which they propounded unto themselves in this their new abode so to do nor did the condition of those times permit it And they were so fenced from the Arm sof Enemies as then both by the natural condition of their situation as also by the salt waters as they needed not to arm themselves for their own defence Therefore their Citizens being by long custom inured to these thoughts they had no thought of taking up Arms though the City were already much increased both in Forces and Authority unless when they were provoked and more to keep themselves from being injured by others or to assist their Friends and Confederates then out of ambition of Rule and of enlarging their bounds And he who shall consider what their greatest and and most difficult enterprises were in those first times will see they aimed all at this end The Venetians fought first with the French and afterwards against the Huns in defence of their Country and of their Liberties and long after with the Genoeses enforced thereunto by necessity and provoked by many grievous injuries For this very valiant and generous Nation would not rest quiet out of an emulation of glory in Sea-affairs wherein though they were oftentimes worsted by the Venetians yet they still found occasion of new Contests The Commonwealth of Venice hath oft-times taken up Arms likewise in times neerer this our Age with greater preparation for War and with more courage to defend their State in Terta firmâ— which they had already gotten with much ado and whereof they were justly possessed insomuch as they have sometimes valianâ—ly repulsed the fury of most powerful Leagues of Princes who were resolved upon their ruine But it becomes not the moâ—th of a Venetian to say how oft they have taken up Arms in defence of their Friends and Confederates lest he may seem to upbraid others with the services his Countrymen have done them But divers People and Cities assisted and preserved by their Forces do witness this And to speak only of things of more recent memory how great a desire hath this Commonwealth shewn to the common good and to this purpose how careful hath she been of the liberty and glory of Italy in sustaining long and heavy War to preserve the noble Neapolitan Territories in the Italian Princes and the like of Milan But he who will look further back and see what they have done will find that the Venetians have undertaken and finished famous enterprises out of zeal to Religion as they did in the Wars of the Holy Land against the Saracens and divers other times against other Princes to preserve and increase the glory of the holy Church and the Papal dignity which amongst many other actions is cleerly and nobly witnessed by the famous Naval victory won from the Emperor Frederick Barbâ—rossa for the which Venice doth at this day enjoy many great priviledges in witness of her great worth and singular merit But it is needless now to particularize in those things whereof all Histories are full It will suffice to touch upon some things whereby it may be conceived what the first beginnings of the City were and what were the intentions and end of her Citizens Romes ends were far different from these who from her very beginning aimed only at Empire and greatness being built by Romalus a fierce and ambitious man who not content to have recovered his Kingdom to his Grandfather Numiter and opened the way to the Lordship of Alba longa resolved by the assistance of a great many young men who followed him to purchase a better fortune and condition for himself and to build a new City which must have a warlike institution to keep the minds of those stirring youth busied in military exercises and to defend himself from his neighbors who finding that the new City aimed at greater designs thought to keep is low Romulus might with reason promise himself to purchase more Dominion and to enlarge his Confines for he built his City in a Country which was possest by many people who were weak and at odds within themselves so as he needed not fear any potent Prince who might oppose his designs or suppress his Forces before they were somewhat better established This was the first foundation of Romes greatness for the City beginning soon to habituate herself to military discipline and to turn her thoughts upon War and aggrandising her State she grew so confirm'd therein with time and with continual military orders as the Militia and all things thereunto tending did continually flourâ— sh in her For those that came after following as it falls out for the most part the example of their Predecessors her Citizens were always desirous of warlike glory and of Empire proving to be like Romulus and those other valiant men from whom they had their beginning and increase Thus they always made one War beget another not being able to endure the suspected power of their Neighbors nor yet the injuries done unto them by their Friends and Confederates under which two pretences they made first many notable acquisitions in Italy and afterwards passing over the Sea in Africa in Spain and in many other Provinces But to pass on now to another Consideration let us affirm that the situation is of great moment for the Rule and Dominion which one City is to have over another as that which affords security for self defence and opportunity to subjugate others this helps likewise to make a City plentiful and wealthy without which States are hardly acquired For where there is scarcity of livelihood povertie is more to be fought withall then Enemies and want of wealth renders a City alwaies weak and easie to be wasted and opprest Hence it was that Sparta though she had excellent Laws and Institutions yet whilst she observed them she could not much inlarge her Dominions for by them the City was bound for what concerned both the private and publick condition to be kept poor and far from any commerce with others and in our time the Cantons of the Switzers though they be a very valiant Generation yet being poor and seated amongst Mountains and for the most part in barren places their Soldiers being fighting under the pay of other Princes they have not been able to do any thing for themselves or to make any acquisitions but have onely preserved their Liberties If we shall then consider the situation of Venice we shall certainly find it very opportune for most things and miraculously well for some things For if we have respect to safety what City can be compared to this which without any Bulwarks of Walls or Garrisons of Soldiers defended by her natural scituation is of her self safe from all injuries and inexpugnable So as she is the onely example after so many Ages of being untoucht by the Barbarians violence If we respect abundance of plenty and wealth the accommodation that the Sea affords her and the so many Rivers which disgorge themselves either into
prejudicial to permit private men to grow to such immoderate riches as equalling therein the most Potent Kings there was a Citizen of Rome who arrived to such greatness as he said He ought not to be esteemed rich who could not out of his own Revenue maintain an Army Whence it arose that the Nobility being much envied and suspected by the people the way was opened to the Gracchi to excite those hemous disorders which ended not but with the utter ruin of the Commonwealth Provision was long before hand by the Law against such disorders Licineus the Tribune having instituted so to curb the Avarice and Ambition of the Nobility that no Citizen should possess above Five hundred Acres of Land But these Orders in Civil Affairs were so weak and imperfect as one Law might easily be broken by introducing a contrary custom The Nobles therefore little esteeming the Licinean Law did very much increase their wealth and fraudulently usurping the publick Territories which were wont to be kept for the benefit of the people brought in Forainers to manure them so as the people being become very poor and seeing the Nobility injoy all the fruits of the common labor of the Militia did very unwillingly suffer such an injury and did very willingly listen and adhere unto any one who would feed them with hopes of bringing things to a just equality wherefore such as were seditious took occasion to try Novelties so as at last in the times of the Gracchi recourse must be had unto Arms and civil Differences must be thereby decided which as shall by and by be more clearly shewn might have been long before foreseen for such Customs did much disorder the Commonwealth not onely in that they partook not of civil modesty but by their being clean contrary to the Laws of that City which lent most towards a Popular State all Authority being given by them to the People in their suffrages and also in the most important State-resolutions So as it seemed respect was only had to the liberty of dividing the Government amongst Citizens All places of Magistracie were equally common to all and small means kept not any one far from the Commonwealth they might marry togethâ—r Foreiners were easily made Free Denizens the Tribunes had power to nominate all Magistrates the manner of living was not free but very licentious And the supreme Authority of the Tribunes doth of all other things most cleerly shew what that Government was who being greatly respected and reverenced by all men and called by the superstitious title of Sacrâ—sancti they were so insolent in their office as a Tyrant could hardly have used more severity in his commands See how boldly a Tribune of the People made Marius Violaâ—â—â— a Nobleman be seised on commanding that he should be suddenly thrown head-long down the Tarpeian Rock for no other reason but that in a Speech which he had made he used some harsh words against the People But the Tribune Sulpitius using more violence came one morning into the Piatza with many armed men and driving away the Consuls who would have opposed such an action made Marâ—â—â— be decreed for the undertaking against Mithridates not caring though therein he went against the Laws which not being in any thing observed all good Institutions were made in vain whilst the Laws were violated and destroyed by the Tribunes too great power He then who shall consider these things will not say that they tended not to the making of a Commonwealth totally Popular yet many things were contrary to these as hath been considered in perpetuating the Government of the Armies and in the excessive Riches of some Citizens Some Popular Commonwealths as that of Athens used by a quite contrary advice to banâ—sh such Citizens ten years from the City who did for some excellent quality far exceed the rest In some others because they did in some sort partake of popularity the equallity of means or levelling was introduced so to content and please the people as in Sparta and certainly to grant but a limited power and but for a short time to Magistrates are excellent precepts of such Legislators as will constitute a free City For so all the Citizens may have their share of Government but none freely dispose thereof to his own proper use and then indeavour to bring things to an equality or at least provide so as they may not increase so immoderately as any one Citizen may be envied or suspected by the rest for his too great Power It is then no wonder if Rome were much divided since these things were not observed in her for by such a diversity of Orders she became a Body with two Heads and of two several shapes which occasioned continual domestick disorders in her For the Nobility glorying in the dignity of Consulship wherein they used great Authority and which they for the most part kept amongst themselves and being also proud of their wealth would usurp all the Government to themselves And on the other side the people bearing so great a sway in all things and relying much upon the Magistracy of the Tribunes were so insolent as they would acknowledge no obedience nor bear any respect to the Laws or to the Magistrates thereof but would resolve all things according to their own fancy and as made most for their advantage which made that City which was so potent in Military and Foraign Affairs very weak in such as were Civil and Domestick for such a division of power in men of contrary minds keeps the forces of the City with much prejudice divided whilst the one of them contesting with the other they hinder the resolutions and executions of important Affairs as it often fell out in Rome for necessity urging to list Forces to march against the Enemy the Tribunes were presently ready to incense the people so as there was none that would give a name to the Militia which Insolencies were increased by the peoples being able to do it safely For the Tribunes minding nothing else but how to make their Faction powerful accepted of the Appeals of every popular man though in unjust causes to the end that the people might be the more respected by the Nobility and more ready and bold to raise seditions whereby they did always increase their power and had by these means obtained many things from the Senate The Nobles likewise no less sollicitous to increase their authority that they might keep back the Peoples insolencie sought always to keep them low and did with like endeavours maintain those of their own Order in all Judgments So as in punishing or in absolving of faults it was oftentimes a thing of greater consideration whether the party concerned were a Nobleman or a Plebeian then whether he were guilty or innocent And hence great prejudice arose unto the Commonwealth for all Justice was soon corrupted without which no good Order can be kept and each Party valuing the publick welfare but a little out of
Commonwealth of Venice hath gotten an excellent Government but was not at first governed by those Laws which she now is But diversity of Occasions have opened the way to the wisdom of many of her Citizens who adding new Orders to the old have brought her to such a height of perfection Which might the easilier be done because that City was free-born and was from the very beginning ordered according to the true Civil end to wit to Peace and Concord and to the Union of her Citizens But on the contrary other modern Republicks the Cities wherein such Governments were formed having been formerly long accustomed to obey Emperors since they got their Liberty by many Accidents they knew not as not being well acquainted therewith how to use it by reason of the Citizens various dispositions of mind So as wheeling often about with an uncertain Form of Government they in process of time return'd under the command of one These Considerations being applied to the City of Rome will prove that the prudence of her Citizens though they were very wise and valiant men was not sufficient to reduce her to a perfect Form of Commonwealth but they might have amended many great disorders in her which did much shorten her life For he who will consider the conditions of the people of Rome will find them to be such as no Form of Government could better agree with them then a Popular State for they were all warlike men bred up even from the very first foundation of the City in the exercise of Arms. And though a Commonwealth may be formed amongst these which may have a certain similitude to an Aristocratical State when the Citizens being governed by certain Laws partake every man more or less of that Government according to their worth For Military discipline hath a certain species of Vertue though it be none of those that do immediately serve to purchase the ultimate end of a City yet this Government is very seldom met with and though it want the true and proper Form is commonly called by the usual name of a Commonwealth So as though at first the City of Rome leaned much thereunto in a short time the People had a great share therein who not knowing how to moderate themselves made it grow licentious But he who will look back even to her first beginning will find that the Peoples authority did thereby ever increase together with the City For the Peoples power and liberty was great not only after the driving out of the Tarquins but even when it was commanded by Kings that City seeming even from that time to be naturally more disposed to the Form of a Commonwealth then of a Kingdom For after the death of Romulus the People being powerful as having the weapons in their hand and as being the first Founders of that City usurped the authority of choosing Kings who on the contrary side that they might the better confirm themselves in their new Kingdom endeavoured to accommodate themselves to the nature of the People and to purchase their love by granting them many considerable things So as even under the Kingly government it had the power of Appeals as appeared in Horatius his case who being condemned by the Magistrates for his Sisters death appealed to the People and was by them freed In favor of them likewise the City was divided into Centuries with a certain Order of a very small Tax according to which the Degrees of the Militia and the Authority of the Publick Courts things which did all of them appertain to a Popular State were to be distributed To boot with these Laws the great number of Citizens which did even then arise to One hundred and thirty thousand made the Peoples party very powerful as also their having been so ready and so successful in engaging themselves in so many enterprises for the Commonwealth without receiving any pay for their pains But the Nobility was a long time very weak and in but little esteem For the first Founders of the City being Shepherds and all of the same condition there was no distinction of degree amongst them save what was soon after brought in 〈◊〉 Romulus who choosing the Senate out of all that former number that they might be assistant to the King in providing for things requisite for the State by this order he divided some of the worthiest of the People in this new City from the rest who gave the rise to the Roman Nobility But even this Order was very weak for it was at first instituted by Romulus but of a small number of men and though others were afterwards added thereunto yet till such time as the City got her liberty 〈◊〉 never exceeded the number of Two hundred Senators nay even these were much lessened by the cruelty of Tarquinius Superbus and their Authority narrowly bounded by the Counterpoise of Regal power So as when the City put herself into Liberty there were not Noblemen enough to form a State of Optimati in this case did Publius Valerius find the City of Rome after the driving out of the Tarquins when he through Brutus his death remaâ—ning sole Consul was to constitute Laws and new mould the Commonwealth Wherefore desirous to introduce a State differing from the former under the name of Liberty it behoved him not to lessen but to encrease the Authority of the People For else they would not have indured it and by fiding with the Tarquins they might easily have confounded that Government and reduced the City again under the power of Kings For which reason also Brutus though he was first created Consul not willing to lose the favor and assistance of the people without which he thought the new Orders of the City could not be well established perswaded his Colleague Tarquinius Collatinus that to give satisfaction to the People to whom the name of Tarquin was become odious and suspitious to lay down his Consulship By these Reasons it appears that Valerius was compelled to ordain many things in favour of the People as were the Appeals from the Consuls The order that upon pain of death no man should enter into any place of Magistracy without the Peoples approbation the petty punishment appointed for them who should not obey the Consuls commands which was no more but to pay five Oxen and two Sheep Moreover he eased the poor of many grievances and made many other very Popular Laws whence he purchased the name of Publicola But which 't is understood that in ordering of the Commonwealth respect was to be had in many things to necessity and to the condition of those times yet if we shall consider other Accidents we shall find them much contrary to such a necessity for the new Legislator was not Prince as was Licurgus but possest a place of Magistracy for a short time the Authority whereof was hardly yet well known and not much valued So as he could not use force to withdraw the people from a Popular
