his State which was formerly taken from him by Duke Valentine he resolved to slight all the strong Holds that were there knowing that they could not at first preserve his State unto him and when hee should lose it they would make the difficultie of regaining it the greater When Charls the Eighth King of France going to win the Kingdom of Naples past through Tuscany the Forts which the Florentines had built for their own securitie were the very things whereby they were most indamaged and these falling into the power of the French whose Forces they thought they were not able to withstand they put the Florentines to vast expence and made them undergo great slavery out of a desire of recovering them Whereas if that State had laâ—n open the King who was bound upon other enterprises passing forward would no waies have troubled the affairs of that Commonwealth The like and almost out of the like respect did afterward befall Duke Cosimo when the Emperor Charls the Fifth would keep some Castles belonging to that State in his own power which should otherwise have been left free to Cosimo and which was the occasion of that saying Chele fortezza sonoi ceppi della Toscana That strong Holds are the fetters of Tuscany These are the greatest mischiefs which strong Holds use to bring with them but there are others not altogether so grievous but more certain and irreparable For who can deny but that the excessive charge which Princes are at not onely in building Fortresses but more in muniting and guarding them doth sufficiently exhaust the publick Exchequer and necessitate the disbursing of such moneys in times of peace as ought to be kept for the more urgent occasions of War And certainly he who could see what vast sums the Commonwealth of Venice hath spent for some late years past in making and muniting so many Forts both by Sea and Land would be very much astonished and would confess that so great a mass of treasure would â—beâ— sufficient to provide for any War how great soever and to withstand for a good while any potent Enemy It may peradventure likewise be said and not untruly that whilst a Prince reposes much confidence in being able to maintain his State by means of these strong Holds and by the assistance of a few Soldiers he is not so careful as he ought to be of other things which belong to the Miliâ—ia which are notwithstanding real and secure foundations of a State The Lacedemonians would not therefore suffer their Cities to be begirt with a wall because they beleeved that by the thoughts of such securitie their Citizens would become more careless and negligent in managing their Arms by sole means whereof they thought that the Forces of an Enemie might and ought to be kept afar off Which that wise man would likewise infer who said That the walls which ought to secure a City should be made of iron not of stone And a Spartan being demanded by an Athenian what he thought of the walls of Athens answered That he thought they were very handsome for a City which was to be inhabited by women inferring that it is not necessarie nor honorable for able valiant men to secure themselves from their Enemies by such means It is likewise usually seen that a Prince who thinks he shall be able to curb his Subjects to govâ—rn them and rule them as he pleaseth by means of Bulwarks and Castles and that therefore he needs not the love of his Subjects is much less mindful of those things which become a good Prince and which purchase affectâ—on Yet we are taught by many evident examples that the peoples love or hatred is that which doth most preserve unto him or bereave him of his State and makes them more ready or backward to render him obedient as is of late seen in Flanders which so many Fortresses and Armies hath not in so long a time been able to reduce to the devotion of its ligitâ—mate Prince And it may generally be observed that such Governments as have lasted longest have been preserved not by the advantage of strong Holds whereof some have not had any but by vertue of a good Militia and of the Subjects love The Romans were accustomed when they had won any new Country to send new Inhabitants thither who being placed either in the antient Cities or in others built by themselves they called Roman Colonies and by these mens valor as People devoted and obliged to the Senate and People of Rome out of remembrance of their desert and in gratitude for the good which they had received they easily kept the new Subjects in loyalty to the Commowealth and the Countries which they had won by their Arms in obedience The which being moved thereunto by the same respects the Venetians did likewise in Candia sending many of their own Gentlemen thither to make Colonies and to defend and maintain that Island But the Turks in a very violent manner but answerable to the custom of their Government do almost totally destroy the antient Inhabitants of their new-gotten Countries chiefly the richest and the most noble from whom they take their lâ—nds and possessions and give the revenues thereof to be made use of by the Soldâ—ery making Timari thereof as they term it which are Pays or Revenues assigned over to the Soldiers upon condition that they are to maintain a certain number of Horse by which means they keep a great number of Warriors continually on foot who seâ—ving for Garrisons for the safety of the new acquired Country are notwithstanding always ready to serve in any other place