Twin Brothers by comparing their Age and considering that their Genius shewed them to be of no servile extract had some recollecting thoughts of his Grandsons and by enquiring proceeded so far that he almost owned Remus to be one of them Thus was the King beset with Plots on every side for Romulus attack'd him not with a multitude of young Fellows as not being able to cope with him fairly had to hand but ordered the Shepherds to go several ways and meet at the Palace at such a time and Remus too got a company from Numitors house to assist in the Affair by which means they slew the King Numitor as soon as the Tumult began crying out That an Enemy had invaded the City and attack'd the Kings Palace when he had called together the youth of Alba into the Castle which he design'd to make himself Master of by force of Arms and when he say the young Men after the Murther was committed draw up towards him with gratulations in their mouths immediately called a Council and declared the injuries that his Brother had done him the extract of his Grandsons how they were born and bred and how they were discovered together with the death of the Tyrant and that he himself was the Author of it The young men marching through the midst of the Assembly with a great number attending on them when they had saluted their Grandfather by the name of King an unanimous consent of all the Company confirmed that name and established him in the Empire Thus the Government of Alba being setled upon Numitor Romulus and Remus had a mind to build a City in that place where they were exposed and educated for there were a great many Albans and Latines alive besides Shepherds who all gave them great hopes that Alba and Lavinium would be but inconsiderable places to that City which should be there built But whilst they were deliberating of this matter the old misfortune intervened that is an immoderate desire of Dominion and thence arose a fatal difference between them though from a small cause For they being Twins and so not distinguished in point of Age or precedence would needs have the Gods under whose protection those places were declare who should give the name to their new City and when it was built who should Reign over it Romulus chose the Mount Palatine and Remus the Aventine for their several quarters to view the Augury The Augury they say came first to Remus and that was six Vultures which when it was interpreted and after that a double number had shewn themselves to Romulus their parties and followers saluted both of them as King at the same time the former pretending to the Kingdom as precedent in time and the latter upon the account of the double number of Birds Thereupon at first they wrangled but fell at last from words to blows and in the Crowd Remus was slain The more vulgar report is that Remus in derision of his Brother leapt over his new Walls and for that was kill'd by Romulus who was vex'd at it and said in his fury so shall every one be served that leaps over my Walls Thus Romulus made himself sole Governour buit the City and call'd it by a name derived from his own He first of all fortified the Palatine where he was bred and offered Sacrifice to other Gods after the Albane manner bult to Hercules the Greek Heroe he did it as Evander had formerly ordered They tell you that Hercules when he had kill'd Geryon brought thither an Herd of very beautiful Oxen and Cowes and that near the River Tiber over which he swam and drove the Cattel before him he being tired with his journey lay down upon the grass to refresh himself and them with rest and convenient Food But having eaten and drank so much Wine as that he fell asleep a certain Shepherd that lived there hard by called Cacus a very strong fellow being taken with the beauty of the Beasts and having a great desire to rob him of them because he knew that if he drove them into his Cave their very foot-tracts would lead their Owner that way to seek for them he took the lovely brutes each one by the tail and drew them backwards into his Den. Hercules awaking early in the Morning servey'd his Herd and finding part of them missing went to the next Cave to see if perchance the tracts of them went that way where when he saw they were all turn'd as if they came out from thence and did not go any other way he was amazed and did not know what to do but began to drive his Cattel forward out of that unlucky place But afterward when some of the Cows that he was driving along low'd as they use to do for lack of their fellows which were left behind the lowing of thsoe that were shut up in the Cave by way of answer brought Hercules back again Whom when Cacus endeavoured to hinder from going to the Cave he received a blow with his Club of which though he call'd upon the Shepherds to assist him he immediately Died. Evander at that time who was banished Peloponnesus govern'd those parts more by his Authority than any regal Power for he was a Man that deserved a great deal of reverence upon the score of his wonderful Learning which was a thing wholly new to those People who understood not the Arts but much more venerable for the supposed divinity of his Mother Carmenta whom those Nations admir'd as a Prophetess before the coming of Sibylla into Italy And this same Evander being at that time startled at the concourse of the Shepherds who trembled to tell of a strangers being guilty of a palpable Murther when he heard the relation of the Fact and the reason of it and saw the habit and shape of the Man which was somewhat larger and more august than that of ordinary mankind he demanded of him Who he was And when he new his name who was his Father and what his Country accosted him saying Hail Hercules Son of Jupiter my Mother who was a true Prophetess told me that thou shouldest augment the number of those that dwell in Heaven and that an Altar should here be erected to thee which the most wealthy Nation in the World in time to come should call Maxima the Greatest and Sacrifice upon it according to thy command Hercules gave him his right hand and told him he received the Omen and would fulfil the Prophesie by building and dedicating an Altar And that was the first time that Sacrifice was made there when he taking a choice Heifer out of his Herd slew it calling the Potitij and the Pinarij Priests of Hercules who then were a very noble Family in those parts to assist him in performing of the ceremonies and to partake of the feast It so fell out that the Potitij were then present and that the Entrals were set before them but the Pinarij came to the
the Tryal of Volscius but the Power and Authority of the new Questors was now greater For that Year M. Valerius the Son of Valerius and Grandson of Volesus was Questor with T. Quintius Capitolinus who had been thrice Consul and he because he saw Caeso a Noble Youth was utterly lost both to the Quintian Family and the Commonwealth was justly very zealous to persecute the false Witness who had not suffered the innocent Man so much as to make his own defence When Virginius on the other side was most importunate of all the Tribunes to pass the Law the Consuls had two Months given them to consider of it that when they had shewn the People the Cheat which was designed in it they might then safely permit them to Vote and this interval which was allowed made all things quiet in the City But the Aequi did not suffer them to be long at rest for they bâ—oke the League which they made the Year before with the Romans and chose Gracchus Cluilius who was the greatest Man at that time among them their General Under whose Command they came into the Lavican and then into the Tusculan Fields in an Hostile manner and having loaded themselves with Plunder pitched their Camp in Algidum To which Camp Q. Fabius P. Volumnius and A. Posthumius came as Embassadors from Rome to complain of the injuries they had done and to demand their Goods back again according to the League but the General of the Aequi bid them tell their Message from the Roman Senate to the Oak and he would mind something else in the mean time Now that was a great Oak that grew over his Tent and made it very shady Then one of the Embassadors as he was going away cryed out Let this sacred Oak and all the gods take notice that you have broken the League for which reason I beseech them not only to hear our present complaints but to assist our Arms also when we shall revenge the violation of Laws at once both Divine and Humane When the Embassadors came back to Rome the Senate ordered one of the Consuls to lead their Army against Gracchus into Algidum injoyning the other to Pillage the Confines of the Aequi. In the mean time the Tribunes as they used to do endeavoured to hinder the Levy and it may be they totally obstructed it had not a fresh terror surprized them There came a vast number of Sabines who Plundered all the Country even almost to the very Walls of the City the Fields being all Ravaged and the City put into a fright Then the common People were glad to take up Arms though the Tribunes were never so much against it and two great Armies were raised whereof Nautius led the one against the Sabines and having pitched his Camp at Eretum with small Parties and inroads made for the most part in the night time did so much damage to the Sabines Country that compared to that the Roman Territories seemed as it were untouched In the mean time Minucius had neither the same Fortune nor Courage to carry on the War for having pitched his Camp not far from the Enemy he kept within it for fear though he had received no very great loss of Men. Which when the Enemy perceived their boldness was augmented as it usually happens by another Mans fear and therefore having attacked his Camp in the night time against which they found that open force did little good the next day they enclosed it quite round with Counter-works which before they had blocked up all the Passes five Troopers sent out through the Enemies Guards carryed news to Rome That the Consul and his Army were Besieged Than which nothing could have happened so surprizing or unlooked for wherefore they were in such a fear and trembling condition as if the Enemy had Besieged the City not the Camp They therefore sent for Consul Nautius who being little able to help them they had a mind to make a Dictator who might recover them out of their present evil circumstances and so by general consent L. Quintius Cincinnatus was pitched upon to be the Man 'T is pleasant to hear some Men talk who contemn all things belonging to Mankind in comparison to riches nor think any Man deserves honour or can be brave who has not a great deal of Mony when at the same time L. Quintius the sole hope of the Roman Government himself manured a Field of four Acres called Prata Quintia beyond the Tiber over against that place where now the Dock is Where being found by the Embassadors either making a Ditch with a Spade in his hand or a Plowing or about some other Country work after they had saluted him and he returned their Complement being desired by them for his own good they hoped as well as that of the Commonwealth to put on his Gown and hear what the Senates Message to him was he stared upon them and asking Whether all things were well bad his Wife Racilia fetch his Gown with all speed out of their Cottage with which being Cloathed he wiped off the dust and sweat from his face and went forth to them Whereupon they saluted him as Dictator wishing him Joy of the Office told him he was sent for into the City and what a fright the Army was in There was a Boat prepared for him at the publick charge and when he came over the River his three Sons met him together with other Relations and Friends of his and the major part of the Senate with which Retinue being attended and with the Lictors before him he was carryed to his House where there was a great concourse of the People But they were not at all pleased to see Quintius because he had born too many great Offices and was a very vehement Man in his Place That night therefore they sate up 'till morning The next day the Dictator coming into the Forum before it was light made L. Tarquitius a Man of Patrician Birth Magister Equitum Master of the Horse who though he had been a Foot Soldier because he was poor yet was accounted the best Warriour of all the young Men in Rome Then coming to the Assembly with the Master of the Horse he ordered an intermission of Judicial proceedings commanded all the Shops in the whole City to be shut up and forbad the doing of any private business After which He required all that were fit for Military Service to come with Arms Provisions for five days and twelve Pallisadoes a Man before Sun-setting into the Campus Martius and those who were not fit for War he ordered to Prepare and Cook the Meat for the neighbouring Soldiers whilst he got himself ready and looked out for his Pallisadoes This made the young men run about to look for Stakes which they took where-ever they found them for no Man was to hinder but immediately they were all ready according to the Dictators Order Then having put the Army into such a posture that it
into their Country and to the Dymaeans who were lately taken and rifled by the Roman Army Philip giving order that they should be redeemed where-ever they were in slavery gave back not only their Liberty but their Country too And as for the Argives they besides that they believe the Macedonian Kings to be come originally from them were many of them obliged to Philip upon several private accounts and by familiar friendship For these reasons because the Council was inclined to make an Alliance with the Romans they went out and they were pardoned for so doing because they had been obliged not only very much but very lately too by several kindnesses that the Macedonians had done them The rest of the Nations belonging to the Achaeans when their opinions were demanded confirmed an alliance with Attalus and the Rhodians by a present Decree just then but deferr'd it to the Romans because without the Peoples consent it could not be ratified till such time as Embassadors could be sent to Rome At the present they agreed to send three Embassadors to L. Quintius and remove all the Achaean Army to Corinth which City it self Quintius was then attacking after he had taken Cenchreae And they indeed encamped over against that Gate which leads to Sicyon The Romans fell upon that side of the City toward Cenchreae and Attalus leading his Men over through the Isthmus attack'd it first more slowly from Lechaeum the Port of the opposite Sea as hoping to see a mutiny between the Townsmen and the Kings Guards But seeing that they all defended it the Macedonians as though it had been their own common Country and the Corinthians by making Androsthenes Governour of the Garrison whom they obeyed for his humanity and justice in his Office as if he had been one of their own Citizens and chosen by majority of Votes so that the Assailants only hopes now lay in force Arms and Works and therefore they raised vast Mounds before the Walls on every side A Ram on that side where the Romans made their Attack had beaten down some part of the Walls To which place because it was now berest of all fortifications the Macedonians ran in throngs to defend it upon which there happened to be a bloody Battel between them and the Romans And first of all the Romans were easily kept off by mere Multitude but when the Auxiliaries belonging both to the Achaeans and Attalus were slain the fight was pretty equal nor could any body doubt but the Romans would easily force the Macedonians and Greeks to quit their Ground There were a great number of Italian Fugitives who part of them out of Annibals Army came over for fear of being punished by the Romans and followed Philip and part of them were Sea Men who having left their Fleets revolted to the hopes of a more honourable Warfare Despair of being pardoned if the Romans overcame made these Men rather mad than bold There is the Promontory of Juno over against Sicyon which they call Acraa that runs a great way out into the Sea from whence Philocles one of the Kings Praefects having passed over to Corinth almost seven Thousand Paces led fifteen Hundred Men after him through Boeotia There were Barks ready from Corinth to take that Guard in and carry them to Lechaeum Whereupon Attalus advised them To set fire of their Works and presently quit the Siege But Quintius was more pertinacious in the Enterprize Yet even he when he saw the Kings Guards posted at every Gate so that it was not easie for them to sustain the shock of a sally out of the Town was of Attalus's opinion Thus without effecting their design and having dismiss'd the Achaeans they returned to their Ships Attalus went for Piraeâ—us and the Romans for Corcyra Whilst these things were carryed on by their Naval Forces the Consul having pitched his Camp in Phocis near Elatia endeavoured to do the business first by way of Parley and Conference with the Nobility of that City but when they told him They had not power to do any thing at all for that the Kings Men were more numerous and strong than the Townsmen then he attacked the City with Works and Arms on every side When he applyed the Ram to the Wall as much of it as between the Towers was knock'd down having left the City defenceless and that with a great crash and noise as it fell not only the Romans march'd in through the new breach but also from all parts of the Town ev'ry one left their stations and ran together to that place that was so throng'd by the Enemy The Romans at the same time clamber'd over the Ruines and brought their Ladders up to the standing Walls and whilst the heat of the fight fix'd not only the Eyes but the Minds of the Enemies upon that one part only where the conflict was the Wall was scaled in several other places and the Soldiers clamb over into the City Upon the hearing of which tumult the Enemy being affrighted at it left the place which they so many of them together defended and sled all for fear into the Castle with the unarm'd Rabble at their heels By this means the Consul took possession of the City Which when he had rifled he sent certain Persons into the Castle who were to promise the Kings Men their lives if they would go away without their Arms and their liberty to the Elatians upon which having given his solemn word for the performance he after some few days was Master of the Castle But when Philocles the Kings Praefect came into Achaia not only Corinth was free'd from the Siege but the City of the Argives also was betrayed to Philocles by certain Princes or Noblemen therein after they had first try'd how the vulgar stood affected They had a custom on the first day of their Assemblies as an Omen for the Praetors to pronounce the Names of Jupiter Apollo and Hercules to which Law there was an addition made That King Philip should be joined with them whose name seeing the Cryer did not add now that they had made a Peace with the Romans there was first an hum set up by the multitude and soon after a great noise made by those that pronounced Philips name as being willing he should enjoy his legal honour till at last his name was repeated with a general assent In confidence of this favour Philocles being sent for thither in the night time seized an Hill that stood above the City which Castle they call Larissa and planting a Guard there as he went down to the Town below it by break of day in an hostile posture an Army ready in Battalia met him For there was a Garison of Achaeans lately put into that place consisting of about five hundred Youths chosen out of all their Cities Over which Aenesidemus a Dymaean was chief Commander To him the Kings Prefect sent this advise that he would march out of the City for that they were not
of six months between Nabis the Romans King Eumenes and the Rhodians That T. Quintius and Nabis should presently send Embassadors to Rome to get the Peace confirm'd by authority of the Senate That the day on which the terms of Peace were given out to Nabis should be the beginning of the Truce and that between that day and the tenth day following all his Guards should be drawn out of Argus and the other Towns that were in the Argive Dominions so as that they should be deliver'd up quite empty and free to the Romans as likewise that no slave of the * That is Nabis's Kings either publick or private should be taken thence or if any had been before that time so taken away they should be faithfully restored to their Masters That he should send back the Ships which he had taken from the Maritime Cities nor should himself have any Ship excepting two Pinnaces that should not be rowed with above sixteen Oars That he should re-deliver their Captives and Fugitives to all the Allies of the Roman People and to the Messenians all things that appear'd or the Masters of such goods knew to be theirs That he should also restore to the Banish'd Lacedemonians their Children and Wives that had a mind to go along with their Husbands but that no man should be forced to go with any banish'd person against her will That all the goods belonging to Nabis's mercenary Souldiers who were gone away either to their own Cities or over to the Romans should be carefully restored unto them That he should not have any City in the Island of Creet and that those which he had he should surrender to the Romans That he should make no Alliance with any Cretan City or any body else nor wage War with them That he should draw his Guards out of all those Cities that either he himself had restored or had surrender'd themselves and all they had up to the protection and government of the Roman People keeping himself and all that belong'd to him from ever medling with any of them That he build no Town or Castle either in his own or any Foreign Dominions That he should give five Hostages for the performance of all this such as the Roman General should approve of and among the rest his own Son for one with a hundred Talents of silver at present and fifty every year for eight years together These terms being written his Camp was removed more near to the City and they sent to Lacedemon though none of them to say truth pleas'd the Tyrant save that beyond expectation there was no mention made of bringing back the banish'd persons But that which most offended him was that the Ships and Maritime Cities were taken from him For the Sea brought him in great profit being that he infested all the Coast from Malea with Piratical Ships Besides that he had all the youth of those Cities to supply him with the far best sort of Souldiers These conditions though he consider'd of them in private with his Friends were notwithstanding the publick Discourse his Guards being very apt as in other matters of trust so to betray his Secrets Yet they did not all in general find fault with the whole but each man with those particulars which more immediately concern'd him Those that had married banish'd mens Wives or had any of their goods were very angry as if they had been to lose and not to restore them The Slaves that were freed from the Tyrant did not only think their freedom would be of no consequence to them but their thraldom much worse than before now they were to return into the hands of their incensed Masters The mercenary Souldiers also were not only troubled that their stipend would come to nothing in time of Peace but likewise saw that there was no returning for them into their own Cities which hated the Guards belonging to Tyrants as much as the Tyrants themselves When they had first talk'd thus in Crowds among themselves they straightway ran and took up their Arms. By which tumult when the Tyrant saw the Mobile were of themselves sufficiently provoked he order'd an Assembly to be forthwith summon'd Where when he had declar'd what the Roman General had imposed upon him to which he had added some things more grievous and more unworthy of his own head at each of which sometimes all of them and sometimes a part of the Assembly shouted he ask'd them What they would have him answer to those Proposals or what he should do to which they almost unanimously reply'd That he should make no answer at all but prepare for the War bidding him each man for himself as the Mobile use to do be of good Courage and hope the best for fortune always favour'd the Valiant With which words the Tyrant was so animated that he cry'd out Antiochus and the Aetolians would assist him and that he had Forces enough to hold out the Siege By which means they had also forgot that there had been any mention made of Peace and ran to their several Posts resolving no longer to be quiet Whereupon the excursions of some few that came out to provoke the Romans with the Darts that they threw put the Romans soon past all doubt but they must necessarily sight and from that time for the space of four dayes they had light Skirmishes at first without being able certainly to know what would be the issue of it But the fifth day the Lacedemonians were forced into the Town in such a consternation that some of the Roman Souldiers falling upon the Reer of them that fled got into the City through the gaps as things then stood that were in the Wall Then Quintius having sufficiently restrain'd the Enemies Excursions by the fright he then put them into and supposing that nothing now remained for him to do but to attack the City it self sent certain persons to fetch all the Naval Forces from Gythium whilst he himself in the mean time with the Tribunes of the Souldiers rode round the Walls to view the situation of the Town Now Sparta you must know was formerly unwalled but the Tyrants of late dayes had built a Wall in the open and plain parts thereof defending the higher places that were less accessible with guards of armed men instead of Fortifications When he had taken a satisfactory prospect of every thing supposing that the best way to take it was to invest it he posted all his men quite round the City whose number was of Romans Allies Horse and Foot with Land and Sea Forces all together full fifty thousand fighting men Some of which brought Ladders others Fire and others other things wherewithal not only to attack the City but to affright the Besieged Then he commanded to set up an Huzza and all begin the Assault at the same time to the end that the terrified Lacedemonians might not know where first to make resistance and which part to assist being in a
done were all at first in a fright but when they saw the Army of the Aetolians marching off they ran together to the Tyrants Body which was left upon the place so that the crowd of Spectators was made up of such as had been the keepers of his Life and would be the revengers of his Death Nor would any one have stirred if they had presently laid down their Arms and call'd the Multitude to an Assembly where a speech had been made suitable to the occasion and a good quantity of Aetolians kept still in Arms without doing any body any hurt But as they needs must in a design begun by fraud they did all things to hasten the destruction of them that were actors in it The General shut up in the Palace spent day and night in searching for the Tyrants Treasure whilst the Aetolians as though they had taken that City which they would fain seem to have freed imployed their time in plundering Whereupon not only the indignity of the thing but the contempt also animated the Lacedemonians to assemble Some said They ought to turn out the Aetolians and resume their liberty which though it seemed to be restored was only intercepted and others that to the end they might have some head to undertake the affair they ought to choose some one of the Royal Family for a show at least Now there was a young Laconian Lad of that Race who had been bred up with the Tyrants Children Him therefore they set upon an Horse and taking up Arms kill'd the Aetolians that were stragling about the City Then they went into the Palace where they slew Alexamenus who with some few others made resistance The Aetolians who were assembled about Chalcioecos a Brazen Temple dedicated to Minerva were kill'd though some few throwing down their Arms fled part to Tegea and part to Megalopolis where being apprehended by the Magistrates they were sold for slaves Philopoemen having heard of the Tyrants Death went to Lacedaemon where finding all things disordered with fear he call'd forth the Nobility and in a speech such as Alexamenus should have made united the Lacedemonians in an alliance with the Achaeans and that so much the more easily for that at the same time as it happened A. Atilius came to Gythium with twenty four five-bank'd Gallies At the same time Thoas met with far different success about Chalcis in what he attempted by means of Euthymidas a Nobleman that was banish'd through the instigation of them that were of the Roman Party after the arrival of T. Quintius and the Embassadors and Herodorus a Cian Merchant who was very powerful at Chalcis upon the score of his riches though he prepared all those for the design that were of Euthymidas's Faction from that by which Demetrias was seiz'd by means of Eurylochus Euthymidas came from Athens for there he had lived first to Thebes and then to Salganea Herodorus to Thromium not far from which place in the Malian Bay he had two Thousand Foot and Thoas two Hundred Horse with thirty small Merchant Ships which together with six Hundred Foot Herodorus was ordered to carry over into the Island of Atalanta that from thence when he perceived that the Foot Forces were come near to Aulis and Euripus he might cross over to Chalcis But he himself led the rest of the Forces most part of the way in the night time with what speed he could to Chalcis Michio and Xenoclides who were then the chief Magistrates at Chalcis since Euthymidas was expelled whether they of themselves suspected any thing or were told of the business at first being affrighted reposed no hopes in any thing but flying for it But some time after when their fear was allayed and they saw that not only their Country but the Roman Alliance also was betrayed and deserted took this course There was by chance at that time an yearly sacrifice performed at Eretria in honour of Diana Amarynthis which is celebrated not only by a company of that Countrymen but the Carystians likewise Thither therefore did they send certain persons to desire the Eretrians and Carystians That they would pity their condition as being born in the same Island and have respect to the Romans alliance so as not to fuffer Chalcis to be subjected to the Aetolians That they would have Euboea if once they got Chalcis That the Macedonians had been grievous Masters but the Aetolians would be much less tolerable Their respect to the Romans prevailed most upon the several Cities who had experienced not only their Valour in War but their justice and goodness in Victory too Wherefore what stout young Men they had each City arm'd and sent to whom when the Townsmen of Chalcis had committed the defence of their Walls they themselves with all their Forces went over the Euripus and encamped at Salganea From thence they sent first an Herald and then Embassadors to the Aetolians to ask them For what word or action of theirs that Nation who were their Friends and Allies came to oppose them To which Thoas General of the Aetolians reply'd They came not to oppose but to deliver them from the Romans That now indeed they were bound with a more splendid but a much heavier chain than when they had a Garrison of Macedonians in their Castle To which the Calcideses made answer That they neither were slaves to any man nor did they need any Bodies assistance Thereupon the Embassadors departed from the Conference back to their Camp Thoas and the Aetolians whose hopes consisted in the prospect of surprizing them being not able by any means to engage them in a set Battle or to take a City so well fortified both by Sea and Land return'd home Euthymidas when he heard that the Camp of his Countrymen was at Salganea and that the Aetolians were gone went back himself also from Thebes to Athens And Herodorus after he had waited several dayes with all diligence for the signal to no purpose sent a Scoutship to know the reason of their delay by which when he was inform'd that the Allies had deserted the Enterprize he return'd to Thronium from whence he came Quintius also when he heard this coming from Corinth by Sea met King Eumenes in the streight call'd Euripus near to Chalcis where he order'd that King Eumenes should leave five hundred Souldiers for a Garison at Chalcis and that he himself should go to Athens Quintius went to Demetrias whither he design'd supposing that the delivery of Chalcis would be of some consequence with the Magnetes toward their renewing an Alliance with the Romans And that the men of his party might have some kind of a Guard he wrote to Eunomus the Praetor of the Thessalians to arm all the youth sending Villius before to Demetrias to try their inclinations and resolving not to go about the business unless some part of them were disposed to enter into their former Alliance Villius arrived at the mouth of the Port with a Ship
rest of the entertainment when the Entrals were eaten and thence it became a rule as long as the race of the Pinarij continued that they should not eat of the holy Entrals The Potitij taught by Evander were the chief Priests in that Solemnity for many Ages till all the whole stock of the Potitij was decaied and the ministerial function of their Family conferr'd upon publick Servants And these holy foreign rites above all others did Romulus then undertake to perform being even at that time a great admirer of Immortality gained by Vertue and Courage to which his very Destiny led him Having performed the holy Rites according to order and called the multitude to council who could not be united into one body by any means except Laws he made several which he supposed would be the better observed if he made himself venerable by some ensigns or badges of Kingly power and therefore as he appear'd more agust in his other habit so also and most especially he did in that he chose twelve Lictors or Sergeants to go with rods and axes before him Some say he made use of that number from the number of birds that in the Augury had portended his being King But I am willing to be of their opinion who say that Apparitors or Serjeants and that sort of officers came from the Etrurians that were a neighbouring Nation from whence also they derive the Sella Curulis or Chair of State the Toga praetexta a white Gown that Children wore guarded with purple and this very number and that the Etrurians had just so many because their King being chosen out of twelve several sorts of People each of them chose one Lictor or Sergeant In the mean time the City increased in fortifications in that they went still farther and farther with their works more out of hopes of a multitude to come than for the safeguard of those men they then had And then lest the City should have been made so big to no purpose He according to the ancient rule of all those that ever built Cities who when they had gathered into their walls an obscure and mean rabble of People pretended their inhabitants were born out of the Earth set open the Asylum a place which is now hedg'd in with thick brambles between two Groves and into that from the neighbouring Nations all the rabble ran as being greedy of novelties without distinction or being questioned whether they were Free-men or Slaves And that was the first step towards the greatness of his strength When he thought himself strong enough he prepared a Council to manage that strength to which end he makes an hundred Senators either because that number was sufficient or because there were but one hundred only that could be created Patres i. e. Fathers or grave Senators Now they no question were called Patres i. e. Fathers out of respect and honour and their descendants Patricij i. e. such as were of a Senatorian Family By this time Rome was grown so strong that it was able to cope with any of the neighbouring Cities but for want of Women its Grandeur was like to continue no longer than a Mans age because they neither had hopes of Children at home nor intermarried with their Neighbours Then by advice of the Senate Romulus sent Embassadours to the adjacent Countries to desire an Alliance and Nuptial Engagements between his and their People and to tell them That Cities like other things rose from small beginnings and then that such as their own Virtue and the Gods advance gain to themselves great power and renown as also that they knew very well not only that the Gods were assistant in the production of Rome but likewise that no Virtue would be wanting in that Nation wherefore they should not think it any degradation to them as Men to mingle bloud and contract an intimate relation with those who were Men as well as themselves But this Embassy was no where kindly received so much they all despised and fear'd so great a power that was then growing up among them not only in respect to themselves but their posterity Many dismissed them with this question Whether they had opened any Asylum for Women too for that would make their Marriages just and equal The Roman youth took that in great dudgeon and had a great inclination to use violence for which that Romulus might give a good opportunity he counterfeited himself out of humor and ordered Games to be solemnly kept in honour of Neptunus Equestris purposely i. e. The God of Horsemanship which he call'd Consualia Whereupon he commanded that the adjacent Countries should have notice given them of a Show that was to be made and with as much preparation as they possibly could they set things out that they might do something that was extraordinary and answer Peoples expectations A great many people met together not only upon that account but likewise out of curiosity to see the new City especially all the neighbouring People as the Caeninenses the Crustumini and the Antemnates Thither also came all the Sabines with their Wives and Children who being invited very hospitably from house to house and seeing the situation the walls and all the City so full of houses admir'd that Rome was grown so great in so short a time When the time for the Show was come and their minds and eyes were all intent upon it then by consent they made the attack and giving the signal the Roman youth ran up and down to ravish or seize their Virgins of whom great part were forced away at a venture as each man litt upon them though some great beauties design'd for the Chiefs of the Senate were carried to their houses by inferior persons imployed for that purpose They tell you that one much handsomer than all the rest was carried away by the retinue of one Talassius of whom when many people enquired to whom they were carrying her the parties that had her in custody cried out by way of answer lest any one should take her from them she is going to Talassius from whence that became a Nuptial word The sport being all spoiled by the fear that people conceived the sad parents of the Maids ran away as fast as they could accusing the Romans for violating the laws of Hospitality and calling upon that God to whose Solemnity and Games they came and were deceived even after a religious promise of the contrary Nor had the Maids that were taken any better hopes of themselves or less indignation within them but Romulus went all about and told them that what they suffered was for the pride of their Fathers who had denied to contract any Marriage with their neighbours but that however they should be Married and bear a part not only in all their fortunes but be free of their City and than which nothing is more dear to Mankind share in the procreation of Children That they would do well to remit their fury