and their Captains and Soldiers less diligent in their military imployments as it often falls out in what is recommended to the care of many that whilst one to ease himself a little seeks to lay load upon another the burthen is more weakly sustained by many then it would have been by a few But the truth of these things can but only be discuss'd by probable Arguments to delight our selves in the variety of affairs which present themselves in the ballancing of several reasons which may happen in these great actions For to give a determinate sentence therein we want the ground work of those particulars which we cannot take notice of now in things done so long since and by which all our works especially such as are subject to so many alterations as are all Civil and Military affairs can be only best regulated It is most certain that the Romans who were formerly full of high and glorious thoughts got so much boldness and reputation after having driven Pyrrhus out of Italy with their own proper Forces and overcome him in so many Battels as they did the easilier undertake any War and no Nation in Italy durst ever after oppose their designs whereby they soon opened the way to a large Empire The Fourth DISCOURSE Which of the two famous Roman Cammanders Quintus Fabius Maximus or P. Scipio Africanus brought more of advantage to the Commonwealth of Rome in managing their War FAbius Maximus and P. Scipio Africanus descended from noble Roman Families and endued with excellent parts did flourish in the same Age which happening to be at the time when the Commonwealth of Rome was much molested by the Carthaginian Forces they had occasion to shew their valor in the behalf of their Country and to purchase much glory to themselves They had alike zeal to the common good their love to their Country their strength of mind and knowledg of military affairs was alike but they differed in opinion concerning the management of the War and different was the occasion which they had in exercising it Great was the service which the City of Rome received from these two but they differed much in their ways and ends Fabius led the Armies through Italy against Hannibal for the safety of the City of Rome Scipio fought in Africa against the same Hannibal for the glory and grandezza of Rome being already freed from so many dangers of the Carthaginian Forces The former brought succor and help in a very seasonable time to the affairs of Rome when they were much distressed and raised up the tottering fortune of the Commonwealth The latter by discomfiting many of the Carthaginian Commanders and even Hannibal himself did not only put his Romans in perpetual safety from the Carthaginian forces and stratagems wherewith they had been so long molested but brought whole Africa under their obedience Fabius preserved Italy from the slavery of Forein Nations into which she had certainly fallen had it not been for his actions and advices Hannibal having already possest himself of all the chief Cities But Scipio did much enlarge the Roman Confines and made the Africans confess they were overcome by Italian valor and submit their necks to the yoke of the Roman Empire These excellent Commanders shewed great worth and great experience in military affairs by these their actions each of them using therein their proper qualities and endowments Fabius loved constancy gravity followed late taken resolutions but such as were secure Scipio measuring all things according to the greatness of his conception did wilingly imbrace new Enterprises nothing that was glorious seemed hard to him Fabius feared Hannibal out of wisdom not out of any cowardly mind Scipio despised him confiding in himself and in the valor of his Army Wherefore Fabius thought he had ended the business if Hannibal being reduced to much hardship should be forced to forgo Italy But Scipio as if he had been sure of Victory refusing all offers of Agreement how advantageous soever made by the Carthaginians would hazard the day in that famous place of Zama where the height of Empire was to be decided between two powerful Nations And truly it seems that it was Romes good Fortune which made these two so excellent men be at this time Coetaneans though with different thoughts applied to the Safety and Glory of that Commonwealth For the one with much patience overcoming the bitterness of Fortune and the Insolency of the Enemy freed her from so many dangers into which she was faln the other finding the Commonwealth already restored and knowing how to make better use of his good fortune then Hannibal did by his noble daring add greater splendor and glory to her But here it may be worthy consideration which of these two may be thought to have done things which were better and of more use for the Commonwealth Fabius his actions tended to the safety of his Country when she was reduced into great danger and put a period to her troubles more by good Counsel then by many Forces But the Affrican proposed unto himself the increase of Glory and of Empire of the City of Rome Wherefore not satisfied with what he had succesfully done in Spain he resolved to pass into Affrica where refusing all conditions of Peace he would needs joyn battel with Hannibal wherein his prosperity continuing he won a great and glorious Victory On the one side then Fabius deserts appear to be very great he having preserved the City when it was in a desperate condition so by saving it from the utmost of dangers he made himself a sharer of that praise which is given to the first Founders of Cities And certainly such was Hannibals fortune at that time the worth and reputation of his Army such as all Force indeavoured against him would have proved not onely vain but prejudicial and his being judged by the Senate and People of Rome to be a Commander fit to cope with Hannibal and onely fit to suppress his Forces even then when Scipio that valiant and famous Captain did live and flourish shews that Fabius worth was so highly esteemed as it was not to be exceeded And this is afterwards confirmed by the grave testimony of Paulus Aemilius famous among the most celebrated Romans who being as Consul to go into the Camp against Hannibal highly extolling things formerly done by Fabius whilst he was Dictator said that he would rather be praised in matters of War by him alone then do things which might differ from his actions though they pleased all the people of Rome therein Fabius was indeed excellently well advised in all he did for he was no less valiant in withstanding the Enemy in Battle and in correcting the error and rashness of Minutius Master of the Cavalry who had importunely and contrary to his opinion begun the Skirmish then he was formerly wise in foreseeing the danger and in endeavouring to keep it off His constancy of mind in adversity witnessed his no want of
first assaulted Spain and after Africa and finding them both but badly provided of Garrisons fitting to withstand so potent an Enemy they reduced the first under the obedience of their Commonwealth driving all the Carthaginians from thence and did put the other into so great confusion as little more then the bare name of a Republick remained to the very City of Carthage But how could Hannibal hope to tarry long in Italy and to be able to receive such succors and supplies as he must of necessity stand in need of The way was shut up by Land by the craggy mountains and by the Enemy and the Sea was less open to them the Romans not being only masters of the Sea but of Navigation for their Fleet was greater then that of the Carthaginians whence it was that the succor came neither time enough to Hannibal for him to prosecute his Victories neither when it was sent could it come safe to him his brother Asdrubal who conducted it being cut in pieces together with all his men by the Consul Claudius Out of these respects it may be thought that it had been better and safer for Hannibal to have commenced the War against the Romans in Sicily or Sardinia The pretence of taking up Arms against the Romans for the recovery of such things as were granted out of great necessity to them by his Commonwealth was more just Wherefore he might have bethought himself of not provoking the disfavor both of God and man against him as it appeared on the contrary that his breach of Articles and his too bold design of driving the Romans out of Italy their own proper seat and dominion made all things prove cross unto him The business would likewise have proved more opportune and easie by reason of the ill satisfaction which the people of those Islands received from the Romans power which occasioned in them a great mind to rebel as was afterwards found The Carthaginian Commonwealth was strong enough by Sea and though Fortune had not been propitious to them in their Naval conflict with the Romans yet was their experience in Maritime affairs greater and the City was then so well provided of Shipping as we read that they were above five hundred Ships which they were forced to burn by command from Scipio after Hannibals Rout in Africa If Hannibal would then have put his Army into these Bottoms and have turned with powerful Forces upon Sicily and Sardinia and being also assisted with the Peoples inclination he could not almost have doubted to have reduced them in a small time under the Carthaginian power And having won these Islands what way would he have made for the enterprise of Italy He might have made use of this situation and of his Fleet to have kept the Sea open to himself and block'd up to the Romans whereas doing the contrary it happened otherwise for the Carthaginian Fleet being very weak the greater part whereof were imployed in other places it was overcome by the Romans their Navigation and Succor was hindred and finally all Hannibals designs were frustrated But the advantage which Hannibal might have reaped by such an enterprise and by the getting of Sicily may easily be known by what Scipio got who being to pass with his Army into Africa putting in at Sicily he thereby got great assistance and accommodation And the Carthaginians themselves were aware that the War ought to have been handled thus For after the death of Hierâ— Lord of Syracusa they sent their Fleet to regain Sicily but the counsel was too late and unopportunely taken for Fortune beginning now again to smile upon the Romans and the enterprise being undertaken with but weak Forces they did little else but raise Tumults with more of loss to those that had rebelled against the Romans then any advantage to the Carthaginians It seems likewise that Hannibal when he first endeavoured to joyn in league with Philip King of Macedon whose strength by Sea was very great and his jealousies of the Romans likewise very great as also his desire to secure himself therefrom had laid a better foundation for his designs and might have had better success in his endeavours against the Romans which because out of vainglorious ambition he would accelerate he overthrew them Let us then bound Hannibals praises within straiter precincts though his fame sound very gloriously in the memory of all Ages for the greatness of his attempts and his success therein at first since that advantage ceaseth which might first have counselled him to the affairs of Italy And let us only see whether he may have purchased any true glory by his so great daring and by the readiness wherewith he buckled to battel He who will weigh things with reason and experience will find that Wisdom ought to be of greater consideration in a worthy Commander then force of Arms. Which may be seen in Hannibal for the wisdom of Quintus Fabius did that against him with safety which the War waged with much loss and more danger by Flaminius and by Sempronius and afterwards by Gaius Terentius all of them Consuls and Commanders of the Romans Armies could not do who rashly hazarding the doubtful events of Battel were overcome by Hannibal and brought the affairs of Rome to almost utter despair The praise then which is given to Hannibal is great eagerness of mind against dangers which though of it self it may make him worthy some admiration yet such a vertue fals easily into vice and in stead of Boldness may be termed Rashness But if we will consider Hannibals Actions yet a little more narrowly we shall the better discover that Hannibal having undertaken this War unjustly and violated the Articles made between the Carthaginians and the Romans he cannot deserve to be truly named valiant the vertue of Valor not consisting in the maintaining of an unjust Cause And if Hannibal ought to glory of his having routed the Romans his glory will prove the less since the Captains whom he overcame were not so much cryed up and were of lesser experience and worth then many other Romans who never had to do in any great enterprise and that it was not his own worth and the worth of his Soldiers which made way to his Victories more then did the ignorance rashness and chiefly the discord of the Roman Commanders to whom through some unlucky Star it was the misfortune of the Commonwealth at that time to commit the guidance and command of her Forces But when he met with Fabius Marcellus or Scipio the face of affairs altered And yet Hannibal ought to have believed he should have met with these or at least such as these then with the others or such as them For the Carthaginians had experienced much to their loss in the preceding War what the worth of the Roman Commanders was Hannibal might likewise have considered how hard it would be for him to vanquish so many Cities so many Roman Colonies defended by Citizens who did partake
whilst he was abroad in the Juâ—urthan War was created Consul and made chief Commander against the Cimbrians though he ought not in his absence and in time of contumacy to have been chosen to that Magistracy Caesar after having commanded the Roman Armies five years when he was sent to wage War in France had his place of command cont nued unto him for five years longer and not herewithal content but being accustomed to rule he asked leave of the Senate to keep abroad and to continue in the Army which when the Senate would not give way unto they too late opposed his desire he being grown so powerful by reason of his continuation in military command as he valued not the Senates Authority nor the being declared an enemy to the Commonwealth But if we will consider the beginning of Civil Discords how and where the siding began which insected the minds of the Citizens with pestiferous corruption we shall find that this happened not in time of Peace in Cities or by reason of Civil Affairs but in the Camp amongst Weapons and when the Commonwealth was bufied in weighty Wars For Marius being drunk with the desire of military glory and not being able to endure that it should be taken from him or diminished by Sylla as he imagined it might happen by reason of Syllas happy success in the Jugurthan War wherein having taken Iuguâ—tha alive he had the glory to have put an end to that War He began to think of establshing yet more greatness in himself by making many of the Order of Cavaliers and of the people partial to him and impudently corrupting the Citizens first with moneys and afterwards with open force of Arms making the Magistracy and command of the war be conferred and resolved upon in him as he did in the Consulship and Proconsulship against Mithridates The Nobility being afrighted at this mans greatness by reason of his authority and reputation with the Soldiers they mightily encreased Sylla's power who was an enemy to Marius till at last they came to taking up Arms and shedding of civil blood But who knows not that Caesar moved thereunto more out of a desire of his own greatness then out of his alliance with Marius raised and maintained his Fraction in Rome and that his power encreased not in Peace and in the Market-place but in War and in the Camp So for the same reason for which Sylla was advanced a little before it behoved the Senate to confer more greatness upon Pompey then became the condition of civil Government so as the whole City was divided and with those arms by which though taken up and made use of against enemies the first occasion of contention among private Citizens was given the very Commonwealth must be wounded which stood in the midst between them so as her vitâ—l spirit of liberty being taken away her throat was cut by those whom she had most favoured But whence did the so many other corruptions of those times arise save from the so many prosperous successes of war by which the Citizens being much enriched and made proud could not betake themselves to live parcimoniously and with civil equality And it is said of Caesar that he corrupted the people of Rome by moneys which he had got in the War so to make them confer places of Magistracy as he listed upon such as were his friends and partial to him Out of these respects the wise Legislator Lycurgus intending to lay the foundation of a long lasting Government in Sparta though he introduced Military exercises to the end that the Citizens might be able to defend their Country yet he ordered the City so as it could not much increase its power by any Forgein War But the Commonwealth of Rome not being ordered for peace could never find out not enjoy a peaceful condition How is it then given out that peace and idleness was the ruine of that City How should she beleeve that her Arms should remain idle if she would have the whole world for her enemy as Mariâ— said to Mithidates that who would not recieve Law from the Romans must make themselves more powerful then they So as the counsel which Scipio gave to his Romans of not utterly destroying Carthage might be good in another respect for the preservation thereof might encrease that glory to their Commonwealth which many of her valiant Citizens seemed greatly desirous of to wit to have easily pardoned their enemies when they should have humbled themselves as the Carthaginians had then done haveing not onely with great humility begged peace of the Senate by their Ambassadors but given many of their chief Citizens for hostages to Scipio and great store of Arms to secure the Romans that they would keep their Articles And truly the destruction of that noble City did differ from the usual generosity of the Romans who had wont after Victory to grâ—â—t the Cities and Kingdoms to those very enemies with whom they had fought making both King and People in all parts or Tribuâ—ory or Confederate to the Senate and People of Rome But I see no reason at all why they should forbear the rooting out of these the Romans antient enemies for fear lest they should be undone with idleness and that civil discords should thereupon ensue How many years were there between the second and third Carthaginian war and yet when was the Commonwealth of Rome free from Foreign war though these her Enemies did not appear to be so The last Carthaginian war being hardly ended did not they wage war in Spain with the Numantines for the space of fourteen years And yet in these times the bounds of the Roman Empire may be said to have been very narrow in respect of what they were afterwards France which then was Mistress of more Provinces then now she is was not as yet subdued nay the difficulty and length of that War bringing along with it the prorogation of Command since Caesar commanded the Armies for ten years together did much increase those disorders which did at last prove the ruine of the Commonwealth But how much did Pompey enlarge the bounds of the Roman Empire in Asia over how many conquered Kings and Provinces did he triumph Armenia Cappadocia Media Iberia Syria Arabia Phaenicia and other Nations were reduced under the Romans power by this sole Commander It will seem strange and yet it is related by authentical Writers that nine hundred Cities were made subject and tributary to the Roman Empire by Pompey and almost as many more by Caesar And he who will consider it well shall find that the Roman Commanders did flourish most and were most cryed up after the destruction of Carthage Rome wanted then neither means nor will to exercise her Arms not to mention so many Wars which were all of them famous if not for the greatness of acquisition at least for other weighty accidents and if not for their strength yet for the wisdom of the Enemy That of Tigranes
Mithridates Iugurth and so many others where the then almost lost name of the Carthaginians did not concur But if it had proved true that the Commonwealth of Rome when Carthage should be destroyed should have remained in idleness so harmful to her liberty if Scipio's counsel had proved successful and those evils had been taken away which be feared would befall the Commonwealth Carthage was not only not to have been undone but her power should have been suffered to increase for it is seen by what hath been said that War of it self was not able to keep the Citizens united but was rather that which did divide them But this peradventure might have been done by War wherein their own defence had been only conceined and the keeping of themselves from danger And yet it is an absurd thing to say that an Enemy must be preserved and men must be continually in trouble and danger of War for the conservation of a City But say I beseech you was thâ—re not forty three years between the first and second Carthaginian war And yet though Rome was free from dangers and from being troubled by the Carthaginians nay for some years every where more quiet then she ever was at any other time yet fell she not upon those great mischiefs of civil contentions which she afterwards incurr'd in the greatest heat of her â—orest Wars This was occasioned because the City was not as yet corrupted as it was afterwards because it grew old and because there was not any that knew by correcting her disorders to return her to her first principles What danger can ensue unto or can harm the common liberty or authority of Citizens either in War or in Peace whilst the Laws are observed And when the Laws are trampled under foot what State can be free from the snares of the Enemy The Spartan Kings had not supreme authority in War but War being governed by good Laws could never injure them Power intrusted in Citizens with due measure and temper was never prejudicial And behold an example thereof On the one side Agesilam King of Sparta being Commander in chief of the Army against Farâ—â—bassus and being entred Asia with great hopes of signal victories when he was called home by the Magistracie of the Ephori readily obeyed On the oâ—her side Caesar being already returned into Italy from the French enterprise will contrary to the will of the Senate keep the Army together and despiseth the authority thereof Cato's counsel of destroying Carthage might then have proved good not of it self but when the Romans being safe for these Enemies and setled in a condition of not being to fear any Forein forces could have ordered unto themselves a firm and quiet Civil State It was known by experience that the other agreement made with the Carthaginians had done but little good For they keeping still the same mind though not the same fortune did not let slip any occasion of throwing off the yoke of slavery which the Romans had put upon them So as the only means to rest secure from their Forces since their words were not to be trusted was to put them out of their antient nest and to make them live far from the Sea as they were commanded to do after that their Country was destroyed so to bereave them of the opportunity of the Sea by means whereof that Commonwealth was grown great and powerful But wherein was the quiet of Rome bettered by the ruine of Carthage if they would have to do with more barbarous Nations and Nations further off not moved thereunto through fear nor provoked by any injury thinking their Empire was only to be bounded by the Confines of the Earth What had the Parthians of common with the Commonwealth of Rome what injury had they then done her to make the Romans take up arms against them yet Crassus had a mind to find them out in those far distant parts whereby to draw upon himself and the Roman Armies so many great losses and ruines as they were to undergo in that War The overthrow of Carthage should peradventure have taken from the Citizens of Rome their desire of continual warfaring as it took from them the occasion of being in Arms but it did not so for the cause which produced and nourish'd these thoughts was internal not external So as they were not provoked to Arms but did rather provoke others and when they fought not for the welfare they fought for the glory of the Empire For all the Orders of that City consisted only in the exercise of the Militia But how could a City be long preserved which was wholly bent upon those things which were the means to bring her to her end how could she enjoy true civil felicity if she knew not what it was and did not value it but did abhor that peace and quiet which begers civil felicity Therefore if that Commonwealth had been well instituted in civil Orders and that when Carthage was destroyed she had known which she did not how to lay down Arms this had been the way to bring her to much good nay to the true and chief good of civil felicity not to the ruine and perdition thereof So as if Scipio doubted that the introducing of Idleness into Rome might bring with it such notable disadvantage it was perhaps because knowing the imperfections of that Government he feared not that Idleness which the laying down of Arms is wont to produce but that which is born and doth increase with the corrupt customs of Cities by which contrary but wholly pestiferous effects are begot en as the making of some Citizens love pleasures and hate labor and toil and others strangely proud lovers of brawls and novelty The Athenians endeavoring to banish this sort of Idleness from out their City committed the care thereof to the chief and most severe Magistrate called Areopagus But that true and vertuous Quiet which is opposed unto Toil and which as a thing to be desired ought to be sought for in a City doth not banish but doth nourish true generosity of mind which makes men willingly enter when need requires into the dangers of War for honesty sake and for the defence of their Country not out of ambition and desire of self-greatness And to free the City from the fear of her powerful and bitter enemies the Carthaginians was not contrary to this So as I may conclude That it was not the destruction of Carthage but the ill Government of Rome which wrought her ruine The Eighth DISCOURSE Why Rome could not regain her Liberty after the death of Julius Caesar as she had formerly done by driving the Tarquins first out and then Appius Claudius and the other Decemviri MAny do not without reason wonder why the City of Rome which after having droven the Tarquins out who had reigned for above Two hundred and forty years And which having afterwards made Appâ—us Clandius and the other Decemvirl lay down their Magistracy who usurpâ—d
Tyranny could put her self into a free condition why I say she could not do the like when Brutus and Cassius had slain Iulius Casar when it appears they ought rather to have done so now the people being more numerous and powerful and the City in such greatness as the liberty nay rather power which the people had in ordering that Commonwealth ought to have been more esteemed and held dear To this may be added that in the time of Kings the very name of Liberty was not well known much less was the good thereof injoyed Wherefore a good which they had not known ought to have been of less power with them And in the Government of Kings the City had been so successful as it seemed she might run a hazard by chusing a new form of Government which she had not formerly experienced And in the time of the Decemviri the affairs of Rome were also in a very weak condition nor ought the Liberty or command of that City be reputed a thing of such moment as it became afterwards by the wonderful felicity by which she marched to the height of all Glory and Greatness Besides the Government of Ten retained a certain shew of a Commonwealth and many being therein interessed she seemed to have thereby also a better ground for her subsistance Whereas in Caesars time he having reduced the main of all affairs into himself and begun to accept of the Title and Honors of a King all Form of a Commonwealth and of Liberty was lost and he having maintained himself in that degree onely by his own Greatness and in a City so full of Nobility at that time and of so many generously minded men his Principality must of necessity be the weaker and easilier to be eradicated which when it should fall it seemed that the former Government of Common-wealth must of it self rise up again These and other such like reasons afford occasion of seeking into the cause why contrary effects were seen to ensue We will herein consider first what the customs of the City of Rome were in each of these times and what effects were prevalent in the peoples minds men not being accustomed to imbrace such things as are truly useful but often such as by the predominate affection are held to be so Whilst the City was in an humble condition and that her Citizens were not begun to be corrupted by an immoderate ambition of Governing there was no siding nor partaking studied amongst them which crept on by little and little and did so contaminate all orders as it reduced the Commonwealth to such weakness as wanting strength to rule her self she must fall and being once down could not rise up again This corruption began amongst the Soldiers in whom the Commanders did permit such unbridled licentiousness to the end that they might dispose of them as they listed to oppres their particular enemies and sometimes against the very Commonwealth As Sylla did to lessen Marius his power and Marins no less to counterprize Sylla by the same means things growing into such disorder as he made the servants of the Commonwealth to take up arms against his enemies the Syllaniaâ—s and this authority did so continue in great Citizens and in the Commanders of Armies as it seemed a wonder that Pompey the Great who had exceeded all others in Glory and Power after his return into Italy having prosperously ended his enterprise against Mithridates should be content to quit the Army when every one feared that he would enter Rome therewithal and do even then with Rome as Caesar did not long after assume unto himself the chief Government of all publick affairs So great was the disorder and so little was the Authority either of Laws or Senate esteemed But his Design who plotted tyranny in the succeeding time prospered the better for that this corruption which was first entred into the Soldiers was past into the Nobility and spread every day abroad amongst the people For those who had been Generals of the great Enterprises of War being grown exceeding rich did several waies purchase the popular votes turning and winding them as they liked best to the end that the places of Magistracy might be conferred on them or upon their Friends and Adherents Neither was the very Senate free from this contagion but being long before accustomed not to be at their own command but to depend upon the power of those who were of supreme Authority in the Armies they fell headlong into the same errors into which the people were faln manifestly adhering by way of Faction not by any civil favor to particular Citizens who headed parties and the authors of novelties which was at first done with some appearance of honesty to maintain the Commonwealth and to defend Liberty against those who had been too immoderately exalted by the peoples favour to the injury of other more deserving Citizens and to the prejudice of Liberty But in the process of time and affairs those who had taken up Arms in behalf of the Commonwealth proved no less burthensom much power thereby encreasing in one particular person then those themselves against whom Arms were taken up For an immoderate desire of encreasing in power and wealth began to possess the souls of many who were already accustomed to rule longer and with greater authority then was sitting to be done in a Civil Government So as all things were put into great confusion and now not those who were worthy and valiant but those who were most bold insolent found places of greatest honor in the Commonwealth Hence it was that it being observed that those who had adhered to Sylla's party when his Adversary being overcome he was become almost the sole Arbitrator of all things had often gotten great riches and preferments in reward of their wicked actions the wealth of those who were proscribed by Sylla being given to these and such being easily proscribed at his Favorites pleasure whom they would rob of their Palaces or of what they valued most Many allured by hope of getting better things and more easily then they could have done in a well-governed Commonwealth loved confusion and favoured the Government of one alone thinking that they might obtain Honors and many other favors which are usually bestowed freely upon such as are partial to them by those who will preserve themselves in height of Power Hence then it arose that Brutus and Cassiâ—s the murderers of Caesar were not so backed nor met not with that general approbation from the City to uphold their fact and the common Liberty as Iunius Brutus and Virginius did when they raised the people to free themselves from the Tyranny of the Tarquiâ—s and of the Decemviri The latter had recourse unto the Camp and kindled a servent desire in the Soldiers to vindicate the injuries and msolencies used by the Tarquiâ—s and by Appiâ—s But what favour could Bruâ—â—i and Cassius expect from the Soldiers themselves being contaminated and more desirous