the Spoils of the Curiatij set up in that place which is now called Pila Horatia or Horatius's Trophies Can you said he O Romans endure to see this youth whom you so lately beheld adorned with Victory and march triumphantly before you bound whipped and tortured under a Gallows when even the eyes of the Albans could hardly bear so horrid a spectacle Go Officer bind those hands which not long since were armed to gain an Empire for the Roman People Go veil the head of him that freed this City Hang him up drub him even within the Walls so it be near those Trophies and Spoils he took from the Enemy or without the City so it be within view of those Sepulchres where the Curiatij lie buried For whither can you lead this youth where his own brave Actions will not rescue him from the Dishonour of such a base kind of Punishment the People were sorry to see his Fathers tears and that he himself should shew so little concern in all that danger wherefore they acquitted him more out of admiration of his Courage than for the justice of his cause But that the manifest Murther might be attoned for by some means or other 't was ordered that his Father should expiate his Sons guilt by a publick expence He therefore having performed some propitiatory Sacrifices which were afterwards transmitted to the Family of the Horatij made a Gallows cross the way and ordered his Son to pass under it as Soldiers do when they are sold for Slaves And that Gallows is still kept in repair at the publick charge even to this day being called Sororium Tigillum or the Gallows set up on the account of a Sister The Sepulchre of the Maid that was killed was built in the place where she fell of square Stone But the Peace with Alba did not long continue for the Envy of the Common People who took it ill that the publick fortune of their Country should be committed to three Soldiers only corrupted the vain disposition of their Dictators and seeing that good Counsels had not succeeded well he endeavoured to reconcile the minds of his Country-men by ill means To which end as before in time of War he had desired Peace so now in time of Peace he desired War But because he saw their City had much more courage than strength to declare and wage an open War he instigated other people thereunto reserving the treacherous part to be acted by his own Country-men under a shew of alliance and friendship The People of Fidenae who were a Roman Colony having taken advice with the Veientes were moved to make War and take up Arms upon condition that the Albans would revolt to their party When Fidenae was in open Rebellion Tullus sent for Metius and his Army from Alba whom he led against the Enemy and having past the River Anien he pitched his Camp at the meeting of the two Rivers Between that place and Fidenae the Army of the Veientes got over the Tiber and were posted in the right wing near the River whilest those of Fidenae stood in the left more near to the Mountains Tullus led his men against the Veian Enemy and planted the Albans over against the Legion of the Fidenates The Albans had no more courage than honesty and therefore not daring either to stand or move with any confidence crept by degrees to the Mountains Where when they thought themselves safe enough they set their whole Army in array but being in doubt what to do and willing to delay time they took a great deal of pains to range their men Their design was which way soever Fortune should incline that way to bend their forces The Romans who stood next to them began to wonder at first when they saw themselves deserted by the going off of their Allies and immediatly a Trooper galloping away went and told the King that the Albans were gone At which Tullus was put into such a consternation that he made twelve Salij or Priests of Mars and dedicated Temples to Pallor and Pavor i. e. to Paleness and Fear wherewithal he chid the Trooper so loud that the Enemy might hear him and bid him return into the Battel telling him They had no need to fear in that the Alban Army had wheeled about by his order to surprize the Fidenates in their unguarded Reer He likewise commanded the same Person to bid all the Horse advance their Javelins which Action of theirs intercepted the sight of the Alban Army marching off from a great part of the Roman Foot but those who saw them supposing it to be as they had heard the King say fell on the more eagerly The Enemies were terrified for they heard what the King so loudly said and many of the Fidenates as being a Colony belonging to the Romans understood Latin Wherefore last on a sudden they should have been blocked up by the descent of the Albans from the Hills and hindered of regaining the Town they turned their backs Tullus pursued them and having routed the wing of the Fidenates he returned more fiercely upon the Veians who were struck with a strange dread Nor could they endure the shock but running hastily away were driven to a River that was behind them to which when they were come some of them shamefully threw away their Arms and ran headlong into the water the rest staying on the banks and doubting whether they should sly or fight were all slain nor was there ever before that time a bloudier Battel fought by the Romans Then the Alban Army who had been Spectators of the Fight was led down into the plains and Metius congratulated Tullus his conquest over his Enemies in answer whereunto Tullus spoke very kindly to Metius and told him He hoped it would be for both their advantages if the Alban and the Roman Camp were both united into one wherefore he gave order it should be so and against the next day prepared a Sacrifice to purifie the Army Next morning as soon as it was day when all things were ready He as the custom is commanded both Armies to meet in one Assembly The criers began at the end and cited the Albans first who being concerned at the novelty of the thing as much as at any thing else that they might hear what the Roman King said stood next to him A Roman Legion all in Arms was ordered to enclose them and the Centurions were imployed to put their orders in execution without any delay Then Tullus thus began Romans If ever you had reason in any Battel before this time first to thank the immortal Gods and then congratulate your own valour it was for yesterdays atchievement For you fought not with Enemies more than which is the most difficult and dangerous engagement with the treachery and perfidiousness of your Allies For to undeceive you the Albans went into the Mountains without my knowledg nor was it my command but my stratagem and only the pretence of a command which
I then made use of to the end that neither you who knew nothing of your being deserted might be discouraged from fighting and the Enemy supposing themselves to be circumvented in their reer might be terrrified and tempted to fly But that fault which I now find is not to be charged upon all the Albans they followed their leader as you also would have done if I had been to have drawn you off to any other Post That same Metius was the Ring-Leader in that Treachery That Metius who was the contriver of this War That Metius who broke the League betwixt the Romans and the Albans Let some other hereafter dare to do the like if I do not make him a signal example to all mankind The Centurions stood about him while the King went on as he began I have a design O ye Albans which I hope will prove an happiness not only to the Romans in general but to me and you also that is to translate all the People of Alba to Rome to make the Commonalty free of the City and to chuse the Noblemen into the Senate to make them one City and one Commonwealth to the end that as the Alban State was heretofore divided into two People so now it may revert into one again At that the Alban youth being themselves unarmed but surrounded with Soldiers all in Arms were in twenty minds though common fear compelled them to hold their tongues Then Tullus went on Metius Suffetius said he If thou couldest learn to keep thy word and not to break Leagues thou shouldest live and I would teach thee how to do so But now seeing thy disposition is incurable do thou by thy punishment instruct mankind to believe those things sacred which thou hast violated As therefore thou didst lately shew thy self a Neuter and that thy mind was divided between the Fidenate and the Roman interest so now shall thy body be Having so said he caused two Wagons to be placed near each other and tyed Metius with his body distended to the bodies of them which being done the Horses were driven contrary ways and carried his torn body upon each Wagon to which his limbs were fastened The Company all turned away their eyes from such a cruel sight That was the first and last Punishment among the Romans that was an instance of Inhumanity for in all others they may very well boast that no Nation was ever satisfied with easier penalties At this time there was a party of Horse already sent to Alba to bring the multitude over to Rome and after them the Legions were carried thither to demolish the City who when they entered the City there was not that tumult nor consternation as usually is in Cities that are taken when the Gates are broken open the Walls battered down or a Castle stormed and when the noise of the Enemy and the fury of the Soldiers over all the Town mingles every thing with Fire and Sword but a sad silence and a dumb sorrow put all their minds into such a malancholy posture that they through fear forgetting what they left behind and what they carried with them not knowing what to do and enquiring of one another stood sometimes at their doors and other whiles ran distractedly about their Houses which that was the last time they ever were like to see But when the clamour of the Soldiers who bid them be gone was very urgent upon them they heard the crash of the Houses that were pulling down in the remotest parts of the City and the dust that arose from places distant covered all the Air as with a Cloud each man in hast took what he could away being he was to march off and leave his Native home his houshold-Gods and that habitation where he was born and bred And now the whole troop of these departing Inhabitants having filled the streets the sight of each other renewed their tears out of mutual commiseration besides the lamentable cries that werre heard especially of the Women when they passed by the stately Temples which were encompassed with Soldiers and left their Gods as it were in captivity The Albans having quitted their City the Romans made all buildings both publick and private even with the ground and one hour ruined and destroyed the work of those four hundred years that Alba had been standing But they with-held their hands from the Temples of the Gods because the King had so commanded In the mean time Rome grew out of the Ruines of Alba and the number of the Citizens was doubled The Mount called Coelius was added to the City and to draw the more Inhabitants thither Tullus had a Palace there and dwelt upon it from that time forward He chose the Nobility of the Albans into the Senate that that part also of the Commonwealth might be augmented that is to say the Tullij Servitij Quintij Geganei Curiatij and the Claelij and made a Temple to the Court for that order which he himself had augmented which was called Hostilia even to our Fathers days And that he might make some addition out of this new People to the strength of every order of men he chose ten Troops of Horse out of the Albans He also supplied the old Legions with the same number and likewise raised new ones In confidence of this his strength Tullus declared War against the Sabines a Nation at that time more opulent than any other except the Etrurians both for Men and Arms. There were injuries done on both sides and Goods in vain demanded back Tullus complained that the Roman Merchants were seized on at a great Fair kept near the Temple of Feronia the Sabines that theirs fled first into the Grove and were detained at Rome which actions are said to be the cause of the War The Sabines well remembring not only that part of their strength was carried to Rome by Tatius but likewise that of late also the Roman State was augmented by the addition of the Albans began themselves to look out for foreign assistance Etruria was near them and next to the Etrurians the Veians from whence through their remaining animosities which very much inclined them to a revolt they had a great many Voluntiers besides that their pay also prevailed upon some Vagrants among the poor People They had no publick assistance for the Veians amongst whom it was a greater wonder than for any of the rest to do so kept the Truce which they had made with Romulus When they had made very great preparations for the War on both sides and the whole stress of the business seemed to lie in this which of them should make the first onset Tullus marched first into the Sabines Territories They had a bloudy Battel hard by a Wood called Sylva Malitiosa where the Roman Army was very successful not only through the strength of their Foot but of their Horse too which was so lately augmented For by the Horse which rushed in suddenly upon them the Sabine ranks
Banishment Proclaimed whilest the rejoycing Camp received Brutus as the Deliverer of the City expelling thence the Kings Children of whom two followed their Father and went into Banishment to Caere a Town in Etruria Sextus Tarquinius going to Gabii as into his own Kingdom was killed by certain men who had a mind to revenge the ancient quarrels which he himself by Slaughter and Rapine had been the Author of L. Tarquinius Superbus Reigned five and twenty years and the Reign of Kings of Rome from the time the City was built to the deliverance of it continued two hundred and forty four years at which time two Consuls were Created in the Assembly called Comitia Centuriata or an Assembly wherein every man gave his suffrage vivâ voce in the Century that he belonged to by the Prefect of the City according to the method that Servius Tullius had prescribed whose names were L. Junius Brutus and L. Tarquinius Collatinus DECADE I. BOOK II. EPITOME 1. Brutus obliged the People by an Oath not to suffer any of the Tarquins to Reign at Rome 2. He suspected his Colleague Collatinus by reason of the Affinity that was between him and the Tarquins and therefore compelled him not only to lay down his Consulship but quit the City too 5. He ordered the Kings Family to be plundered and Consecrated that Field to Mars which was called Campus Martius or the Field of Mars He Beheaded several Noble Youth among which were some even of his own and his Sisters Sons for Conspiring to bring in Kings again giving his Slave whose Name was Vindicius his Liberty for Discovering it from whose Name the word Vindicta made use of in the manumission or frecing of a Slave was derived 6. Having led an Army against the Royal Party who had raised the Veians and the Tarquinians to make a War he died in the Field at the same time with Aruns the Son of Superbus and the Matrons mourned for him a whole year 7 8. P. Valerius being Consul he made a Law concerning an Appeal to the People The Capital was Dedicated 9 10. Porsena King of Clusium having undertaken a War in the Defence of the Tarquinii and come as far as Janiculum the Southwark of Rome was hindered from passing the Tiber by the Valour of Horatius Cocles who whilest others cut down the Wooden Bridg alone endured the shock of the Etrurians and when the Bridg was broken throwing himself all Armed into the River swam over to his Party 12. There was another example of great constancy shewn by Mucius who having entered the Enemies Camp with a Design to kill Porsena but murthering a Secretary whom he mistook for the King and being laid hold on laid his hand upon an Altar where they had just sacrificed and held it there 'till 't was burnt off saying that there were three hundred Conspirators in a Design to murther the King At which Porsena was so amazed that his fear forced him to make conditions of Peace to lay down his Arms and receive Hostages 13. Amongst whom one Cloelia a Virgin having stollen from her Keepers swam over the Tiber to the Romans and being brought back again to Porsena was honourably sent home and graced with a Statue of her self on Horseback 16. Ap. Claudius fled from the Sabines to Rome and thence came the Tribe called Tribus Claudia The number of the Tribes was enlarged so as to make them one and twenty 19 20. A. Postumius the Dictator sought with success near the Lake called Lacus Regillus against Tarquinius Superbus who made War with an Army of the Latins 23 c. The Common People who had separated themselves into the Mount called Mons Sacer for the sake of some who were in Prison for Debt were recalled from their Sedition by the Counsel of Menenius Agrippa The same Agrippa when he died was by reason of his poverty buried at the publick Charge 33. Five Tribunes of the People were Created A Town belonging to the Volsci called Corioli was taken by the Valour and Conduct of C. Marcius who for that reason was called Coriolanus 36. Tib Atinias a mean man having been admonished by an Apparition to advise the Senate concerning certain Religious Duties but neglected the same lost his Son and grew a Cripple but being carried to the Senate in a Litter and having told them what he had to say recovered the use of his feet and walked home 39 40. When C. Marcius Corâ—olanus who had been Banished was made General of the Volsci and had brought an Army of the Enemies near to the City of Rome there were Embassadors first sent to him after whom when the Priests had in vain desired of him not to make War against his Country Veturia his Mother and Volumnia his Wife obtained the favour of him to retire 41. The Law called Lex Agraria i. e. concerning the Division of Lands was first made Sp Cassiùs a Consuls fellow was Condemned for Treason and put to Death 42. Oppia a Vestal Virgin was buried alive for Incest 46 c. When their Neighbouring Foes the Veians became more troublesome than intolerable the Family of the Fabii desired to have the management of that War and sent to it three hundred and six Soldiers who were every one of them killed by the Enemy at Cremera having left at home only one Lad who was not then of Age. 58. Ap. Claudius being Consul and having through the Contumacy of his Army lost a Battel against Volsci knocked every tenth Man of his own Soldiers on the head with a Club. 60 c. Shews the Transactions against the Volsci the Aequi and the Veians together with the Seditions between the Senate and the People I Come now to shew you what the Roman People who from this time were at Liberty did both in Peace and War together with their Annual Magistrates and the force of their Laws which were more powerful than any strength of Men. Which Liberty of theirs grew the more pleasant by their reflection on the pride of their last King For the former Kings governed so that they deserved successively to be reckoned as Founders of the several parts of that new City which they themselves added by way of augmentation to it for their encreasing Multitude to dwell in nor is it to be doubted but that same Brutus who won so much Glory by expelling King Superbus would have done the Publick the greatest mischief imaginable if through a too hasty desire of Liberty he had extorted the Scepter from any of the former Kings For what was like to come of it if that crowd of Shepherds and Strangers that came thither from their own Countries having gained either their Liberty or at least impunity under the refuge of an inviolable Sanctuary and being freed from the fear of Kings had then been moved and instigated by the Seditious Tribunes of the People and in a strange City had begun to sow strife between the People and the Senate before the endearments
instant the crash of the falling Bridg and the noise that the Romans made for joy that the work was done struck such a sudden terror into the Enemies that it restrained their violence Then Cocles cryed out Great Father Tiberinus I beseech thy Deity propitiously to receive these Arms and this Soldier into thy River With that being all in Armour he leaped into the Tiber through which though many Darts were thrown upon him he swam very safe over to his Party having done an Exploit that will be more talked of than believed by all Posterity The City was very grateful to him for so great an Atchievement and therefore his Statue was set up near the Comitium or place of publick Assembly and he had as much Land given him as he could mark round with a Plough in one day The Affections also of private men were very eminent amidst his publick honours for when he was in great necessity there was no body but gave him something towards House-keeping though they wanted it themselves Porsena being repulsed in his first Attempt and therefore changing all his measures from a design of Storming to besieging the City when he had placed a Guard in Janiculum himself pitched his Camp in the Plain and upon the Banks of Tiber. He likewise sent for Ships from all parts both as a Guard to hinder any Corn from being carried to Rome and for the convenience of passing his Soldiers over the River in several places to forage as occasion should serve By which means in a short time he so infested all the Country about Rome that not only other things but even all their Sheep too were driven out of the Fields into the City neither durst any one drive them without the Gates But this so great liberty was granted to the Etrurians not so much of fear as policy For Valerius the Consul being intent on the opportunity of surprizing a great many straglers at once seemed negligent to revenge small injuries because he kept himself for some greater Action He therefore to draw in the Foragers commands his Soldiers that the next day they should drive out a great many Sheep at the Gate called Porta Esquelina which was most remote from the Enemy supposing that the Enemy would come to know of it because in that time of Siege and Famin several faithless Slaves had fled the City And so indeed they did by the Information of a Renegado upon which a great many more of them in hopes to have all the Prey pass'd the River In the mean time P. Valerius ordered Herminius with a small Party to make an Ambuscade at the second Stone i. e. two Miles off in the way that leads to Gabii and Sp. Lartius to stand with the nimble young men at the Gate called Porta Collina till the Enemy came by and then to block them up that they might not return to the River The other Consul Titus Lucretius marched out at the Gate called Porta Naevia with some few Companies whilest Valerius himself led a choice Party down from the Mount called Mons Coelius who were the first that appeared to the Enemy Herminius when he heard the tumult made haste from his Ambuscade and fell upon the Etrurians Rere whilest their Van was engaged with Valerius There was a shout set up and returned both from the right hand and the left that is to say from the Gate called Porta Collina on the one side and that called Naevia on the other So the Foragers were slain in the middle of the Romans being neither strong enough to cope with them nor having any way to escape and that was the last time that the Etrurians stragled so disorderly into the Roman Territories But nevertheless the Siege continued Corn being very scarce and very dear and Porsena had some hopes that by continuing there he should at last take the City 'till Caius Mucius a Noble Youth who thought it a disgrace that the Roman People who though they were Slaves while they lived under Kingly Government yet were never Besieged in any War nor by any Enemy that the same People now they were free should be Besieged by those very Etrurians whose Armies they had so often Routed he was incensed and thinking that he ought to revenge that indignity by some great and bold exploit he first resolved of his own accord to force his way into the Enemies Camp but fearing lest if he should go without the consent of the Consuls or the knowledg of any body else he might possibly be taken by the Roman Centinels and be brought back as a Run-away in which case the present state of the City would make his Accusation the more probable wherefore he went to the Senate Fathers said he I have a mind to pass the Tiber and get if I can into the Enemies Camp not as a Robber nor to revenge that havock which they have made amongst us but if the Gods will give me leave I design to do a greater exploit The Senators approved of his proposal and therefore with a Sword hidden under his Garment he went upon his Enterprize When he came thither he stood in a great crowd near to the Kings Tribunal where seeing the Souldiers came to receive their Pay and that the Secretary who sate by the King in an habit very like him was mighty busie with the Soldiers thronging about him he fearing to ask which was Porsena lest by not knowing the King he might discover who he was as fortune unluckily would have it he stabbed the Secretary instead of the King Then walking off as far as he could make way through the affrighted Crowd with his Bloody Weapon in his hand the People flocked together upon the noise of it and the Kings Guards laying hold on him brought him back Then being placed before the Kings Tribunal he even at that time amidst so many menaces of fortune like one to be feared rather than fearing any thing himself cryed out I am a Roman Citizen and they call me Caius Mucius wherefore as an Enemy I had a mind to kill my Enemy nor do I desire to avoid my own death any more than I did to miss killing him 'T is like a Roman both to do and to suffer great things Nor was I the only Person that bore that spleen to thee I have a long Train behind me of such who desire to do the same glorious Act. Wherefore prepare thy self if thou pleasest against this danger that thou mayest be ready every hour to fight for thy life and see thou have both Arms and Men continually at the entrance of thy Palace We the Roman Youth declare this War against thee Thou needest not fear any formed Army nor any pitched Battel for we shall engage with thee only and that hand to hand At which the King being at once enraged and frighted at the danger commanded in his fury that a Fire should be made round about him unless he would declare presently what snares those were
their Assistance and therefore is said to have resolved to Dedicate a Temple to Castor and to have proposed rewards to such of his Soldiers as should be the first or second that entered the Enemies Camp Which so much animated them that at the same instant in which they Routed the Enemy the Romans possessed themselves of their Camp This was the success of the Battel at the Lake called Lacus Regillus from whence the Dictator and the Master of the Horse returned with Triumph into the City For three Years after that they had not either certain Peace or War Q. Cloelius and T. Lartius were Consuls and after them A. Sempronius and M. Minucius in whose time a Temple was Dedicated to Saturn and an Holy-day called Saturnalia or the Feast of Saturn was then instituted After that A. Postumius and T. Virginius were made Consuls and I find some Authors say the Battel of the Lake Regillus was fought in this Year as also that A. Postumius because his Collegue was a man not to be trusted withdrew himself from the Consulship being afterwards made Dictator There are such errors in the account of time and such difference in the series of their Magistrates which several Authors have made that a man cannot tell what Consuls were then in Office nor what was done in each Year it is so long ago and things as well as Authors are so confounded Then Appius Claudius and Publius Servilius were made Consuls whose Year was very remarkable for the news of Taquinius's Death He died at Cumae whither after the Latins were Defeated he fled to King Aristodemus At that News the Senate were very much pleased and so were the People but the joy of the Senate was too immoderate and began to insult over the People whom till that time they had endeavoured by all manner of means to oblige The same Year Signia a Colony which King Tarquinius had Planted was again supplied with a fresh number of Inhabitants Rome was divided into one and twenty Tribes and the Temple of Mercury was Dedicated upon the Ides of May i. e. the fifteenth In the Latin War the Romans had neither Peace nor War with the Volsci for the Volsci raised Forces to send to the Latins lest the Roman Dictator should make too much haste and the Romans on the other side made what haste they could lest they should be forced to fight with the Latius and the Volsci at the same time At which the Consuls being enraged led their Legions into the Country of the Volsci who not fearing that they should be punished for their Designs were put into a Consternation by a War which they did not foresee Wherefore neglecting their Military Preparations they gave three hundred Hostages which were Noble mens Sons of Cora and Pometia by which means the Legions were drawn off without fighting But not long after the Volsci being eased of their fears resumed their former disposition and privately prepared a second time for a War taking the Hernici into their Alliance They also sent Ambassadors all about to sollicite the Latins but the Defeat which they had lately received at the Lake Regillus possessed the Latins with such anger and hatred against any one that should persuade them to take up Arms that they could not forbear laying violent hands even upon the Embassadors themselves Wherefore they seized upon them and carrying them to Rome delivered them to the Consuls by whom it was declared that the Volsci and the Hernici were preparing for a War against the Romans The matters being brought before the Senate it pleased them so much that they not only sent back to the Latins six thousand Captives but also referred the Debate concerning a League which had been almost always denyed to new Magistrates At which the Latins mightily rejoyced as being proud to be the Authors of Peace and upon that account they afterwards sent a Crown of Gold into the Capitol for an Offering to Jupiter with which and the Embassadors that brought it there came a great Multitude of those Captives that had been sent home who going to the Houses of them whom they had formerly served gave them thanks for their Liberality and Kindness to them in their Calamity making perpetual Agreements of mutual Friendship and Hospitality among them For before this time the Latins were never both publickly and privately more nearly Allied to the Roman Empire But now not only the Volscian War was coming on but the City it self also being at variance was all inflamed with an Intestine hatred between the Senate and the People which happened mostly upon the account of those who were obliged to work out their Debts For they murmured that they who fought abroad for Liberty and Empire should be Captivated and Oppress'd by their own Citizens at home and said that the Liberty of the People was more secure in War than in Peace among their Enemies more than among their fellow Citizens But that which kindled their Envy though it increased fast enough of it self was the signal Calamity of one single Person That was an ancient man who came into the Forum with all the marks of hardship that he had suffered under the restraint of his Creditor His Garments were all squalid and nasty but his Body in a much worse plight being pale and looking as if he were almost starved to Death Besides which his Beard and his Hair were grown so long that they made him look like a Savage yet he was known with all that Deformity and the People said he had been a Commander commending him also for other Military Atchievements and commiserating him before the Rabble He also shewed them the Scars in his Body which were his witnesses of what honourable Fights he had engaged in And when they asked him how he came to look so ill a Crowd standing round about him in manner of an Assembly he told them That being a Soldier in the Sabine War the Country so Pillaged that he not only wanted the Fruits of his Land but his House was burnt all his Goods Plundered from him his Cattel driven away and at that very Calamitous juncture a Tribute was imposed that made him borrow Mony which by Usury rising to a great sum deprived him first of his Fathers and his Grand-fathers Estate and then of his other fortunes 'till at last like a Consumption it seized his very Body and he was haled by his Creditor not only into Slavery but a severe Work-house and a Goal With that he shewed them his Back which was all raw with the fresh marks of those stripes he had received Which when they saw and heard there arose a great Clamor among them nor did the Tumult now contein it self within the Forum or Market-place but ran immediately through all the City Whereupon not only those that were bound but such as were free too came forth from all parts into the Streets imploring the Assistance of the Romans their fellow Citizens Nor was there
Appeals to that you in such a dangerous case as the Commonwealth is now in would force the Consuls by your Authority to create a Dictator Which when he had said the Tribunes thinking they had gotten a good occasion to augment their Power withdrew and soon after in the name of the College declared It was their pleasure that the Consuls should submit to the Senate and if they any longer opposed the Will of that most honourable Order they would command them to be carried to Goal The Consuls chose rather to be out-done by the Tribunes than by the Senate saying That the Sovereign Authority was betrayed by the Senators and the Consulship put in subjection to the Power of the Tribunes seeing that now the Consuls might be compelled by Power of the Tribunes and than which what has any private Person more to fear be carried to Goal too It fell to T. Quintius's lot for the Collegues could not agree upon it very well to name the Dictator and accordingly he declared A. Postumius Tubertus his Father-in-law a very severe Governour Dictator by whom L. Julius was created Master of the Horse At the same time also there was a stop put to all Judicial proceeding nor was there any thing done all over the City but what was in order to preparations for the War The hearing of their defence that did not take up Arms was deferred 'till the War was over but indeed so ready all People were that even those who might possibly have been excused gave in their names and when the Latins and the Hernici were ordered to bring in their Quota they both very readily obeyed the Dictator All this was done with great celerity and C. Julius the Consul being left to Guard the City with L. Julius Master of the Horse who staid to provide with all speed for their present necessities in the Camp the Dictator with A. Cornelius the High-Priest going before him vowed to Celebrate the Ludi Magni or great Games Celebrated not above once in an Age upon the score of that War and then marching out of the City and having divided the Army between himself and Quintius the Consul came up to the Enemy As therefore they saw the Foe had two Camps at a small distance from each other they likewise about a thousand paces from the Enemy the Dictator nearer to Tusculum and the Consul nearer to Lanuvium pitched their Camps So four Armies and as many entrenchments had the Plain before them in the middle which was wide enough not only to make little excursions for skirmishing but even to set their whole Armies on both sides in Battalia Nor were they seeing their Camps were opposite to each other at any time disengaged from those little Rencounters the Dictator being very willing that his Men by trying the Enemies strength in such light bickerings might be able to tell him what hopes they had of the general Victory Wherefore the Enemy despairing of any success in a pitched Battel attacked the Consuls Camp in the night time and put the whole affair to the hazard of a doubtful event Whereupon the sudden shout which they made alarmed not only the Consuls Sentinels and consequently the whole Army but awaked the Dictator also who was then asleep The Consul though he were so surprized wanted neither Courage nor Conduct setting part of his Men to guard the Gates and the rest round about the Rampire In the other Camp where the Dictator was the tumult being less made them the more careful of their business Wherefore they immediately sent reliefs to the Consuls Camp under the Command of Sp. Postumius Albus a Lieutenant whilst the Dictator himself marched a little about to a place most remote from the noise that he might attack the Enemy in their Rere before they were aware of his coming When he went away he left Q. Sulpicius a Lieutenant Master of the Camp and M. Fabius another Lieutenant to Command the Horse bidding him not to stir before day because he knew the Horses were hard to be managed in such Nocturnal Conflicts In short he did and said all things that an active and a prudent General in such a case ought either to say or do But that was an extraordinary instance of his Courage and Conduct and a thing for which he was highly to be commended that he on his own accord sent M. Geganius with a choice Party to attack the Enemies Camp from whence as his Scouts brought word they were marched with the greater part of their Men. So that Geganius setting upon them whilst they were intent upon the event of that danger which others were in and neglected their own safety took their Camp before the Enemy well knew themselves to be attacked Then as they had agreed he gave the sign by making a great smoak which when the Dictator saw he cried out The Enemies Camp 's taken and commanded the news to be told through all the Army By this time it was day-light and all things were visible so that Fabius with his Horse Charged up to them and the Consul made a Sally out of his Camp upon the trembling Foe whilst the Dictator on the other side giving Battel to the Body of Reserves and the middle part of the Army opposed the Enemy who were in great distraction upon such different clamours and sudden hurly-burlies on all sides with his Victorious Horse and Foot By which means being now environed in the middle they had every Man of them suffered for their Rebellion had not Messius Vechius a Volscian more famous for his Actions than his Birth when his Countrymen were now putting themselves into a circular posture crying out with a loud voice asked them What will you stand here to be pelted by your Enemies without making any defence or being revenged of them Why then have you any Arms or why were you the aggressors in this War Are you tumultuous in Peace and slothful in War What can you hope for whilst you stand here Do you think some God will protect you and snatch you hence No you must make your way with your Swords as you see me do before you Courage then all you that intend to see your own Houses your Parents or your Wives and Children any more come along with me 'T is not a Wall or a Bulwark but armed Men that can oppose armed Men. You are equal to the Enemy in Courage but in the necessity of your present cricumstances which is the last and greatest Weapon you have you far out-do them When he had said this and did as he said they set up another shout and followed him making an Attack upon that side where Postumius Albus was with his Party and indeed they made him though he had then the better of it give ground 'till such time as the Dictator came up to assist his retiring friends and that turned all the Fight the other way The fortune of the Enemy depended upon one single Man which was
created with Consular Authority that is to say T. Quintius Pennus sometime Consul C. Furius M. Postumius and A. Cornelius Cossus of U. C. 328 whom Cossus had the Government of the City and the other three having made a Levy went to Veii where they were an argument to us how inconvenient it is in War to have more than one General For they by inclining each one too much to his own opinion as being of different Judgments gave the Enemy an opportunity of doing their business and accordingly the Veians whilst the Roman Army was at a stand which Officer they should obey one ordering the signal to be given for Battel and another to sound a retreat took the occasion to fall upon them and putting them into disorder made them run away but their Camp being near received them so that they suffered more disgrace than loss of Men. The City was very sad as being not used to be Conquered and hating the Tribunes desired a Dictator for in such a Person they thought all the Cities hopes lay but seeing that in that case also Religion hindered them so that a Dictator could not be declared but by a Consul the Augurs being consulted removed that scruple So A. Cornelius declared Mamercus Aemilius Dictator and himself was by him made Master of the Horse so that assoon as the fortune of the City stood in need of true Courage the Censors severity was no impediment but that the Conduct of affairs might be committed to a Person of a branded Family The Veians proud of their success sent Embassadors all over Etruria to brag that they had defeated three Roman Generals in one fight and though they could not get any of those People formerly to joyn in an alliance with them yet they now came in as Voluntiers in hopes of booty from all parts of the Country Only the Fidenians resolved to rise again and as though it had been a crime not to begin their War with some wicked action they having embrued their Weapons in the blood of the new Colony then as of the Embassadors before associated themselves to the Veians Then the heads of those two Nations consulted whether they should make Veii or Fidenae the seat of War Fidenae seemed the more opportune place and therefore the Veians passing over the Tiber transferred the War to Fidenae There was a great consternation at Rome insomuch that having sent for their Army from Veii which upon the score of its ill success there was much disheartned they placed their Camp before the Gate Collina and planting Soldiers upon the Walls they ordered a Stop of Justice in the Forum all the Shops being shut up and every thing looking like the face of a Camp more than a City Then seeing the City in so much fear the Dictator sent Cryers or Beadles through all the Streets to summon the People to an Assembly wherein he chid them for being so anxious upon such a slight occasion that they should fear the Veians whom they had so often conquered upon the account of so small a loss which they had received and that too not through the Courage of the Enemy or the sloth of the Roman Army but the dissention of the Generals among themselves or Fidenae either which they had taken e'en almost more often than they had attacked it That the Romans and the Enemies were the same Men they had been for so many Ages having the same Courage the same strength of Body and the same Arms and that he also was the same Dictator Mamercus Aemilius who formerly defeated the Armies of the Veians and Fidenates yea when the Faliscans too were joyned with them at Nomentum Besides which that A. Cornelius would be Master of the Horse and in the Army being the same Person who in the former War being a Tribune of the Soldiers when Lar. Tolumnius King of the Veians was slain in sight of the two Armies brought the rich spoils into the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius Wherefore remembring that Triumphs and Spoils and Victory were all on your side and on the Enemies part a great deal of guilt for their horrid crimes murthering the Embassadors against the Law of Nations killing the Colony at Fidenae in time of Peace breaking the Truce and that their seventh unhappy defection he advised them to take up their Arms and told them he was confident that assoon as ever they had joyned Camp to Camp the wicked Enemy would not only quickly cease to Triumph in the ignominy of the Roman Army but the Roman People likewise would understand how much better they deserved of the Commonwealth that made him the third time Dictator than they who because he abrogated the tyrannical Power of the Censors would have laid a blot upon his second Dictatorship Then having made his Vows he marched forth and pitched his Camp a thousand and five hundred paces on this side Fidenae being defended on the right hand by the Mountains and on the left by the River Tiber. He therefore commanded T. Quintius Pennus to take possession of the Mountains and plant himself privately upon that part of them which was behind the Enemies and himself the next day seeing the Etrurians march forth full of Courage upon the account of their former success which was owing to a good occasion rather than any thing which they did he having staid a little while too 'till his Scouts brought word that Quintius was got to the top of the Hill near the Castle of Fidenae he moved forward and led the Body of Foot in Battalia at an ordinary rate of marching against the Enemy commanding the Master of the Horse That he should not begin the fight without his order for that he when there was any need of the Horses coming in would give the signal and likewise that remembring the fight with the King the rich Offering Romulus and Jupiter Feretrius and behave himself accordingly The Legions engaged with a mighty force and the Romans being incensed with indignation called the Fidenians Villains the Veians Robbers but both of them Truce-breakers and saying that they were polluted with the barbarous slaughter of their Embassadors that they were embrued with the blood of their Colony being perfidious Allies and cowardly Enemies revenging themselves upon them both by words and deeds For immediately upon the first onset they had shock'd the Enemy when on a sudden the Gates of Fidenae being opened a new Army sallied forth which came in such a manner as had never been heard of or in use before that time for a great Multitude all armed with fire and blazing all over with burning Torches ran furiously upon the Enemy as though they had been mad which strange kind of sighting did for some time a little startle the Romans Then the Dictator sending for the Master of the Horse with his Cavalry and likewise for Quintius out of the Mountains himself ran up to the left Wing which being affrighted at the flames that lookt more like a