to preserve the chief command in one onely person that they might keep the power in themselves then to remit the Commonwealth into Liberty whereby their uncurb'd licentionsness was to be corrected Therefore as soon as Octavius the adopted son of Iulius and who afterwards took upon him the name of Octavius Caesar and of Augustus returned after Caesar's death into Italy he was freely accepted by the Army he being well beloved by the Soldiery out of memory to Iulius Caesar and out of hopes that if he should succeed him in power they might share in the same favors and priviledges But Brutus and Cassius were compell'd to gather together sufficient Forces to defend themselves to have recourse for help to Forein Princes and with their Soldiers to fill those Armies which were to defend the Liberty of Rome So much were the Customs of the City altered in those times and those generous Roman spirits extinguished who for a long time had loved the name of Liberty more then any other thing and then any other Nation And though the fact committed by Caesars Murtherers was approved of by the Senate yet there were many chief men and of great authority who being Caesars friends and depending upon him did much deâ—est it amongst whom were Marcus Antonius and Lepidus Caesars intimate friends who did openly and powerfully maintain that Brâ—tus and Cassius were to be pursued by the publick Arms as Enemies to the Commonwealth and that Caesars death should be revenged This diversity of inclination in the People and in the Senate towards the former and these latter Vindicators of the Liberty of Rome to boot with the diversity of Customs by which the City was swayed at these several times were much furthered by the differing conditions of the persons interessed For the name of the Tarquins was become hateful to all the common people of Rome not only because they kept them always busied in laboring their own grounds but because they were become hateful to all people by reason of their haughty carriage so as they had no Fautors who did desire or endeavour their return to Rome but some few young Noblemen who were well pleased with that former Government by reason of their intimacie with the Kings sons which secured their insolencies But these were not of themselves of any authority to disturb the peace and common liberty and those in whom the publick authority did reside were so well disposed towards the good of their Country and so uncontaminable by any other affection as Brutus condemned two of his sons to suffer death because they were of the number of those who had conspired in favor of the Kings sons And in the time of the Decemviri Appius was not held to be proud but cruel and yet not so really but in appearance which by the common people is held to be as bad For he had ordered many Lictors to walk always before him and his Colleagues with many Fasces in their hands and having afterwards taken away Appeals he seemed in all his actions to aim at Tyranny which is always injurious to the People So as it is no wonder if they did not afterwards resent that such men should be removed from Government wherein they had behaved themselves so ill and did desire to return under the Government of Consuls and other Magistracies To this may be added that the People had then almost the same authority which some particular Citizens did afterwards usurp and did go about to obtain all unjust things from the Senate by sedition as these did in the ensuing times by force of arms So as no such way being opened in the first State of the City the People knew that when the Decemviri should be driven away they might obtain many things of favor to themselves as indeed they did For Appeals were not only again allowed of but much amplified and the Tribunes of the People were declared to be Sacrosancti But Caesar using therein either his natural endowments and worth or some wonderful cunning had wrought himself into much favor with the People by his humanity magnificence liberality by his familiarity with all men by easily pardoning offences making of noble and frequent Shews by his sumpâ—uous and costly Feasts and by his rich Gifts and by these means secured his Tyranny upon the sound foundation of universal favor and upon the favor of many partial Friends whom he had made great and by many singular favors bound them fast unto him and interessed them in his own greatness and power So as he who will consider these things duly must confess that in Brutus and Cassius the intention was more to be commended then the act for their danger could bring no true safety to the Commonwealth as they themselves were soon aware of by flying from that City which they ought to have summoned to Liberty and making themselves the Heads of those who should rise up in their behalf But the business being inopportunely undertaken miss'd of that success which opportunity might have brought it For Caesar might easily have lost the Peoples favor either for that thinking himself sufficiently setled in his Dominion he might value it so much in the future or for that they being naturally given to love change might grow weary of his too great power which was already begun to be much suspected by his having accepted of the title of King and of many other Honors which he had formerly refused Things which made the People aware of their error in being too conformable to the will of one sole Citizen If such an occasion had been waited for he who should have had a mind to have restored the Commonwealth to her Liberty might have had some better foundations for the effecting of his desire And if it shall be objected that the City could not throw off the yoke of servitude after the death of Caligula and Nero though they were very vicious and much detersted by the People it may be answered That then the power of the Emperors and authority of the Soldiers were too strongly confirmed who put Caligula and Nero and other of their successors to death not out of any desire of restoring the City to liberty as Brutus and Cassius had done but for that they were weary of their Empire and hoped to be better rewarded by those who were by them cryed up for Emperors in place of those that were flain The cause of such diversity of success may likewise be known if we will consider some things more in general Whilst the City of Rome was in such a condition by reason of her Laws and Customs as she was of herself well given to Politick Government it was impossible to introduce Tyranny so as it could be continued there For the Body of the City not being organised so as became such a Government which is the Soul of the City such a Union could not be setled there as might assume vital Form And as it falls out in
natural affairs every thing is not made of every thing but from this or that other assigned matter such or such a thing is particularly generated answerable to the quality of the said matter and to the vertue of the generating cause so in our civil actions every State cannot be fashioned out of every State but these things are likewise determined by a certain order so as from Aristocracie we pass into the power of a few from thence to a Popular condition and at last to Tyranny Yet are these Transitions very hard to be observed in the City of Rome for that her Government was always mixt with divers species of Regiment yet it may be seen how divers Parties prevailed in divers Times so as they came to constitute a different Form of Government At the beginning Vertue was highly esteemed the greatest Honors and chiefest Places were conferr'd upon some few that were the most famous and most vertuous Citizens though the People had always a share therein But Ambition and the desire of Rule and Riches did afterwards mightily increase in the Nobility who deceiving the Multitude by several artifices they reduced so much of the publick Authority into themselves to maintain their private greatness as the Laws having lost their efficacie and the choice of the Magistrates and the resolution in all weighty and important affairs depending upon the will of some few powerful Citizens the City wholly lost the resemblance that she had of an Aristocratical State and took the form of being governed by a few And those very Citizens that they might preserve the power amongst themselves were forced to favor the multitude by promising and permitting unto them things that were both unworthy and unlawful So these men that they might domineer over more noble personages were forced to obey the hase will of the Soldiers and of abject and insolent Popular men which reduced the Commonwealth at last to a base and corrupt Popular State though in former times the peoples Authority was always great but better moderated notwithstanding by the Laws and certain considerations from whence it was more easie afterwards to pass to Tyranny the Plotters using those very means which it hath been observed Caesar made use of to usurp unto himself the sole Government of the Commonwealth Such changes have usually been seen in other Cities and at other times where the condition of Government hath given the same occasion So Athens was alwaies subject to frequent alterations of Government and particularly to Tyranny Insomuch as the wise Legislator Salon who had the charge of reforming it before his death saw it faln from the state whereinto he had reduced it and tyranny brought in by Pisiâ—â—atus for the corruption which was amongst the Inhabitants afforded matter and means to any one who had a mind to possess himself of the Liberty thereof And it is likewise seen of Modern Commonwealths that those wherein the people have had much authority or rather licentiousness they have not been able to keep in a constant Government free from Civil Seditions and have been but short-lived As happened is the City of Florence wherein for the consideration above said it was easier for them who had a mind to suppress the liberty thereof and hard for him who desired to preserve it So as though the House of Medici hath by various accidents been sundry times driven from thence and though Alexander the first Duke thereof lost his life the City though otherwise noble and magnificent being much infected with parties and corrupted by popularity all endeavors of preserving it in the form of a Commonwealth and in true liberty proved vain And on the contrary the Commonwealth of Venicâ— by reason of hen excellent Form of Government which though it be mixt hath little in it of Popular Government and much of the Optimati not having given way to such corruptions as use to trouble the quiet of civil life nor afforded means to any who should goe about to plot against the publick Liberty hath been able for a very long space of time to maintain her self in one and the same condition and free from those dangers into which other Commonwealths have faln for not having a Government of equal temper with that of hers The Ninth DISCOURSE Which is the safer way to be taken to arrive at Honor and Glory in a Commonwealth that which waâ— beld by Cato or that which was pursued by Caesar. JUlius Caesar and Marcus Cato who was afterwards called Uticencis both of them very famous and greatly cried up persons both for their excellent indowments of mind and for the great Authority which they held both with the Senate and with the people did both of them flourish at the same time in the Commonwealth of Rome But they did so differ in Manners and Customs as it may afford occasion of wonder if we will consider how stearing several courses they happened both of them to arrive almost at one and the same end And of doubt in him who shall propound unto himself the example of these two great Personages to purchase Fame and Power in a Commonwealth whether of the two he ought most to imitate Caesar won much love by his great humanity liberality and magnificence but Cato was reverenced for the austerity of his Comportment by the integrity of his life and for the zeal he shewed in the managing of all publick affairs Those who were opprest either by poverty or by enemies had recourse to Caesar for protection and those who hated wicked men and the inventers of novelties trusted that Cato would chastise and suppress them Caesar never spared for any labour by which he might hope to purchase renown and glory and Cato by despising glory became glorious Caesar desired to shew generosity and greatness of spirit in all his actions and Cato delighted in nothing more then in modesty and innocency of life Caesar was much given to all acts of Grace and Cato constant in all acts of Justice Caesar seemed to take delight in Sports Feasts and Banquets and Cato profest openly to scorn all favor save what the merit of his own worth brought with it So as the greatness wherein the Commonwealth then was was said to be most resplendent in Caesar so the preservation of the antient Form of the Commonwealth and of the customs of her first age was held to be preserved in one onely Cato These two so excellent Personages took these two differing ways yet each of them acquired great Renown Fame and Authority Great was Caesars glory by the many things he did in War but Cato was no less celebrated for Civil Affairs Caesar by his great Authority could make France be first assigned unto him and then confirmed upon him where he kept in chief command with his Army for the space of Ten years He also made use of the peoples favour not to aggrandise himself but to make the greatest honors be conferred on his Friends and upon such
the Commonwealth was to honor him with the name of Pater Patriae and to compare his actions to those of Romulus and of those that followed next after him from whom as from the first Founders of the City of Remâ— it was generally granted that the rest had received power and vertue to imitate them The custom was therefore always observed in Rome of honoring her Birth-day with solemn sacrifices as that which by its happy Auspices had not only given excellent Auguries but as it were a certain vigor to the so many other Felicities which did at all times accompany her And it was particularly interpreted for an excellent Augury of the City of Rome's greatness and of her increase in power and authority over all the Latines that she was born and increased from the ruines of Alba most of the Latines having been Colonies of the ruined City of Alba. Now if we shall consider what may be alleadged on the behalf of the second Romans we shall find such and so many things to be said for them as the first Garland of the glory of Rome's greatness may seem to be due to them without offence to any others For he who shall weigh things well shall find that this Age brought forth more noble and truer Examples of real worth then any other so as they did not only excell themselves but even all Foreiners For the military valor which flourished in the Citizens of Rome of this Age was accompanied with other excellent vertues and especially with vast charity towards their Country not for their own glory but out of love to her greatness and prosperity Danger was so despised by some of them as some famous men amongst them did even sacrifice themselves and their lives for their Countries welfare as the examples of Curtius and of the two Decii do even at this day much to their glory shew The generous Commanders in that Age did contemn riches as well as danger so as they overcame not only their Enemies but even themselves things which were praised and admired in Quintus Cincinnatus in Fabritius and in Paulus Aemilius But how famous did they prove in matter of War and worthy of that praise which is given to excellent Commanders He who shall consider how Enterprises were managed by the two Papyrii the Father and the Son against the Samnites what the Forces of the conquered Enemies were of what advantage their victory was to the Romans will confess that their merits came not short of any neither in those nor in the following times This Age was often to withstand the Galls who were powerful and bitter Enemies to the Romans by whom the very City of Rome was assaulted and indangered for the delivery whereof Furius Camillus grew so famous But this was not the only occasion of trying the Roman Forces against the French in those times Quintus Servilius Ala and Q. Fabius withstood them when the French returning more powerful then before neer to the City of Rome by means of these illustrious Commanders their whole endeavors proved vain In this Age divers Pâ—ople of Italy did sundry times jointly conspire against the City of Rome which the more formidable she grew to her neighbors the more did a common apprehension make them arm against her And notwithstanding she did not only seem not daunted amidst those dangers but having still the better of those by whom she was infested she increased by the ruine of others For these reasons Forein forces were called in by the very Italians and Pyrrbus was received into Italy that he might wage war with the Romans whose renown was so great as the chief honor in matters of war was given by Hannibal to Pyrrbus And he who in a few words will conceive the worth of the Commanders in this Age let him say that Livy who was much versed in the Roman affairs did attribute so much to the Commanders of this Age as he esteemed them not only equal but superior to Alexander the Great holding for certain that if Alexander after he had conquered Darius had turned into Italy he would have left the glory that he won in Persia when he should have met with the Roman Forces commanded by Fabius Maximus Valerius Coâ—vinus Papyrius Cursor and Titus Manlius But above all things it is worth consideration that in this Age the City of Rome was confirmed and established with more certain and useful orders as well in Civil as in Military Affairs whereby she long after was governed and by vertue whereof she chiefly arrived at such a height of greatness Great were the rewards which were given in Rome to military worth and those Citizens were much egg'd on by glory to great undertakings and sharp sufferings Triumph was a great ornament and glory to victorious Commanders which was first used to honor the Consul Post humius for the Victory he wan over the Sabins The first equestral Statuâ—s were likewise an invention of this Age which were granted to Consuls who overcame the Latins in Battel In this Age the Mural and Civick Garlands were first used to the end that there might be rewards for every mans worth The wintring of Soldiers in the Fields and under Tents was begun to be used by the Romans in this Age a thing which proved so useful and necessary afterwards in greater and farther distant enterprises What did more advantage the City of Rome in her greatest dangers and weightiest occasions then the authority of Dictator a Magistracy of reverend majesty and which proved so often the true and onely remedy to maintain the affairs of Rome in their less prosperous times This was first created in Rome to resist the forces of Forty Populi Latini who were joyned in league together against the Romans and against whom Posthumius was created the first Dictator But how reverend and unviolable the observance of military orders were with the Commanders of this Age may be demonstrated by the famous examples of the severity of Posthumius and of Manlius Torquatus against their own Sons who for not obeying the command of their Superiors though it were accompanied with noble daring and happy success was punished by death And as this age was busied in perpetual Wars new Wars being perpetually raised up by the same people of Latium and Toscany whom they had often overcome so to it that Fortitude Vertue of mind and Military Discipline is chiefly to be attributed by which the people of Rome proved more excellent then all other Nations For this so continual exercise of Arms for so many years together did so accustom the City to Military Affairs as it was not onely easie for those that followed after to tread in the footsteps of these their Predecessors but almost necessary for the preservation of the City which being long accustomed to labor and warlike occupations could not nor would not without intestine disorder live in idleness And as for the orders in Civil Affairs certainly no small praise is likewise
Fight neer Zama yielded and humbled themselves to the Romans But the last Punick War as it ended in a shorter time and with less trouble then the former two so brought it more glory and security to the Romans for the very name of the formidable Roman Forces was sufficient to put an end to that War and the final ruine of Carthage which ensued did for ever secure the Common-wealth of Rome from the false faith of the Cathaginians But other great and noble feats of Arms undertaken at the same time with great courage and happy augury as the War against Philip in Macedonia and in Asia against Antiochus did sufficiently illustrate the Roman Forces and did enlarge the Confines of their Empire in farthest distant Nations In the three Punick Wars which lasted forty three years with variety of fortune they fought sometimes more for safety then for glory But herein the People of Rome shewed not only the power of their Forces but the generosity of their minds having undertaken the one War to revenge the injuries received from Philip in his having supplied Hannibal with succors and the other to preserve some Cities in Asia antient Colonies of Greece in their Liberty and from being injuriously oppress'd by Antiochus And if it be said that these so many Enterprises were made by the Italian Forces the first and chiefest difficulty consisting in the subjugating of Italy the first and chiefest praise seems to be due to this Age But take this for granted it must be added that a great share of this very praise is due to the last Age for the Insubri and Liguri were not assubjected by the Romans till after the end of the second Carthaginian war the first being conquered by Marcellus the second by Quintus Fulvius who wan so much the more glory thereby for that these are very noble parts of Italy and that the Country of the Insâ—bri was possess'd by the Galls who were at that time very potent in those parts and Liguria was inhabited by a very fierce and warlike people These are not then things altogether so great and glorious as that they surpass all other things done by other men at other times But if we shall look further into this very Age of Rome we shall meet with other actions so great and as miraculous as their splendor will obscure the glory of those very Romans who were so cryed up in comparison of other Nations For when the City of Carthage was utterly ruin'd with which the City of Rome had fought so long and oft-times with variety of fortune and those dangers being secured for ever there not remaining any other Potentate who could of himself gave a just counterpoise to the Roman power they march'd so fast on to Monarchy as in the space of one hundred years between that time and the time of Caesars Dictatorship they extended the Confines of the Roman Empire almost over the face of the whole Earth Amongst the rest great was that War which was taken against Mithridates under pretence of defending Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes who were Friends to the People of Rome but in effect to oppose his vast designs wherein aspiring at the dominion of all Asia and of Europe also he became formidable even to the veâ—y Romans who though they had to do with this potent Eâ—emy who could put â—ogether in tâ—is War an Army of Two hundred thousand Foot and Fifty thousand Horse and a Fleet of Three hundred Ships yet did they not only â—isâ—omfit Mithridates but took occasion to make other Victories in Nations far off for they marched with their Armies into Armenia against â—igranes because he had favored Mithâ—dates and received him into his Kingdom when he was driven away by the Romans And he who will observe the Roman History will have occasion of wonder that though the Roman Commanders and Armies were often overcome in battel yet in all the Wars that ever they made they have at last proved Victors But the things that were done in the last years of this Age do exceed whatsoever could aâ— first have faln into the thought of man thereby to settle the Common-wealth in a flourishing and fortunate condition To pass by so many othâ—r glorious Victories and Triumphs who can choose but admire the great deeds of â—â—mpey and of Caesar the speed which the first made in finishing so mâ—ny Wars his great good fortune chiefly in subjugatâ—ng so many Eastern Provinces in a very short time and the seconds constance and forâ—itude demonstrated in so many battels and in cuâ—bing so many Western Nations Insomuch as it â—s said of both thesâ— that each of them won above eight hunâ—red Cities to the Roman Empire which certainly hath dimmed and obscured the glory and memory of aâ—l Antâ—quity What â—esolution shall then be given in this so doubtful question in which so many reasons may be alleaged on alâ— sides It is a great matter certainly to give a begining to things which being afterwards increased are won usually to proceed on more easily And yet on the otherside according to the known saying they are no less to be commended who add to things begun and do preserve what is already goâ—ten 〈◊〉 are the original Authors But neither thâ—se nor those may be said to have won the Gole which they can only properly be said tâ— do who brâ—ng things already begun and since much augmented to the highest pitch of pâ—râ—ection wâ—â—ch such a thing is capable of or whereunto being measured wâ—th due respect it can arrive And these degreâ—s are found in almost all things that are effected by â—umane industry that â—s the beginning the increase and the perfection After which two other things follow declination and final ruine whereof we do now treat But these several degrees may clearly enough be obseâ—ved in Empires In these then did the Citizens of Rome adoperate themselves in all the aforesaid Ages so worthily and so much to the good of the City as each of them may seem to lay claim to the chief Crown of the Roman glory It may then be said that though many things concur to the production of any thing yet do they not all do it after the same manner nor are they all of equal dignity in themselves or of equal force for the constituting of that work Thus in the foundation of Romes Monaâ—chy certainly the Founders of the City did concur from whom she received her first â—utrâ—menâ— which help'd so much to strengthen that body and made it fit to sustain the weight of so great an Empire Those also who did next succeed them who did add to her Militia her Government to her good orders both for War and Peace and made her â—itter for greater things have their part therein and finally those who by so many and so signal Victories placed her as it were with her own hands on the top of her greatest power and dignity But in this connumeration of things what can be affirmed but
that the last Age which by her particular Acts and labors saw the Commonwealth seated as it were in the Throne of Majesty may with reason challenge the greatest part of this merit and glory because she concurred as the nearest cause to the founding and establishing of the City in that state and condition wherein she was in her greatest excellency and glory amongst all Nations It is true that he who in another respect will more consider the necessity then the dignity of the thing may peradventure be of another mind for it is most certain that had not the City of Rome been first founded by Romulus and maintained by other Kings in her beginning against her insulting enemies if the Capitol had not been saved afterwards from the Gauls if the so many conspiracies made by the people of Italy against her rising greatness had not been repulst there could have been no such thing as the Victories and Triumphs of the Scipio's Marcellus Fabritius Metellus Pompey and Caesar and of so many others who atchieved those things by the strength of the City already happily begun and encreased with much industry and valor But as it usually falls out in natural things that their augmentation changing as it were that first Form proves the corruption thereof so as that subject being reduced to another condition little count is held of precedent affairs so in these things which are formed by mans industry as a more unpolished Form is succeeded by another which renders that subject more excellent and perfect no man values the former or considers it with a thought of praise or imitation So we see it falls out in the more noble Arts as in Painting Sculpture Architecture and the like which daily grow to more perfection those are most commended in them who therein prove the greatest Masters so as their particular praise walks hand in hand with the perfection which by their industry they have brought to that Art wherein they have with much industry and study spent their time Cincinnatus his poverty was praised and the like of some others of those Commanders who were called up from the Plough to be Consuls and Dictators because they bore a certain proportion to the condition of those things and of the City But the magnificence of Crassus and of Lucullus had more coherence with the greatness to which the City of Rome did afterwards arrive It seems then that neither can there be any comparison made between these ages for as they were sufficiently different between themselves so different thoughts studies and exercises did become them which things if they had any thing of conformity between them it was rather by likeness or figure or rather some dispositions of those first weaker operations to the other greater and more noble And as it is seen in every individual man the same things are not proportionate nor proper to all Ages but divers things do accommodate themselves to divers Ages though the one be subordinate to the other so as the exercises may both be the same and different because they are accommodated to the same aim and end but are notwithstanding otherwise put in use in Childhood Youth and Manhood just so in the point we are now upon things suit not with a City in the second Age which were proper to her in the first neither could the second do those things which were reserved to the third and which would not be praised in the third had it not done more then either the first or second So to end this Discourse it may be said That the City of Romes happy genius produced men well adapted to her three conditions and very excellent for what each Age and condition brought forth For if the first would have made too much hast in agrandising and making the City famous they might rather have disordered themselves and by making many enemies have encreased the difficulty of effecting those things which when riper proved afterwards more safe and easie And likewise if the second should have imbraced things disproportionable for her strength and have carried her Forces out of Italy before she had therein setled the Roman power it might have proved rather the corruption then the perfection of the Commonwealth The first therefore and the second are very much to be praised for such things as became that Age and state of the City wherein they were done But by how much more the adoperating cause doth work upon a more noble a perfect subject by so much doth the work prove more perfect and excellent Therefore those of the third Agâ— having occasion to act in greater matters as finding the City already very spacious and powerful the off spring of their industry and labour hath proved more noble and they have won such praise to the Commonwealth as greater is not to be pretended unto The Eleventh DISCOURSE How the Roman Empire though it fell oftentines into the hands of base and wicked men was notwithstanding able to maintain it self in the reign of many Emperors and how it came to be finally destroyed AS amongst all humane actions those Commands and Powers are noblest and of greatest worth by which a man gets to be above other men and doth govern them in a manner as God doth rule and govern the world so of all Dominions and Commands that ever were the Roman Empire was greatly remarkable and held in great esteem and reverence by all Nations and did so far extend her self as it may almost be said with the Poet That her Confines were those of the whole world which was known to antiquity Which may be comprehended by this that Constantine the Great having divided the Empire between his three Sons the elder Constantine to whose third part fell the Provinces of Spain France and the greatest part of Germany together with the Island of Great Britain made War with his Brother Constantine to whose share many other Countries fell to come to a better aggiustment of division wherein he thought his Father had dealt unequally with him But now this so stupendious Fabrick erected in the concourse of many years by the worth and labor of so many gallant men must finally run the fate of all humane things must be dissolved and fall to the ground and by her ruine occasion vast revolution of things Hence it was that so many noble Cities were ruined and the ground-work of some others laid which proved afterwards very noble Structures Hence it was that many intire Regions had their antient Inhabitants driven away and were possest by new Citizens had new Customs new Laws new Tongues and new fashions brought in and hence it was that Italy which had been the Seat of so great an Empire was subject to greater alterations and more heavy calamities then other Provinces It will not then be an unacceptable labor man being so naturally given to the desire of knowledge to seek out how and for what causes chiefly these things happened For that general rule