as fast as they came from City to City By which means the Youth of all those Towns being gathered to Antium they pitched their Camp there and waited for the Enemy Which being told at Rome with much more noise than the thing deserved the Senate presently as in difficult circumstances it was their last refuge to do ordered a Dictator to be appointed At which Julius and Cornelius they say were vexed and that the business was carried with great heat of mind Whereupon when the chief of the Senate in vain complaining that the Tribunes Military were not in the Senates disposal at last also appealed to the Tribunes of the People and said that the Consuls had been forced by their Authority upon such an occasion ere that time the Tribunes of the People who were glad to see the Senate at variance made answer by way of Irony That they could never assist them who were not fit to be reckoned in the number of Citizens or so much as Men if their honours ever became promiscuous or the Commonwealth were shared among them then they would take care that the Orders of Senate should not be evacuated by the pride of any Magistrates but in the mean time the Patricicians who were void of all respect to Law or Magistracy might assume the Tribunes Power also if they pleased and act as they would themselves for them This contention had seized upon the thoughts of Men at a very unseasonable time when they had such a War upon their hands till Julius and Cornelius having long alternately discoursed That it was not just the honour conferred upon them should be taken from them by the People Ahala Servilius a Tribune of the Soldiers said He had held his tongue so long not because he was not resolved in his opinion for what good Citizen could divide his own interest or designs from the publick but because he had more mind that his Collegues should yield to the Senates Authority on their own accord than suffer the Tribunes of the Peoples aid to be implored against them yea at that time also if the thing would have permitted him he would willingly have given them time to recede from his resolute opinion but since the necessities for a War would not bear any humane deliberations he valued the Commonwealth more than the good will of his Collegues if the Senate continued in the same mind he would declare a Dictator that night and if any one interposed to hinder any legal Decree of Senate from being made yet he would be satisfied with their Authority and approbation By which having gained a great deal of just commendations and good will among all People he declared P. Cornelius Dictator and was himself by him made Master of the Horse He therefore was an example to his Collegues and all others that took notice of him that favour and honour sometimes are found to court those Men who are not ambitious of it But this War was not very memorable the Enemies being slain at Antium in one slight Conflict After which the Army being Victorious pillaged the Volscian Territories stormed the Castle that stood upon the Lake Fucinus and in it took three thousand Prisoners forcing the rest of the Volsci into their Walls because they could not defend their Country Then the Dictator having so managed the War as that he seemed only to attend upon fortune returned into the City with more felicity than glory and laid down his Office The Tribunes of the Soldiers seeing there was no talk of a Consular Assembly I suppose out of anger which they conceived upon the score of making a Dictator appointed an Assembly for chusing of Tribunes Military Whereupon the Senate was much more concerned observing that their Cause was betrayed by their own Party and therefore as the Year before they had made even worthy Men odious by being competitors with the most rascally of the Plebeians so at that time preparing all the chief of the Senate with splendour and favour to stand for it they got all the places so that no Plebeian could be admitted At which time the four that were chosen were all Men that had before born the same U. C. 348 Offices and their names L. Furius Medullinus C. Valerius Potitus Numerius Fabius Vibulanus and C. Servilius Ahala which last of them was made again and continued in his Office as for his other vertues so also through the late favour which he only by his moderation gain'd That Year because the time of the Truce with the Veians was out they began to demand things back by their Embassadors and Heralds who coming to the Frontiers of that Country the Veians Embassadors met them desiring That they would not go to Veii before they themselves had been with the Roman Senate The Senate upon their Petition granted that seeing the Veians were under some intestine discontents there should be no demands made of any thing back again so far they were from taking the advantage of other Peoples misfortunes for their own ends Then they received a Defeat in the Volscian Territories by losing the Garrison of Verrugo where there was so much importance as to time that though they could have succoured the Soldiers who were there besieged by the Volsci and begged their assistance if they had hastened the Army that was sent as supplies to them came up at such a juncture that finding all the Enemy stragling about the Country for Plunder after their late slaughter they overthrew them In this case the Senate were the occasion of their slowness more than the Tribunes who because they heard the Garrison made a brave defence thought nothing could be too hard for them for indeed they were stout fellows nor were they unrevenged of their Foes either whilst they lived or even after death The Year following U. C. 349 P. and Cn. Cornelius Cossus Numerius Fabius Ambustus and L. Valerius Potitus being Tribunes of the Soldiery with Consular Authority the Romans made War upon the Veians for a proud answer made by the Veian Senate to their Embassadors when they came to demand a reprisal which was That if they did not get them gone as fast as they could out of their City and Country they would serve them as Lar. Tolumnius had formerly done some of their Predecessors in that employment Which answer of their the Senate took so ill that they decreed the Tribunes of the Soldiery should propose to the People the declaring of a War against the Veians assoon as possible Which when it was first offered the young Men began to murmur and said They had not yet done with the Volsci that two Garrisons of theirs were lately quite disabled and still kept with great hazard that no Year passed in which they had not some Battel and now as if they were sorry they had no more work for them they must needs prepare for a new War with a People that were their most powerful Neighbours and like to engage all
whereinto the Romans took occasion to break as the Enemy who were all forced into the City were sallying forth and besides the Castle taking all other places for a crowd of Armed Men got up into that which was naturally fortified and defended it though a great many Men were killed and taken under it Then next they besieged the Castle but could not take it either by storm because for the bigness of it it was well manned nor had any hopes of a surrender since all the Corn was carried into the Castle before the City was taken insomuch that they had been forced after a long fatigue to retire thence if a Slave had not betrayed it to the Romans For the Soldiers being let in by that fellow at a steep place took it by whom the Sentinels being first killed the rest of the multitude were in such a sudden consternation that they submitted to a surrender When therefore they had demolished the City and Castle of Artena they led the Legions back out of the Country of the Volsci and all the Roman force was turned against Veii The Traytor besides his Liberty had for a reward the Goods of two Families being afterward called Servius Romanus i. e. the Roman Servant There are some who think that this City of Artena belonged to the Veians and not to the Volsci which error was occasioned by there being a Town of the same name between Caere and Veii but that the Roman Kings demolished And besides that belonged to the Caerians not to the Veians this other of the same name of the sacking whereof I have just now spoken being in the Volscian Territories DECADE I. BOOK V. EPITOME 2. At the Siege of Veii there were Winter Quarters prepared for the Soldiers which being a new thing offended the Tribunes of the People who complained that the People had no respite for War even in the Winter season 7. The Knights began then first of all to serve in the Wars upon their own Horses 15. There having happened an Inundation of the Albane Lake they took a Prophet from the Enemy to interpret the meaning of that accident 21. Furius Camillus the Dictator took Veii after it had been besieged ten years 22. He carried the Image of Juno from thence to Rome 23. He sent the tenth part of the Booty to Apollo at Delphi 27. He also being Tribune of the Soldiers whilst he besieged the Falisci a People of Tuscany sent back certain Children that were betrayed into his hands to their Parents whereupon they immediately surrendred the City by his Justice thus Conquering the Falisci 31. C. Julius one of the Censors being dead M. Cornelius was put in his place But that was not done any more afterward because in that Lustrum space of five years Rome was taken by the Gauls 32. Furius Camillus being summoned to his Tryal by L. Apuleius Tribune of the People went into banishment 36 c. When the Gauls called Senones were besieging Clusium and the Embassadors sent by the Senate to make a Peace between them and the Clusians stood and fought in the Clusian Army against the Gauls the Senones were so enraged at this action of theirs that they attacked the City with a mighty Army and having routed the Romans at the River Allia took the City all but the Capitol into which the Youth had gotten They killed all the old People as they sate in the Porches of their Houses with the badges of those honours about them that each of them had born and when they had got up on the back-side to the top of the Capitol they were betrayed by the gagling of Geese and forced down again by M. Manlius 48. After that when the Romans were reduced to such a streight by famin that they were fain to give 1000 l. of Gold and with that purchase the raising of the Siege 49. Furius Camillus being created Dictator in his absence came with an Army as they were weighing the Gold and after six Months time drove them out of the City and killed them 50. There was a Temple built to Aius Loquutius in the place where before the City was taken a voice was heard to say The Gauls are a coming 'T was said they must remove to Veii by reason that the City was burnt and ruined 51. Which design was defeated by the advice of Camillus 55. The People were likewise concerned at what a certain Centurion said who coming into the Forum had said to his Men Stand fellow Soldiers it will be best for us to stay here HAVING made Peace with all others the Romans and the Veians were in Arms with so much spite and rage that it was evident that side which happened to be Conquered U. C. 352 would be totally destroyed The Assembly for chusing Magistrates of both those People was managed at a quite different rate to what it had been For the Romans increased the number of their Tribunes Military who had Consular Power and made them eight more than ever before they had been whose names were Manius Aemilius Mamercinus a second time L. Valerius Potitus a third time Ap. Claudius Crassus M. Quintilius Varus L. Julius Julus M. Postumius M. Furius Camillus and M. Postumius Albinus The Veians on the other side being weary of their annual canvassing which was sometimes the occasions of discords among them chose a King Which thing offended the minds of the Etrurians who hated not a Monarchy more than the Person of that King For he had formerly been very grievous to that Nation through his wealth and pride in that he had violently disturbed their solemn sports which it was a sin to intermit when for madness that he was repulsed and another Priest chosen before him by the suffrage of those twelve People he took away the Artists of whom great part were his own Servants from the midst of the Action Wherefore that Nation above all others being so much the more given to Religion in that they knew best how to perform Holy Duties Decreed That they would not lend the Veians any aid as long as they were under a King Which Decree was not much spoken of at Veii for fear of the King who look'd upon every Man that he heard should say any such thing as the ring-leader of a Sedition and not the Author of a vain story The Romans though they heard of no disturbance like to come out of Etruria yet since news was brought them that that affair was debated in all their publick Assemblies made Lines of Circumvallation and Contravallation the former toward the City and against the Sallies of the Townsmen and the latter toward Etruria as a bar to any succours that might possibly come from thence Now seeing the Roman Commanders had more hopes in a Siege than an Assault they began to build Winter Hutts which was a thing altogether new to the Roman Soldiers and designed to continue the War by quartering there all the Winter Which when it was told to the
their Youth would go voluntarily into that War they would not hinder them Then there was a report at Rome that such a vast number of Enemies were come and thereby their intestine discords began as it usually happens to be allayed It was not against the Senates will that the Tribes by their Prerogative chose Licinius Calvus U. C. 359 Tribune of the Soldiers who was a Person of known moderation in his former Office but at that time very old and it was apparent that all those of the College in the same would be chosen again viz. L. Titinius P. Menenius Cn. Genutius and L. Atilius who before they were declared P. Licinius Calvus by the permission of the Interrex made this Speech to the Tribes Romans I see you have a desire to make the ensuing Year at this Assembly the omen of concord which is a thing most advantagious to you at this time by the remembrance you bear of our Magistracy in that you chuse the same Collegues again who are now grown better by experience But you see me now not the same Person but left like the shadow and name of P. Licinius My strength is decayed the sense of my eyes and ears grown dull my memory fails me and the vigour of my mind is enervated See here said he and took his Son by the hand the Effigies and Image of him whom you heretofore first made Tribune of the Soldiers out of the common People this Boy who has been educated by me I give and dedicate to the Commonwealth as my Vicegerent and I beseech you Romans that you would bestow that honour which you have freely offered me upon this Candicate for the sake of those intreaties which I have added upon his account Thereupon the Fathers Petition was granted and his Son P. Licinius was declared Tribune of the Soldiers with Power Consular along with those whom I mentioned before Titinius and Genutius two of the Tribunes Military going against the Faliscans and the Capenates whilst they carried on the War with greater Courage than Conduct ran headlong into danger Genutius suffering for his rashness by an honourable death fell before the Ensigns in the Van. But Titinius having retrieved his Men out of a consternation to the top of an high Hill rallied again but he did not engage the Foe in a convenient place Yet he got more disgrace than he lost Men though that had like to have occasioned a mighty Defeat by reason that they were so terrified not only at Rome where there were many several reports of it but in the Camp at Veii too For there the Soldiers were with great difficulty kept from running away when a rumour had fled through all the Camp that their Generals and their Army were slain and that the Capenate and Faliscan had got the Victory as also that all the Youth of Etruria was not far from that place But they fancied greater danger than this at Rome viz. that the Camp at Veii was now attacked and that part of the Enemies were coming in a dreadful Body toward the City Wherefore they ran up upon the Walls and the Matrons whom the publick fear had forced from their Houses made their supplications in the Temples where they prayed to the Gods That they would guard the Houses of the City the Temples and the Walls of Rome from ruin and destruction and would turn that dread upon Veii if their Holy Rites had been rightly renewed and Prodigies duly atoned By this time the Games and Latin Holy-days were Celebrated and now the Water was let out of the Albane Lake and the destruction of Veii was at hand Wherefore M. Furius Camillus a fatal General not only to ruin that City but to preserve his Country was declared Dictator and made P. Cornelius Scipio his Master of the Horse The changing of their General made a sudden alteration in all things for now they had other hopes other sentiments and the fortune of their City seemed quite another thing First of all he punished those who in that consternation had fled from Veii according to the rules of War and brought it so to pass that the Soldiers should not fear their Enemy above any body Then having appointed a day for the Levy he himself in the mean time posted over to Veii to encourage the Soldiers there And thence he returned to Rome to raise the new Army nor did any one refuse to be Listed Yea the Foreign Youth of the Latins and Hernicans promising their service came to that War whom when the Dictator had thanked in the Senate and prepared all things necessary for the War he vowed by Order of the Senate that he when Veii was taken would set forth the Grand Games and would Dedicate the Temple of the Goddess Matuta which was now repaired and formerly Dedicated by King Servius Tullius Going from the City with his Army which raised Peoples expectation beyond their hopes he engaged the Faliscans and the Capenates first near Nepete where all things were carried with the greatest caution and Conduct and fortune as in such cases she usually does attended on him For he not only routed his Enemy in the Battel but forced him out of his Camp too where he got a vast Booty the greatest part whereof was brought to the Questor and not much of it given to the Soldiers Thence the Army was led to Veii and the Forts there made thicker and the Soldiers were drawn from making farther approaches as they did many times very rashly between the Bullwark and the Wall to work by an Order That no Man should fight unless he were commanded to it Now the far greatest and most toilsom work was a Mine which began to be made into the Enemies Castle Which Work that it might not be interrupted nor their continual labour under ground quite tire the same Persons he divided the Workmen into six parts and made each company work six hours at a time as it came to their turns so that they never left off night nor day till they had made a way into the Castle The Dictator seeing the Victory now in his hands that so rich a City was taken and that there would be more Booty than had been got in all the Wars before put them all together he lest he should gain any ill will from the Soldiers by the unequal division of the spoils or envy from the Senate by his prodigal largess sent a Letter to the Senate That through the blessing of the immortal Gods his Conduct and the Soldiers patience Veii would now be in the hands of the Romans and desired to know what they would have him do with the spoils Now the Senate were of two opinions one of which was that of P. Licinius who they say being asked by his Son about this matter first said That the People thought fit to declare that whosoever would share in that booty should go into the Camp at Veii and the other the opinion of Ap. Claudius who
Appenine towards the lower Sea and forwards on the other side having sent as many Colonies as were requisite to impeople the Country And these had all places beyond the River Padus to the Alps in their Possession except that corner of the Venetians who inhabit a Bay of the Sea And without question they were the original of the Alpin Nations especially the Rhaetians whom the very places having made so barbarous that they retain nothing of their ancient Language besides the sound of it and that too not without corruption Concerning the Galls passage into Italy I have been thus informed In the Reign of Tarquinius Priscus the sole management of Celtae which is one third of Gallia did belong to the Biturigians who gave them a King this King was Ambigatus a Man virtuous and rich in himself and his People For that part of Gallia under his Command did so abound with Men and Plenty that he had enough to do to govern them Being therefore honourably born and desiring to rid his Kingdom of some of the Multitude he declares that he will send Bellovesus and Sigovesus his Sisters Sons two smart young Men into whatever seats the Gods by Auguries would allot them and that they should raise as many Men as they pleased that no Nation might be able to repel them The Hercinian Forrests fell to Sigovesus's share and the Gods gave Bellovesus a far pleasanter Journey into Italy Who because he was over-stock'd with People when he had raised the Biturigians the Arvernians the Senonians the Heduans the Ambarruans the Carnutians and the Aulercians he went with great Forces of Horse and Foot against the Tricastinians Then the Alps were between them and Italy which seemed insuperable and truly I do not wonder at it since there was no way as 't is still unless we 'll believe the Stories about Hercules Then when the Gauls were as it were hedged in by the height of the Mountains and they look'd about to see which way they might pass into another Country over tops as high as Heaven they had some scruple upon them because they heard that some strangers seeking some places of abode were opposed by the Salian Nation these were the Marsilians going in Ships from Phocii The Gauls supposing this to be the Omen of their fortune resolved to fortifie with Woods whatever place they came first to They post over the pathless Alps to that Taurinian Forrest and when they had routed the Tuscans and heard that the Plot of ground where they then were being not far from the River Ficinus was called the Insubrian Ground after the name of the Insubrians they followed the Omen of the place and built a City called Mediolanum Afterwards another company of the Caenomani followed the steps of the former under the Conduct of Elitovius through the same Forrest by the favour of Bellovesus and sate down when they had passed the Alps at Brixia and Verona which places were possessed by the Libuans After these came in the Salluvians and made their abode near the ancient Nations of the Laevians and Ligurians Afterwards when all places were taken up between Po and the Alps the Lingonians came in and Boating over the River Po they drive not only the Etrurians but the Umbrians also out of their Territories keeping themselves within the Apennine Then fresh Senonians came in and enlarged their Borders from the River Utente to Aesis and from thence I find they came to Clusium and Voma but 't is uncertain whether they did this of themselves or by the assistance of all the Gauls on this side the Alps. The Inhabitants of Clusium being frighted at the sight of their numbers their monstrous bigness and their unusual Weapons and at the news of their Conquering all places on this side the Po and farther and routing the Etrurian Legions sent Embassadors to Rome desiring aid of the Senate though they had no alliance or acquaintance with them unless it was that they did not defend the Men of Veii their Kindred against the Roman People No aid was granted but the three Sons of M. Fabius Ambustus were sent Embassadors to treat with the Gauls in the name of the Senate and Roman People telling them that they ought not to oppose the Allies and Friends of the Romans from whom they had received no injury and that if there were necessity they should be assisted by them but 't were better if possible to forbear fighting and that the Gauls a new Nation should be known to them rather by Peace than War A mild Embassie had it not been carried by Embassadors more like Gauls than Romans Who after they had delivered their Message in the Council of the Gauls received this Answer That though the Roman Name was new to them yet they believed them to be valiant because the Men of Clusium implored their aid in their trembling condition And because they offered in their Embassie rather to stand up for them than their Allies they did not disregard their Overtures of Peace if so be the Men of Clusium would give them part of their Borders which the Gauls stood in need of otherwise no Peace was to be granted In which particular they would receive an answer in the presence of the Romans and if Grounds were denied them they would fight in the presence of the same Romans that they might tell at home how much the Gauls excelled other Men in Valour What sort of Right was this either to require the Possessors Lands or threaten them And when the Romans asked what the Gauls had to do in Etruria they fiercely answered that they carried their Right in their Arms and that Valiant Men had a Title to all things whereupon both sides were exasperated and to Battel they went At that time the Fates being displeased with the Roman City the Embassadors take up Arms against the Law of Nations neither could it be privatly done since the Noblest and Valiantest of the Roman Youth fought before the Etrurian Colours The Valour also of the Foreigners was as conspicuous But at last Q. Fabius prancing on Horseback on the outside of the Army thrust the General of the Gauls through the side with a Javelin as he was briskly making up to the Etrurian Colours and killed him but as he was dispoiling him he was discovered by the Gauls who gave the word through the whole Army that it was the Roman Embassador whereupon their anger abating towards the Clusians they sound a retreat and threaten the Romans Some were for going presently to Rome but the Seniors ordered Embassadors to be sent first to complain of their injuries and to require the delivery up of the Fabii according to the Law of Nations by them violated When the Embassadors from the Gauls had delivered their Message the Senate were not well pleased with what the Fabii had done the Barbarians seemed to require that they might have Right done them but their ambition hindered them from Decreeing Justice
business in Then again they were of opinion that they deferred their resolutions till night that their coming might be more dreadful Last of all when they came not then they thought 't was deferred till the next day that they might search all places more narrowly Thus their calamity was mingled with perpetual fear which was much augmented when they saw their Enemies Colours advance to the Gates of the City However the City was not that whole night nor the day following in such a consternation as they were in when they fled from Allia For when they had no hopes of defending the City with so small a company as was left they thought fit that the Youth of the Town with their Wives and Children and also that the strongest of the Senators should betake themselves into the Tower and Capitol and having got Arms and Provision together from thence to defend their Gods and Men and maintain the Roman Name there to preserve their Flamen those of the Vestal Priest-hood and whatever was sacred from fire and common ruin and not to leave off worshiping them as long as there were Men alive to Worship If the Tower and Capitol those receptacles of their Gods if the Senate the Head of their publick Council if their Military Youth did but survive the imminent ruin of their City they thought the loss of their old Men and the Mobile that was left behind them to perish in the City not very considerable And that the Multitude might take it more patiently at the hands of the Commons the old Men of Triumphal and Consular Dignity declared openly they would die with them and not be a burthen to the small Company that were fit to bear Arms with those Bodies which were not able to bear Arms or defend their Country Thus the Seniors though appointed to die comforted one another then they encouraged the company of young Men following them even to the Capitol and Tower and commending to their Youth and Valour the remaining Fortune of that City that had conquered in all Wars for 360 Years together The sad departure of those who were their only hopes and help from those who were resolved not to out-live the destruction of the City the howlings and cries of Women running after sometimes one and sometimes another and asking their Husbands and Children What death they would die The cloudy face and dismal appearance of all things were without all question the highest aggravation of calamity that can befall humane nature Yet a great many of them followed their Mistresses into the Tower being not invited thereunto nor forbidden by any because 't was not manly to have Women with them though they were useful to their Children in the Siege Another Company of the Commons whom so small a Hill could not hold nor feed in such a scarcity of Provision break as it were in Army out of the City and go to Janiculum From thence they are scattered some of them over the Fields others go to the neighbouring Cities without any Conduct or Advice every Man following his own Counsel and comforting himself with his own hope at the same time that they bewailed the Publick In the mean time the Flamen Quirinalis or Romulus's Priest and the Vestal Virgins taking no care of their own concerns consult what Gods they should carry with them and what because they were not able to carry off all they should leave behind and which was the safest place to put them in and at last think it the best way to dig a hole in the Chapel next to the Flamen Q's House where they thought it a sin to spit and they lay them up in Vessels The rest they divided among them and carry over the great Timber-bridg that leads to Janiculum And when Q. Albinus one of the Roman Commons who was carrying his Wife and Children and the rest of their unwarlike gang in a Cart out of the City saw them upon the Hill he made a difference between Divine and Humane things supposing it a piece of irreligion to let Priests and Vestal Virgins Persons of publick Office carry their Gods on Foot whilst he and his were carried in a Cart he therefore ordered his Wife and Children to come down and helped them up and carried them to Caere where they determined to go In the mean time all things being as well settled at Rome as their circumstances would permit for the defence of the Tower the old Men return into their Houses and being fully resolved to die they wait for the coming of their Enemies Those Magistrates among them that had been carried in their Chairs of State to the Senate-house that they might die attended with all the Ensigns of their former Fortune Honour or Valour put on their August Robes wherein they had either triumphed or devoutly waited upon the Chariots that carried Images and in the middle of their Houses sate in their Ivory Chairs There are some that report that repeating their Vow which M. Fabius the Pontifex recited to them they Devoted and gave up themselves for their Country and the Roman Citizens The Gauls in regard they had now enjoyed a whole nights respite from fighting and indeed because they were never engaged in any doubtful Battel neither did they at that time take the City by force and violence entred with minds not discomposed with heat or anger at the Collins Gate the day after and when they came into the Forum they cast their eyes upon the Temples of the Gods and the Tower which was the only Specimen of War then leaving a small Garrison lest any out of the Tower or Capitol should assault them when they were dispersed they betake themselves to Plunder not meeting so much as a Man in the streets some of them rush in throngs into the Houses next them others into those farthest off concluding them yet unpillaged and consequently stuffed with Prey but when they saw no body they were frighted thence upon supposition the Enemy would by some trick set upon them as they were scattered and so they returned in Companies to the Forum and places near the Forum And there seeing the Commons Houses locked and the Palaces of the Nobility open they lingred more in entring the open Houses than the shut But when they beheld them sitting in such State and Habits far beyond any thing that is Humane when they beheld the Majesty and Gravity they carried in their looks they approach them with such reverence as if they had been Gods And when they had for a time stood by them as if they had been so many Images 't is reported that one of the Gauls stroaked down M. Papyrius his Beard which they then wore very long and thereupon the old Man shook his Ivory staff at him Then began the slaughter The rest were murthered in their Chairs When they had killed the Nobles they gave no Quarter to any but killed and plundered their Houses and then set them on fire But the
who before were resolv'd as their last refuge to fight for it when they had hopes of life given them began every one to throw away their Arms and present themselves unarmed since Fortune had made that their safest way to the Enemy A great number were sent into several Prisons and the Town before night was restored to the Sutrians inviolate and free from all the injuries of War because it had not been taken by Storm but surrender'd upon conditions Camillus return'd triumphant into the City and having been Victorious in three Wars together drove before his Chariot a great many more Etrurians than any others Whom after he had publickly sold there was so much money made of them that having repaid the Matrons their Gold out of what remained there were three golden Cups made which 't is well known before the Capitol was burnt were set in Jupiters Temple at Junos feet That Year they were taken into the City who either Veians Capenates or Faliscans had come over to the Romans during those Wars and Land was assigned to all such new Citizens They likewise were recalled into the City by order of the Senate who to avoid the trouble of building at Rome had removed to Veii Whereupon at first they murmured and slighted the command till a day being prefixed a capital punishment set upon each man that did not return to Rome cooled all their courages and made them every man obedient out of fear Now therefore Rome began to grow very populous and buildings to rise in every part for the Commonwealth helped to defray the Charge the Ediles forwarded the work as though it had been the publick business and even private persons for their desire to have a convenient Habitation prompted them to it made haste to finish so that there was a new City standing within a year At the end of the year the Assembly was held for choosing Tribunes Military with Consular Authority and they chose T. Quintius U. C. 368 Cincinnatus Q. Servilius Fidenas a fifth time Julius Julus L. Aquilius Corvus L. Lucretius Tricipitinus and Serv. Sulpicius Rufus Then they led one Army against the Aequi not to make War for they confessed themselves already Conquer'd but out of hatred to ravage their Country lest they should leave them any strength for new attempts and another into the Tarquinian Territories where they storm'd and plunder'd two Towns of Etruria called Cortuosa and Contenebra At Cortuosa they had no dispute at all but having surprized it they took it upon their first shout and effort rifling and burning the Town But Contenebra endured the Seige some few days though continual toil night and day disabled them insomuch that seeing the Roman Army which was divided into six parts fought six hours each in their turns whilst the same Townsmen were still exposed to the whole fatigue of the Battel though few and weary they at last gave way and let the Romans into the City The Tribunes thought fit to confiscate the Booty by way of publick sale but their orders were slower than their design for whilst they deliberated upon the point the Booty was all in the Soldiers hands nor cou'd it be taken from them without envy The same year lest the City should increase in private works only the Capitol also was repaired in its Foundation with square Stone which looks very fine even at this day though the City be so very Magnificent in its Buildings And now the Tribunes seeing the City was all built endeavoured to introduce the Agrarian Laws into their publick Assemblies and to raise the peoples hopes they instanced in the Pomptine Lands which was then first of all since Camillus defeated the Volsci become a certain tenure They pretended That those Lands were now the occasion of more oppression from the Nobility than they had been formerly when in the hands of the Volsci for they only made incursions into them as long as they had strength and Arms But the Nobility took possion of them by force nor wou'd there be any room there for the Commonalty unless they were divided before the great men had gotten all into their clutches But they had not much moved the people who were but few of them in the Forum by reason of their being imploy'd about their Buildings as also for that they were upon that account impoverished by the charge they were at and therefore regarded not those Lands which they had not abilities enough to cultivate At this time the City being full of Religion and the Nobility grown superstitious since their late defeat to the end that the auspicies might be renew'd they fell back into an Interregnum The Interreges were M. Manlius Capitolinus Ser. Sulpicius U. C. 369 Camerinus and L. Valerius Potitus the last of which held an Assembly for choosing of Tribunes Military with Consular power and chose L. Papirius C. Sergius L. Aemilius a second time L. Meneninus and L. Valerius Poplicola a third time These persons instead of the Interregnum entred upon their Office That year the Temple of Mars which was vowed in the Gallick War was Dedicated by T. Quintius a Duumvir whose Office it was to look after the Sacrifices There were four Tribes added of new Citizens the Stellatine the Formentine the Sabbatine and the Arnian Tribe which made the Tribes up twenty five L. Sicinius Tribune of the people proposed the business of the Pomptine Lands again now that the Commons were more numerous about him and more inclined to desire them than they had been There was likewise mention made of the Latin and the Heruican War in the Senate but that was deferred upon the score of a greater War Etruria being up in Arms. The matter was referr'd to Camillus who was Tribune of the Soldiers with power Consular and had five Collegues assigned him viz. Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis Q. Servilius Fidenas a sixth time L. Quintius Cincinnatus L. Horatius Pulvillus and P. Valerius At the beginning of that yoar mens thoughts were diverted from the Etrurian U. C. 370 War by reason that a Body of men who fled out of the Pomptine Territories came on a sudden into the City and brought word That the Antians were in Arms that the Latins had sent their Youth for Auxiliaries to that War and said that they therefore rejected the publick design because Voluntiers were allowed to serve where they pleased At this time there was not any War so inconsiderable as to be slighted wherefore the Senate thank'd the Gods that Camillus was in Office for he must have been made Dictator if he had been a private person and his Collegues confess'd That the management of all matters where there was any Warlike terror approaching rested in him alone as also that they design'd to give up their Authority to Camillus nor shou'd they think that their grandieur was any way lessen'd by what they added to the greatness of that man For which the Senate commended the Tribunes and Camillus himself though
withstood the proposers the affrighted Senate fled to their two last shifts their highest Authority and their chiefest Magistrate resolving to make a Dictator The person made choice of was M. Furius Camillus who took L. Aemilius for his Master of the Horse The proposers of the Laws too seeing so great preparations made by their Adversaries did not only themselves strengthen the Cause of the Commons with great resolutions but also appointed an Assembly of the People and called the Tribes to give their Votes When the Dictator compassed round with a Band of Patricians had sate him down full of wrath and menaces seeing the matter was argued at first with the same earnestness as before between the Tribunes of the People who proposed and opposed any Law and that the more powerful of right the Intercession was the more it was overborn by the favour that was shewed both to the Laws themselves and those that proposed them yea that the first Tribes passed them Then Camillus said Romans since the passion of the Tribunes and not lawful Authority now guides you and that you evacuate all Intercession which was formerly gain'd by a secession of the Commons by the same force that you procured it I as Dictator not upon the publick account more than for their sakes will stand by their Intercession and will by my Authority defend their right of giving a negative Vote to aid the Commons Wherefore if C. Licinius and L. Sextius yield to the Intercession of their Collegues I 'll not put any Patrician Magistrate into the Assembly of the Commons But if they strive against the Intercession to impose Laws upon the City as though it were taken by an Enemy I will not suffer the Tribunes power to be by it self dissolved Now when in opposition to what he said the Tribunes of the People went on with their business as fast as before then Camillus being mightily enraged sent the Lictors Serjeants to turn the Common People out of the Assembly adding these menaces That if they went on he 'd make all the younger sort take the Military Oath and carry an Army forthwith out of the City This put the Commonalty into a great fright but it rather heightened than lessened the resolutions of their Ringleaders but he before the matter was determined one way or t'other laid down his Office either because he was not duly created as some say or because the Tribunes of the People proposed to the People and they Enacted That if M. Furius had done any thing as Dictator he should be fined 500000. Deneeres But I am apt to think that he was deterred by the Auspicies more than any new sort of Bill that was proposed and that not only upon the score of his disposition but because P Manlius was immediately made Dictator in his stead for to what purpose was it to make a Dictator to decide that Controversie in which M. Furius had been overcome and also because the same M. Furius was Dictator the next Year who resolved not without shame no doubt to recover that Authority which had been diminished the year before in him yea farther because at the same time that they proposed to mulct him he might either have opposed this Bill too whereby he saw himself so treated or at least not hindered those for the sake of which this was made and lastly because even to this day as long as ever the Tribunes and the Consuls have contended one with another the Dictatorship has advanced still higher and higher Between the time that the former Dictatorship was laid down and the new one taken up by Manlius there was an Assembly of the People held as in a kind of Interregnum by the Tribunes at which it appears which of the Laws proposed were most grateful to the People and which to the proposers of them for they consented to the Bills touching Usury and the Lands but rejected that which was for one of the Consuls being chosen out of the Commonalty and both those matters had been accomplished had not the Tribunes said That they consulted the People upon all together After that P. Manlius the Dictator favoured the Commons and made C. Licinius who had been a Tribune Military Master of the Horse though a Commoner That I am told the Senate took ill and that the Dictator was wont to excuse himself to them upon the score of his near relation to Licinius but said at the same time That the Dignity of a Master of the Horse was no greater than that of a Consular Tribune Licinius and Sextius after the Assembly for choosing of Tribunes of the People was appointed so behaved themselves that by saying they had now no mind to have that honour continued to them they incited the Commons more than ever to do what they pretended to refuse They said They had been now nine Years exposed as in a Battel against the Nobility to the greatest hazard imaginable of their own persons and Estates but without any benefit to the Commonwealth That now both the Bills that were promulgated and all the strength of the Tribunes power was grown old as they were That their Laws were opposed first of all by the Intercession of the Collegues secondly by sending away the Youth to the War at Velitrae and lastly that there was a Dictatorian thunderbolt prepared against them But that now neither their Collegues nor any War or Dictator withstood them for the Dictator had given a good omen that he would agree to have a Plebeian Consul by making a Plebeian Master of the Horse That the Commonalty only hindered themselves and their own advantages That they if they pleased might soon have the City rid of the Creditors and the Lands free from the unjust Possessors of them which benefits when would they esteem so gratefully as they ought if whilst they had Bills proposed for their own advantage they cut off all hopes of Honour from the proposers of them That it did not suit with the modesty of the Roman People to desire that they might be eased of the Usury and to be instated in Lands that were wrongfully kept from them by those great Men through whom they got those things and yet to leave old men that had been Tribunes not only without Honour but without so much as the hopes of it Wherefore they advised them to consider with themselves what they would have and after that declare their pleasure in the Assembly for choosing of Tribunes If they desired to have all the promulgated Bills pass'd together they ought to make the same persons Tribunes again for they should carry what they had proposed but if they would barely accept of what was needful for every one in his private capacity there was no need of continuing an envied honour nor should either they themselves have the Tribuneship or the People what was promulgated Upon this obstinate Speech of the Tribunes though the indignity of what they said had struck the rest of the
things both in War and Peace at home and abroad were done by the same Authority who knows not Who then had the care of the Auspicies committed to them according to the usage of our Ancestors Why the Senate had For no Plebeian Magistrate is created with that Ceremony Yea so peculiar are the Auspicies to us that the People must not only create what Patrician Magistrates they do create according as the Soothsayer directs but we also our selves without the Vote of the People can duly declare an Interrex and have Auspicies in private which they have not even among their Magistrates What then does he do less than take away the Auspicies who by making Plebeians Consuls takes them from the Senate who are the only persons that can have them Let them now laugh at Religious Rites for what matter is' t if the Chickens will not feed if they go but slowly out of the Coop if a Bird bode ill luck These are small matters but yet our Ancestors made this the greatest State in the World by not contemning these small things We on the contrary in our Age as though we needed not the favour of the Gods pollute all Ceremonies Then let Priests Soothsayers and the chief Sacrificers be chosen out of the dregs of the People let us put Jupiter ' s Priest's Mitre upon any Bodies head so he be but a Man and let us deliver the Ancilia sacred Shields the Temples the Gods and the care of them to Villains let no Laws be made nor Magistrates created with any due Ceremony nor the Senate give Authority to the Centuriate Assemblies but let Sextius and Licinius like Romulus and Tatius Reign in the City of Rome because they give away other mens moneys and other mens Lands such a sweetness there is in preying upon other peoples Estates Nor do you consider that by the one of your Laws there are vast Deserts like to be made in the Country by driving the right owners out of their Possessions and that by the other their credit is ruined with which all human Society is destroyed Now upon all these accounts I think you ought to reject and throw out these Bills Whate'r you do I pray the Gods may prosper This Speech of Appius's so far prevailed upon them that the time of passing the Bills was deferred and the same Tribunes Sextius and Licinius were chosen again who pass'd a Law for the Electing of the Decemvirs who took care of the holy Rites half out of the Commonalty So there were five chosen out of the Senate and five out of the Commons and by that step they thought they now made some progress toward the Consulship The People being content with this Victory gave way to the Senate and omitting any mention of Consuls for the present let Tribunes Military be chosen The persons U. C. 388 chosen were A. and M. Cornelius a second time M. Geganius P. Manlius L. Veturius and P. Valerius a sixth time But now when besides the siege of Velitrae a thing whereof the issue was more slow than doubtful the Roman affairs were all quiet abroad a sudden report of a Gallick War forced the City to make M. Furius a fifth time Dictator and he chose T. Quintius Pennus Master of the Horse Claudius says that they fought with the Gauls that year about the River Anien and that there was a famous Combat upon a Bridge between T. Manlius and a Gaul that challenged him hand to hand in the sight of the two Armies in which Manlius kill'd the Gaul and brought off a Gold Chain But I am more inclin'd by most Authors to believe that these things were done no less than ten years after and that this year they engaged the Gauls M. Furius being Dictator in the Albane Territories The Victory was neither doubtful nor difficult to the Romans tho' the Gauls had put them into a great fright through their remembrance of their former defeat but there were many thousands of Barbarians slain in the field many after their Camp was taken The rest straggled and going most of them toward Apulia what by their long flight and their being through dread and terror scattered all over the Country defended themselves from the Enemy The Dictator by consent of the Senate and People had a Triumph Decreed him But he had no sooner made an end of that War than a more bloody Sedition received him at home and through great contests the Dictator and the Senate were forced to accept the Tribunes Bills besides that there was a Consular Assembly held against the will of the Nobility at which L. Sextius was the first man that ever was made Consul of the Commons But even that was not the end of their contentions For because the Patricians said they would not consent to it the thing had like to have come to a Secession of the Commons and other dreadful approaches of Civil Broils But these discords were appeas'd by the Dictator upon conditions allowance being granted by the Nobility to the People that the Plebeian Consul should continue in his Office and by the People to the Nobility that there should be one Praetor who should do justice in the City and be chosen out of the Senate By this means the two Orders being at last reduced out of their long Animosities into Concord the Senate was of opinion that then if ever they should do well and would willingly in honour of the immortal Gods cause the grand Games to be set forth adding one day to the former three But the Aediles of the People refusing that Office the Patrician Young men cry'd out That they would willingly do that honour to the immortal Gods so that they might be made Aediles For which they were thank'd by the whole Senate and an Order was made That the Dictator should propose to the People the making of two men Aediles out of the Senate and that the Senate should give Authority to all the Assemblies of that Year DECADE I. BOOK VII EPITOME 1. THere were two new Offices added the Pretorship and the Curule Aedileship 2. The City was Afflicted with a Plague which was Signal for the Death of Camillus the remedy and end whereof being by new Ceremonies inquired into Stage-playes were then first Acted 4 5. When a day of Tryal was appointed for L. Manlius by M Pomponius Tribune of the People upon the score of his severity in the Levy and his banishing T. Manlius his Son without any reason the Youth himself whose banishment was laid to his Fathers charge came into the Tribunes-Bed-Chamber and with his Sword drawn forced him to Swear that he would not go on with his accusation 6. Then all pretious things were thrown into a gaping Gulf in the City of Rome whereinto Curtius being Arm'd threw himself headlong off his Horse and it was closed 10. T. Manlius the Youth that freed his Father from the Tribunes vexation fought a Duel with a Gaul that Challenged any Roman Soldier
whom he kill'd and plundred of a golden Chain which he afterward wore and was thence called Torquatus from Torquis which signifies such a Chain 15. There were two Tribes added the Pomptine and the Publician 16. Licinius Stolo was condemned by a Law of his own making for having more than 500. Acres of Land 26. c. M. Valerius a Tribune Military killed a Gaule that challenged him a Crow sitting all the while upon his Helmet who with his Clawes and Beak annoy'd his Enemy from whence he was Surnamed Corvus and created Consul the next Year for his Valour when he was but 23. Years Old 27. They made an alliance with the Carthaginians 29. c. The Campanians being molested with a War from the Samnites desired aid against them of the Senate which since they could not obtain they surrender'd their City and Country to the Romans for which reason the Senate thought fit that what was made theirs should be defended by a War against the Samnites 34. c. When the Army being led by A. Cornelius into a disadvantagious Place was in great danger it was preserved by P. Decius Mus a tribune Military who having posted himself upon an Hill above that where the Samnites lay gave the Consul occasion to escape into a plainer Place and himself though surrounded by the Enemy broke through them 38. c. The Roman Soldiers who were left in Garison at Capua having conâ—pired to make themselves Masters of that City their Plot was discover'd and they for fear of being Punished Revolted from the Romans but were Restored to their Country by M. Valerius Corvus who by his Advice had retreived them from their Fury It farther continues their Actions against the Hernicans Gaules Tiburtes Privernates Tarquinians and Samnites which they performed with good success THis year was remarkable for the Consulship of a new Man and two new Offices the U. C. 389 Pretorship and the Aedileship which Honours the Patricians gain'd in lieu of one Consuls place which they granted to the Commons The People bestow'd their Consulship upon L. Sextius by whose Law it was gained and the Senate gave the Praetorship to Sp. Furius Camillus Son of Marcus but the Aedileship to Cn. Quintius Capitolinus and P. Cornelius Scipio Men of their own Quality by their Votes in the Campus Martius L. Aemilius Mamercus was chosen Collegue to L. Sextius out of the Senate At the beginning of the year there was great talk of the Gaules who though at first they had stragled through Apulia were now said to be gathered into a Body and of the Revolt of the Hernici Now seeing all things were industriously deferred that nothing might be done by a Plebeian Consul all matters were silent and there was such a Calm in businesses as when a stop is put to judicial proceedings save that the Tribunes of the People murmur'd that the Nobility had taken to themselves three Patrician Majestrates who came in their Curule Chaires and Scarlet Gowns like Consuls to the Senate and among them the Praetor too determining causes as a Judg in which he was as a kind of Collegue to the Consuls created with the same Ceremony and therefore the Senate was ashamed to order the Curule Aediles to be chosen out of the Senat about which Affair at first they agreed that they should be so Chosen every other year tho afterward the Choice was promiscuous After that when L. Genucius and Q. Servilius were Consuls all things being at quiet both from Sedition and War lest they should at any time be free from fear and danger there arose a great Pestilence They say that this year a Censor Curule Aedile and 3. Tribunes of the People died and that proportionably to the Number of them there were many other Funerals of the People too but that which made that Plague most famous was the mature as well as much lamented death of M. Furius For he was really the only Person of his Age in all sorts of fortunes being the greatest Man both in War and Peace before he was banished more famous in his banishment either through the necessity of the City which when it was taken begged his help in his Absence or upon the score of his success whereby being restored to his Country he restored the Country itself at the same time For which reason he was afterward for 25. years for so many he after that time lived thought to deserve a Title equal to such a glorious Exploit and lookt U. C. 391 upon as worthy to be stiled the Second Founder of the City after Romulus Both this and the next year C. Sulpicius Peticus and C. Licinius Stolo being Consuls there was a Plague and therefore in it there was nothing done in it worth remembring save that there was an holy Feast then made to appease the Gods which was the third of the kind since the Building of the City And seeing that the force of the Distemper was not taken off either by human advice or divine assistance their minds being overcome with Superstition t is said there were Stage-plays too which was a new thing to that War-like People who had no Shews before but those of the Circus as Running and Fencing c. instituted among other things to atone the wrath of Heaven But this was a very small thing at first as most at their beginnings are and strange too For the Players who were sent for out of Etruria Danced without any Singing or any thing like it a plain Country Dance after the Tuscan manner to a Pipe After which the young men who Joked upon each other began to utter themselves in artless Verses nor were their motions dissonant from their Voices So the thing being received and by use improved the Roman Artists who were concerned in that Affair were called Histriones from Hister which in the Tuscan Language signified a Player who did not as formerly throw out Extemporary rude and uncorrect Verses like Fescennine Poetry i. e. such as was Anciently used at Weddings but acted Satyrs filled up with measures Singing now to the Flute and using an agreeable gesture But after some years Livy who was the first that ever attempted to make a Play of one continued plot from the beginning to the end which he himself acted as all People then did is said after he had by reason that his Voice was grown hoarse with continual straining got leave to put a Boy to Sing to the Flute to have acted what was Sung with a much more vigorous motion because the use of his Voice did not hinder him and from that time the Players had others to Sing to them who spoke all the words whilst they only Acted Now when by this rule of Plays that business was stript of all ridiculous and extravagant Fooling and Playing grew by degrees into an Art the Young People leaving the Plays to be Acted by the Players began among themselves after the Ancient manner to Act the Buffoons in Verses
which were afterward thence called Exodia or Musical Entertainments at the end of the Play and consisted cheifly of Atellane Interludes so called from the City Atella which kind divertisements they had and retained from the Oscians nor suffer'd it to be vitiated by the Players And therefore the Law is that such Actors of Atellane Interludes shall not be disfranchis'd but shall serve in the Wars as though they did not Practise any such lulicrous Art Among the small beginnings of other things I thought fit to tell you the Rise of Plays too that it might appear from what a sober Original that matter grew up to the present Extravagancy and Madness which is hardly to be endured even in the most Opulent Kingdoms Yet this original of Plays which were instituted to appease the Gods did not ease either mens minds of the Superstitious fear they were in or their Bodies of their Distempers but on the contrary seeing the Tiber overflow'd the Circus in the midst of all their Sports it made the People believe the Gods were a verse to their endeavours and would not accept of U. C. 392 any atonements which put them into a mighty consternation Wherefore in the Year that Cn. Genucius and L. Aemilius Mamercus were the Second time Consuls when the difficulty of finding out atonements afflicted their minds more than the Disease their Bodies they say the Elder People called to mind and told the rest that there was a Pestilence formerly Cur'd by the Dictators driving of a Naile The Senate being induced by that Religious consideration order'd a Dictator to be Chosen to drive a Naile and accordingly L. Manlius Imperiosus was pitch'd upon who made L. Pinacius Master of the Horse There is an old Law written in old Characters and old Words that he who is Cheif Praetor shall drive a Naile on the Ides of September This Naile therefore was driven on the right-side of Jupiters Temple where Minervas is That Naile they say because writing was in those Days very rare was a mark for the Number of Years and that it was done in Minervas Temple because she was the Inventress of Number And Cincius who was a diligent searcher into such Monuments affirms that there were Nailes driven at Volsinii too in the Temple of Nortia an Etrurian Goddess to shew the Number of their Years M. Horatius when he was Consul drove the first Naile by that Law in the Temple of Jupiter the Year after the Kings were banish'd but this Solemnity of driving the Nail was afterward Transferr'd from the Consuls to the Dictators because theirs was the greater Dignity And in time after the Custom had been intermitted this business seemed to be of it self worth the making of a Dictator Upon which score L. Manlius was created who as if he had been created to do some great publick matter and not to appease the Gods affecting to have a War with the Hernicans plagued the young People with a severe Levy and at last seeing all the Tribunes of the People were against him he being overcome either by Force or Shame laid down his Dictatorship Yet for all that at the beginning of the next Year when Q. Servilius Ahala and U. C. 393 L. Genucius were the second time Consuls Manlius was Summon'd to a Tryal by M. Pomponius Tribune of the People For his severity at the Levy which he exercised not only to the damage of the Citizens Estates but the torturing of their Bodies too whipping some who had not answer d to their Names and Imprisoning others was very odious But above all his stern disposition was in it self hateful and his Surname of Imperiosus which he took upon him was ungrateful to that free City because it carryed Cruelty and Tyranny in its very sound which he indeed shew'd not only to Strangers but even to his own Relations and nearest Kindred And therefore the Tribune made this one part of his Accusation Thot he kept his own Son who was a Young Man though he were Convicted of no manner of Offence like one that 's banish'd out of the City from his House hoe Household-gods out of the Forum from seeing the Light and from the Conversation of his Equalls putting him to Slavish-work almost into a Prison and a Bridewel where the Noble Youth who was Son to the greatest man in Rome even the Dictator himself by daily hardship should learn that he was Born of a truly Imperious Father But for what reason pray why because forsooth he was not so Eloquent as he should have been and had an Impediment in his speech Which defect in Nature whether he as a Father ought not if he had any humanity in him to have been tender of but rather punished and by his Tyranny exposed was the Question That even dumb Beasts did not refuse to cherish and preserve any of their Offspring which were any way deficient But L. Manlius encreased one misfortune of his Sons with another imposing still more and more upon the dullness of his Witt and if there were any little natural vigour in it destroy'd what there was by a Country Life and rustick conversation among Brutes All People were more concern'd at these accusations than the young man himself who on the contrary taking it to Heart that he should be the cause of Envy and such Charges against his Father to the end that all the Gods and Men too might see that he had rather assist his Father than his Enemies he took a course which shewed indeed his rude and Country Breeding but though it were not like a Gentleman was yet commendable for the Piety of it He went unknown to any Body with a Knife about him in the Morning into the City and from the Gate directly home to M. Pomponius the Tribune's House When he came thither he told the Porter He must needs speak with his Master and bad him say he was T. Manlius the Son of Lucius Being immediately introduced for the Tribune hoped that being inflamed with Anger against his Father he had either some new Crime to Charge him with or had found out some new Method ro accomplish the business after they had mutually saluted each other he told him he had some private business with him which admitted of no Company to be by whilst they discourse it Whereupon all others being orderd to avoid the Room he puld out his Knife and standing upon the Bed with it ready in his Hand threaten'd that if he did not Swear as he should direct him viz. That he would never hold an Assembly of the Commons to accuse his Father he would presently Stab him The frighted Tribune seeing the Knife glitter before his Eyes himself alone unarmed and him a stout Young Man and which was more to be fear'd Fool-hardy upon the score of his strength Swore what he was forced to and afterward professed that he was by that means forced to desist from his Design Nor were the People so much concerned that the Son
the last Extremity The Consul perceiving the Enemies stragling abroad over the Country and that their Guards were slenderly mann'd having briefly encouraged his Soldiers leads them out to attack their Camp which having made themselves Masters of at the first Shout and Onset and kill'd more of the Enemy in their Tents than at the Ports or on the Rampire he caused all the Ensigns he had taken to be brought together to one place and left two Legions there for a Guard with a strict charge to forbear all riffling and plunder until he returned and so march'd forward in Battel-array sending forth the Horse before who drove the scatter'd Samnites as Hunters do Deers into the Toils and made a mighty slaughter of them For frighted as they were they knew not any Signal whereby they might rally together nor whether they were best make towards their Camp or betake themselves to a further flight so great was their Rout and Consternation that there were pick'd up and brought to the Consul Forty thousand Shields though there were not so many Men slain and of Ensigns with those taken in the Camp the number of One hundred and seventy Then returned he to the Enemies Tents and bestow'd the whole Pillage there upon the Soldiers The Fortune of this Battel brought the Faliscans who were yet upon a Truce to sue unto the Senate for a League of Peace and also diverted the Latines who had already levied Forces against the Romans to imploy them against the Peligni Nor was the Fame of this Victory confin'd within the Bounds of Italy but even the Carthaginians sent Ambassadors to Rome to congratulate that Success and make them a Present of a Golden Crown of Five and twenty pounds weight to be laid up in the Vestry of Jupiters Temple Both the Consuls triumph'd over the Samnites Decius following them Illustrious for those Marks of Honor and Praises conferr'd upon him The name of the Colonel being no less celebrated by the Soldiers in their merry Catches and blunt Military Joques than that of either of the Consuls After this the Ambassadors of Capua and the Suessians had Audience and their Request granted That a standing Garrison should be sent to Winter there for preventing the Incursions of the Samnites Capua was even then so long ago fatal to Military Discipline for having infected the Soldiers with a taste of all sorts of Pleasures and Voluptuousness it soon alienated their minds from the memory of their Country and Honor For those in that Garrison began to contrive a Design to take Capua from the Campanians by the same wicked Practice of a Massacre as they first got it from the Ancient Inhabitants saying It would be but Justice to turn their own lewd Example upon their Heads And what reason was there that the base Campanians should be Masters of the most plentiful Country in all Italy and of a City worthy of such a Country when they were not able to defend either it or themselves more suitable it were that the same Victorious Army should enjoy it who with their Blood and Sweat rescued it out of the hands of the Samnites Or was it fit that a company of Sots who had yielded themselves to be their Vassals should surfeit on so much Pleasure and Plenty whil'st they themselves worn out with the Fatigues of War must still struggle with an unwholesom Air and barren Soil round about the City of Rome or within it languish under that inveterate Plague of Usury wherewith they were daily more and more oppressed These Consultations manag'd in private Cabals and not yet publickly communicated by some means came to the Ears of C. Marcius Rutilus to whose charge the Province of Campania fell by Lot leaving his Collegue Q. Servilius at home in the City who having pumpt out of the Officers all the particulars of the Design being a wise Man both for his Age and long Experience in Publick Affairs for he was now the fourth time Consul and had been both Censor and Dictator he thought it best to dissemble the Matter and to frustrate the present Heat of the Soldiers by prolonging their hopes that they might put their Plot in execution when they pleased hereafter upon some better opportunity To which purpose he caused a Report to be spread That the Garrisons should all Winter in the same Towns the Winter following For they were divided into sundry Cities of Campania and the Web of Conspiracy begun at Capua was spread from thence through all the Forces This scope being given them to bethink themselves and advise further of these matters the Publick Peace was preserv'd and all things for the present quiet But when in the Summer the Consul took the Field he resolv'd seeing the Samnites did not appear in any condition to engage with him to purge his Army by Cashiering the most busie and dangerous of those turbulent Spirits which he effected under several fair and colourable Pretences telling some of them That they had already served as long as the Law required Others That they were grown old or weak and unhealthy and therefore he would dispense with their Service and so they had their Furlows and were sent home And others were dispatch'd in Parties for Convoys to fetch in Provisions from parts remote where afterwards they were detain'd This at first was practised by singling out one by one at a time but afterwards upon some whole Companies as a favour because their Winter-quarters had been so far from their Dwellings and private Concerns likewise under colour of Military Services and Imployments whil'st some of them were dispatch'd one way and some another the greatest part of the Conspirators were dispersed and disposed All which multitude the other Consul at Rome and the Praetor detain'd and kept away from the Army upon various pretences and devised causes of delay The truth is at first before they smelt out the Trick they were not a little glad to visit home but when they observed That neither those that were first sent off return'd again to their Colours nor that scarce any others were discharg'd but such as had Winter'd in Campania and of those especially the Authors of the Conspiracy at first they wonder'd at such odd proceedings but on second thoughts began to be afraid in earnest That their Plot had taken wind and then presently terrible Ideas fill their Heads of Examinations and Tortures Arraignments and Judgments how they should be severally executed apart and suffer all that the insolent and cruel Tyranny of the Consuls and Senate could invent and inflict These things were secretly muttered through the Army when they saw the Ring-leaders of the Conspiracy so finely removed and dis-membred from the Army by the Consuls policy One Regiment or Cohort that is to say the Tenth part of a Legion that was Quartered not far from Anxur possessed themselves of a narrow Pass at Lantulae between the Sea and the Mountains where they intercepted and stopt such as the
a War As for you T. Quintius howsoever you came there whether with or against your will if there he no remedy but we must come to Blows I would advise thee to retire into the Rear and shrowd thy self amongst the hindermost nay 't will be far more Honorable for thee fairly to run away than to fight against thy Country But at present thou standest well and opportunely in the Front as ready to accommodate all Differences and be the Interpreter of this Friendly Conference for the good of us all Demand any reasonable Conditions and you shall have them though in truth we were better yield even to unequal Terms than impiously to Murther one another T. Quintius with Tears in his Eyes turning about to those that followed him I also O Soldiers quoth he if in any thing I can do you Service am like to prove a far better Leader of you towards Peace than to War The Words you heard but now proceeded not from a Samnite or a Volscian but were spoken by a Roman your Consul Gentlemen and your own General be not so mad as to desire to try his successful Conduct against your selves and to your destruction which you have so often experienc'd and admired in your Preservation The Senate had other Commanders who might have attacked you with more rancour and fierceness but they chose rather to imploy him who would be most favorable to and sparing of you his Soldiers and in whom as being your General you might repose most confidence Thus you see They that can easily vanquish you do yet seek for Peace Is it not then high time for us to desire it too Why then do we not lay aside our peevish Anger and fantastick Hopes which are both treacherous Counsellors and wholly refer our selves and all our Concerns to a Person of such approved Faith and Integrity A General shout approv'd this Speech and T. Quintius advancing before the Standards in the Front declared the whole Army to be under the Command and Power of the Dictator beseeching him that he would undertake the Cause of poor and wretched Citizens and having taken the same into his care to manage and protect the same with the same Justice and Uprightness as he was wont to administer the Affairs of the Commonwealth That for his own particular part he would make no Conditions nor build his Hopes on any thing but Innocency But the Soldiers desired they might be secured to have the same favour as the Senate had once before granted to the Commons and a second time to the Legions viz. That this their Revolt might not be charged upon them hereafter to their prejudice The Dictator gave Quintius thanks and commendations for his prudent Conduct and bid all the rest be of good cheer and immediatly rode Post back to the City where with the approbation of the Senate he preferr'd to the People in the Petiline Grove a Bill of Indemnity That no Soldier should be called in question for that Insurrection He also prevail'd further To have it Enacted That no man should either in jest or earnest be upbraided or reproached therewith At the same time pass'd a sacred Military Law That no Soldiers name once entred in the Muster-masters Book should be razed out against his Will with a Clause annexed That none that had been a Tribune or Colonel should afterwards have the leading of Bands or be a Centurion This was required by the Mutineers out of a particular pique to P. Salonius who almost every other Year was a Tribune and a Prime Centurion whom they now call Primipili Leaders of the Vanguard against him they had a spight because he had always opposed their Seditious Projects and would not joyn with them in their Revolt at Lantulae This Branch therefore the Senate in favour to Salonius refused to grant whereupon he himself Petition'd them not to regard his Honor more than the Concord and Unity of the whole City and so got it allow'd Another outragious Demand they made was to have the Horse-mens Pay which then was three times as much as that of the Foot Retrench'd for that they also had withstood the Conspiracy Moreover I find in some Authors That L. Genucius Tribune of the Commons preferr'd a Law To make Usury altogether unlawful And that by another Ordinance of the Commons It was provided That none should be capable of bearing the same Office twice in ten Years space nor any hold two Offices in the same year As also That it might be lawful to Create both the Consuls out of the Commons which if they were all granted shews to what an height this Insurrection was grown In other Annals it is Recorded That neither Valerius was made Dictator but that the whole Affair was manag'd by the Consuls nor yet that they broke out into Rebellion before they came to Rome but there took Arms. As also That their coming by Night was not into the Country Farm of T. Quintius but into the House of C. Manlius and that he was seiz'd by the Conspirators to be their General And that thence they went and Encamped but four Miles off the City That the Treaty for Peace was not first motion'd by the Captains but that when both Armies came to face each other in Battalia the Soldiers lovingly saluted one another and began to shake hands and mutually embrace with Tears and therefore the Consuls seeing them so averse from Engaging were forced to move the Senate for an Accommodation so that amongst antient Writers there is little certainty save only that a Sedition there was and the same happily compos'd However the noise of these Disturbances together with the fierce War undertaken with the Samnites occasion'd some Nations to withdraw from their Alliances with the Romans for besides the wavering of the Latines whose Friendship had a long time been doubtful and not to be trusted the Privernates with suddain Incursions invaded and plundered Norba and Setia two Neighboring Colonies of the Romans DECADE I. BOOK VIII EPITOME 4 5. THe Latines with the Campanians Revolt and by Ambassadors to the Senate demand to have one of the Consuls chosen from amongst the Latines 6. Annius their Praetor going from his Audience catches a fall from the Capitol whereof he dies 7. T. Manlius causes his own Son to be Beheaded for Fighting though successfully against the Latines contrary to Orders 9. The Romans being shrewdly put to 't P. Decius Devotes himself for the Army and setting spurs to his Horse Charges into the midst of the Enemy and is slain and the Romans get the day 11. The Latines submit themselves 12. T. Manlius returning to the City none of the Youth would go out to meet him 15. Minucia a Vestal Virgin condemn'd for Incest 16. The Ausonians overcome and a Colony planted at Cales 18. Divers Roman Matrons convicted of Poisoning and forced to drink off their own Preparations whereof they dyed A Law then first made touching Poisoning 21. The Privernates after
they had rebell'd get to be made free Denizens of Rome 25. The Palaepolitans vanquish'd and besieg'd submit 26. Q. Publilius who first besieg'd them is continued in Command and allow'd to Triumph 28. The Commons freed from the Tyranny of their Creditors by reason of the filthy Lust of Lucius Papirius who would have ravish'd C. Publilius his Debtor 30. Whil'st L. Papirius the Dictator was gone from the Army to Rome to repeat the Sacrifices Q Fabius General of the Horse invited by an occasional advantage fights with the Samnites contrary to his Edict and worsts them for which the Dictator goes about to punish him 33. Fabius flies to Rome 35. And when his cause would not hold water at Law by the Peoples intreaty he obtains a Pardon 36. This Book contains the prosperous proceedings against the Samnites THE Consuls now were C. Plautius the second time and L. Aemilius Mamercus U. C. 412 when the Setines and Norbans sent advice to Rome that the Privernates had Revolted with Complaints of damages by them sustained Intelligence also arriv'd That an Army of Volscians under the Conduct of the Antiates were Encamp'd at Satricum The management of both these Wars fell to Plautius's Lot who advancing first to Privernum presently gave them Battel The Enemy was easily vanquish'd the Town taken but restored only a strong Garison placed in it and two parts of their Lands taken away from them Thence the Victorious Army march'd to Satricum against the Antiates where a cruel Battel was fought with great slaughter on both sides and when a Tempest had parted them before either could lay claim to the Victory the Romans nothing wearied with that so doubtful Conflict made preparations to renew the Encounter in the Morning But the Volscians having taken an Account of what Men they had lost had not so much mind to repeat the Danger For in the Night thereby confessing themselves beaten they dislodged and in fear and confusion went their ways towards Antium leaving their wounded Men and part of their Baggage behind them A power of Arms were found amongst the Dead and in their Camp which the Consul promis'd to Dedicate to the Goddess called Mother Lua thought to signifie the Earth which after Blood-shed was to be appeas'd with Offerings and Lustrations after which he forrag'd and spoil'd the Enemies Country as far as the Sea-Coast Aemilius the other Consul made an Inroad into the Sabellian Territories but neither were the Samnites in the Field nor did their Legions offer to oppose him On the contrary as he was destroying all before him with Fire and Sword they sent Ambassadors to him desiring Peace whom he referr'd to the Senate where having obtain'd Audience their haughty stomachs being come down They requested the Romans to grant them Peace and leave to prosecute their War against the Sidicins which they alledged they might with the more Justice and Equity desire since as they had sought and entred into Amity with the People of Rome in their highest Prosperity and not as the Campanians enforced by necessity so the Arms they desired to bear was against the Sidicins always their Enemies and never Friends to the Romans A Nation who neither in Peace as the Samnites ever desired any Alliance with the Romans nor yet in time of War had like the Campanians requested any Assistance from thence and could not pretend to be under the protection of or in subjection to the People of Rome When touching these Demands of the Samnites Tib. Aemelius the Praetor had consulted the Senate and they had thought fit to renew the League he returned them this Answer That as it was not the fault of the People of Rome that the Friendship heretofore concluded between them was not perpetual so since they now seem'd to be weary of the War of which themselves were the occasion the Romans would not oppose the Renewing of the League and settling of the Ancient Amity But as to the Sidicins they should not interpose but leave the Samnites to their Liberty of making Peace and War as they should think best The League being ratified they return'd home and forthwith the Roman Army was recall'd having got a years Pay and Corn for three months according to the Capitulation made with the Consul for granting them a Truce till their Ambassadors came back The Samnites now imployed all their Forces against the Sidicins and doubted not but in little time to be Masters of their City Then first of all the Sidicins made an offer to yield up themselves and become Subjects to the Romans but the Senate rejected the same as coming too late and wrested as it were from them perforce in their last Extremity Whereupon they tendred the same to the Latines who already of their own accord had revolted and taken Arms nor were the Campanians wanting to join in the same Association so much fresher in their minds was the memory of the Injuries offered them by the Samnites than of the good Offices done them by the Romans Out of so many several Nations confederated together a vast Army was raised which under the Conduct of the Latines invaded the Borders of the Samnites and slew more in Forraging and Plundering than by fair Fighting And though the Latines seem'd to have the better on 't in several Skirmishes yet they were well content for avoiding frequent Encounters to retreat out of the Enemies Territories Then had the Samnites time to send Ambassadors to Rome who made complaint to the Senate That they suffered as hard measure now they were Confederates as they did before whil'st they were Enemies and therefore did humbly request That the Romans would be satisfied with that Victory which they snatch'd out of the Samnites hands over the Campanians and Sidicins and not suffer them now to be trampled under foot by united multitudes of base and cowardly people That if the Latins and Campanians were Subjects to the People of Rome they would by their Authority restrain them from Infesting the Samnites Country and if they refuse that then they would by force of Arms compel them to forbear Hereunto the Senate framed a doubtful Answer For on the one side they were ashamed to say that the Latins were not now under their Dominion and on the other side afraid that if they should go about to rufflle with them it might alienate them the more and cause them to break out into open Hostility therefore they told the Ambassadors That as to the Campanians they were united not by League but by absolute Surrender and therefore whether they would or no they would make them be quiet But in their League with the Latins there was no Article whereby they should be prohibited from making War against whomsoever they thought fit This Answer as it sent away the Samnites altogether uncertain what measures the Romans would take so it wholly estranged the Campanians for fear and at the same time rendred the Latins more stout and daring as if the Romans