in far off affairs nor against strangers because they were still at contestation between themselves And if at any time they went about to do it they were either hindred or diverted as were the Athenians when they past with their Fleet above Sicily under pretence to assist the Leontinians but in effect to get the Island to themselves aspiring by advice of Alcibiades who had higher conceptions then any former Greciah had had to pass over into Africa against the Carthaginians the Spartans having discovered the design and not being able to endure that the Athenians should to their prejudice grow more powerful resisted their Forces and succor'd Messina when the City was ready to be lost and also assailed the Athenians in their own Territories to divert them from that enterprise The same thing for the same occasion fell out when the Athenians passing with their Fleet into Egypt had induced the Egyptians to rebel against the Persians and very powerful Forces were already brought by Sea from Greece to Cyprus to assault the King of Persia's Territories But the Lacedemonians growing jealous of their greatness frustrated that design opposing them so many waies and by so many Forces as if the business had been not to have abased but to have exalted the power of the Persians the common and continual enemies of Greece But these things were done by the Spartans as they gave out onely to curb the immoderate ambition of the Athenians and to maintain and defend the liberty of whole Greece upon which pretence they undertook and for many years maintained that famous War of the people of Morca which did much molest whole Greece and kept their Forces very low Therefore in the time when these two greater and more famous Commonwealths did flourish they made use of their Forces more against themselves then against foreiners and in domestick War which was the cause why Greece grew weaker not more powerful For whatsoever of prejudice befel either of the parties was prejudicial to Greece her self and the fame and glory of their victories was blemish'd and lessened by the loss of those Grecians that were overcome Therefore she never became formidable to other Nations as did Italy where when the fame and worth of the Romans began to prevail and the other neighboring Potentates were extinguished her force and power being all of a peece the Roman Arms were dreadful to all people nay they were all finally overcome by them But Greece never having been able to reduce her self to a condition that all her forces should be under the power of one onely Potentate and that War was administred under the Auspice of one onely Commonwealth she was of necessity to be alwaies too weak and impotent to inlarge her Confines much So as that which made the Grecians be much esteemed to wit her having so many Commonwealths did much diminish the glory and dignity of Empire to which otherwise her many signal vertues might have carried her if her Forces had been in the power of one onely or Prince or Commonwealth or at least if there had been a greater union and better intelligence amongst the so many Commonwealths that were in her But too great a desire of Liberty which made it harder for one People to be obedient to another People was directly that which made them injoy it the lesser while For being weak and divided amongst themselves the way lay open to any who who would assault and oppress them But the better the Grecians were accommodated with all vertue and discipline which made them esteem all others besides themselves barbarous so much the more were they born away with too much vivacity of spirit to such an elâ—tion of mind as none of them could indure to see themselves equall'd either in publick or in private by mother nor any City to his nor any of his Citizens to himself So as every more valiant man and every more generous action grew suspiciâ—â—â— to others and were more envied and disturb'd then the rest all their ambition 〈…〉 upon themselves It is reported that Pausanias who was 〈…〉 against the Persians did in token thereof present the Temple of Apollo in Delphos with that famous golden Trevet whereat the rest of the Grecians being greatly scandalized made Pausanias his name be raced out and placed in stead thereof the names of all the Confederate Cities whose People were present at that Victory And 't is said of Alcibiades that full of vexation he had wont to say that he could not sleep for thinking of the Triumphs of Miltiades But there are a thousand examples of such like things which shews how fervently they did contend one with another in point of glory Themistocles and Aristides were profess'd Enemies so were Alcibiades and â—icias and many others of the most famous and valiantest Citizens of Athens Where there was such contention amongst themselves and so great care was had that no one man should exceed another very much notwithstanding any action which might make him more glorious and potent as Ostracism was ordained which was the banishment of such Citizens for ten years who were very remarkable either for excellency of parts or prosperous fortune more then were the rest by which means they lost their best Citizens nay sometime made them bocome their Enemies as was seen in Alcibiades Themistocles Pericles and some others who were born for the aggrandising of that Commonwealth and yet through the corruption of the Orders thereof proved prejudicial to it Whereupon Xerxes who favored and gave entertainment to such men had wont to say that he prayed God that his Enemies might still banish such Citizens The divers Forms of Government made likewise much against the union of the people of Greece Some of their Cities were much for Democracie as Athens and some others lean'd more to Aristocracie as Sparta Such dâ—versity of Governments produced diversity of Customs and cogitations so as they could hardly be all of them pleased with one and the same thing every one measuring their actions with peculiar respects divided from the rest So as when in the time of Lysander King of the Spartans the City of Athens was taken to the end that they might master it the better they changed the Form of Government reducing it from a Popular condition the form of its former Government under the authority of a few as that which did more resemble the Spartan Government And in the following times when the Spartans ran the same fortune with all the other Grecians and was compell'd to obey the King of Macedon it was requisite to alter the Laws and Institutions of that City which were at first ordained by Lycurgus These things did beget and maintain so great a disunion in Greece as she could not only not unite her Forces together to carry them against other Nations but hardly could she defend herself with them As was seen when being mightily endangered by an Army of the Persians which came with a great
power to assault her the War was diversly administred they not agreeing what City should nominate the Commander in chief the Spartans would have reduced the defence to narrow passages by Land and the Athenians would have put the whole fortune of Greece in their Fleet the situations of their Cities and the condition of their Forces would not permit that one and the same thing should be equally useful and commodious for them all Nor was the eminent danger of the Persians so potent Army able to unite the Forces of all Greece but that some of the chief People as the Thessalians Argives and Thebans would be exempted from out the League and the Argives being requested to adhere to the Confederacie of so many other Cities answered that they would rather obey the Persians then give way unto their antient Rivals and Enemies the Spartans Finally the Grecians having obtained a great and unexpected Victory in the Sea-fight at Salamine when they were to have pursued their Fortune after having beaten the â—leet and made the Enemy retire they of themselves gave over all further hopes and came home to their own Havens for that the Spartans envied the glory of the Athenians and fearing by reason of their being stronger at Sea that if they should have proceeded on in their success they would not have spared their own Grecians but have domineered over them and soon after being more moved by envy and their antient home-contentions then by any hatred to the Enemy when they should have driven the remainder of the Persian Army out of Greece the associate Cities fel upon the Thebans because severing themselves in these common dangers from the Grecians they had recourse for friendship to the Persians So as Greece reaped no good by this prosperous success because the Grecians knew not how to value it nor knew they how to use the Victory when they had got it Mardonius was overthrown at the Battel of Platea together with his whole Army which after Xerxes his flight he commanded in chief But what advantage got the Grecians by so great a victory save their dividing of the prey which made them return all of them the sooner to their own houses Nay there arose greater and more cruel civil wars between them afterwards then had ever been before and the business grew to that height as the Spartans who had always profess'd themselves more bitter Enemies to the Barbarians then all the rest joined in league with them and conspired with Tissaphernes who was Governor of Libia for King Darius to ruine Greece Truces made between them were also often broken and out of too great proneness to adhibit faith to the suspitions which they had one of another the publick faith was broken no tye being strong enough to keep those minds fast together which were so divided by perpetual emulation But of all the rest two things are very considerable as touching this present Discourse and the Judgment which is to be given thereupon to wit of what strength the Grecians were in military affairs and with what Princes they had to do in the time when Greece did flourish most and had most reason to aspire to enlarge her Empire Certainly he who shall well consider it will find that warlike Discipline was neither so highly esteemed of nor of that excellencie and perfection amongst the Grecians as it was amongst the Romans for the Romans valued nothing more then military valor and discipline nay for a long time they studied no Sciences nor Liberal Arts wherein those who took any delight made use of Grecians but did wholly give their minds to military exercises and sought for praise from nothing but from War Whence it was that more Soldiers excellently well train'd up in millitary affairs were to be drawn out of the City of Rome then out of other whole Provinces whereas the Grecians did not give their minds to the study of War but to Learning and to the Liberal Sciences which flourish'd a long time amongst them as either born with them or very well cultivated by them There were as many of them that frequented Universities to become Philosophers as of those who studied the Soldiers craft How many Professors were there amongst them of Oratory and Poetry wherein they proved so excellent as all that ever desired to prove good therein since have observed their rules and trodden in their steps How many rare Artificers have there likewise been of Grecians in all the most noble Arts particularly in Sculpture and Picture-drawing The original or at least the perfection whereof knows no other beginning then from Greece In the memory of all Ages the names of Phidias Polyclâ—â—us Alcamenes Aglâ—â—â—hon 〈◊〉 Parrhasius Zeuxis Apelles and of so many others are celebrated Wherefore Greece was more famous for the excellencie of Learning and of the Liberal Arts then for skill in the Militia Yet was the City of Sparta better then the rest at millitary affairs and Athens was sufficiently famous for her Fleets by Sea and her skill in maritime affairs yet the Spartan Militia was bounded within 〈…〉 ere the Athenians did much mind their 〈…〉 mistocles his time And certainly 〈…〉 ordered for the acquirement of Empire For Sparta 〈…〉 tended to Arms yet did they aim more at their own defence and at the presâ—rvation of Libertie then at the acquisition of Empire not onely private Citizens but even the publick weal being constituted in great poverty and restrained to a small number of Citizens they were forbidden all commerce with foreiners least they might corrupt the Laws and Customs of their Country their lives were austeer and they were contented with a little Whence it was that those Citizens were a long time from desiring any further greatness it being therefore propounded to Cleamenus King of Sparta by one Anaxagoras of Miletum who had caused many of the Cities of Ionia to rebel against the King or Persia to make use of that occasion and take up arms shewing him that he might penerate even to the Cities of Susa and possess himself of the wealth of all those Kings The Spartan laught at the proposition and considering onely the length of the voyage said He would none of those riches which were not worth so much labour Yet because the Government of Sparta preserved it self for a long time without any great alteration or change and grew therefore the stronger it was able to get the Dominion of whole Morea and had afterwards the prime place for dignitie and Empire amongst the Grecians On the contrary Athens which by the opportunitie of the Sea and by divers of her institutions aiming at the increasing of the City seemed as if she onght to have inlarged her Dominion beyond the Confines of Greece could not make good use of her Forces nor reap the fruit which became the worth of some of her most excellent Citizens who were highly spirited and were minded to raise their Country to further greatness because she could never
Men but amongst bruit Beasts yea even amongst Vegetables Then since this Equality is not to be found amongst Men it is great injustice to distribute things equally in a Government to those whose parts and deserts are unequal For in conferring of honors or pâ—eferments in a City or State a Geometrical not an Arithmetical proportion must be observed It is the vertue and merit of every one that must be weighed He who is richer then another may be serviceable to his Country by great and frequent contributions to the Publick He who hath many Clients and Friends may by his power and authority dispose 〈◊〉 Peoples minds to believe â—ell and act well in the Cities occasions and affairs He who is advanced above others in glory must have deâ—erâ—â—d it well of the Commonwealth by some noble action and 〈◊〉 confirâ—t himself therein by some other like action And he Who is â—â—â—re generally given to any Vertue be it or Warlike or Civil is always 〈◊〉 then others to serve his Country and Prince upon all occasions So as to drive 〈◊〉 men as these out of the City is no better then to cut that member from the body which is loveliest and fitter then the rest to be serviceable thereunto Such an Instiâ—uâ—ion then can have no admittance but in Tyrannical governments And the examples alleadged of Thrasâ—â—alâ—â— and Tarquin are examples of Tyranâ—â— who being resolved to preserve themselves by violence in their usurped dominionr were to be jealous of all the best and most powerful men and endeavor to be quit of thâ—â— for their greater security But a just Prince must not imiteate such examples â—ay even in a Politick Government these Proceedings would be pernicious For he who will thereby preserve himself must change the Form of the whole Government and reduce it to a Despoâ—ical and servile condition with which such Orders holding some proportion and conformity they may for a certain time prove useful for the maintaining of that Tyrannie as it hath done to the Turks in these later times and formerly in some other Nations wherein the whole Government hath related to the sole and peculiar accommodation of the Lord Paramount without any respect to the good of the Subject and more according to will then to Law Nor is it true that the power of Citizens or greatness of Barons in a Kingdom proves alwas harmful it may rather upon many occasions prove the safety of that City or State But this may be ill uâ—ed as many other things are the which notwithstanding whosoever should go about to take totally away from a City would ruine it not bring it to perfection Therefore the Law ought to provide for taking away the abuse of things not the things themselves when they are not simply and in themselves evil And if the Authority which the Roman Commanders held in their Armies had been well regulated and their continuing is their military Commands moderated by a shorter time Caesar could not have made use thereof as he did to the prejudice of the Commonwealth he having continued so many years Commander in chief of the same Army and in the same Province Nor had they needed to have raised Pompey to such a height to oppose Caesars greatness But when when they had let it run on too long to declare him an Enemy to his Country and drive him out of Italy proved a violent remedy and mortal to the Common-wealth Neither can that benefit be expected as is pretended by the banishment of so many Citizens who being become too great are for suspition drives out of their Country of securing themselves from their power rather Injury added to Ambition serves for another incitement to make them endeavor some innovation in the City and makes them the more sollicitous in plotting by the means of such as are their friends and adherents in their own City or State to râ—ise some revolt in it for which they have easie recourse to the favor of other Princes So as the trouble of being offensive to those States from whence such men are expell'd is rather increased then diminished We have infinite examples in all Ages of those who being driven by banishment out of a City or State have been the occasion of notable mischief and ruine thereunto For though it cannot be denied but that the â—o great power of Citizens in a City or of Lords and Barons in a Kingdom begets suspition and is dangerous and doth usually cause no small difficulties to the good and peaceful Government of that State yet some other remedy thâ—◠〈◊〉 may be used to obviate those disorders which such excesses do 〈…〉 For that is only to suffer a â—ore to grow old and to gangrene that they 〈…〉 wards forcâ—d to 〈…〉 or sword to heal it In a well-govern'd State 〈…〉 be had and caâ—â— taken both by the Law it self and by the Prince who rules is chief therein not to suffer any one to grow to too 〈…〉 And if any 〈◊〉 do arrive at such a condition as he begins too far to overtop the reâ—â— the foundation and groundwork of his power must dexterously be taken away and of his ploting thoughts so as he may not thereby be able to work any novelties or disturb the publick peace Which may easily be done by his wisdom who commands in chief the same men ought not to be suffered to continue long in the same imployments and especially not to exercise them too long in the same place such things ought not to be left in their power which may serve for fuel the more to kindle their ambitious thoughâ—â— to the prejudice of the publick good which may be done under a pretence of honor so as the Princes may not be noted for injustice nor can the particular persâ—nages account it as an injury done them If any one do abound in riches let him have expensive imployments that he may lessen that wealth which made him appear more eminent then others If he be of too great authority in the Court or amongst the People as having had the management of important affairs along time send him to some place of Magistracie or other imployment a far off and change him often from place to place If he be great and remarkable for glorious actions done by him give him hard and difficult imployments wherein if he succeed not well his reputation will soon grow less with the people who judge by the events But if such a one appear too much ambitious and be so as many men are seen to be out of a certain vain-glory but without any malice of heart he may be contented and kept quiet by confering honors upon him of glorious appearance but little profit But the remedy will prove peradventure harder in those who boast themselves to be more nobly descended and of better blood then others fâ—r many several respects meet often times in them to make them great and powerful yet even against these remedies may be found without