diverted by the Invasion which Alexander King of Epire made upon the Lucanians with whom the Samnites joyning gave him Battel near Paestus But Alexander worsted them and made a League with the Romans which how well he would have kept if his Success had continued is a Question The same Year there was a general Cense or numbering of the People with a valuation of their Estates and the new-made Citizens were Enroll'd and Entred into the Subsidy-Books And by reason of their Numbers two new Tribes Moecia and Scaptia were added by the Censors Q. Publilius Philo and Sp. Posthumus Likewise the Acerrans were by a Law prefer'd by L. Papirius the Praetor made free Romans but without right of Suffrages These were the Transactions of this Year both as to War abroad and the Civil State at home Infamous was the next Year whether it happen'd by the distemperature of the Heavens or through humane Villany I know not M. Claudius Marcellus and C. Valerius were then Consuls which last I find in some Annals to have the Surname of Flaccus and in others Potitus it matters not much which is the Right But I heartily wish that were false nor do all Authors mention it which is related of many Persons being made away by Poison whose sudden death rendred this Year infamous for a Pestilence But as the matter is delivered I shall not omit it lest I should seem to detract from the Credit of any of the Authors of the Story It happening that divers chief Men of the City and Persons of prime Quality dyed of a like Disease and almost all in the same manner A certain Chamber-maid addressed her self to Q. Fabius Maximus being at that time Aedile of State offering to discover the Cause of this publick Plague if he would engage that she should not thereby come to any harm or trouble Fabius presently acquaints the Consuls and they the Senate by whom such assurance was given as she desired Then did she declare That it was by the wickedness of certain Women that the City was thus afflicted That several Ladies did prepare these Poisons and that if they would instantly go along with her they might be taken in the manner They followed her acoordingly and found some Women as they were boiling their Venomous Medicaments and other Poisonous Confections ready made up they found hid in secret places which being all brought into the Forum or Justice-Hall and about twenty of those Matrons with whom they were found brought thither by a Serjeant Two of them Cornelia and Sergia both descended of Noble Families insisted That they were good and wholsom Medicines The Discoverer urged then That they might be enjoyned to drink them up and thereby convince her of inventing a lye and giving false Evidence against them Whereupon they desired to confer together and the People being withdrawn these two proposing the matter to the rest they all consented drank off their Doses and all perish'd by their own mischievous Practice Their Accomplices were forthwith apprehended who discover'd a great number of other Matrons concern'd of whom 170. were condemned Never before that time was there any Process made at Rome against any for Poisoning and the thing was now look'd upon as a Prodigy and thought to be done by People distracted and bewitch'd rather than having a Murderous Intent And therefore finding in old Chronicles That once upon a time when the Commons in a frantick fit withdrew themselves and went out of the City they were brought to their Wits again by the piacular Ceremony of the Dictators driving and fixing a Nail or Spike of Brass or Iron in the back-wall of Minerva's or of Jupiter's Temple the Senate resolv'd they would have a Dictator for performing this Ceremony and Cn. Quintilius was chosen with L. Valerius Master of the Horse who as soon as they had in due form driven the Nail laid down their Offices L. Papirius Crassus was chosen Consul the second time and L. Plantius Venno in the beginning of their Year Ambassadors came from Frabateria and Lucania two Cities of the Volscians requesting to be taken into protection and promising That if they might be defended from the Violence of the Samnites they would become Loyal and Obedient Subjects to the People of Rome The Senate dispatch'd Ambassadors to require the Samnites to forbear invading these People and the same prov'd effectual not that the Samnites desired Peace but because they were not yet ready for a War This Year began the War with the Privernates with whom were joined the Fundans and their General one of that Nation called Vitruvius Vaccus a Man famous not only in his own Country but also at Rome where he had an House in Mount Palatine which being since pull'd down and the Ground confiscated is now called Vacciprata Against this Person Forraging and Spoiling the Countries all about Setin Norba and Cora L. Papirius march'd forth and posted himself very near their Camp Vitruvius had neither the Prudence to keep his Men within their Works when he saw he had to deal with an Enemy too strong for him nor the Courage to fight far from their Fortifications He had scarce drawn the Body of his Army out of the Port of their Camp who were solicitous which way they should secure themselves in their Retreat rather than mindful of the Battel or the Enemy when with as little Conduct as Valor he began the Fight and as with little ado he was very undeniably beaten so by reason of the incarness and easie Retreat into their Camp he preserved his Men well enough there being scarce one of them kill'd in the Skirmish and only some few in the Rout of the hindmost as they were hudling into their Camp But thinking it more safe to trust themselves to the Protection of a Wall than of a Trench as soon as it was dark with a timerous March they stole away towards Privernum Round which the other Consul Plantius had spoiled all the Country and was now march'd into the Territories of the Fundans whose Senate met him on the Borders saying They came not to mediate for Vitruvius and his Gang but for the People of Funda who were altogether innocent and unconcern'd in the War as even Vitruvius himself had plainly shew'd in that he chose rather to shelter himself in Privernum than in Funda his Native Country That therefore at Privernum it was that the Enemies of the People of Rome were to be sought for who unmindful of both their Countries had revolted as well from the Fundans as the Romans That as for the Inhabitants of Funda they desired nothing so much as Peace and not forgetting the Honor they had lately received of being made free Denizons should always be Romans in their Affections as well as Title They therefore did beseech his Excellency to forbear prosecuting an harmless People avowing That their Lands their City their own Bodies and those of their Wives and Children were and should ever
busie Charilaus according to agreement was let into the City by the Confederates and when he had fill'd the highest parts thereof with Roman Soldiers commanded them to set up a general Shout of which the Greeks upon a secret Token given them by their Commanders took no notice The Nolans escaped out at the back-side of the Town by the High-road that leads to Nola But the Samnites being shut out of the City as they had thereby a safer opportunity to save themselves by flight for the present so after they were got out of danger it redounded to their greater shame and disgrace For being without Arms and all their Goods and Baggage seized by the Enemy they return'd home spoil'd and poor as Church-Mice a laughing-stock not only to Strangers but even to their Neighbors and Country-men I am not ignorant that there is another Opinion mentioning the Samnites to be the Authors of this Surrender But as I have followed the most credible Authors so I am the rather confirm'd herein by the League with the Neopolitans which place soon after became the chief Seat of the Greeks in Italy for that makes it more probable that they of their own accord sought and by this means obtained the ancient Allies to be renewed Unto Publilius the Senate granted the Honor of a Triumph esteeming it enough that by his Valour and Conduct during the Siege the Enemy was so far streightned as to be reduced to a voluntary Submission Two singular and special Favors were conferr'd upon this Gentleman viz. The continuing him in Command never before granted to any and allowing him a Triumph after his Magistracy was expired Another War happened soon after with Greeks of another Province For the Tarentines having long fed the Palaepolitans with vain hopes of Relief when they heard the Romans were become Masters of that City as if they had been deserted when indeed themselves were the Men that left the others in the lurch began to reproach the Palaepolitans and rage with Envy and Malice against the Romans and so much the more because they were inform'd That the Lucanians and Apulians had put themselves under the Romans Protection for which both those Nations strict Alliancies were this Year concluded Behold say they the Encroachments of their Power are come up almost even to our doors Things are brought to that pass that we must either look upon these Romans as our Enemies or accept them for our Lords and Masters The Fortune of our State depends upon the Event of the Samnites War which Nation alone and that too much weakned is left to make Head against these common Invaders since the Lucanians are revolted unto their Society though it were very possible to bring them back again and dissolve that Confederacy if discreet Art were used to blow the Coals and raise Divisions between them These Counsels prevailing with such as were willing to Embark in new Commotions certain Lucanian Youths of more esteem with their Country-men for their Birth and Quality than Vertue or Honesty being suborn'd and hired for a sum of Mony whip'd one another severally with Rods and so naked and with their Bodies all bloody came running into the City crying out That meerly because they ventured in curiosity to visit the Roman Camp they had been thus cruelly scourged by the Consul and narrowly escaped the losing of their Heads So odious a spectacle wherein the Injury seem'd apparent and nothing of a Trick was suspected set all the People in a Flame who by their Clamours force the Magistrates immediately to summon the Senate where some surrounding the Council-House set up Out-cries for a War against the Romans others run up and down to raise the Rabble and those in the Country to Arms In this uproar enough to amaze the firmest minds a Decree pass'd That the League with the Samnites should be renewed and Ambassadors dispatch'd thither for that purpose This sudden Overture as it seem'd to have no ground so the Samnites gave it no credit but for their own security insisted That the Lucanians should give Hostages and admit Garrisons into their Fortified Towns and so blinded were they with fury and the before-mentioned fraud as they refused no conditions in hopes to gratifie their Revenge The Cheat indeed began not long after to appear when the Broachers of those Stories retired to Tarentum but the Lucanian State had already engaged too far to retreat the Samnites were in effect become their Masters and they had nothing left but a too late Repentance The same Year the Commons of Rome obtain'd as it were another beginning of Liberty by being discharg'd of that Thraldom which they call'd Nexus a kind of Obligation whereby Persons that owed Mony were bound to their Creditors to be their Slaves and work wholly for them till the Debt were paid the Law in this point being altered by reason of the filthy Lust and no less detestable Cruelty of a particular Usurer L. Papirius by name to whom C. Publius having for a Debt of his Fathers bound himself after that fashion that Youth and Beauty which ought to have moved Compassion enflam'd his mind to Lust and Villany Therefore reckoning the flower of his Youth should pay the Interest of the Debt he first endeavored to debauch the Lad with filthy Speeches and inveigle him with flatteries to consent but finding his modest Ears abhor'd the proposal of such Lewdness he proceeded to terrifie him with Threats and ever and anon to put him in mind of his Fortune and at last seeing that he still regarded his Honor and the freedom of his Birth much more than his present wretched condition and scorn'd to fully the former in hopes of amending the latter the savage Usurer caused the poor Youth to be stript naked and lamentably whip'd who ran forth into the open street with his Body torn and mangled and set up an Out-cry against the Lust and Cruelty of his Inhumane Creditor A power of People were presently got together and being sensibly touch'd as well with Commiseration of his tender Age as with abhorrence at the Indignity of the thing and a sympathizing respect of what might befal themselves or their Children they crowded into the Forum and thence in a full Body to the Council-Chamber The Consuls upon this sudden Tumult were glad to call a Senate and as the Fathers entred into the House the People falling down at their Feet shew'd them the young Mans mangled and bloody Back Thus for the outragious Injury of one Person was that mighty Publick Bond this day Cancelled and for ever annulled The Consuls being ordered to propose a Law to be pass'd by the People That from that time forwards no Person should be kept in Irons or Cords unless such as had committed some heinous Crime that deserved it and that too no longer than till he had suffered the punishment inflicted by Law And that only the Estate and Goods and not the Body of any Debtor should
yielded as great plenty of gallant Captains as any there was not a Person on whom the State of Rome did more rely and depend insomuch as some Writers have concluded that he would have been an equal match to the Great Alexander if after the Conquest of Asia he had bent his Arms against Europe Now although from the beginning of this Work it may sufficiently appear that I have sought nothing less than Digressions from the just order and series of the Story nor have at all endeavored by extravagant Varieties to garnish it or with pleasant Sallies to divert the Reader and refresh my self yet happening upon the mention of so great a King and so renowned a Captain I could not but be moved to disclose and set down those thoughts which have oft occurr'd to my mind and inquire a little What event would probably have succeeded to the Roman Affairs had they happened to have been engaged with this Illustrious Conqueror Those things that are of greatest consideration and seem to have the Ascendent in all Wars are the number of Soldiers and withal their natural Courage the sufficiency and dexterity of the Commanders and lastly Fortune which as in all humane Affairs it bears a great stroke so in War most of all He that shall narrowly weigh all these either jointly or severally may reasonably conclude That as the Roman State bore up against other Kings and Nations so it might have prov'd to him also Invincible To begin with ballancing the Commanders one against another I do not deny but Alexander was an excellent Leader but that which enhaunc'd his Fame was That he was a sole and Soveraign Commander a young Man his Sails always full blown with prosperous Gales and one who dyed before ever he had labored under any of the frowns of Fortune For to omit other glorious Princes and renowned Captains illustrious Examples of the uncertainty of Humane Grandeur What was it that exposed Cyrus whom the Greeks so highly magnifie or our great Pompey of late to the turning Wheel of Fortune but only this That they lived long On the other side Let us take a review of the Roman Commanders I mean not through all Ages but such as being Consuls or Dictators about those times Alexander must have engag'd with if he had spread his Ensigns this way there were M. Valerius Corvinus M. Marcius Rutilus C. Sulpicius T. Manlius Torquatus Q. Publilius Philo L. Papirius Cursor Q. Fabius Maximus the two Decii L. Volumnius Manius Curius besides abundance of prodigious Warriors that succeeded afterwards if he had first set upon the Carthaginians as he was resolved to have done if he had not been prevented by Death and so had arriv'd in Italy when well stricken in years Each one of these was master of as good Parts and natural Abilities as Alexander and had the advantage of being train'd up in an incomparable Military Discipline which having been delivered from hand to hand ever since the foundation of their City was now by continual Precepts arriv'd to the perfection of an Art For so after one and the same course did our Kings of old manage their Wars so after them the Junii and Valerii the banishers of Kings so consequently the Fabii the Quintii the Cornelii so Furius Camillus whom in his Age two of those Romans with whom Alexander must have encountred Manlius Torquatus and Valerius Corvinus had seen when they were Youths And whereas Alexander often hazarded his Person and underwent all Military toils and dangers which was one thing that not a little added to his Glory Can it be thought that if Manlius Torquatus or Valerius Corvinus had chanc'd to meet him at the head of his Troops either of them would not have prov'd a Match for him who were both of them famous for stout Soldiers before ever they had Commands Would the Decii that rush'd with devoted Bodies into the midst of the Enemy have been afraid of him Would Papirius Cursor that mighty Man both for strength of Body and gallantry of Mind have declined to cope with him Was it likely that a single young Gentleman should out-wit or manage his Affairs with greater prudence than that Senate which he only whoever he was had a right Idaea of that said It consisted altogether of Kings Here forsooth was the danger lest he should more advantagiously choose his Ground to Encamp on provide Victuals more carefully prevent Surprizes and Stratagems more warily know better when to venture a Battel range his Army more Soldier-like or strengthen it with Reserves and Recruits better than any of those whom I have named knew how to do Alas in all these matters he would have confess'd he had not to deal with a Darius over whom being attended with a vast Train of Women and Eunuchs softned with wearing Gold and Purple and clogg'd with the superfluous Furniture of his luxurious Fortune he did indeed obtain an unbloody Victory meeting rather with a Booty than an Enemy and had only this to boast of That he durst handsomly contemn such an abundance of Vanity He would have had another kind of prospect in Italy than in India through which he march'd at his ease with a drunken Army Feasting and Revelling all the way But here he must have met with the thick woody Forrest and almost unpassable Streights of Apulia the lofty Mountains of Lucania and fresh Tokens of a late Defeat that happen'd to his own Name and Family where his Uncle Alexander King of the Epirotes was hewn to pieces We speak hitherto of Alexander not yet debauch'd with excess of good Fortune wherein never any Man had less command of himself than he But if we consider him in his new Habit and that new Nature if I may call it so which he took up after he had a while been flush'd with Victories we may avow he would have come into Italy more like a Darius than an Alexander and brought with him a bastard Army altogether degenerated from the Macedonian courage and manners into the debauches and effeminacies of the Persians I am asham'd in so great a Monarch as he was to relate his proud humors of changing so oft his Garb his excessive vain-glory in expecting that Men should adore him by casting themselves prostrate at his feet when-ever they approach'd him a base servile flattery which must have been uneasie to the Macedonians though they had been Conquer'd much less to be endured now they were Conquerors his barbarous Cruelties and Butcheries of his nearest Friends amongst his Cups and Banquets and that ridiculous Vanity of forging a Divine Pedigree and boasting himself the Son of Jupiter Nay more since his Drunkenness and Greediness of Wine his savage Passions and cholerick Phrensies did every day increase I report nothing but what all Authors agree in shall we not think that his Abilities as a General must quickly have decayed and been wonderfully impaired But here perhaps was the danger which some little triffling Greeks who
quite free from the care thereof reports were spread of a War with the Tuscans Nor was there at that time any Nation setting the Gauls aside whose Arms were more terrible as well because their Country lay so near as because 't was so exceeding populous Therefore whil'st one of the Consuls was concluding the War in Samnium the other who staid behind sick at Rome created C. Junius Bubulcus Dictator Who according to the urgency of the occasion caused all the younger sort to take the Military Oath and with the greatest diligence provides Arms and all other Necessaries yet was not with all these Preparations puft up to be the Aggressor but well content no doubt to be quiet if the Tuscans of their own accord should not begin the War The Tuscans took the very same Measures so that neither of them stirr'd out of their own Bounds This Year was the notable Censorship of Appius Claudius and C. Plautius But the name of Appius became more memorable of the two to Posterity for the Cawsey he made and the Channel of Fresh-water which he brought to the City which Works he all alone accomplish'd For his Colleague ashamed of the infamous and envied Choice that he had made of certain base-born Senators voluntarily renounced his Office But Appius according to the high Spirit and obstinacy that was all along natural to his Family continued the Censorship This Appius caused the Potitii to whose Family it had time out of mind belong'd to exercise the Priestly Function at the great Altar of Hercules to teach certain publick Servants the Solemn Rites of that Sacred Ministry that they might make use of their Assistants as Delegates therein whereupon a wonderful thing is reported to have ensued and which may be a warning to all not to innovate Religion or alter the state of Sacred Rites viz. That though there were indeed Twelve Families of these Potitii at that time in being and in them about Thirty Persons of Mans estate yet before the year came about they were every one dead and not only the name of the Potitii extinct but that Appius the Censor by the memorable Judgment of the revenging Gods was in few Years after struck Blind The next Years Consuls C. Junius Bubulcus the third time and Q. Aemilius Barbula the second as soon as they came into their Office put up a Complaint to the People That the order of the Senate was disturb'd and violated by an irregular Election and divers worthy Members omitted daclaring That for their parts they would not observe or regard such a Choice which was made without any respect to merit but carryed wholly at the Lust of the Censor and to gratifie those of his Faction And therefore they presently call'd over the Senate in the same order as the former Censors had left it Two Commands both Military were this Year first of all conferr'd and disposed of by the Commons One That sixteen Colonels for the four Legions should thenceforwards be Created by the People which before were almost altogether the favors of the Dictators and Consuls bestowed as they thought fit the Peoples suffrages being very rarely expected therein The other was a Law preferr'd by L. Atilius and C. Martius Tribunes of the Commons That the People should have the power of Creating two Naval Commissioners whose peculiar Office it should be to take care of the Rigging Equipping and Repairing the Fleet which Act of the Commons was especially promoted by M. Decius one of their Tribunes One accident of this Year I should pass over as trivial and scarce worth relating did it not seem to appertain to Religion The Musicians that plaid upon the Flutes and Haut-boies being forbid by the last Censors to have their good Cheer and Banquets any more in Jupiters Temple according to their old Custom and Tradition took such snuff that they all troop'd away at once to Tybur so that there was not one of them left in Rome to sing and pipe before the Pomp of Sacrifices on the Holy-days And the Senate were so Religious as to take notice thereof and sent Messengers to Tybur to use means that these Blades might be restored The Tyburtines answered very courteously That they would by no means detain them and sending for them into the Court advise them to go home but the Fellows were so stout that no Entreaties could prevail with them whereupon they bethought them of a stratagem very suitable to the tempers of such people Upon an Holy-day under colour of Feasting and diverting themselves one invites one of these Fidlers and another sends for another and plyed them so with Wine which Men of their profession are generally greedy of that they drank till they began to wink and wink'd so long till they fell fast asleep and then the Tyburtines gently put them to bed in Carts and so drove them away to Rome Nor did they perceive any thing till next Morning they found themselves in the midst of the Forum where the People came flocking about them and prevailed with them to stay giving them leave for three days space every Year to go in Masquerade through the City singing and playing after that licentious manner now used and their old priviledge that such as plaid at the Sacrifices might eat in the Temple was restored This ridiculous diversion happen'd amidst the solicitous preparations for two mighty Wars The Consuls divided the Provinces to Junius the Samnites to Aemilius happen'd that conduct of the new War in Etruria The Samnites had besieged Cluvia a Roman Garison and not being able to storm it lay before it so long till Famine inforc'd a surrender and then they most barbarously whip'd to death all the Soldiers Junius enrag'd at that cruelty minded nothing so much as the recovery of that place which he regain'd the very same day that he came before it and put all that were of Age to the Sword In this train of Victory he proceeded against Bovianum the head City of the Pentrian Samnites a place exceeding rich and well furnish'd both with Men and Arms The Soldiers sharp set for the Pillage soon made themselves Masters of it but having here no such particular cause of Revenge were less severe to the People The Booty gain'd here was almost as much as in all Samnium besides and was all freely given to the Soldiers Nor could any pitch'd Field any City or Fort afterwards put the least stop to the Victorious Roman Army All that the Princes of Samnium could do was to lie at catch for some advantage by Ambuscades to circumvent or cut off Parties when they happened to venture out too negligently as they were forraging certain Renegado Peasants and Prisoners some taken by chance and some on purpose offering themselves to be seized upon their examinations before the Consuls agreeing all in a tale which also was a truth That there was a power of Sheep and other Cattel driven together and kept in a By-Forrest out of the way
with these Magical chains they kept indeed the Field but still were more afraid of their own Companions than of the Enemy The Romans press'd on from either Wing and the Main-Body with all imaginable fury and butchered them at pleasure whil'st they stood thus as it were astonish'd with a double dread of Gods and Men The resistance they made was small and faint and nothing but pure fear kept them from running away So that by this time execution was done upon them up to their very Standards when on a sudden there appeared at a distance on one side of them a great cloud of Dust as if some mighty Army had rais'd it with their march for Sp. Nautius Octavius Metius some call him who had the Conduct of the Alarian Bands before-mentioned purposely made a far greater dust than could be expected from so small a number by causing his Regiment of the Black-Guard as they sat on their Mules to trail after them thick boughs of Trees their Arms and Ensigns in the Front first appeared as it were through a duskish Light but the dust behind them rising higher and thicker seem'd to represent a great Body of Horse flanking an Army of Foot and deceived not only the Samnites but the Romans too And to keep up that useful Error the Consul so loud that even the Enemy might hear him cryed out That Cominium was taken and his Victorious Colleague was come That now they should use their utmost endeavors to compleat the Victory before the other Army snatch'd the Honor of it out of their hands Thus he spake as he gallop'd to and fro amongst the Ranks and at the same time commanded the Colonels and Captains of the Foot to widen their Files and make room for the Horse He had before given Orders to Trebonius and Caedicius that when they should see him flourish his Spear over his head they should advance with the Cavalry and as hard as they could drive Charge the Enemy All things were punctually put in execution according to Order the Files opened to the Right and Left and the Horse thundered out upon the Enemy and broke into the middle of their Main-Body disordering their Ranks which way soever they turn'd their Force Volumnius and Scipio bravely seconded them with the Infantry and whil'st they were thus disarray'd beat down all before them Then the Linnen Brigade went to pot and fell under the fury both of the Gods and Men the sworn and unsworn fled both alike and no longer feared any but the Enemy Their Foot as many as escaped in the Battel were beat into their Camp at Aquilonia their Noble-men and Horse got to Bovianum the Foot were by the Foot pursued and the Horse by Horse the two Wings separated themselves the Right marching up to the Samnites Camp and the Left to the Town Volumnius was somewhat the nimblest and soon made himself Master of the Camp Scipio had an harder task to win the City not that they had greater Courage being all alike dis-heartened with their Over-throw but because Walls will better keep out Assailants than a plain Trench and Rampire and besides from the Courtine they had an advantage to shour down Stones upon them so fast as none could endure it Scipio considering that it would prove a tedious piece of Work unless he could carry the Town at this first Heat whil'st they within were in a fright and before they could recollect their Spirits ask'd his Soldiers If they would suffer this disgrace to see the Camp bravely won by the other Wing and themselves Conquerors too as well as the others to be shamefully repulsed from the City They all testifying their Resolutions to the contrary by a loud shout himself clapping his Target over his Head march'd foremost up to the Gate and all the rest following him in that posture by main force they broke into the City and knocking down those Samnites that were about the Gate made themselves Masters of the Walls but durst not venture up into the middle of the City being so few in number The Consul at first knew nothing of all this but was busie in bringing the Main-Body of his Army to an orderly Retreat for the Sun was now almost down and Night coming on apace made every thing seem dangerous and suspicious even to the Victors themselves but when he was advanced further he saw on his right hand the Enemies Camp taken and on the left heard a confused Cry and Tumult in the City as composed of the mix'd clamors of Men fighting and People in a fright for it happened at that instant the Conflict was at the Gate Upon this he rides up nearer and at last discovered his own Men upon the Walls and that his Work was not yet at an end since by a few Mens rash adventurousness there was an opportunity of performing an excellent piece of Service whereupon he recalled the Forces that were retreating and caused them with Banners displayed to enter the City where near the Gate they took up their Quarters because the Night came on so fast and before Morning the Enemy had deserted it There were slain that day of the Samnites Thirty thousand three hundred and forty taken Three thousand eight hundred and seventy and ninety seven Colours 'T is Recorded That never any General was more chearful and pleasant than Papirius during this Battel whether it were of his own natural Disposition or upon assured confidence of Victory 't was upon this strength of mind that he would not be diverted from fighting by the controverted Auspice and in the heat of the Conflict when others are wont to make Vows of building Temples to the Immortal Gods he only Vow'd That if he defeated the Enemies Legions he would present Jupiter Victor with a Cup of Metheglin before himself tasted a drop of strong Wine Which Vow the Gods accepted and turn'd the ill Presages to good The other Consul had no less success at Cominium for drawing up all his Forces by break of day to the Walls he invested it quite round and set strong Guards at all the Gates to prevent any Sallies But just as he was about to give the Signal for a general Assault the Messenger from his Brother Consul in a great fright brought word That twenty Cohorts of the Enemy were upon their march to relieve the City which made him for a while defer the Storm and draw off part of his Forces For immediatly he dispatch'd the first Legion and twenty Cohorts of the Wings and Horse under the Command of D. Brutus Scaeva to meet this Party of the Enemy with orders to stop or divert their march wherever they should find them and if need were to fight them rather than suffer them to come up to Cominium This care being taken he commands the Scaling-Ladders to be set to the Walls round the Town and several parties in close Order with their Targets over their heads to make up to the Gates so that at once
guilts will gall their minds with inward anxiety their names whilst they live and their memories when they are dead will be hated and abhorred amongst Men and what they have got so basely and kept so diligently is taken away from them to their great sorrow neither God nor Man suffering Villains to pass long with impunity And here I think it not amiss to relate the punishments inflicted on Decius Jubellius and his Complices in this barbarous act which in point of time fell in with these matters we treat of for their final destruction they being in the mean while plagu'd with several disasters was deferr'd till ten years after as we shall mention in time for these Rogues had no long peace or joy among themselves However they secur'd themselves from the Romans and Pyrrhus besides the opportunity of the times by making a Peace with the Mamertines with conditions for mutual Security For at present in the infancy of their State until their Commonwealth erected so violently and suddenly were establish'd it was thought the best course to abstain from War for that they could not safely take Arms against the King and hop'd for an easier pardon from the Romans if they should not fight against them also The first occasion of their Quarrel as it is wont to be among Thieves arose from rhe unequal division of the Spoil Decius in the tumult being driven out fled to Messina The Garison of the place chusing his Secretary M. Caesius for their Commander Decius likewise having brought with him a great sum of Money received the same honour from the Mamertines but he did not long enjoy his good fortunes For it happen'd that having sore Eyes he caus'd a famous Physician to be sent for the divine Vengeance now haling the Villain to heavier punishments and the Physician was brought who was a native of Rhegium but because he had dwelt at Messina many years his Country became unknown not onely to Decius who wittingly would never have trusted any Rhegian but also to most of the Inhabitants of the Town This Man remembring his own Country and being resolved to revenge its wrongs persuades Decius that he had brought a strong Medicine for him but that it was very safe and quick in its Operation And then having applied a Plaister made of Spanish Flies and forbidding it to be taken off 'till he was return'd to his Patient he presently took Ship and left Messina Decius having long enough endur'd an incredible torment after that the Physician return'd not commanded the Eye-salve to be taken off which was no sooner done but he found his Eyes were put out and thus he leads an infamous vagrant life being blind and likewise troubled with a crazy body at well as a discontented mind like a Prisoner chain'd he is reserv'd for his Execution A strange providence it was that he should suffer this calamity from that very Man to whom he had trusted his life who himself had barbarously and perfidiously circumvented those whom he ought to have defended Such examples for the good of Mankind ought to be recorded in Story For Men can never be too much convinc'd how far that Craftiness is distant from true Prudence by which for a certain false good men having contemn'd Vertue and Honesty through base and dishonest passions run into real evils DECADE II. BOOK XIII Florus his Epitome of the Thirteenth Book of Livy Valerius Levinus the Consul is worsted by King Pyrrhus chiefly occasion'd by the Soldiers being frighted at the sight of his Elephants Pyrrhus after the Fight viewing the Bodies of the Romans that were slain takes notice that they all lay with their faces towards the Enemy He spoils the Country almost up to the Walls of Rome He attempts to seduce C. Fabricius that was sent by the Senate to treat with him about redeeming of Prisoners but cannot prevail with him to forsake and betray his Country The Prisoners are released gratis Cynaeas is sent by Pyrrhus Ambassadour to the Senate desiring that for the better Treating and concluding a Peace his Master the King with a small Guard might be admitted into the City The Debate whereof being adjourn'd to a fuller Senate Appius Claudius who by reason of the weakness of his sight had a long time refrain'd coming to publick Councils then appeared in the House and argued so smartly against it that Pyrrhus's request was flatly deny'd Cn. Domitius the first Commoner that ever was Censor makes a Cessing or general Poll and finds 278222. Citizens Another Battel is fought with King Pyrrhus but with doubtful success The League with the Carthaginians is renewed the fourth time A Renegado having offered C. Fabricius the Consul to poison King Pyrrhus is sent back again and his Treason discovered This Book also contains several successes against the Tuscans Lucanians Brutians and Samnites IN the mean while part of the Forces being kept at Rome for its defence and the uncertain chances of War the Army and the Provinces were dispos'd of among the new Consuls To P. Valerius Levinus the Tarentines and Pyrrhus were allotted and the relicks of the Hetrurian War to Coruncanius Levinus conceiving that it might render him more terrible and renown'd if he should first attack the Enemy and withal that it was advantageous to the State to have the fear and damages as far as might be remov'd from the Roman Territories marches out of hand into Lucania and fortifies a Castle that was conveniently situated there putting in it a strong Garison that he might both obstruct Pyrrhus's designs and hinder the Lucanians whose treachery he fear'd from revolting to the Enemy Upon the news of the Roman Consuls arrival Pyrrhus though the Confederates were not come together judging it a disgrace to him to discover any signs of fear in the beginning of the War marches out with the Forces he had immediately against him but that by some plausible pretence he might put off the matter and gain time he sent a Herald with Letters the Contents whereof were as followeth PYRRHVS to LEVINVS I hear that you are coming with an Army against the Tarentines but leave the Army and come with a few Men to me For when I shall have understood the matter I will force one side to do to the other whatever is just though against their wills To this Levinus answers We neither take you to be Judg of our differences not fear you as our Enemy but 't is impertinently done by you thus to meddle with other mens matters who your self being very blame-worthy have not yet made us any satisfaction for entring Italy without our leave Therefore we are come with our Armies in Battalia to fight with you as well as the Tarentines referring the decision of our Quarrel to the arbitration of Mars the founder of our Race Then he march'd outright against the Enemy and sate down between the Cities Pandosia and Heraclea the River Siris parting his Camp from the Enemies 'T is reported that Pyrrhus