the neighboring Sea or into sher own Gulf are such and so many both for the conveyance of victuals and of merchandize as it is no wonder that so great a multitude of people can live in her with such abundance of all things and not onely her own Citizens but even foreiners who inhabit there grow rich therein But as for Empire and command as she is miraculously accommodated for the imployment of Forces in Sea enterprizes so for what belongs to the like on land she hath not those conveniencies which peradventure are requisite Therefore it was long ere she bethought her self of purchasing any Territories in Terra firmâ— minding onely Dominion at Sea whereunto she was invited by her scituaâ—â—on and by the institution of her Ancestors touching which it is worthy consideration that the Sea Militia and Discipline upon which the Commonwealth was for a long time bent are not such as can naturally give occasion of great command because their Fleets cannot of themselves penetrate further then the Rivers which fall into the Sea wherefore all her acquisitions were onely Islands or places on the Sea shore because she had not then numerous and well disciplined Armies to dive into the hearts of Dominions and to pursue victories All Cities which have placed the pitch of their power in their Fleets have had the like success For though they may have purchased some reputation and some precedencie by Sea yet have they not bâ—en able much to inlarge the Confines of their command Thus the Athenians and other people of Greece though they were very strong in these kind of Forces proper to that Nation from whence the art of building of Ships and of Navigation is thought to have its original yet have they alwaies been esteemed weak and but little valued by such Nations which they could not by their Forces make subject to their Dominions But the City of Rome which studied more the Militia by Land then by Sea and built her greatness more by Armies then by Fleets having more field-room whereiâ— to exercise her Citizens valoâ— made much greater enterprizes and made many Provinces subject to her Dominion Not did the Romans make use of Fleets by Sea before they were necessitated that they might sail into Sicily and Africa to oppose the power of the Carthaginians which they had reason to be jealous of by reason of their too great power and vicinity But when they had occasion to make use of their Soldiers by Sea they shewed no less forwardness and daring therein then they had done by land Insomuch as the skill and experience of the Carthaginians who had long been Masters at Sea was oft-times overcome and deluded by the valor and military Discipline of the Romans till at last that Nation which was held to be so powerful at Sea was destroyed and beaten by the Romans who had a long time been unexperienced in Maritime Affairs but very expert in Land-Armies and Military Discipline So as the Empire of the World being contested for by these two Commonwealths it was seen that it more availed the Romans to be a little superior to the Carthaginians by Land then it did the Carthaginians to exceed the Romans much by Sea For the good Orders of their Armies the valor and discipline of their Soldiers got them the victorie over the Carthaginians and opened the way to the Monarchie of the World which had sundry times before been done by the same means by the Assyrians Persians and Macedonians Land-Forces having alwaies in great acquirements prevailed over those of the Sea and the Discpline of Armies over the experience of Maritime Affairs This is likewise more clearly seen by reason of the new Monarchie founded in a short time by the Turks in Asia and in Greece which was not done by Sea-Forces wherein they were not any waies considerable till of later times but by the multitude of their Cavalrie and more by the firm ranks of their Ianizaries And to say truth the very Forces by Sea are increased and maintained by those of Land for larger Territories do easily furnish men moneys victuals and other necessaries for the well ordering of Fleets at Sea The which is likewise known by experience of the very Commonwealth of Venice which before she had got any State in Terra firma could never make so numerous Fleets though she did very much study Maritime Affairs nor could she prevail in the important Wars against the Genoâ—ses as she did afterwards when her power was much increased and confirmed by her Land Territories Thus in this lastâ—Age she hath been able to set forth at first above a Hundred nimble Galleys and afterward more Galleys and greater vessels of all sorts as hath been seen by experience in the two last Wars against the Turks wherein nothing more gallant and glorious could be desired on the Commonwealths behalf whereupon also as the worthy and becoming fruit of such industry did the Victorie of Lepanto ensue which will be memorable in all Ages And it may suffice to know what the Maritime Forces of the Commonwealth are and how they are abundantly supplied from Land with all things to make them powerful at Sea yea even then when the Sea was blocked up for what concerned them that they were able to maintain so great a Fleet in all seasons for three years together Wherefore Francisco Foscari Duke of Venice a Prince of singular wisdom by whose advice and under whose happy auspices great acquisitions were made on firm land was wont to say that the Commonwealth could not have increased much in power if she had not imployed her Forces on land enterprizes which because she had noâ— formerly done was the cause why that greatness was much retarded and hindred whereunto she might easily have arrived if such counsel had been sooner taken and by setting before her the example of the worth and glory of the Romans she might have aspired to greater Empire But those who governed the Commonwealth were a long time far from any such thoughts being more intent upon peace and quiet or upon such Wars as might inlarge and secure her Dominion by Sea which may be clearly witnessed by what past with â—zzelino de Romano with the Scalligers the Carrâ—â—si and with others who ruled in the next neighboring Citâ—es whereby it is seen that the Venetians being contented with defending their friends and vindicating their own injuries dreamed not on their Dominions of which they might easily have berest them till when overcome by necessity and by the insolencie of the Carraesi and by other accidents of those times they were compell'd to apply their minds and Forces thereunto and to fix their Dominion there Let us consider on the contrary how opportunely Rome was sâ—â—ted to forâ—ent her Citizens dispositions much to augment her Dominions almost in the midst of Italy just sitting for a principal City being placed as may be said in the Center to the end that she may equally extend her Power
and Forces on all sides The City of Rome stands on firm land or Terra firmâ— but so neer the Sea as she may reap the commodity thereof without being thereby endangered she is apt to breed up Armies and to nourish men in the exercise of the Militia not is she inconveniently seated for the transportation of her Forces by Sea into other far off Provinces This diversity of situation hath begot diversity of inclinations in the Inhabitants Thus doth Nature always adapt mens minds to those Arts which they are to exercise themselves in or else Custom doth inform the Habit and turns it into Nature For as the Romans following exercises conformable to the situation of their City were more inclined to Land-war and in Peace to husbandry So the Venetians invited to other things according to the diversity of place applied their studies otherwise to defend their Liberty and to increase their wealth using the Sea Militia for the one and Traffick and Merchandising for the other Which whosoever shall upbraid our Citizens withall seems not to know that without these a City could neither have long preserved it self nor increase in state and wealth as it hath done For not having any particular Territories whereout to extract their livelihood she would have been always poor and weak and wanting other imployments she would have been destroyed if not by forein Forces by her own Idleness as many other Cities have been the Citizens wanting wherein to imploy their thoughts and to exercise themselves in quiet times But if the Citizens of Rome were much commended for their husbandry insomuch as of this day many famous men of that Commonwealth are as much celebrated for having been good Husbandmen as good Commanders as were Curtius Dentâ—tus Quintius Cinciâ—â—tus Attalius Collatsinus Marcâ— Regulus Scipio Africâ—â—ons and others wherefore should the Venetians be upbraided with their Merchandising this being an exercise as fitting and requisite for the situation of Venice as was that of Tillage and Husbandry to the like of Rome If the care of cultivating the Earth did not abase the minds of those antient and reverend Romans who have left so evident examples of worth to all other Cities and Nations why should the industry of Merchandising redound to the opprobry of the Vâ—â—â—tians seeing to the contrary with how much glory and how much publick benefit they have for so long a feries of years govern'd the Commonwealth The studies and actions of the Romans and Venetians have then been different but notwithstanding alike in this that they aimed at the same end though they took several ways there unto to wit aâ— Glory at the Grandeur and Liberty of their Commonwealth Many famous examples of Fortitude of love to their Country and of all other sorts of worthiness have been seen in each of them so as in our men nothing was more to be desired unless 〈◊〉 and more frequent occasions wherein to have imployed themselves that the greatness of their actions might have corresponded to the magnnimity of this minds Yet do not we Venetians want 〈◊〉 of many 〈◊〉 who have been very famous for fortitude of mind and military worth and he who stall examine the life and actions of many Princes of the Commonwealth will find them to be such as deserve praise and celebration Such have Ordelâ—so Fallerâ— Viâ—â—l◠〈◊〉 Micâ—â—li and Hâ—â—â—rico Dandule 〈◊〉 bastione 〈…〉 Cantarem Pietre 〈◊〉 Andrea Gritâ—i Sebastiano Veniero and divers others been whose words might be 〈◊〉 to that of the Fabriâ—â—i Marcelli Fabii 〈◊〉 and others of their so much 〈…〉 then if they had had a larger field to exercise themselves in or had the 〈◊〉 of their Common-wealth afforded them same equal to the merit and valor of those 〈…〉 But let us now come to consider those 〈◊〉 important 〈◊〉 of the condition of Times and their Neighbors qualities The City of Venice 〈◊〉 her beginning when Italy was possest by the wild Northern Nations and when being perplex'd with all other sort of miseries she fell finally into the slavery of Barbâ—â—ians wherein she lived for the space of many years How then could a new City aspire to Empire while the Forces of the Barbarians were so powerful in that Province as the most powerful Roman Empire was not able to withstand them which was shook and destroyed by their fury It rather seems a wonder that a City in her first and weak beginnings was able to manage so great a War and withstand as she did afterwards the violence of two fierce and potent Nations to wit the French and Huns The French when their King Pipin being entred Italy with puissant Forces to drive out the Lombards and being scandalised that the City of Venice had leaned to the friendship of Nicephorus Emperor of Constantinople turn'd his Forces upon her to subjugate and destroy her And the Hâ—ns when parting from Pannonia which took from them the name of Hungary having overcome a very powerful Army of the Germans and kill'd their King Lodovicâ—s they fell to 〈…〉 again their fury was withstood by the 〈◊〉 which 〈◊〉 a powerful Prince was forced to give way unto But afterwards the Forces of these Western Barbarians being in time weakned by Châ—â—â— the Great the State of Italy fell again in to the Western Emperors who being then very powerfull and masters both of Germany and France the Forces of a weak Commonwealth were not likely to contest with so great Princes with any hope of acquiring 〈◊〉 These difficulties being added unto by the Cities situation withheld the Venetians a long while from thinking how to enlarge their Dominions in Terra sirms in which opinion being for a long time confirmed and having very 〈◊〉 imployed their studies and Forces in Sea enterprises though the 〈◊〉 of times did counsel them to the contrary giving them hopes of noble acquisitions on Land they either despised or knew not how to make use of the occasions which afterwards were offered Thus when the German Emperors troubled with the domestick troubles of that Province did forgo their possessions in Italy the Venetians not minding then that opportunity left the advantage to others which they might easily have reaped whereupon other Cities of Italy purchasing their 〈◊〉 from the Emperors at low raâ—es framed a peculiar Government unto themselves as did Florence and others were possest by others powerful men as 〈…〉 and other Cities of Lombardy when if the Commonwealth of Venice whole power was already much increased had been minded to have 〈◊〉 themselves of any of the Imperial Territories it is not to be doubted but they might in a short time have made notable acquisitions But when they began very late and more provoked by injuries then by ambition of dominion to think upon Territories by Land they found divers other Princes become very powerful both in 〈◊〉 and Authority and confirm'd in the States which they 〈◊〉 under 〈◊〉 a shore lawful 〈◊〉 Wherefore they met with many difficulties and amongst the