hinder Pyrrhus that he might not pass over into Sicily For these reasons therefore the King apply'd his mind to the business of Sicily being mightily incouraged thereunto partly by the posture of Affairs there and partly by the Embassies of the Sicilians which coming one after the other brought word that he was desir'd to come by all men as the onely support of those miseries wherewith that unhappy Island was at that time more grievously harrass'd than ever it had been before For after the miserable rather than unworthy death of Agathocles one Moeno a native of Egesta in Sicily who also had poison'd the King aspiring to the Government and being driven out of Syracuse by the Praetor Hicetas had put himself under the protection of the Carthaginians hence there arose a greater War which was unfortunate to the Syracusians at which time notwithstanding Hicetas's Power was increased by private means who afterwards turning his Arms against Phintia the Agrigentine held the Government of the Island for a long while in his hands though in a very unsetled posture till at length by the courage of one Thenio he was depos'd after he had govern'd the Island nine years Thenio who endeavoured to keep the Power in his own hands was opposed by Sosistratus a Nobleman of Syracuse and between these two there was a long War whilst Thenio was Master of the Island call'd by them Nasus which is part of Syracuse and Sosistratus play'd the Tyrant over the rest of the City At length when both Parties saw that these quarrels would end in the common destruction of them all they unanimously agreed to send for Pyrrhus who being the Son-in-law of Agathocles and next Heir to the Crown having had a Son by Lanassa his Wife was esteemed also a man capable both for Courage and Power to settle the Affairs of Sicily Moreover the Princes of the Agrigentines and Leontines who also offer'd him the Government of their respective Seigniories ask'd him with one accord to come over into Sicily that he might by his presence succour their distressed State and preserve their liberty now endanger'd by the Arms of Barbarians For the Carthaginians having wasted the Country belonging to Syracuse besieg'd the Town it self with a hundred Gallies by Sea and an Army of fifty thousand men by Land Pyrrhus therefore being resolv'd not to lose time sends Cyneas before whom for his prudence and fidelity he employ'd very much to make Leagues with the several Provinces of Sicily Moreover he comforted his Confederates who were troubled for his departure by telling them that if the Romans should molest them he would come time enough out of the Neighbouring Island to their aid being strengthned with the addition of these new Confederates But when he was about to leave a Garison in Tarentum the Tarentines earnestly requested him either to give them the aid he promis'd upon those terms agreed betwixt them or else to leave their City free but they could prevail in neither Pyrrhus giving them no satisfactory Answer but commanding them to wait his time Whilst Pyrrhus bends his mind this way the Consuls find it easier to deal with the rest of their Enemies We find therefore that at this time they fought with good success against the Hetrurians Lucanians Brutians and Samnites That they had but little action with the Hetrurians appears hence because no Triumph follow'd that War and I think they did not fight with the whole Nation but onely with one or two Provinces which being solicited by the Samnites that were left in a forlorn Estate upon the departure of Pyrrhus took Arms again against the Romans having been at Peace a little before with them With the other Nations as the War was greater so the Conquest was more illustrious C. Fabricius the Consul his Colleague being gone as is conjectured to the Hetrurian War because that one Consular Army seem'd sufficient upon the Epirots departure overcame the Lucanians Brutians Tarentines and Samnites With some of those States he made a League among which was that of Heraclea and he Triumph'd over all these Nations before the fifth of December Afterwards when the Election was held Pub. Cornelius Rufinus and C. Junius Brutus were elected Consuls the second time There were other Noblemen likewise who stood in competition with Rufinus but A. U. 476 he got it by the interest of Fabricius who having an Eye to the public good valu'd the safety of his Country more than any private animosities For there was some pique betwixt these two upon the account of their different dispositions Fabricius being a Person not superable by Money that wholly minded the good of the Community But Rufinus being a greater lover of Money acted and design'd several things for his own Interest However because he was otherwise a good careful Commander Fabricius judged him preferable to his Competitors far inferiour to him for experience in Arms. 'T is reported that Rufinus afterwards thank'd him because though he was his Adversary yet he should make him Consul especially for so great and important a War and that he answer'd him That it was no wonder if he had rather be pillag'd than sold For there were yet remaining in Italy very dangerous Wars and Pyrrhus proceeding successfully in Sicily whither he was now arriv'd gave them just cause to fear lest the King back'd with the additional Forces of this noble Island should return a more formidable Enemy to Rome DECADE II. BOOK XIV Florus his Epitome of the Fourteenth Book of Livy Pyrrhus crosseth the Sea into Sicily Amongst other Prodigies the Image of Jupiter in the Capitol is overthrown by Lightning and the Head thereof supposed to be lost recovered and found again by the skill of the Aruspices or Soothsayers Curius Dentatus the Consul when he was making his Levies caused the Goods of one that being Cited would not answer to his name but declined the Service to be presently sold by the publique Cryer and he was the first that took that Course to punish such as refused to be Listed The same General routs King Pyrrhus being now return'd out of Sicily and beats him quite out of Italy Fabricius the Censor turns P. Cornelius Rufinus one that had been Consul out of the Senate because he had as much Silver Plate in his House as weighed Ten Pounds Vpon a Poll taken by the Censors the number of Citizens is cast up to be 271224. An Alliance is made with Ptolomy King of Egypt Sextilia a Vestal Virgin convicted of Incest Fornication was called so in one of her sacred Order is buried alive Two Colonies peopled Possidonia and Cossa A Fleet of Carthaginians comes to assist the Tarentines by which they first broke the League with the Romans It likewise relates several Exploits against the Lucanians Samnites and Brutians and the death of King Pyrrhus WHILE Affairs went thus in Italy Pyrrhus carrying his Army and Elephants aboard his Ships set sail from the Port of Tarentum to Sicily
he was now Master of all the Carthaginians Province except Lylybeum This Town had not been long before built by the Carthaginians to seat the Motyeans in whose City had been raz'd by Dionysius the Tyrant in the Carthaginian War When therefore the Carthaginians saw that of all their Empire in Sicily there was onely this place remaining in thei power hearing of preparations made by Pyrrhus to attack it they resolv'd to defend it with all their strength Having put therefore a strong Garison into the place with good store of Amunition and abundance of Arms and Engines wherewith they might be well furnish'd having the Sea at their command they fell to fortifie the place with all diligence especially on that side where it was accessible by Land they rais'd several Turrets and made a broad Ditch the work going on the more speedily because the Town being for the most part built upon the Rocks of the Sea needed no works for all that space In the mean while though they had made great preparations for the War having rais'd a great many mercenary Soldiers in Italy and other places yet they sent Ambassadours promising Money and their Fleet to Pyrrhus if Peace might be obtain'd upon reasonable terms Pyrrhus would not hear of the Money being desirous to hold the Cities he had taken but as for Lylibeum he seem'd to like of their propositions But yet his Friends and the Grandees of Sicily telling him That Sicily could never be quiet for the Carthaginians as long as they being so strong at Sea possess'd Lilybeum as a Ladder ready to make a descent by persuaded him to answer them That he would not conclude Peace with them unless they would quit the Island leaving the Sea to be the limit of both Empires The Treaty thus broken off he led his Forces immediately against the Town and encamping near the Walls formally invested the place having so order'd his men that such of them as were tir'd might be reliev'd by fresh ones but the Lilybetanes defended the Town being strengthned with men and well furnished with Engines for the Carthaginians had put so many into the place that the compass of the Walls was hardly large enough to hold them all Therefore having pour'd all manner of shot upon the Epirots and kill'd and wounded many of them they forced them to desist from their Enterprize The King after this makes other Engines besides those brought from Syracuse and by mining and all other methods of besieging tries what might be done But after he had tired himself in vain for almost two Months the Carthaginians not losing ground at all and considered that as long as they had the Sea open to go in and out Lilybeum could not be taken he rais'd the Siege and directed his course another way For certain Grecian Cities desir'd his protection against the Mamertines who besides other injuries done to them forced them to pay Tribute Pyrrhus then leading out his Army with great speed takes and kills some of these Mamertines who were gathering the Contributions and overcomes those that encountred him in Battel and withal takes and demolishes many of their strong Holds Hitherto the King by noble Exploits had gain'd great power anâ— glory having not so much got as deserv'd the love of every man in particular and the good will of all the Country by his obliging address not to speak of his other good Qualities But his so great felicity which one would think had been firmly establish'd was destroy'd in a moment the occasion hereof proceeding not onely from the natural levity of that People and the extravagancies of the King's Officers but also from the King 's own fault who though a brave Man in Adversities yet by Prosperity which generally men are too weak to bear was puff d up with pride For finding as was before said a Fleet to be absolutely necessary for the effecting of his designs and that though he had several Ships yet they were ill furnished with Mariners by too vigorously pressing men for Sea-service he disgusted the People extreamly He was now quite another man his former lenity was turn'd into imperiousness and insolence and these vented themselves in threats and punishments too However the People made shift to suffer these things because they were done under pretence of the publick good till they saw those very Persons kill'd by whose Interest he had got Sicily and then they turn'd Enemies to him not by degrees but all on the sudden and many revolted from him some joyning themselves to the Carthaginians and others to the Mamertines according as best serv'd their turns Thus Cruelty however odious of it self becomes intolerable when 't is exercised against the well-deserving and improves every private hatred with the general detestation that all mankind have for an ungrateful and perfidious man That which chiefly seems to have forc'd him upon using these violent courses was his too great compliance with the Counsels and perverse dispositions of his Friends for the Estates he had taken away from the Relations and Friends of Agathocles he bestowed on these men who were not one grain better than they Some of his Guards and Captains he set up for Magistrates of Towns contrary to the constitutions of the places nor for the lawful time but after what manner and as long as he pleas'd himself He ingrossed all the Power in their Courts of Judicature all the administration of publick Affairs into his own hands committing most of those matters to his Creatures who were abhorr'd by all for their Luxury and Avarice and who minding onely how to get and to spend Money dishonestly for the satisfaction of their lusts made no difference of right and wrong At these things the People being incens'd began first to mutter and then to complain openly That they ought not to have repented of their former condition if they must suffer the same things over again That Pyrrhus had been sent for and entertain'd in vain if he thought to imitate those men he came to punish and that no injury made so deep an impression as that whereof he was the Author who ought to have been the Avenger And by this time many People did apparently incline to a revolt from him whilst he taking the worst measures chuses to exasperate rather than asswage their Animosities as if by Cruelty he intended to attone for the Crimes of injustice The Carthaginians in the mean while looking on the King as not very strong in forces of his own and daily more weakned in the affections of the Sicilians entertain'd hopes of recovering their Territories and landed a fresh Army And while People daily deserted Pyrrhus for fear of his Cruelty they annoy'd the Epirots very considerably Pyrrhus by reason of the Punic War having put a Garison into every Town resolves to make away all the principal Men by forging accusations of Treason against them When these were taken off he made account the multitude would be more easily
him he had put to death Having given this Man a Guard of Soldiers he return'd with the rest of his Forces being eight thousand Foot and five hundred Horse into his own Kingdom now in the sixth year after he had come from thence In the mean while when the Centuriate assemblies were held at Rome and that it was thought Pyrrhus would renew the War they determined to make Curius Consul the second time because he of all Men had managed the business most handsomly against that King and therefore seem'd a Person of the greatest stroak and fortune to go through with the rest of the War Of the Nobility Ser. Cornelius Merenda was made Consul his late Atchievements and glory advancing him and also the recommendation of his Kinsman under whom he had bore Arms in the last Campagne These Consuls bent the effort of their Arms against the Lucanians Samnites and Brutians who defended themselves rather by strength of places than by Arms so that no Action could be perform'd comparable to the rest Yet this did not in the least impair Curius's glory whilst all were of Opinion that the warlike King would not onely be affraid for the blow he had receiv'd but also because Curius would be made General again to fight against him Therefore the whole honour of ending this War and routing Pyrrhus out of Italy ought to be ascribed to this Great Man The next year after Curius's third Consulship the first Embassy came from the Kings of Alexandria with A. U. 480 Presents to Rome in the Consulship of C. Corso and C. Claud. Canina Ptolomy surnam'd Philadelphus upon intelligence of Pyrrhus's flight sent to congratulate the Romans and to desire an Alliance with them The Senators thought it highly honourable and a great happiness thus to be courted by Kings so potent and remote of their own accord for their Alliance therefore they received the Ambassadours civilly and enter'd into Alliance with Ptolomy Moreover they nominated persons of the greatest Quality to go Ambassadours to the King to ratifie the Alliance and to return the Complement namely Q. Fabius Gurges a Consular Person and with him Caius Fabius Pictor Numerius Fabius Pictor and Q. Ogulnius When these were gone the Consuls fought with good success against those Italian Nations who out of necessity and despair continued yet in Arms but that the actions of one of the Consuls exceeded the others may be collected from the Triumph of C. Claudius Canina had over the Samnites Lucanians and Brutians in his Consulship at the Feast Romulus But these Joys for successes abroad were somewhat disturbed by Sextilia a Vestal Virgin convicted of Incest and thought to have incens'd the Gods against the City by her Irreligion but the anger of the Gods was appeas'd by Sacrifices and Atonements and the Nun suffering the punishment due to so great a Crime was buried alive at the Collatine Gate The same year Colonies were brought to Cosa of the Volscians and Paestum in Lucania called by the Greeks Possidonia This place the Lucanians had taken from the Sybarites and now it was newly subjected to the Romans The year following was more remarkable wherein not only the War against the Samnites and others but also against the Tarentines was ended L. Papirius Cursor and Sp. Carvilius Consuls the second time having the Lucanians Brutians Samnites and Tarentines for their Provinces by their great Exploits and undertakings answer'd the expectations they A. U. 481 had rais'd being both chosen on purpose in hopes to conclude the War that year and the Samnites being totally subdued by Carvilius after a War of seventy one years now with more fidelity than before imbrac'd the conditions of Peace impos'd upon them by the Romans L. Papirius forc'd the Brutians and Lucanians after great slaughters made of them to sue for Peace But as it happens in a War against several bordering People Papirius was also ingag'd with the Samnites and Carvilius with the Brutians and Lucanians and both with the Tarentines nor were the Forces of the Tarentines onely defeated but the City it self was taken which whole affair I shall more particularly relate as containing not only the Conquest of this famous City but also the death of King Pyrrhus with the false dealings of the Carthaginians and the source of that Rupture between them and the Romans Pyrrhus two years before had so departed from Italy as by his Garison left behind at Tarentum to give People hopes of his return which soon after being much increas'd by the late successes of that King in Macedonia kept up the spirits of the Italians in their present sufferings for being a Man of an active Spirit who could not long rest he had made War against Antigonus for not aiding him in the business of Italy and having defeated him almost dispossess'd him of his whole Dominions Whence the Romans were theâ— continually affraid lest returning with more Forces into Italy he should raise a greater War than the former But the sudden death of Pyrrhus destroy'd the hopes and remov'd the fears of all People For Pyrrhus insatiably coveting to inlarge his Dominions to the utmost under pretence of re-instating Cleonymus in the Kingdom of Sparta who then had difference with Areus entring Peloponnesus resolv'd to make himself Master thereof likewise and he annoy'd the Lacedaemonians very much though he had in vain attacked their City In the mean time at Argos there were two contrary Parties headed by Aristippus and Aristias the first of which sends for Antigonus the latter for Pyrrhus to help to pull down their Enemies For Antigonus also was come to Peloponnesus to assist the Lacedaemonians against the common Enemy So that the same Night the Forces of both Kings were receiv'd through several Gates into the Town Pyrrhus understanding that his men were press'd hard by the Enemies entring himself likewise into the City when he saw at break of day a figure of a Wolf and a Bull in Brass representing them fighting with one another was astonished at this Omen of his imminent danger For there was an ancient Oracle which said that the place where Aeacides should see a Bull and a Wolf fighting should be fatal to him Therefore he design'd to draw back with his Forces and to retire out of the Town but his Son Helenus meeting him with the reserves and Elephants had stop'd his way and the one endeavouring to get out of the Town and the others to enter in whilst the Enemies bore hardly upon the multitude retiring and the Argives Epirots and Macedonians together with the Spartans and Cretians belonging to Areus and some Elephants were in those narrow streets crouded together and trampled upon one another all was in a hurry and confusion Mean while Pyrrhus whilst he does all he can by his directions exhortations and valour to repel the Enemy and defend his own men receiv'd a light Wound with a Launce from an Argive Youth whose Mother being a poor old Woman was there among
coming from Epirus in their Towns and Ports But the commodiousness of the Haven of Brundusium which with the Wind blowing from the same Point receives and sends forth Vessels together with the easie passage into Dalmatia and Albania from thence as also the convenience of having their Dominions terminated by the bounds of Italy were deemed the most important reasons of the War Both the Consuls triumph'd over these people in one day being the 20th of February The Sallentines being overcome they took Brundusium the most eminent Town in that quarter and atchiev'd other matters very prosperously being assisted as they gave out by Pales the Goddess of Shepherds said to have requested for reward of the Victory a Chappel to be consecrated for her A. U. 487 at Rome The greater part of the Sallentines being subdued by these men the Consuls of the year following compleated the Victory their names were Numerius Fabius C.F.M.N. and Decius Junius D. F.D by these the Vmbrians and Sallentines also were subjected to the Roman Yoke Thus Italy being conquer'd where it is bounded by the Seas and the Po the Roman Power immediately began to be magnify'd by the hopes of some and fear of others in the neighbouring Islands and the Continent lying to the Ionian and Adriatic Seas For those who desir'd to aggrandize themselves by oppressing others were affraid to be hinder'd in their designs by the Romans whilst others on the contrary imbrac'd their aid as sent from Heaven against the outrages of their Adversaries The Apollonians first of all desired by their Ambassadours to be admitted into an Alliance with the Romans The Town of Apollonia is distant from the Sea sixty furlongs being built by the Corinthians and Corcyreans it has a commodious Harbour and the shortest passage from Brundusium into Greece lies that way the Illyrians and Macedonians inhabit about it therefore the people can hardly maintain their ground against their ambitious and potent Neighbours The Embassie was graciously received by the Senate not regarding so much the Wealth and Power of that People being but small as future hopes and opportunity open'd for greater matters in reversion whence the punishment taken upon some young Noblemen for beating the Ambassadours in a scuffle was the greater for neither could the dignity of his Office for he was Edile nor the nobleness of his Extract rescue Q. Fabius from being deliver'd up to the Apollonians for that misdemeanour Q. Apronius likewise an Edile and an Accomplice in the same Crime was surrendered to the Apollonians for the Senate decreed that these should be deliver'd by the Heralds to the Apollonian Ambassadours and that a Questor should go along with them to Brundusium lest the Relations of the persons surrendred should offer any injury to the Ambassadours in their Journey This was a signal demonstration both of the justice of the State and of their prudence too for whilst by an Opinion of honesty they desir'd to attract the minds of forein Nations to an Amity with them it nearly concern'd them in some signal manner to revenge the Affronts offer'd to those who first came to propose an Alliance with them for nothing could have prov'd more prejudicial to their Interest than to let matters come to such a pass that the Apollonians should have cause to repent of their action and others for their Example And hence in after-times it went for a constant Rule that those who had beaten the Ambassadours of a free People should be delivered into the hands of those to whom the Ambassadours belonged The Apollonians however when these persons were brought to them wisely considering that they should reap more good by their Humanity than Revenge sent them home safe This year both the Consuls triumph'd twice D. Junius before the 27th of September and Numerius Fabius before the 5th of October over the Sarsinates a people of Vmbria Fabius also the first of February and Junius the 5th triumph'd over the Sallentini and some Messapians assistants to then Neighbours the Sallentini This yeâ—r was made an end of the Italian Wars for the War which was wâ—g'd the year following Q. A. U. 488 Fabius Gurges being the third time Consul having for his Colleague L. Manilius Vitulus was not against a just Enemy but onely a Revenge taken upon recreant Villains in behalf of Allies The Volsinians a powerful People of Hetruria implor'd the protection of the Romans against their quoudam Slaves for whether it were in hopes to recruit their strength impair'd by former Wars or to indulge themselves in ease shunning the toil of War they imprudently permitted their Slaves being made Freemen to bear Arms and afterwards communicating Honours to them chose some of thâ—m for Senators and some for other Offices in the State so that these in a short time over-topping the ancient Citizens and wresting the Power into their own hands most impudently exercised their liberty against those men to whom they were indebted for it So that now it became their common Trade to ravâ—sh the hâ—nourable Dames and Virgins to answer the complaints of Parents and Husbands for these injuries with mockery and reproaches instead of redress and correction of the Offenders and to plunder destroy and harrass all things as they pleas'd themselves And not to pass by a signal demonstration of thâ—t brutish impudence to which servile Spirits may arrive when they have power on their side they published a Law whereby the Libertines were authoriz'd to ravish the Wives and Daughters of their Pations and that every Maid that was to many a Freeman should first be deflâ—wr'd by one that had been a Slave Now the old Volsinians being neither able to endure these miseries nor yet to remove them with their own strength entring into private consult determin'd to send Ambassadours to Rome who by addresses underhand prevail'd to have the Senate assembled in a private House for they foresaw that the thing if it should be discover'd would undo them declared in a lamentable harangue the calamities of their City whereat the Senate being moved promised to assist that distressed people in order to the recovering of their ancient rights and priviledges But whilst these matters were thought to have been transacted Incognito they were discovered by a certain Samnite to those very men against whom all the complaint was made This Fellow being a Guest to the Master of that House when the Senate assembled lay ill and being forgotten stay'd behind in that place whereby he over-heard and betray'd the whole matter The Ambassadours therefore being returned from Rome were put to the torture and the business being found out both they and the chief Men of the City were barbarously murthered This gave a juster pretence for making a War and Q Fabius was sent with an Army against them who defeated them in Battel and slew a great number of them in the pursuit and as for those who betook themselves into their fortresses he resolved to attack them by storm but whilst they
succeed prosperously And now dividing his Cares as well for a defensive as offensive War lest whil'st he with a tedious March by Land through Spain and France went to Invade Italy Africk should lie naked and exposed to the Romans who easily from Sicily might cross the Seas and make a descent upon the main Continent he thought fit therefore to secure home by sending thither a grand Detachment and in lieu thereof desired Recruits from Africk especially of Archers and Javelineers lightly Armed That as interchangable Pledges of Fidelity the Africans might serve in Spain and the Spaniards in Africk both like to prove the better Soldiers by being far from their own Countries He sent into Africk One thousand three hundred eighty five Foot armed with short Targets and Eight hundred and seventy Slingers of the Balearean Isles and of Horse mix'd of several Nations One thousand and two hundred All which he ordered partly for a Garison for Carthage and the rest to be distributed through Africk as occasion should require Likewise he deputed Commissioners into the several Cities to press Soldiers of whom Four thousand select Youths of the best Quality were carryed to Carthage both to strengthen the Garison and remain as Hostages Nor was Spain in the mean time to be neglected especially because he was not ignorant that the Roman Ambassadors had gone their Circuit amongst them to tamper with the Chief Persons and solicit them to a Revolt he therefore committed the charge of that Province to his Brother Asdrubal a Person diligent and stout and furnish'd him with considerable Forces for the most part transported out of Africk viz. Eleven thousand eight hundred and fifty African Foot Three hundred Ligurians Five hundred Balearians or Slingers from the Isles Majorca and Minorca To which Infantry was added the following Horse viz. Three hundred Lybiphoenicians a mungril People partly sprung from the Carthaginians who were of Phoenician Extract add partly from the old Inhabitants of Libia or Africk and of Numidians and Moors dwelling on the Sea-coast One thousand eight hundred with a few small Troops amounting to about Two hundred from the Illergetes in Spain and that nothing for Land-Service might be wanting he also accommodated him with Fourteen Elephants Furthermore considering that 't was probable the Romans would again chuse to make use of that sort of War viz. Marine whereby in the former Contest they chiefly got the Victory he ordered him a Fleet to guard the Coasts consisting of Fifty Gallies of five banks of Oars apiece two of four and five of three rows of Oars but only the five last and Thirty two of the first sort were Man'd and fitted out From Cadiz the Army returned to their old Winter-Quarters at New Carthage and from thence along by the City Etovissa to Iberus and the Sea-coast There 't is reported Annibal saw in a Dream a young Man for shape and beauty Divine rather than Humane who said he was sent by Jupiter to be his Guide into Italy and therefore bid him follow him without ever looking behind him or turning his eyes to one side or t'other Which accordingly he did for a while never looking either back or besides him but at last that Curiosity natural to Man wondering much and inquisitive to know what it might be behind him which he was so strictly forbidden to behold prevailed with him so far that he could not forbear turning his eyes that way where he saw a Serpent of a wonderful size all the way as it went bearing down vast Woods and Groves before it and immediatly followed a great storm with dreadful Thunder-claps and when he ask'd the meaning of this confusion and prodigious sight he was told 'T was the desolation of Italy That therefore he should go on in his Expedition and inquire no further but suffer the Destinies to remain unveloped in their Natural obscurity Overjoy'd with this Vision he Fords his Army over the River Iberus divided into three Bodies consisting in all of Ninety thousand Foot and Twelve thousand Horse sending some before who with Presents might conciliate the favor of the Gauls amongst whom he was to pass and also to discover the Passages of the Alps. Then he over-run the Illergetes Bargusians and Ausetanians and the Province of Lacetania now the Bishoprick of Barcellona which lies at the foot of the Pyrenaean Mountains Over all which Tract he made Hanno Governor that he might have at his Devotion those Passes and Streights which join France to Spain allowing him Ten thousand Foot and a thousand Horse to keep them in subjection Whil'st now the Army was begun to be drawn into the Pyrenaean Thickets and Hills and the report ran more certainly current amongst the Barbarous Auxiliaries that 't was the Romans they were designed to fight against Three thousand Foot of the Carpetanes deserted the Service not so much terrified with the War as at the tediousness of the Journy and the insuperable passage of the Alps Annibal being loth either to force them back or retain them against their Wills lest thereby he should provoke the rest that were as fierce and savage as they to a mutiny did of his own accord send home above Seven thousand more whom he perceived to be weary and have no stomach to the Service pretending that the said Carpetanes were also dismiss'd with his free consent But lest lingering and idleness should likewise debauch the Courage of the rest he presently passes the Pyrenaean Hills and Encamps before the Town Illiberis The French although they were told the War was designed only against Italy yet because there was a report that the Spaniards on the other side of the Pyrenaean Mountains were set upon and conquered by Force and great Garisons imposed upon them therefore the Heads of several Nations for fear of being Enslav'd betook themselves to Arms and Rendezvous'd at Rousillon Of which Annibal having advice apprehending more the stop and loss of time than their Arms sent Messengers to their several Princes and Chiefs That he in Person would have a Friendly Conference with them and that the Meeting might be the more easie They should either advance nearer to Illeberis or he go on further towards Rousillon For as he was ready with Joy to receive them into his Camp so he would make no difficulty to venture himself amongst them since he came a Guest not an Enemy into France and was resolv'd if they would but permit him not to draw a Sword until he was entred Italy This pass'd by Curriers between both Parties but presently after the French Chiefs remov'd towards Illeberis and came willingly enough to Annibal as being before brib'd by his large Presents and so gave him free leave to march his Army through their Territories under the Walls of Rousillon In Italy all this while they had no further News than only that Annibal was pass'd beyond Iberus which tidings was brought to Rome by the Envoys from Marseilles yet as if he had
stand with their pleasure Accordingly by the directions of the Decemvirs it was Ordered First That to Jupiter should be made and consecrated a Golden Thunder-bolt of fifty pound weight worth about One thousand eight hundred pound sterling and the like of Silver to Juno and Minerva besides that to Juno the Queen on Mount Aventine and Juno the Preserveress at Lanuvium Sacrifices of the bigger sort should be offered That the Ladies and Matrons should make a Collection amongst them every one contributing as much as she could for a Gift to the said Juno the Queen and bring it to Mount Aventine and there celebrate a Lectistern nay the very Libertine Lasses or Women that had been Slaves but had got their Freedom were all to bring in their Pence according to their respective Abilities for a Present to Dame Feronia the Goddess of the Woods These matters being dispatch'd the Decemvirs Sacrificed with great Bullocks in the Market-place of Ardea and lastly by directions from the aforesaid Books in the Month of December they made their Offerings in the Temple of Saturn at Rome and a Lectistern was appointed where the Senators themselves officiated and withal a publick Feast celebrated and the Saturnalia or Feasts of five days continuance where the Servants sate at Table and Masters waited in memory of the Liberty men had in Saturns reign were day and night Proclaimed throughout the City and the People commanded to observe and keep that as an Holy-day for ever Whil'st the Consul at Rome is thus busie in appeasing the Gods and making his Levies Annibal quitting his Winter-Quarters and having advice that the Consul Flaminius was already advanc'd to Arretium would needs though he were shewed a better Road but somewhat further about take the nearest way through the Marshes and Fens which happened too at that time to be more than ordinarily overflow'd with the River Arno. In the Van he placed the Spaniards and Africans and all his old beaten Soldiers the Flower and Strength of his Army together with their Baggage That wherever they should be forc'd to stay they might not be to seek for necessaries Next followed the Gauls or French being desirous to keep that sort of People in the middle and the Horse made up the Reregard Mago with the Numidian Light-Horse coming last of all who had orders to keep the Army close in their March and prevent straglers especially the French if any of them wearied with the toil or tediousness of the March as they are a People tender and not able to endure much hardship should either offer to run from their Colours or loiter behind The Van-Guard which way soever their Guides led them pass'd resolutely through thick and thin wading through great Rivers and deep kind of Pits and Quagmires and though they were almost drowned or buried in the mud yet still they followed their Colours But the Gauls if they chanc'd but to slip down they came and when they were down were not able to rise again out of the dirty Sloughs and Holes they had neither courage of mind to support their Bodies nor so much as hopes left to bouy up their Spirits some made a sorry shift to drail along their weak and fainting Limbs others quite overcome with weariness lay down and died amongst the Beasts who also were every where sprawling and ready to expire But that which most of all undid and destroyed them was want of Rest for they had now march'd four days and three nights continually without sleep At last finding all the Country still over-flow'd and no dry ground where they might lie down they piled up their Snapsacks and Baggage on heaps in the Water and laid themselves down thereon and others glad of any thing that appeared above Water made the Bodies of their Horses and Cattel that tumbled down in heaps one upon another serve them a while instead of Beds to get a nap As for Annibal himself who was already troubled with his Eyes occasioned at first by the distemperature of the Spring suddenly varying from great heats to excessive colds he was mounted on an Elephant the only one he had left alive which carryed him high enough out of the Water yet by reason of this over-watching himself and the moist Nights and damps of the Fens stuffing his Head with Rhumes and having no opportunity for remedy by Physick he lost the sight of one of his Eyes irrecoverably Having at last with the loss of many of his Men and Horses got through the Marshes on the first dry ground he came at he pitched his Tents and received advice by his Scouts that the Roman Army continued under the Walls of Arretium Then with the utmost diligence he endeavored to find out the designs and temper of the Consul the situation of the Country which way he march'd what store of Forces and Provisions he had from whence supplyed and all other things necessary to be known As for the Country 't was one of the most fertile in all Italy as being the Champian Fields of Tuscany between Fessulae and Arretium abounding in Corn and Cattel and Riches of all sorts The Consul fierce and proud valuing himself not a little because he had once before born the same Office a Man that as he not much regarded either the Laws or Authority of the Senate so he had paid no great Reverence to Religion or the Gods themselves This rashness of Mind implanted in him by Nature Fortune had cherished and augmented by several Successes both in Civil and Military affairs whence 't was easie to collect that such a person that neither respected Gods nor Men would be apt to act all things violently and hand over head That he might the more be plunged into the ill effects of this complexional rashness and indiscretion the subtle Punick resolves to provoke and exasperate him leaving him therefore on the left hand Annibal marches by Fesulae to Forrage Tuscany and gives him at a distance as dreadful a prospect as possibly he could of the havock and devastation he made by Fire and Sword Flaminius who would not have sate still though the Enemy had been quiet when once he saw the Lands and Goods of his Allies thus harass'd and destroyed as it were just under his Nose thinking it redounded much to his disgrace that the Carthaginians should march thus at their pleasure through the midst of Italy and at this rate might quickly advance even to attack the Walls of Rome whil'st all the rest in the Council of War advised for Safety rather than Bravery That he should wait till the coming up of his Colleague that having joyn'd their Armies they might with united hearts and Councils manage the War and that in the mean time by sending out a Brigade of Horse and Light-arm'd Foot he would give a check to the Enemy and restrain them from this licentious Plundering He in a Passion flung out of the Council and presently gave the Signal both for a March
fought to any purpose they tack'd about and fled and the mouth of the River not being large enough to receive so many of them huddling in all together they run their Vessels on ground any where and the Men some waded others leap'd on shore some with their Arms and some without fled to their own Army which stood drawn up in Battalia on the Strand However in the first On-set two Carthaginian Ships were taken and four sunk The Romans though they saw the Enemy Masters at Land and standing in Battel-array all along the Banks yet they neglected not to pursue their trembling Fleet and as many of the abandoned Ships as had not either broke their Stems on the shore or stuck fast in the Sands by the Keels they tow'd off to Sea and so out of thirty Sail carryed away with them five and twenty Nor was the taking of them so happy a fruit of their Victory as that by this one slight Engagement they were Masters at Sea and had all those Coasts at their devotion therefore they sail'd to Honosca and making a descent upon the Land took that City by storm and plundered it thence set forwards to New Carthage plundered all the adjacent Country and burn'd the Suburbs up to the very Walls and Gates Well laden now with rich Pillage the Fleet came before Loguntica where Annibal had laid up abundance of Cordage for the use of his Navy of which they took away as much as they needed and burnt the rest nor were they content only to coast along the Continent but stood over to the Isle Ebusus and having for two days together assaulted the chief City of that Island when they saw they did but spend time in vain left it pillaged the Country burnt several Villages and got better booty there than on the Main-land Here arrived Ambassadors from the Balearean Isles to Treat with Scipio for Peace After this steering his Course back again to the hither parts of his Province Agents resorted to him on the same Errand from all the People that dwelt along the Iberus and from many in the furthermost parts of Spain so that no less than One hundred and twenty several States or petty Nations did then become absolute Subjects to the Roman Government and gave Hostages for their faithful Obedience By which means the Romans being reinforced at Land made an Expedition as far as the Forrest of Castulo and Asdrubal was glad to retire into Portugal near the Ocean Sea The rest of the Summer was like to be quiet and had proved so for any thing considerable that the Carthaginians did to the contrary But besides that the natural temper of all Spaniards is restless and desirous of new Commotions Mandonius and Indibilis who before was a petty King of the Illergetes after the Romans were retreated from that Forrest towards the Sea-coasts raising their Country-men in Arms fell upon the peaceable Territories of the Romans Allies and plundered them against whom Scipio sent a Detachment of Three thousand with some Auxiliaries lightly arm'd who easily routed them as being but a tumultuary Rabble kill'd many took some and the rest generally fled away without their Arms. This Insurrection drew back Asdrubal that before was marching towards the Ocean to return on this side the Iberus to protect his Confederates The Carthaginians lay encamped in the Lands of the Ilercaonians the Romans near their new Armado when sudden News arriv'd That the War was diverted another way for the Celtiberians who had sent the principal Persons of their Country Ambassadors and Hostages to the Romans being privately excited by a Message from Scipio took Arms and with a formidable Army invaded those parts which remained under the Carthaginian Government stormed three Towns and afterwards bravely Engaging Asdrubal himself in two set Battels kill'd Fifteen thousand of his Men and took Four thousand Prisoners with many Military Standards and Colours The Affairs of Spain were in this posture when P. Scipio arriv'd there being sent by the Senate who had continued his Command after his Consulship expired with thirty long Ships and Eight thousand Soldiers and great store of Provisions which at a distance seem'd a mighty Fleet by reason of the great number of Ships of Burthen that attended him and with no small joy both of the Romans and their Associates was welcom'd into the Port at Tarracon where Scipio landing his Army joined his Brother and thenceforwards by united Councils and with one accord managed the War Therefore whil'st the Carthaginians had their hands full of the Celtiberian War without any delay they pass'd the Iberus and not finding any Enemy to oppose them march'd directly for Saguntum because 't was reported that the Hostages of all Spain delivered into the custody of Annibal were kept there in the Castle but with a small Guard about them That was the only Pledge which kept all the Cities of Spain in awe for though they were inclinable enough to enter into League with the Romans yet they durst not do it for fear it should cost them the Lives of their Children But they were all eased of those apprehensions by the crafty rather than faithful Counsel of one Abelox a Spanish Noble-man at Saguntum that had hitherto join'd with and been very trusty to the Carthaginians but now as 't is the nature for the most part of these Barbarians with this change of Fortune he resolv'd to shift his Party and considering that if he should fly to the Enemy without having done them some signal Service they would not much esteem the accession of his Person but look upon him as infamous and of no regard and therefore applyed his mind to get these Hostages at liberty as the greatest favor he could possibly do his Country-men and the readiest means to bring over their chief Men to take part with the Romans But well he knew that without warrant from Bostar Governor of the Castle those that had the custody of the Hostages would do nothing he begins therefore to wheedle with Bostar himself who at that time lay without the City by the Sea-side to prevent the Romans from entring the Haven After he had taken him aside in private Discourse he represents to him the present state of Affairs That it was only fear that had hitherto kept the Spaniards quiet and in obedience because the Romans were too far off to assist or protect them But now the Roman Army being advanced on this side the Iberus will be a sure refuge and ready to back them on in any Insurrection and therefore seeing they could no longer be retained by fear it would be the best way to secure their Affections by kindness and some signal favor Bostar in some admiration demanding What Obligation was it possible for him now all of a sudden to lay upon them that might be effectual for such a purpose Why quoth the other send home the Hostages to their respective Cities This will be a most welcome Courtesie both to
Note to give it Credit and Authority At length one stept up publickly to promote it viz. C. Terentius Varro who the Year before had been Praetor a person not only of a mean but sordid Extraction for his Father 't is said was a Butcher and kept a Stall and train'd up this Son of his in the same servile Occupation This Varro being a young Man and having a pretty Estate left by his Father scrap'd together by the aforesaid Trade it raised his mind to hopes of a more liberal Fortune and that he might live like a Gentleman he became a kind of Solicitor or Splitter of Causes got him a Gown and haunted the Publick Assemblies and Courts of Judicature where by Declaiming for vile Persons and worse Causes and bespattering the good name of honest Citizens and Men of Repute he soon became the Oracle of the Rabble and mounted himself into Preferment Having been Chamberlain of the City and born both Aedileships as well that of the Chair as that of the Commons and at length gone through the Office of Praetor he now began to aspire to the Consulship and in order thereunto did craftily endeavor to insinuate himself into Popular favor by means of that ill-conceit which they generally had of the Dictator and so was the only man in Vogue with the Mobile for every Body friends and foes as well those at Rome as the Army except it were only the Dictator himself concluded the passing that Bill would redound to his disgrace and reproach But Fabius with the same gravity and even temper of mind as he had received the Clamors of his Enemies bawling against him to the Crowd entertain'd this Injustice of the Commons and having on his Journey received Letters importing the Decree of the Senate for dividing his Authority equally with the General of the Cavalry being satisfied That though they had parted his Power they could not diminish his skill and sufficiency in Conduct nor communicate any share thereof to the other returned to his Army with a Soul not to be conquered either by the Ingratitude of his own Citizens or the Power of the Enemy But Minucius who before was grown almost intolerable what with his petty success and the favor of the Populace began now to hector and rant beyond all bounds of modesty boasting no less that he conquered Fabius than that he had worsted Annibal That very Fabius who in a time of distress says he was sought out as the only fit match for Annibal is now by an Ordinance of the People a thing never before heard of in any Chronicle equaliz'd with my self the greater with the lesser the Dictator with the Master of the Horse and this too in that City where Generals of the Horse were wont to dread and tremble at the Dictators Rods and Axes so Illustrious is my Valor and Success become in all Mens eyes I will therefore henceforwards follow the auspicious conduct of my own Fortune if the Dictator shall still persist in his wonted sloth and cowardize already condemned by the Verdict both of Gods and Men. Accordingly the first day that he and Fabius met together he told him That in the first place it would be necessary they should agree after what manner they should exercise this equal Authority and Command For his part he thought it best That every other day or after what longer Interval should be concluded on each of them should alternately one after the other have the full whole and sole Command of all the Forces That if any occasion of Fighting were presented there might be one ready equal not only in Counsel but also in numbers and strength to engage the Enemy This did not at all please Fabius as fore-seeing that whatever his rash Colleague should have the dispose of would certainly be at the arbitrament of Fortune Therefore he replyed That he was indeed to impart unto him an equal Government and Command but not wholly to depart from or at any time exclude himself from the same That he should never be willing to fail in managing such part of Affairs as was still intrusted with him according to the maximes of Prudence and therefore would not divide days or times with him but the Armies and since he was not permitted to save all would endeavor to preserve as much as he could by those wary Counsels which he had hitherto practised and found no cause to repent of Thus he prevailed that they divided the Legions between them as Consuls are wont to do The first Legion and the fourth happened to Minucius's Lot the second and third to Fabius after the same manner they shared by equal numbers the Horse and Auxiliary Forces of the Allies Moreover Minucius would needs have them separated in several distinct Camps As Annibal by Renegades and his own Spies had continual notice of all that pass'd in the Enemies Army so upon this Intelligence he hugg'd himself as conceiving a two-fold occasion of Joy for first he doubted not but he should deal well enough with the lavish temerity of Minucius and fit him in his own kind And as for the politick Fabius he was now deprived of half his strength There happened to be an Hill between the Carthaginian and Minucius's Camp and there was no doubt but he that could gain it first would have a notable advantage of the Ground yet was not Annibal so desirous only to seize it without resistance though that were well worth while as thereby to draw on Minucius to a Battel who he knew would be forward enough to encounter him The Plain that lay betwixt that and Minucius at first sight seem'd altogether unfit for stratagems so far from being Woody that there was not a Bush or a Bramble growing on it but indeed it was naturally framed for an Ambuscade the rather because in so naked and open a Valley no such matter could be expected yet there were in certain nooks and by-places several hollow Rocks or Caves under ground some of which would receive Two hundred Armed men apiece In these Coverts he in the Night plants Five thousand Horse and Foot as many as each hole would contain and hide out of sight and lest any of them starting out unadvisedly or the glittering of their Armor should in so open a Plain discover the trick as soon as 't was light he sent out a small Party to seize the aforesaid Hill and thereby diverted the Enemies eyes another way The Romans no sooner saw them but contemning such a small sorry company every one was eager to be at them and chase them thence and their Ceneral Minucius was as hot as the fiercest to call them to their Arms to regain the place with no little vanity braving and threatning the Enemy First he sent out his Light-harness'd men to skirmish then his Horse in a close Body at last seeing continual Reliefs sent to the Enemy he marches forth with all his Legions in Battel array Annibal too as from time
went to Annibal and concluded a Peace with him on the Conditions following That no Carthaginian General or Magistrate should have jurisdiction over any Campanian Citizen nor should any Campanian be compell'd to take Arms or serve any Office without his consent That Capua should enjoy its old Laws and Magistrates that Annibal should bestow on them three hundred of the Roman Prisoners such as they should chuse to the end they might exchange them for the three hundred Campanian Horse that were in the Romans Service in Sicily These were the terms agreed on but the Campanians beyond their Agreement committed several Outrages particularly the rabble seiz'd upon the Captains of several associate Troops and other Roman Citizens residing there either in some military imployment or concern'd in other private affairs of their own and under pretence of securing them clapt them into the Hot-Houses where with the heat and noxious vapours they were stisted to death in an inhumane manner To prevent both this Cruelty and their making any Overtures at all to Annibal one Decius Magius used his utmost endeavours a man that well deserv'd the highest Authority and would have had it too if he had liv'd amongst people of judgment and discretion but when notwithstanding all his Remonstrances he heard a Garison was to be sent thither from Annibal he laid before them the insolent Tyranny of Pyrrhus and the wretched condition of the Tarentines as Precedents sufficient to give them warning He ceased not to cry out aloud in all places and Companies First That they should not admit any such Garison within their Walls and afterwards when they had received them was as urgent to have them turn'd out again or rather he told them if they would by a brave and memorable exploit at one for the baseness of revolting from their most ancient Allies and Kinsfolks they should fall upon these Carthaginian Troops and cut every man of them off and so restore themselves to the Romans protection These Discourses of his being related to Annibal for they were not spoken in hugger mugger he first summon'd Magius to appear before him in the Camp but when he stoutly denied to go alledging that even by their late Articles it was expresly capitulated That Annibal should have no jurisdiction over any Citizen of Capua the Punick was so enrag'd that he commanded him to be seiz'd and dragg'd unto him in Chains but upon cooler thoughts lest by offering such violence a tumult should arise and in heat of blood some mischief happen he resolv'd to be present in person and sending notice to Marius Blosius the Praetor of Capua that he would be there next day sets forwards from his Camp with a small guard Marius having assembled the people made Proclamation that they should be all ready with their Wives and Children in a full body and solemn Order to meet Annibal upon the way and welcome him to their City which was not only obediently but zealously perform'd by them all both for the fancy the common people always love to be busy and especially for the desire they had to see that famous Warriour of whom they had heard so much only Marius for his part would not stir a foot to meet him nor on the other side would he keep himself private lest he might seem to be afraid or conscious of guilt but with his Son and a few of his Friends and Dependents walkt up and down the Market place as unconcern'd whilst the whole Town was in an hurry to entertain and gaze at this strange Guest Annibal as soon as he came into the City desired the Senate might forthwith be Assembled but the principal Capuans beseeching his Excellency not to trouble himself that day with any serious affairs but that as by his presence he had made it an Holy Day so he would be pleased to celebrate it as such and partake with them in their universal Joys he was prevail'd with contrary to his natural hasty temper to defer it because he would not at his first coming seem to deny them any thing and accordingly spent most of that day in viewing the City He and his whole Train were entertain'd and lodged by the Manii Celeres and at the House of Stenius Pacuvius two of the most eminent Families both for Nobility and Riches in the City Pacuvius Calavius whom we mentioned of late being the chief of that Faction which brought over the people to the Carthaginian Interest going to the Generals Quarters carried with him his Son a young Gentleman whom he was forc'd almost by violence to pluck away from Decius's Company for he was always of his Party and most stifly opposed the League with Annibal nor could the inclinations of the whole City running the other way or the reverence he had for his Father alter his resolutions therein The Father by begging pardon for this youth rather than by excusing him endeavour'd to reconcile him to Annibal's favour and with his intreaties and tears prevail'd so far that he order'd him to be invited together with his Father to Supper at which he admitted none but they and his Landlord that gave the Entertainment and one Jubellius Jaurea a man renowned for his services in War They began their Banquet by Day-light and were treated not after the niggardly Punick mode or with the strict diet of a Camp but as magnificently regal'd as could be expected in a City and a Family long inur'd to the choicest varieties of dainty Dishes and abundance of voluptuous superfluity Only Perolla Pacuvius's Son alone was melancholly and could not be prevail'd with to be brisk and jocund though the Masters of the Feast and sometimes Annibal himself invited him to be merry and when his Father inquir'd the cause of these strange dumps and trouble of mind he excus'd it by alledging he was not well but about Sun-set Calavius going out of the room where they supp'd his Son followed him and when they were come to a place of privacy a Garden it was on the backside of the House I have says he a contrivance in my head whereby we may not only obtain the Romans Pardon for our offence in revolting to Annibal but the same will render us Campanians in greater honour and favour with them than ever we were The Father with Admiration demanding what this contrivance might be the young man slinging back his Gown shows him a Sword by his side This quoth he is it I will seal and ratify our League with the Romans with Annibals Blood But I was willing to let you know it first that if you had rather be absent whilst the brave act is doing you may take your opportunity The old man as if he had already been present at the Tragedy was almost out of his Wits For Heavens sake my Son and by all those sacred Tyes that oblige Children to their Parents I beg and conjure you That you will not before your Fathers Eyes do or suffer such an execrable piece of
above all the rest there was one L. Bantius who having before been in the Conspiracy and consequently fearing the Roman Praetor was always contriving either to betray the Town or else to run away to the Enemy A stout young man he was and one of the bravest Cavaliers of all the Romans Confederates who being found half dead amongst the heaps of the slain at Cannae Annibal not only took care to have his wounds cured but also sent him home with very bountiful gifts in gratitude for which favours he was willing to yield up Nola into his hands and the Praetor having an Eye upon him plainly perceiv'd that his head was at work by all means to compass that alteration Now there were but two ways to deal with him either to cut him off by rigour or win him by Courtesy and he thought it a better course to gain unto himself so brave and valiant a Friend than only to deprive the Enemy of him Therefore sending for him he thus kindly accosts him I cannot but judge that you have many amongst your Fellow Citizens that envy you since no one man of your Town hath all this while given me an account of your Character and those gallant military Exploits you have done but 't is not possible any mans merit that serves under the Romans should long lye obscure or unrewarded several that were your Fellow Souldiers have of late inform'd me what a stout Gentleman you are how often and how bravely you have hazarded your Life for the honour and safety of the people of Rome and particularly how in the Battel of Cannae you gave not over fighting till having scarce any blood left you were beat down by the heaps of Men Horses and Arms tumbling upon you Therefore I applaud and wish all success to your valour which from me shall never want either Honour or Reward and the oftner you visit me you shall find it shall be the more for your dignity and profit and withal besides these fair promises gave him an excellent Horse and ordered the Treasurer to tell him out five hundred Bigats of Silver between fifteen and sixteen pound sterling and likewise commanded the Lictors to admit him to his presence without any waiting whenever he came to speak with him These Civilities of Marcellus did so charm the mind of this haughty young Gentleman that thence forwards of all their Associates no one did more strenuously or faithfully promote the Roman Interest Annibal having again removed his Camp from Nuceria to Nola Marcellus upon their approach withdrew his Army into the Town not that he was afraid to keep the Field but to prevent any opportunity of betraying the City seeing too many of the Inhabitants inclinable thereunto After this they began on both sides to arrange their Forces and face each other the Romans under the Walls of Nola the Carthaginians before their own Entrenchments thus there happen'd several Skirmishes between the City and the Camp with various success For the Generals neither hindred small parties that were eager to fight nor yet would give the signal for a general Battel whilst thus the two Armies were continually upon their Guard Marcellus was advertiz'd by the chief Nobles of Nola That there were secret correspondencies held by night between some of the inferiour Townsmen and the Carthaginians who had agreed That when the Romans were march'd out of the Gates they should seize their Baggage and Carriages and shut the Gates upon them and secure the Walls that being Masters both of their Goods and of the City they would let in the Carthaginians instead of the Romans Upon this advice Marcellus having thankt the Senators that gave it resolv'd before any mutiny should happen in the City to hazard the Fortune of a Battel At the three Gates that fronted the Enemy he drew up his Army in three distinct Bodies giving order that the Carriages should follow and the Lackies Snapsack Boys and weak or sick Souldiers to carry Palizado's for the Rampire At the middle Gate he placed the choicest of the Roman Legions and Horse at the other two the new-raiz'd men and those lightly arm'd together with the Auxiliary Horse The Townsmen were commanded not to come near the Walls or Gates and sufficient Guards appointed to the Carriages and Baggage to prevent any surprize thus prepared they stood within the Gates Annibal who stood in Battalia most part of the day as he had done several dayes before wondred greatly at first that neither the Roman Army came out nor any one in Arms appeared on the Walls but at last concluding his correspondence was discovered and that for meer fear they were thus still and quiet sends back part of his Forces into their Camp with order to bring out all the Artillery necessary for the storming the Town not doubting but if he assaulted them briskly the people within would quickly raise some tumult But anon when his Souldiers were all in a hurry every man about his charge in the Front and he was just advancing to storm the Walls on a sudden one of the Gates flew open Marcellus sounds a charge his men set up a shout and first the Foot and after them the Horse issue and charge the Enemy with all the violence imaginable By that time they had sufficiently terrified and disorder'd their main Body P. Valerius Flaccus and C. Aurelius two Lieutenant Generals issued forth at the other two Gates upon their Flanks and Wings The Snapsack-Boys Attendants and other multitude set to Guard the Baggage shouted and hallow'd as fast as the best of them so that whereas the Carthaginians before despised them especially for the smallness of their numbers they now fancied them to be a mighty Army I dare not indeed affirm what some Authors write That of the Enemy there were two thousand three hundred slain and but one man lost on the Romans side but be the Victory greater or less it was an excellent piece of service at this Juncture and I think I may say of the greatest consequence of any thing acted in all that War For at that time of day it was a more difficult matter for the Romans that had been of late so often baffled not to be overcome by Annibal than afterwards to overcome him Annibal seeing no hopes of making himself Master of Nola retreated to Acerrae Marcellus in the mean time causing the Gates of Nola to be shut and Guards set that none should pass forth sat judicially in the Market place to examine those that had held private Conference with the Enemy of whom above seventy being found guilty were Beheaded their Goods sold and the Money delivered to the Senate then marching away with his Army above Suessula he Encamp'd himself The Punick endeavour'd first to draw the Acerrans to a voluntary Surrender but finding them obstinate begins to besiege and storm the Town whose Inhabitants had more Stomach than Courage and therefore despairing to defend themselves as soon as they saw
prefer the Carthaginians Friendship before that of the Romans That if both Consuls with their Armies were at Nola they would be no more a match for Annibal than they were at Cannae and how vain was it then to think that one Praetor with but a few raw Souldiers could secure them That it would more concern them than Annibal whether the Town were his by Surrender or by Storm for his it would certainly be as well as Capua and Nuceria but what odds there was between the Fortune of the former and latter of those places they who lay almost in the middle between them both could not be ignorant That he not for Omens-sake mention the consequences if they were subdued by assault but this he could promise them that if they would yield up the Town and Garrison no other should prescribe the terms of the League between them and Annibal but themselves To this Herennius Bassus answer'd That there had now for many years been an Alliance and firm Friendship between the people of Rome and the Nolans of which neither of them to this very day had any cause to repent and that for their own part if they had been inclinable to change sides and make their Faith follow the measures of Fortune yet the same was now too late for had they intended to yield to Annibal it should have been before they had call'd in a Roman Garrison with whom now they communicated all Councils and lookt upon them to have as much interest in the City as themselves and therefore resolv'd to run all hazards with those who were come thither for their protection This Conference dasht Annibals hopes of gaining Nola by Treachery therefore encompasses it round with his Forces that he might at once storm it in all parts But Marcellus having drawn up his Forces within the Gate when he saw they came up near the Wall sallies out with a mighty shout At the first Charge some of the Enemy were beat back and cut off but afterwards drawing together from all parts a most fierce Fight began with equal Forces and undoubtedly it might have prov'd memorable at the first rate had not a violent storm of rain parted them so that after a short bout serving only to whet their Courage on both sides they were forced to retreat the Romans into the City and the Punicks to their Camp of the latter there were not above thirty slain and most of them at the first irruption The Romans lost not a man The rain continuing all that night and part of the next day kept them though eager on both sides to decide the matter within their Works On the day following Annibal sent part of his Forces to Forage the adjacent Country belonging to the Town which as soon as Marcellus understood he drew out of the City and offer'd Battel nor did Annibal refuse it There was about a Mile between the City and the Camp on which they fought for all the Country round about Nola consists of open Champain Ground The shout set up by both sides caused the nearest of these Troops that were sent a plundering to return and share in the Battel The Nolans offer'd themselves to augment the Roman Army but Marcellus applauding their forwardness order'd them to remain for a Reserve and carry off the wounded men but forbear Engaging unless he gave them a Signal The Fight was doubtful the Generals Encouraging their men as much as 't was possible and the Souldiers came on as resolutely Marcellus bids his Troops Charge home the Enemy the very same Enemy whom they worsted but the other day and but a while ago made run at Cumes and who he himself though then General of another Army had last year beaten from before this City Nola that at present part of them were absent a plundering in the Country and for those that were here they were effeminated by Campanian Luxury having been rioting a whole Winter together with Wine and Wenches and all kind of Debauchery That their former strength and vigour was gone those stout able Bodies and couragious minds decay'd with which they pass'd the Pyrenaean Hills and overcame the steep Cliffs of the Alps These are but the Reliques the outward Images of those brave Fellows so degenerate so enfeebled that they can scarce support their Arms or with fainting Limbs wield their Weapons That Capua had been no less fatal to Annibal than Cannae to the Romans There his Warlike Courage was smother'd there his Military Discipline lost there the glory of his past actions buried and all his hopes blasted for the future Whilst Marcellus to raise his own mens Courage upbraided thus the Enemy Annibal himself reproach'd them with yet more bitter reflections I acknowledge says he the same Arms and the same Standards which I saw and had with me at Trebia at Thrasymenus and last of all at Cannae but I must avow that I brought not the same Souldiers out of Capua that I carried in to Winter there What Do you now make a great business on 't to Encounter a Roman Lieutenant and hardly sustain the Charge of one Legion and petty Squadron when two whole Consulary Armies were never wont to stand before you Can you with any patience endure that Marcellus with a few raw new-rais'd Forces and Nolan Auxiliaries should thus a second time brave and challenge us to a Battel Where is that Souldier of mine who unhors'd the Consul Flaminius and cut off his Head Where 's that brave Fellow that nail'd their other Consul L. Paulus to the ground at Cannae Are your Swords blunted Or are your strong Nerves cramp'd and your right hands benum'd or Palsy struck Or what other Prodigy hath befaln you You that though much inferiour in numbers have always been wont to cut to pieces multitudes will you now yoâ— are much the more numerous suffer your selves to be baffled by a few You bounc'd and talk'd high how you would storm the Walls of Rome it self if any would but lead you on see now a lesser piece of service before you here would I first make trial of your strength and Courage Go on make your selves Masters of this Nola a Town situate in an open Plain defended neither by Sea nor River and when you have loaded your selves with the spoils of that opulent City I will from thence lead you whithersoever you please or else follow you But neither his Reproaches nor his Encouragements could raise their Spirits for being every where beat back and giving ground and the Romans therewith the more animated as well as with the Exhortations of their General and the shouts of their Friends the Nolans the Carthaginians in fine betook them to their Heels and were beat into their Camp Which the Roman Souldiers would fain have presently attacqu'd but Marcellus thought it more fit to sound a Retreat and brought them back to Nola where they were receiv'd with great Joy and the Congratulations even of the Commons who before were more
should presently be a League concluded on terms indifferent for both Parties But that promise was not very well perform'd because Amilcar charg'd them with having fraudulently dismiss'd and suffer'd the Romans to escape which the Locrians endeavour'd to excuse by alledging that they ran away and they could not help it And a Party of Horse was sent to pursue them if by chance either the Tide might cause any of the Vessels to stay in the Current of the streight or drive them on shore but though they did not overtake them yet they had sight of other Ships crossing from Messina to Rhegium being Roman Forces sent by Claudius the Praetor to secure that City with a Garrison whereupon the Enemy presently withdrew from before Rhegium The Terms allow'd the Locrians by Annibal's Command were these That they should live under their own Laws and Customs That the City should be free for the Carthaginians to come into but the Locrians should have the Command of the Port and on either side they should mutually assist each other both in Peace and War So the Carthaginians retired from the Streights the Bruttians being much discontented that they had left untoucht Rhegium and Locri both which Cities they design'd to have had the plunder of Therefore soon after they by themselves arm fifteen thousand of their own men and march to assault Croton which was also a City inhabited by Greeks and a Sea-Port imagining they should not a little encrease their wealth and power by being Masters of a well-fortified City so conveniently situate on the Sea-side But still they were pinch'd with a shrewd Dilemma if they did not invite the Carthaginians to join with them in this Expedition it might be counted an affront and breach of the social League between them If they did and they should again act the part rather of Arbitrators of Peace than Assistants in the War then they should fight against the Liberty of the Crotonians as they had done against the Locrians to no purpose and get nothing for their pains Therefore the best expedient they thought was to send Agents to Annibal and obtain his promise that Croton when taken should belong to the Bruttii But Annibal told them That those present on the place could best advise of that matter and referr'd them to Hanno who never would give them any positive Answer for neither were they willing that so noble and rich a City should be plunder'd and on the other side thought that the Crotonians when attacqu'd by the Bruttians seeing that the Carthaginians neither approv'd nor assisted the same might so much the sooner of their own accord revolt to them and desire the Punick assistance Nor were the people of Croton all of a mind for one and the same Disease had infected almost all the Cities of Italy and set the Nobles and the Commons at variance the Senate favouring the Romans and the Populace the Carthaginians This dissention within the City the Bruttians were made acquainted with by a Renegade That Aristomachus was the head of the popular Faction and a great stickler for yielding the City to Annibal That the City being so very vast and the Walls in several places ruinous the Guards and Watches of the Senators and those of the Commons were set at the respective breaches many times a great distance from each other and whereever the Commoners were upon duty they might enter without resistance Upon this Intelligence and with the guidance of this Fugitive the Bruttii environ'd the City round about and being let in by the Commons at the first assault became Masters of the whole City except the Castle which the Nobles held in their own hands and had well-stor'd it with all Provisions for a refuge for themselves in any such surprize Aristomachus fled thither as well as the rest as having been the Adviser to surrender the Town to the Carthaginians not to the Bruttians The Wall of this City Croton before the coming of Pyrrhus into Italy contain'd twelve Miles in compass but after the desolation made by that War scarce one half part of it was inhabited the River that formerly ran through the middle of the Town flow'd now at a great distance from any of the Streets and the Castle stood far from any Houses Six Miles from this City was a noble Temple more famous than the City it self dedicated to Juno Lacinia frequented with great Devotion by all the neighbouring Nations There was a sacred Grove enclosed with a thick under-Wood and losty Fir-Trees in the midst of it were gallant delicate Pastures wherein were fed Beasts consecrated to the Goddess of all sorts without any Keeper for as they went out to feed each kind by themselves so at night they came home every one to his Stall or Pinfold secure from any harm either by the way-layings of wild Beasts or being stoln by men great encrease therefore and profit was made by these Cattel insomuch that out of that Income a solid Pillar of gold was made and consecrated and the Temple renowned for its riches as well as its sanctity And as generally to such notable places are ascrib'd some Miracles or other the story goes That in the very Threshold of this Temple there was an Altar the ashes on which no Wind though ever so high or boisterous could blow away or so much as stir As for the Castle of Croton on the one side it stands on the Sea on the other it looks towards the Fields in old time defended only by the natural advantages of its scituation afterwards fortified with a Wall on that part where Dionysius the Tyrant of Sicily having gain'd the Cliffs behind surpriz'd and took it This Fortress strong enough as they thought to secure them was held by the Nobles as aforesaid besieg'd not only by the Bruttians but their own people too Who at last finding the same impregnable against their Forces were forc'd by necessity to desire Hanno's assistance but he endeavouring to draw them to a surrender upon Terms offers them a Colony of the Bruttii to be planted amongst them and so fill up their City again to its antient frequency of Inhabitants to which not a man would in the least hearken except it were only Aristomachus all the rest affirming That they would sooner die than being mixt with the Bruttians degenerate into Foreign Rites Manners and Laws and in time into a strange barbarous Language Aristomachus alone seeing he could neither prevail with them to surrender nor yet had any opportunity to betray the Castle as he had done the City fled away to Hanno Soon after this Embassadours from Locri by Hanno's permission came up to the Castle and were admitted in who perswaded the Gentlemen there to transport themselves to Locri rather than hazard the last Extremities to which purpose if they pleas'd to accept it they had already obtained for them Annibals pass by Embassadours sent to him on that very Errand So all the persons of note of
by the overflowing of the River Mincius appear'd all Blood That at Cales it rain'd Chalk and Blood at Rome in the Beast-market That in the street call'd Istricus a Spring under ground broke forth with so much violence that as if it had been the Torrent of a great River it carried away several Pipes and Hogsheads that were in the place That the roof of the Capitol the Temple of Vulcan in Mars 's Field a Nut-Tree in the Sabines Country the high street the Wall and a Gate at Gabii were all blasted with Lightning and Fire from Heaven And by and by other strange wonders were buzz'd abroad as that the spear of Mars at Preneste moved it self of its own accord That a Bullock spoke in Sicily and a Child in its Mother Belly in the Marrucines Country was heard to Cry Io Triumphe That at Spoleto a Woman was turn'd into a Man At Hadria there appear'd an Altar in the Sky and the shapes of men in white Garments round about it And at Rome it self there was a swarm of Bees seen the second time in the Market-place some people affirming that they discovered armed Legions on the Hill Janiculum put all the City into an Alarm but when they came thither there was no body to be seen but the usual Inhabitants These Prodigies by directions from the Soothsayers were expiated with the greater Sacrifices and solemn supplications were enjoin'd to be made to all the Gods that had Shrines at Rome After all Complements perform'd that were requisite to appease and pacify the anger of the Gods the Consuls consulted the Senate touching affairs of State and the management of the War and with what Forces and where to be employed The result was That there should be in all eighteen Legions whereof each Consul was to have two the Provinces of Gaul Sicily and Sardinia were to be guarded with two more apiece Q. Fabius the Praetor Lord Deputy of Apulia was to have two for the security of that Province and T. Gracchus to command two more at Luceria That C. Terentius the Proconsul should have one Legion in the Picene Country and M Valerius another for the Navy about Brundusium and the other two to remain at Rome for the Guard of the City To compleat this number six intire Legions were to be new raised and the Consuls were order'd to muster them with all Expedition and to get ready the Fleet that with those Ships that lay on the Coasts of Calabria there might this year be set forth in all a hundred and fifty Sail. The Levies being compleated and the Navy Equip'd Q. Fabius held the Election of Censors and those Created were M. Atilius Regulus and P. Furius Philus The rumour still encreasing that Sicily was in Rebellion T. Otacilius was Order'd thither with the Fleet and Seamen being wanting the Consuls by a Decree of the Senate publisht an Edict That all such as in the time of the Censorship of L. Aemilius and C. Flaminius were themselves or their Fathers rated to be worth fifty thousand Asses or upwards to an hundred thousand or who afterwards was grown to that Estate should find one Mariner and six months pay Those that were worth above a hundred thousand Asses unto three hundred thousand three Mariners and a years pay Whoever were valued in the Censors Book between three hundred thousand and a Million five Mariners those above a Million seven and every Senator eight Seamen and a years wages By this Proclamation Seamen were supplied arm'd and every way provided for by their Masters and so were put on Board having thirty days Victuals prepared before hand This was the first time the Roman Navy was man'd at the charge of particular persons These preparations greater than usual startled the Neighbour Nations especially the people of Capua lest the Romans should begin that years Campagn with the Siege of that City Therefore they sent Agents to Annibal requesting That he would advance nearer to Capua for new Forces were rais'd at Rome to attacque that place the Romans being much more enrag'd at their Revolt than at the defection of any other people And forasmuch as this Message was delivered in such fear Annibal thought it necessary to use all Expedition lest the Romans should get thither before him therefore dislodg'd from Arpi and Encamp'd at his old Quarters at Tifata above Capua where leaving the Numidians and Spaniards both to Guard their own Camp and that City he went down with the rest of his Army to the Lake Avernus on pretence of a solemn Sacrifice he had vowed to celebrate there but in truth to tamper with and sollicite the Town of Puteoli and the Garrison there to Revolt to him Maximus upon advice that Annibal was gone from Arpi back into Campania rode day and night till he came to his Army and order'd Ti. Gracchus to advance with the Forces under his Command from Luceria to Beneventum and that Q Fabius the Praetor who was the Consuls Son should succeed him at Luceria Two Praetors were at once dispatcht into Sicily P. Cornelius to Command the Army and Otacilius as Admiral at Sea All others hastned to their several Charges and those that were continued in Commands kept the same Provinces as last year Whilst Annibal was at the Avern Lake five young Noblemen came to him from Tarentum who had been formerly his Prisoners some taken at Thrasymenus others at Cannae and being releas'd with that usual Clemency wherewith he treated all the Romans Allies they to requite his Civilities bring him word That they had so influenc'd most of the youth of Tarentum that they were much more for joining with him than with the Romans and that they were sent on purpose to desire him to draw his Forces that way That as soon as his Standards should appear as soon as his Camp should be seen from the Walls of Tarentum that City would immediately be surrendred into his hands For the young Fry could do what they list with the Commons and the Commons rul'd all at Tarentum Annibal return'd them thanks and abundance of large Promises and wisht them to go home and promote and prepare this design for in convenient time he would be with them and so they were dismiss'd He was mighty desirous to make himself Master of Tarentum for he saw that it was not only a noble and rich City but also situate on the Seaside and a most convenient Port over against Macedonia for his Confederate King Philip to land at if he came over into Italy since the Romans were in possession of Brundusium As soon as he had perform'd his Sacrifice and during his stay there forrag'd all the Cumane Territories as far as Cape Misenum on a sudden he turn'd his Army upon Puteoli to surprize that Garrison which consisting of six thousand men and the place strong by Nature and much improv'd by Art after three days assault on all sides in vain he quitted the same and set his Army to plunder