omen to Italy All the other Princes of Italy opposed him afterwards in his designs instructed by the fall of the King of Arragon to have an eye to their own danger except only the Florentines who still continued in adhering to the French the counsel of the most poâ—ent Citizens prevailing over the opinion of the more wise So as the French preparing to return with mighty Forces into Italy they had friendship with none nor had they any other receptacle save with the Florentines with whom they had already made a new agreement to be by them assisted with men and monies Pisa was at the same time straitly beleaguer'd by the Florentines and had she not been succor'd by the Venetians all her other aids were so weak as she must speedily have faln into the Florentines hands who being freed of the expence and trouble of that Siege would be more powerful and more ready to assist the French and to facilitate the enterprises which they were to attempt in Italy Then if it were judged by the common opinion of all men to be just honest and laudable to take upon them the defence of the safety and liberty of Italy against the French how can those actions be blamed which did tend as it is seen necessarily thereunto by keeping foreign Forces afar off and by bereaving them of their â—riends assistance The affairs of the King of France did at this time ebb and flow but for the most part ebb in the Kingdom of Naples Great were the King of Arragons hopes of recovering the State being therein assisted powerfully by the same Venetians The King of France though his Forces were in a readiness was doubtful whether he should come into Italy or no. So as at such a conjuncture of time every least thing which tended either to the augmenting or lessening of his hopes was of great moment Pope Alexander moved by these respects did much press the Venetian Senate to be resolute in assisting the Pisans whilst he himself was somewhat doubtful and 〈◊〉 The Venetian Senate had the Florentines in good esteem and laying aside the memory of what was past would have had them for their friends if they would have separated themselves from the French who were then the 〈◊〉 Enemy and have entred into that Confederacâ—e whereinto all the rest of the Princes of Italy were entred and by whom they had many fair offers made them particularly to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of their State if they would put on a generous 〈…〉 those Forts which as 〈◊〉 Towns for their fidelity â—ere held by French garrisons and do this by Force of Arms not by Treaty 〈◊〉 Agreement But if these things could not be listned unto out of a 〈…〉 such a resolution that they might keep the Florentines busied about Pisa and the French from those succors whereby the troubles and dangers of Italy were increased But I find that these transactions have been diversly interpreted and the Senate blamed who did not aim at succouring the oppressed Pisans not at the common safety of Italy but at their own thirst of bringing the City of Pisa under their Dominion To this it is answered that where the actions are evident no judgement is to be given contrary thereunto nor ought the secrets of hearts to be searched which is reserved to a more excellent power then what humane discourse can arrive unto it is certain that the defence of Pisa which was oft-times denied them was at last undertaken by the Venetians when they being forsaken by all others they were necessitated for the aforesaid reasons so to do The Pisans offered to put themselves wholly into the power of the Commonwealth and to set up her colours in their City the Venetians would not yeeld hereunto nor accept of this large offer but the Pisan Ambassadors were sent back with many thanks for their affection and were heard in what they desired though in a differing manner for the Commonwealth took upon her to defend the liberty of the City with the forces and authority of the Commonwealth which she did for many years with such fervencie and general consent sparing neither expence labor nor danger as she could hardly have done more in her own defence they sent both Foot and Horse several times to the Pisans under their best Commanders as also moneys and victuals and shipping to accommodate the City with all things necessary and to free them from the siege of the Florentines by Sea Yet to give a greater testimony of what their minds and intentions were in this when it was propounded to put the City of Pisa into Caesars hands and to remit the right of their cause to him the Venetians did not onely not oppose it but counseled them so to do desirous that this controversie might be ended whilst their faith and the common interests were preserved safe and when there was yet some opinion that the Florentines allured by this advantage and hope might have adhered unto the league but on the one side in progress of time the Florentines obdurate resolution was discovered of governing themselves by Counsels apart from the rest of the Italians and on the other the deep deceits of Lâ—dâ—wick Sforza who under the shadow of procureing peace and quiet growing jealous of the greatness which the Venetians might aâ—â—ive at by the acquisition of Pisa and calculating other mens by his own did in reality endeavor to secure himself from this his imaginary fear by hindring the Venetians from pursuing that enterprise to the which not long before he had exhorted them The Venetian Senate was inforced to maintain the cause which they had undertaken to keep from breaking their faith unto the Pisans and to free themselves from the infamy and repute of weak advice to which they should be subject as if they had condescended for fear of Lâ—dâ—wicks Forces or else as not knowing his cunning when it was already known to all men that the endeavor of agreement with the Pisans which was agitated under the name of the Collegues was managed onely by him and according to his will and interests But say I pray is this the onely enterprise wherein the sincerity and candidness of the Commonwealth is to be known in just things and such as do concern the common good of Italy How often hath she maintained Wars to the end that there might be a right and an Italian Governor in the Dukedom of Milan which cannot be denied since the effects thereof be so apparâ—nt as she would not lay down Arms before she had compast this her intent as she did by that famous agreement which was made in the City of Bâ—lâ—guia the year 1529. in which year by means of the Venetian Senate Maximilian Sforza was restored unto his State to whom the Dukedom of Milan did of right belong and their endâ— in the business concerning Pisa may likewise be discovered since when the agreement was come unto the Venetians had no respect to their own advantage but
Potentate at that time all entire and whole not having suffered any thing by this thunder of War which had only overrun their Terra firma their Treasure but little diminished from what it was at the begining of this War which continued afterwards and was maintained for the space of many years The City of Venice placed by her miraculous situation in compleat safety all attempts which could be made against it being to prove rash and vain as the effects proved afterwards A great Train of Artillery and of all things requisite for War a quiet People and obedient at the beck of their Nobility and a constant and resolute mind in all the Nobles to demonstrate all the proofs of worth and love towards their Country But that which followed afterwards in their defence of the City of Padua against the Forces of all the Princes of the League will suffice to prove that the Commonwealth was not so weak either in Counsel or in Power as to have recourse to thâ—â— last extremity of making that Ciâ—y tributary which had maintained her first freedom for above the space of a thousand years Say I beseech you was not the Commonwealth powerful by Sea and sufficiently valued by all other Potentates before she had any State in Terra firma Nay she was oft-times seen to neglect occasions which were offered of making acquisitious in Terra firma thinking her self safe and powerful enough without them What was it then which could move them to make themselves Servants and Subjects who had no reason to doubt not onely their liberty but nor their chiefest most antient and most proper Dominion which was that of the Sea for the preservation whereof as affairs stood then they had no reason to make such haste to Caesar for friendship Who can with reason blame the advice as the condition of things went then of giving and yeelding that up to Maximilian which could not as then be kept from him to wit some of those Cities in Terra firma which he pretended right unto since some agreement ensuing with him by such concessions and injuries ceasing on that part the way might be opened to straiter and more particular and advantagious conventions with the same Caesar who was naturally desirous of novelties whereby the Fortune of the Commonwealth was again to be raised up And this counsel tried afterwards with others had good success when they joyned in a new confederacy with the same French against Maximilian who scorning their frâ—endship would not listen to their propositions These were the counsels these the actions of the Venetians from whence some would take occasion to detract from the praise and dignity of their Commonwealth and particularly from the excellency of their Government But we may better know how injuriously this blemish is laid upon them if we will examine how other Princes and States did behave themselves when they were in like adversity which I do not alleage as taxing any one but to shew the usual course of affairs by the example of others Observe what art the King of Aragon used to preserve his State when Charls the Eighth King of France came against them in hostile manner Alphonso who possest the Kingdom having tried the extremity of fear before the danger grew near out of the meer report of the French Forces departed from Naples leaving all things at six and sevens whilst their Army was yet in Rome and Alphonso the Son who had boasted that he would defend himself and to that purpose had mustered a great many Soldiers retired with them into the narrow passes of the Kingdom without making any triall either of his fortune or of his valor and yeelding rather to the Fame then to the Forces of the Enemy suffered them to take free and quiet possession of that most noble Kingdom But Frederick of Aragon who was reinvested in his State by the favor of the people and by the assistance of other Princes with which the Venetians did readily joyn what use did he make of other mens labors and of his own fortune Soon after the Kingdom of Naples was assaulted by Lodowick King of France and by Ferdinando King of Spain at which assault being much discouraged he would not lâ— sten to the advice of his Commanders who advised him to keep the field but made some slender provisions for the Towns and soon after thinking more how to escape then how to defend himself he fled into Ischia and went from thence into France and put himself into the power of the same King his Enemy contenting himself rather to live a private man in peace and safety then to reign in trouble and danger But what shall we â—ay of the French who boast so much of their valor and glory in War How easily when they met with the first misfortune did they suffer themselves to be bereft of all they had before so happily acquired in the Kingdom of Naples And that so hastily as it seemed that they had freely yeeled up the possession of so many and so noble Cities to the victors the Spainards by agreement and as it were in reward for the day which they had won Nor is this the onely example since we have seen the same French who were faln with such fervency with their Forces into Italy and had with miraculous prosperity recovered the State of Milan but a little before resolve suddenly to forgo all that they had won and to retreat to beyond the Mountains after the roâ—â— which they had received from the Swizzers at Novara the succour which they met withal by the way as they fled not being able to make them halt Who was more famous then for dexterity of wit for the managing of weighty affairs then Lodorica Sforza Duke of Milan yet when a great deluge of War came upon him what use could he make of all his Artifices Could he shew that constancy and generosity which he had many times before publickly boasted of The onely news of the league made against him by Lodowick King of France and by the Venetians did so astonish him as losing all understanding and leaving his Affairs unprovided for he resolved at very first upon what ought to have been his last and most desperate advice to fly into Germany foregoing the defence of that State which being once lost he did afterwards in vain seek to recover But in this point I may help my self in looking a little more backward and trying whether the gallantry of the antients so much commended did produce other effects then those that I have spoken of The Romans who conquered the whole world met sometimes with adverse fortune wherein let us see how they behaved themselves for he is very timerous who is not bold and generous in prosperous affairs In what peril and hazard did Brennusâ— Prince and Commander of the Galli Senones put the City of Rome after the defeat given to the Roman Army under the unfortunate conduct of the Fabii no
were still firm to the French and the other lesser Princes adhered some to the fortune of the French some to that of the Imperialists It was then the most useful safe and requâ—site counsel to join in friendship by particular and reciprocal obligations either with Caesar or with the King of France By doing which to boot with security many good effects might follow to wit that the adverse party being supprest and driven out of Italy that party which should yet remain there as friend and free from the jealousie or rivdship of any forein Prince was likely to afford a long Peace a thing very necessary in respect of the many late afflictions and such accidents might the more probably happen in process of time whereby Italy might more easily free herself from the seâ—vitude of one only Lord and Master then she should have done from the like of two it being unlikely that two Principalities should meet with one and the same fortune at one and the same time But if nothing else of good had happened during this discord and contention between these two Princes their States must be subject to the expences and troubles which do necessarily accompany War so as some revenge would be had upon these forein Nations for the so many calamities which they had brought upon Italy and that saying of the Scripture would be verified To revenge a man upon his Enemies by other Enemies The Emperors of Rome when the Empire began to decline and the antient Italian worth and discipline was almost lost they not having Forces sufficient of their own to withstand the Northern nations made use of the Soldiers of the same Northern nations to drive their Fellow-foreiners out of Italy as particularly of the Goths of whom they had several times great numbers in their Armies But say that one of these forein Princes could not have worsted the other though assisted by the Apostolick Sea even in this condition of affairs hopes would not be wanting whilst War should continue between them For after having long wrestled together especially since the quarrel arose out of hatred and warlike emulation it was not unlikely that they would rather quit the Terititories which they held in Italy to some third persons then to yield one to another so as it might remain in their own power Concerning which surrender particularly of the State of Milan many Treaties had been formerly Leo had likewise a very fresh example of councels taken by the Venetian Senate which in the same case was confirm'd by experience to be very wisely done For that Senate finding that their State was fallen into great misfortunes and reduced to so low an ebb as she was not able to recover of herself they joined with some of their very Enemies against other some of their Enemies whereby they did not only separate them but did revenge themselves much to the prejudice of those that they had excluded from their friendship and did thus recover the State which had been usurped from them But Leo's advice was afterwards the better approved of by the particular issue of this very business For having after many several cogitations of mind join'd in confederacie with Caesar the City of Milan was taken from the French by their joint-forces and the Cities of Paâ—ma and Piacensa were recovered to the Church not without great hopes had it not been for the unexpected and unfortunate death of Pope Leo that the French should have then been totally expulsed out of Italy and Maximilian Sforza reinvested into the State of Milan according to agreements made by the Pope which would have greatly secured the liberty of the Church and of whole Italy Which when it should have so succeeded there was reason enough to hope that the French would join in driving the Imperialists out of the Kingdom of Naples being satisfied without any other reward with having revenged themselves for their received injuries and with seeing the Imperialists reduced to their condition for what concerned the affairs of Italy And it might be hoped that this might the easilier be done by reason of the far distance of Caesars Territories and by reason of many ill humors which began already to grow in several places whereby be might be necessitated to bend his Forces and thoughts elswhere and leave his affairs in Italy but weakly defended Leo then may seem to have grounded his councels well like a wise Prince as he was upon good foundations for as much as may be effected by humane wisdom where so many other accidents do concur Yet were there not wanting some who did greatly blame this resolution of Pope Leo's taxing him with inconsiderateness because being led on by vain hopes he had unnecessarily imbroil'd himself again in War And if we shall look more narrowly into this business we shall find that many Considerations were wanting which may raise at least some rational doubts whether the Pope were more to be praised or to be blamed for this action It is most certain that War in it self is troublesom to Princes grievous to the People and subject to many various and uncertain chances So that as every wise Prince ought alwaies to avoid it where there is no express necessity it appears that this Prince ought to have had it in more horror then any other in respect of the times and of his degree and place which ought rather to have made him endeavor peace and quiet between Christian Princes The Dominion of the Church was by his Predecessors means arrived already to such a largness as it might seem better to become the Succeeder to augment the safety thereof by procuring friendship with other Princes and by a constant neutrality then to expose himself to new troubles and dangers by adding more States thereunto Italy having been much afflicted and brought in almost every of her parts to great misery and calamity for having been the seat of War for the space of thirty years did not onely much desire peace and quiet but did chiefly expect it from the Popes councels and actions by reason of his supreme authoritie and of the zeal he ought to have born to the publick good How could it then deserve praise that when forein Princes seemed to be inclined to suffer Italy to remain quiet he should afford them occasion and means of imbroiling her in new troubles and calamities which were certainly to insue by reassuming Arms where the advantage which might 〈…〉 gotten was very doubtful and questionable But that which in this case 〈◊〉 to be considered is that Leo's intention being to drive the foreiners out of Italy and to vindicate her liberty he should have chosen some good means to have done it Many antient and modern experiences might have taught him how hard a matter it might be to keep the French on the other side of the Mountains The Romans were not more troubled with any other Nation then with the French in freeing Italy from forein invasions for