the Haven listning to know what heart the contrary Faction were in that favour'd the Romans those vain but specious rumours were much more credited than before insomuch that at first the multitude ran down tumultuously to keep them off from Landing In this disturbance it was thought fit to summon the People to a general Assembly where one being for one side and another for the contrary they were like to fall together by the ears amongst themselves till Apollonides a Person of the first Quality made a very wholesom and seasonable Speech to this purpose That never was there any City so near beset with hopes of Safety and fears of undoubted Ruine whereas if they would but be all of a mind and join either with the Romans or with the Carthaginians no City could be more fortunate and secure but if they continued thus distracted some for one some for another the Wars between the Punicks and Romans would not be more fierce than the feuds shortly between the Syracusians themselves where within the same Walls each Party are like to have their Forces and their Arms and their distinct Leaders and Captains Therefore the great business was to bring all to be of the same mind and unanimously close with one of these potent Nations for which of them it was best to accept of was a consideration nothing so important though yet he did conceive in making choice of Allies it would be better to follow the Authority of Hiero than of Hieronymus and safer to prefer a Friendship which they had happily tryed for fifty years before that which at present was unknown and heretofore had proved unfaithful That moreover it was a thing not a little to be regarded in this Debate That they might with fair words so decline making a Peace with the Carthaginians that yet they need not presently be at Wars with them whereas they must immediately conclude a Peace with the Romans or make ready to fight them This Spâ—ech carried with it the more authority in that it seemed not at all to proceed from self-Inâ—erest or Faction Besides the Advice of the Praetors and Senate the Martial men and chief Commanders were consulted with upon this Affair and after it had been long bandied to and fro with great heats and earnestness finding themselves not in a posture able to wage War with the Romans they thought it best to make Peace with them and sent Embassadours to ratifie the same Not many days after the Leontines sent to desire a Garrison which seemed a good opportunity to discharge Syracuse of her tumultuous Souldiery and dispatch their factious Leaders thither out of the way Hippocrates the Praetor was commanded to march thither with the Renegades and so many of the mercenary Auxiliaries followed him as made up four thousand men This Expedition was very pleasing both to the Senders and those sent for hereby the latter thought they should have the opportunity which they had long desired to make some Insurrection and the former reckon'd they had purged their City of a dangerous mass of ill humours But like Empericks they had only given ease for the present to the sick body of the State which soon after relapsed into a more dangerous distemper for Hippocrates first began to make Inroads by stealth into the Borders of the Roman Province and afterwards when Appius had sent a Garrison to secure his Allies fell upon that Guard with all his Forces and kill'd many of them Of which Marcellus having Advice presently dispatch'd Envoys to Syracuse to expostulate upon this violation of the League and roundly to tell them That there would never be wanting some occasions or other of quarrel until Hippocrates and Epicides were not only remov'd from Syracuse but banish'd Sicily Epicides also fearing lest if he staid he might be question'd for his Brothers Crime or that he might not be wanting for his own part in stirring up a new War got away into the Leontines Country and finding them forward enough against the Romans blew the coals and alienated their affections from the Syracusians by suggesting That they had capitulated in their League with the Romans That all those Nations and People that had been under the Kings shouâ—d still remain under the Dominion of their State so that they were not now content with their own liberty but would needs be domineering over others Therefore it was but fit to send them word that the Leontines thought it reasonable to enjoy their own freedoms both in regard the Tyrant was cut off within their City and that the first Cry for Liberty began there and thence proceeded to Syracuse Therefore that Clause ought to be expunged the League or a Peace not at all to be accepted on such Conditions The Mobile was easily perswaded so that when Commissioners from Syracuse complain'd to them of the killing the Roman Guard and also commanded Hippocrates and Epicides to be gone either to Locri or where else they pleas'd so they left Sicily A stout Answer was return'd That they neither gave the Syracusians Commission to treat with the Romans in their Names nor did they think themselves oblig'd by Leagues of other peoples making The Syracusians gave the Romans an Account hereof and disown'd the Leontines to be their Subjects therefore notwithstanding the League the Romans might carve out their own satisfaction upon them and they would assist them in the War provided when they were reduc'd they might be under their Government according to the Articles of the Peace Marcellus advanc'd with his whole Army against the Leontines sending also for Appius to fall upon them on the other side and so enrag'd were the Souldiers for their Comrades being basely kill'd on the Guard whilst they were on Terms of Peace that at the first Attacque they made themselves Masters of the City Hippocrates and Epicides seeing the Walls mounted and the Gates broke open betook themselves with some few others to the Fort and from thence in the night escap'd to Herbesus The Syracusians who march'd out from home eight thousand strong being come as far as the River Myla met a Messenger who acquainted them That the City was taken but mixing several Lyes with that Truth added That Souldiers and Inhabitants were promiscuously put to the Sword and he believ'd there was not one of any competent years left alive That the City was plunder'd and the Estates of all the Rich men given away At this grievous News the Army made an Halt and being much troubled the Generals who were Sosis and Dinomenes call'd a Council of War to consider what was to be done That which gave this false story some colour was the Execution of Renegades for there were scourged and beheaded near two thousand Fugitives retaken in that City but none either of the Inhabitants or Souldiers had any violence offer'd them after once the City was taken but had all their Goods restored except what were destroy'd in the first Assault However upon this bare
Roman Garrison were sent them Which he promised them and in order thereunto dispatcht two thousand choice men to the mouth of the River that runs from thence under the Command of Q. Naevius Crista a diligent man and excellent Souldier who having Landed his men and sent back his Ships to Oric march'd at a great distance from the River by a way not at all guarded by the Kings Forces and so in the night got into the City without being perceiv'd The next day he rested his men and spent his own time in mustering the youth of the City and surveying their Arms and the strength of the place with which being well satisfied and encouraged and withal inform'd by his Scouts how secure and negligent the Enemy was he makes a Sally in the dead of the night and with a still march entred the Enemies Camp who lay so naked and horrible careless that 't is certain above a thousand of his men were got over their Rampier before one of them took the Alarm and if they had forborn falling upon them they might have gone up to the Kings Tent before any notice taken but the killing of some near the Ports awaken'd the Enemy who were all in such a fright and consternation that not a man took Arms to oppose them nay the King himself as he started out of sleep half naked and in an habit scarce fit for a common Souldier much less a Prince fled to the River and got on board his Fleet whither his people follow'd after him in heaps There were well near three thousand in all taken and slain but the greater number taken The Camp was plundred the Apollonians got all his Capults Balists and other Battering Engines which they carried home to secure their own Walls whenever there should happen the like occasion all the rest of the Booty fell to the share of the Roman Souldiers As soon as news of this defeat came to Oric Valerius presently set Sail with his Fleet to the mouth of the River to prevent the Kings Escape by Sea whereupon Philip distrusting his power on Sea as well as on shore to be too weak to cope with the Romans sunk and burnt his Ships and so march'd by Land to Macedonia his Forces having lost all their Baggage and most part of their Arms the Roman Navy continued all Winter with Valerius at Oric Variety of Action happen'd this year in Spain for before the Romans could get over the River Iberus Mago and Asdrubal had routed a mighty Host of Spaniards so as all the further part of Spain had revolted if P. Cornelius had not with great Expedition transported his Army and seasonably come up to assure the minds of his wavering Allies He first encamp'd at a place call'd High Castle famous for the death of the great Amilcar It was a place well fortified and they had already stor'd up their Corn there yet because it was in the midst of the Enemies Quarters whose Cavalry had several times faln upon the Roman Fort and got off again clear In which Incursions they had slain at least two thousand men either loitering behind the rest or carelesly straggling about the Country it was thought fit to remove from thence into places more quiet and secure and so encamped on Mount Victoria thither came Cn. Scipio with all his Forces and also Asdrubal the Son of Gisco the third in renown and quality of all the Punick Generals with a compleat Army and both these sat down on the other side the River over against the first mentioned Camp of the Romans P. Scipio riding out with a few light Horse to take a view of the ground the Enemy discover'd him and in that open Champain Country had undoubtely cut him off but that he got to an Hill of advantage hard by where he was encompass'd for some time but by the coming up of his Brother with a Party to his Rescue got off without much loss Castulo a strong and noble City of Spain and so strictly allied to the Carthaginians that Annibal married his Wife from thence did yet notwithstanding now quit their Party and join with the Romans The Carthaginians began to assault Illiturgis where there lay a Roman Garrison whom they hoped to master the sooner because they understood they were already in great want of Provisions Cn. Scipio to relieve his Confederates and his own Souldiers that were there march'd with a Legion of Souldiers lightly arm'd between the Enemies two Camps skirmishing with them all the way not without great slaughter and so entred the City and the next day made a Sally no less fortunate For in those two Conflicts he kill'd above twelve thousand of the Enemy took more than ten thousand Prisoners with six and thirty Colours Thus was the Siege of Illiturgis raised and in the next place the Carthaginians laid Siege to Bigerra which was also in Amity with the Romans but Cn. Scipio advancing thither they quitted the same without fighting After which the Punick Camp lying at Munda the Romans followed hard at their heels where they fought a pitch'd Battel for four hours space but the Romans having much the better of the day were on a sudden call'd off by a Retreat sounded because Cn. Scipio was hurt in the Thigh with a barbed Javelin and the Souldiers about him were in some disorder fearing the wound was mortal If that accident had not stopt them 't is certain they had that day taken the Enemies Camp for they had already driven not only the Souldiers but the Elephants too up to the French and as they stood there as it were at Bay no less than thirty nine Elephants were kill'd and wounded with Darts and Javelins In this Battel likewise were kill'd by report twelve thousand almost three thousand taken Prisoners and fifty seven Colours won The Enemy retreated from thence to the City Aurinx and the Romans to give them no breathing time after their late Overthrows pursued hard after them There again Scipio though carried into the Field in an Horse-litter fought them and had the Victory clear though not half so many of the Enemy kill'd as before because there were not now so many left to fight But being amongst a people naturally addicted to Wars Mago sent forth by his Brother Asdrubal to make new Levies soon recruited the Army and then they had the heart to venture another Battel As most of their men were thus new-rais'd and the rest such as had been so often cow'd before so their success was according eight thousand kill'd not less than two thousand taken Prisoners and fifty eight Colours together with abundance of Gallick Spoils Gold Rings Chains and Bracelets likewise two Princes of the Gauls whose names were Menicapto and Civismaro lost their lives in this Battel eight Elephants taken and three kill'd And now after all these successes in Spain the Romans began to be asham'd that they had suffer'd the City of Saguntum the original Cause of the whole
not speedily seconded therefore they all every one for himself strain'd to the utmost and though showres of Darts and Javelins were darted at them and the Enemy opposed both their Arms and their bodies to oppose their passage yet they pressed on with undaunted resolution and failed not to attempt every place high or low easie or difficult till they had broke through and got in In which Service great numbers were wounded but even they that bled till they fainted were ambitious of dying within the Enemies Trenches so that the Camp was taken in a moment as if it had been situate on plain ground and nothing fortified Thenceforwards 't was not a Fight but a Slaughter pell-mell throughout the Camp above six thousand of the Enemy slain and more than that number taken Prisoners together with all the Capuans that came for Corn and their Carts and Cattel besides a very rich Booty which Hanno had plunder'd from all the Romans Allies The Works being dismantled the victorious Romans return to Beneventum and there both Consuls for App. Claudius came thither within few days sold and divided the Spoil giving rewards to those who first mounted the Enemies Rampier especially to Vibius the Pelignian and T. Pedantius eldest Captain of the third Legion Hanno being at Cominium Ceritum when he received Intelligence of the loss of his Camp hastned thence with some few Forragers whom he had with him into the Bruttians Country more like one that fled in a Rout than with an orderly Retreat The Campanians upon advice of this utter overthrow both of their Confederates and loss of their own people sent Agents to inform Annibal That the two Consuls lay at Beneventum but one days march from Capua so that the War was but a step from the very Walls and Gates of their City and if he made not Expedition to relieve them Capua would sooner fall into the Enemies hands than Arpos did that certainly they hop'd he would not think the whole City of Tarentum much less the Castle only of such importance that he should for the sake thereof suffer Capua forsaken and undefended to be exposed to the Romans even that Capua which he was wont to compare with Carthage it self Annibal promising that the would take their safety into his care sends back with the Messengers two thousand Horse at present to prevent the plundering of the Country The Romans in the mean time amongst their other affairs neglected not the preservation of the Castle of Tarentum and the Garrison there Beleaguer'd The Praetor P. Cornelius by the Senates Order sent C. Servilius his Lieutenant General into Tuscany to buy up Corn who with several Ships laden therewith arriv'd at Tarentum passing through all the Guards of the Enemy Whose Arrival so heartned the Souldiers that whereas before being well near hopeless the Enemy would often by way of Parley tempt them to desert the service and come over to them now on the contrary they were as busy to induce the Townsmen to revolt to them And indeed the Garrison was pretty strong the Souldiers that Quarter'd at Metapont being brought to their assistance and the Metapontines were no sooner rid of them but they fell off to Annibal as did also the Thurines who inhabited not far off on the same Sea-Coast being instigated thereunto as well by the Example of the Metapontines to whom they were related being all descended from Achaia as out of spight and revenge against the Romans for having lately put to Death the Hostages of whom some were of their City Whose Friends and Kindred sent Letters to Hanno and Mago who Quarter'd not far off in the Bruttians Country That if they would but bring their Forces before the Walls they would surrender the City into their hands The Governour there was M. Atinius with a small Garrison but 't was thought he might be drawn rashly to hazard a Battel not so much on confidence of his own Souldiers who were but few as relying upon the Thurine Youth whom he had caused to be all Muster'd and Train'd to Arms against such an Exigency The Punick Generals divided their Forces and so came into the Thurines Country Hanno with a Squadron of Foot advanc'd with Banners display'd directly towards the City Mago staid with the Cavalry behind the Hills which lay between him and the Town very convenient to conceal an Ambuscade Atinius being inform'd by his Scouts that there was only a Body of Foot and no Horse amongst them draws out his Forces into the Field to fight them being equally ignorant of the Treachery within and the Enemies stratagem abroad The Foot Skirmish was but faint and slow for on one side only a few Romans in the Vanguard charg'd the Enemy for the Thurines stood rather waiting the event than willing to hazard themselves and on the other side the Carthaginians did purpose by giving ground to drill the Romans so far that the Horse from behind the Hills might conveniently fall upon their Rear who when they saw a conveniency with a great shout charg'd on full drive behind them and the Thurines as soon as they saw them betook themselves to their heels being but a raw undisciplin'd rabble and besides not hearty to the side they were engag'd in The Romans though encompass'd and charg'd behind with the Cavalry and before with the Infantry yet for some time maintain'd the Conflict but at last being over-power'd they too began to fly to the City where the Conspirators being gather'd together in heaps after by opening the Gates they had receiv'd in their own Townsmen when they saw the Romans come running apace in disarray cry'd out The Carthaginians were at their heels and intermixt with them would seize the City unless immediately the Gates were clapt to so the Romans were shut out and expos'd to be cut to pieces by the Enemy only Atinius and some few more got in after this there was Debate for a while amongst the Townsmen themselves some being for standing on their Guard and defending the place others for a present yielding to the Conquerors but in the end Fortune and design together prevail'd and having brought Atinius and his Souldiers to the Haven and put them on Board more out of affection to his person for his civil and gentle Government than out of respect to the Romans they admitted the Carthaginians into the City The Consuls march their Legions from Beneventum into Campania not only to destroy their Granaries of Corn laid up for Winter but to assault Capua it self thinking they should illustrate their Consulship by the destruction of so rich a City and besides wipe off that dishonour and scandal from the Roman Empire in suffering a place so near to continue now the third year in Rebellion without chastizing them for their perfidiousness But that Beneventum might not be without a Guard nor expos'd to sudden accidents of War if Annibal should come that way to relieve his Confederates which they doubted not but he would
resort That Enquiry should be made after the said Volunteers requiring them forthwith to repair to their Ensigns All which directions were executed with the greatest care imaginable Appius Claudius the Consul after he had constituted D. Junius Captain of the Sconce erected at the mouth of the River Vulturnus and M. Aurelius Cotta Governour of Puteoli with Orders to them both That as fast as any Ships arrived with Corn from Etruria or Sardinia they should convey the same to the Camp went back himself to Capua where he found his Collegue Q. Fulvius busie in carrying Provisions thither from Casilinum and making all possible Preparations for assaulting that City which thenceforwards was invested by both Consuls who besides sent for Claudius Nero the Praetor with his Army from Suessula who leaving there a small Guard to secure the place march'd with the rest of his Forces to join them so that now Capua was surrounded with three distinct Armies who falling to work in several places endeavour'd to draw a Line of Circumvallation about it and in divers Quarters at once they skirmish'd with the men of Capua whenever they sallied out to hinder their Fortifications with such success that at last the Townsmen were glad to keep within their Walls but before the Line was fully finish'd the Capuans sent Messengers to Annibal complaining That he had abandon'd their City and as bad as yielded it up to the fury of the Romans withal beseeching him That now at least he would relieve them being not only besieg'd but shut up by Retrenchments on every side P. Cornelius advised the Consuls by Letters That before they had fully invested Capua with their Works they should offer as many of them as thought fit liberty to come out and carry their Goods with them That all should pass free until the fifteenth of March but whoever stay'd longer must expect to be treated as Enemies These Overtures were made to the Capuans but entertain'd only with scorn revilings and menaces Annibal by this time had advanced from Herdonia to Tarentum as hoping by force or fraud to gain the Castle there but meeting with a disappointment turned his March to Brundusium supposing that Town would be betray'd into his hands Whilst there he spent his time in vain the before-mentioned Messengers from Capua accosted him both with Complaints and Entreaties to whom he magnificently answer'd That he had once already raised that Siege and was sure the Consuls would never abide his second coming Thus fed with hopes those Messengers return'd but could scarce get into Capua it was so inclosed round by this time with a double Trench and Rampier Whilst Capua was thus closely beleaguer'd an end was put to the tedious Siege of Syracuse promoted not only by the Skill of the General and Valour of the Army that assailed it but also by Intestine Treachery For Marcellus at the beginning of the Spring not knowing whether he were best bend all his Forces towards Agrigentum against Himilco and Hippocrates or continue before Syracuse which he found could not be taken by Storm being impregnable both by Sea and Land nor yet starved out since the passage in a manner lay open for Carthage to send them in all kinds of Provisions yet to leave no stone unturn'd he order'd some Deserters for there were several of the Syracusian Nobles with the Romans being expell'd from home because they would not consent to the Revolt to sound the minds of those that had been of their Faction and to assure them That if Syracuse were deliver'd into his possession by their means they should remain free and live at their own discretion but they could get no opportunity of Conference For many in the Town being suspected to be that way inclined all eyes were fix'd upon them that they should hold no Correspondence with the Enemy At last a Servant of one of the Exiles being admitted into the City as a Deserter to a few confiding men proposed somewhat of the business who thereupon in a Fisher-boat cover'd with Nets got to the Roman Camp and discoursed with their Country-men that were there In the same manner others one after another to the number of eighty in all consulted them But when all things were adjusted for betraying the City one Attalus taking snuff that he was not sooner intrusted with the Intrigue discover'd it to Epicides and so they were every one put to death with cruel Tortures This design thus blasted a while after another probable one was offer'd One Damippus a Lacedemonian sent from Syracuse to King Philip being intercepted by the Romans Epicides was wonderful solicitous to ransom him nor was Marcellus unwilling to grant the same the Romans for some time having courted the Friendship of the Aetolians with whom the Lacedemonians were allied The fittest place for the Commissioners on both sides to meet for setling that Affair was at the Wharf Trogili hard by the Tower which they call Galeatra It happen'd as they repaired thither several times about this business one of the Roman Commissioners viewing seriously the Wall counting the stones that appeared in Front and reckoning with himself their proportion whereby he was pretty well able to give a good guess at its whole height and found it not so high as he and others heretofore had imagined it so that now he made no doubt but ordinary scaling Ladders might reach it This he communicates to Marcellus who look'd upon it as a thing not to be slighted but forasmuch as there was no coming at that place at present because by reason of its lowness it was kept with a stronger Guard than any other part of the Wall it was thought fit to wait some opportunity which as Luck would have it soon offer'd it self by means of a Fugitive who gave Intelligence That there was a solemn Feast held within the City in Honour of Diana for three days together and what good Chear they wanted by reason of the Siege was abundantly supplied with plenty of Wine of which not only Epicides had bestow'd a great quantity on the Commons but the great men in every Ward allow'd a proportion besides at their own Charges for their poorer Neighbours to make merry with Upon this Intimation Marcellus calls a Council of War and caused his Chief Officers to chuse out fit Captains and Souldiers for such a difficult piece of Service and privately provided their scaling Ladders ordering them to refresh themselves and go to sleep for at night they were to be employ'd in an Expedition Then when he thought the Enemy after their Feasting and Carouzing were got into their first sleep he commanded one Company of Souldiers to carry Ladders and near a thousand well-arm'd to follow them with a silent March to the place where the formost mounting the Wall without any noise or opposition encourag'd the rest to follow them By this time the thousand select Souldiers had made themselves Masters of one part of the City and the rest of the
and killed the Elephants on the very Rampier just as they were getting over whose bodies falling back into the Trench served as a Bridge for the Enemy to get over upon so as there upon the Carcasses of the Elephants happen'd a very great slaughter of men On the other side of the Camp the Capuans and Punick Garrison were long since beat back and in the pursuit the Conflict was hot at the very Gate of Capua which opens to the River Vulturnus nor was it so much the Valour of the Defendants that hindred the Romans from breaking into the City as the Balists and Scorpions and other Engines placed there which gaul'd them at a distance but especially that brave Attacque of the Romans was dasht by the hurt of their General Appius Claudius who as he was encouraging his men at the head of them happen'd to be wounded with a Dart above his breast in the left shoulder However a great number of the Enemy were slain before the Gate and the rest in confusion beat into the City And Annibal perceiving the slaughter that was made of the Spanish Regiment and how valiantly the Camp was defended despairing of success gave over the Assault sounded a Retreat to his Foot and to secure them placed his Horse in the Rear lest the Enemy should fall upon them as they march'd off which the Roman Legions were wondrous eager to have done but Flaccus thought it better to forbear judging they had done well enough already in effecting two such signal Services in one day viz. to let both the Capuans and Annibal himself see how little he was able to contribute to their Relief Those that write the story of this Battel relate that there were kill'd eight thousand of Annibals Army and three thousand Capuans fifteen Colours taken from the former and eighteen from the latter But in others I do not find the Fight so considerable but that the Fright was far greater than the Conflict for they say That the Numidians and Spaniards unexpectedly broke into the Roman Camp and that their Elephants passing through the midst thereof overthrew abundance of their Tents with an horrid noise which made the Sumpter-Horses break their bridles and run straggling to and fro bearing down all before them and that besides this Confuâ—ion Annibal added a Stratagem by sending in certain persons that could speak the Latine Tongue very well for some such he had with him who in the Consuls Names commanded the Souldiers That since the Camp was lost every one should shift for himself to the adjacent Mountains But this fraud was soon discovered and revenged by a great slaughter of his men and that the Elephants were driven out of the Camp with fire 'T is certain this however it began or ended was the last that was fought before the Surrender of Capua whose chief Magistrate whom they call Medixtutichus for that year was one Seppius Lesius a person of mean obscure Birth 'T is reported that his Mother upon a time being to expiate some domestical ill Omen that happen'd in her House on his behalf being then an Orphan the Southsayer told her That Boy should one day arrive to the chief place of dignity in Capua who not believing any such matter replyed Truly Sir Capua must be in a sad condition when my Child comes to be the most honourable person there which words spoken in jest prov'd true in sad earnest For the City being straitned with Sword and Famine and its case desperate all persons of Qâ—ality declining Offices Lesius by complaining That Capua was abandon'd and betray'd by the great men prevail'd with the people to Elect him and was the last of the Capuans that there bore Rule Annibal finding that he could neither tempt the Romans to venture a pitcht Field nor was able to break through their Leaguer to relieve the Town was forc'd without effecting his design to dislodge from thence lest the new Consuls should blockade him up and intercept his provisions As he was studying what course to take next a freak took him in the head to march to rights to Rome and strike at the very Root of the War which as he had always desired so both others commonly grumbled and himself could not deny That he had slipt a fair opportunity for that purpose after the Victory at Cannae nor did he despair but that by surprize and the unexpected terrour of an assault he might make himself Master at least of some part of the City Besides if Rome were once in danger he believ'd one or both the Roman Generals would quit Capua and hasten to its rescue whose Forces being divided and consequently weakned might give either him or the Capuans an opportunity of some good Fortune against them The only thing that troubled him was the fear lest upon notice of his retreat the Capuans in despair should yield to a surrender To prevent which he hires a Numidian a bold Fellow fit for any desperate undertaking for a large reward to fly unto the Roman Camp as a Deserter and thence to get into the City with Letters privately bestow'd about him the tenour of which was full of encouragement That his marching from thence was for their good and safety whereby he doubted not but to draw the Roman Forces from assaulting Capua to defend their own City of Rome and therefore they should not despond but hold out a few days longer and he would warrant them the Siege should be raised Then he caused all the Vessels taken in the River Vulturnus to be brought up to the Fort which he had before erected there for his security and understanding there were enow of them to transport his whole Army in one night he drew down his Legions thither in the dark and before Morning had ferried them all over Before this was accomplisht Fulvius Flaccus by some Renegado's got an inkling of the design and sent an Express to Rome to advertize the Senate which news variously affected mens minds according to their several fancies and dispositions and as so important an occurrence required the Senate was immediately Assembled to consult what was to be done P. Cornelius sirnamed Asina was of Opinion That without regard of Capua or any thing else all the Generals and Forces throughout Italy should be forthwith sent for to secure the City But Fabius Maximus thought it the most dishonourable thing in the World to raise the Siege of Capua and be terrified and hurry to and fro at every beck and vain Menace of Annibal He that when he was Victorious at Cannae durst not yet approach the City is it likely he can have any hopes of taking Rome when he was soundly beat but the other day from Capua If he were marching that way it was not to besiege Rome but only to raise the Siege of Capua which otherwise he knew not how to relieve That there was no doubt but Jove the witness to those Leagues which Annibal had violated and the other Gods
tyed to a Stake be first scourged as a Slave and afterwards submit my Neck to a Roman Hatchet Thâ—se Eyes of mine shall not be Spectators of the ruins of my Country nor look on whilst this Noble City is laid in Ashes our chast Matrons and modest Virgins and ingenuous Youths deflour'd and ravisht and by force abused with unnatural Lusts These cruel Romans who heretofore rased utterly to the very foundations the City Alba from whence themselves were descended that there might be no memorial left of their Original shall we believe they will now spare Capua which they hate no less mortally than they do Carthage it self Therefore as many of you as resolve to quit the World before you see these so many and intolerable Calamities go home with me where I have a plentiful Supper provided for you all and when with good Chear and store of Wine you have solac'd your selves I 'll begin a Cup of deliverance to you which going round shall soon free our Bodies from tortures our minds from anguish and the disgraces of insulting Infamy and rescue our Eyes from beholding our Ears from hearing those Cruelties which must certainly attend the Conquered And to put a full period to our unhappiness and prevent future indignities some Servants shall be ready to set fire to a Funeral Pile in the open Yard and cast our Bodies thereinto This is the only honest way left us now to death and becoming Gentlemen wherein both our Enemies shall with amazement applaud our Courage and Annibal repent himself for having deserted and betray'd such stout and magnanimous Allies There were more present that could give this Oration of Virius's the hearing and seem'd to applaud it than could find in their hearts to put that in Execution which they so recommended The greater part of the Senate having in several Wars experienc'd the Roman Clemency could not despair but that they might be prevail'd with to extend mercy to them also notwithstanding all past provocations and therefore Decreed and sent Embassadours with Commission to yield up Capua into their hands In the mean time about twenty seven Senators went home with Virius and supp'd with him and after they had done what they could by free-taking off their Cups to drown their sorrows and make themselves insensible of the imminent miseries did all carouze to one anothâ—r out of a poison'd Bowl and then rising from Table shook hands and took their last farewel with Embraces bewailing their own misfortune and the miserable state of their own Country some continued there to be burnt in the same Pile others departed home to their respective Houses But by reason their Veins were so fill'd with good Chear and Wine the operation of the Venome was very slow so that most of them liv'd all that night and part of next day before they expiâ—'d but all were dead before the Gates were set open to the Enemy of whom next day one Legion of Foot and two Squadrons of Horse under the Command of C. Fulvius the Lieutenant General entred at Jupiter's Gate He first took care to have all the Arms and Ammunition that was in Capua brought in to him and then planting Guards at all the Gates and Avenues that none might escape out of the City secured the Punick Garrison and Commanded all the Senators to be sent into the Roman Camp where they were loaded with Irons and Order'd to deliver what Gold and Silver they had into the Treasureâ—s hands the Gold amounted to seventy pounds weight and three thousand two hundred pounds weight of silver of the Senators twenty five were sent to Cales to be kept in safe Custody and twenty eight to Theanum being all such as were known to have had a principal hand in causing the Revolt from the Romans Touching the punishment of these Senators Fulvius and Claudius could not agree the latter being more inclined to savour them the former rigorously bent to chastize them with the utmost severity Appius therefore referr'd the whole matter to the judgment of the Senate alledging that it would be fit their Lordships should take their Examinations whereby they would have an opportunity to inquire whether they had held correspondence with any of the Free-Towns of the Latine state that were in alliance with the Romans Or had from them received any assistance during the War But Fulvius affirm'd That was not to be suffer'd That the minds of faithful Sociates should be disquieted with jealousies and vain suspitions of Crimes or to be call'd in Question upon the Information of a parcel of people that made no Conscience of any thing they either did or said and therefore he would for ever crush and suppress all such kind of Inquisitions Upon this Discourse they parted and Appius though he heard his Collegue talk high did not doubt but he would wait till the Letters arriv'd from Rome to signify the Senates pleasure in an affair of that moment But Fulvius fearing the same might hinder his purpose as soon as the Council of War was dismiss'd Commanded the Colonels and Captains of the Allies to get ready two thousand selected Horse to march at a third sound of the Tâ—umpet with this Body of Cavalry he set forwards in the night towards Theanum and by break of day came into that Town riding forwards directly to the Market-place the people running together from all parts amaz'd at the sight of such a power of Horse then he order'd the Chief Magistrate a Sedicine to be call'd and Commanded to bring forth those Capuans he had in Custody who being all produc'd were first scourg'd with Rods and then Beheaded From thence with the same Party he rode upon the Spur to Cales where having seated himself on the Tribunal as the Capuans there Prisoners were brought before him and stood bound to the Stakes a Currier arriv'd from Rome and delivered to him Letters from C. Calpurnius the Praetor together with a Decree of the Senate and presently there ran a rumour through the whole Assembly That the hearing and sentence of the Capuans was reserved intirely to the Fathers But Fulvius suspecting no less having receiv'd the Letters clapt them up in his bosom without breaking them open and bid the Cryer command the Lictor to proceed to Execution according to Law and so the Prisoners were all put to Death Then were the Letters and Decree of the Senate read but too late to hinder what was already done As Fulvius was rising from the Bench Taurea Jubellius a Capuan walking along the City crouded through the multitude and call'd upon him by Name and when Fulvius wondring what he would have was sat down again Command me too quoth he to be murther'd that thou maist boast another day of having kill'd a far better man and much more valiant than thy self Flaccus told him That he was mad and that if he had a mind to put him to Death he had now no power being restrain'd by the Senates Order To which Jubellius
from the very beginning was rather willing to take it by storm and at last when having in vain try'd all Efforts both by Sea and Land he found he could not by force accomplish his purpose he rather chose to accept of two mean Fellows Sosis a Blacksmith and Meric a Spaniard to be Authors of betraying the Town than of the chief men of Syracuse who had so often freely offered their service therein which he did on purpose that he might with the better colour of Justice butcher massacre and plunder the most antient and faithful Allies of the people of Rome If it had been the people and Senate of Syracuse that revolted to Annibal and not Hieronymus a Tyrant If the Syracusians by common consent had shut their Gates against Marcellus and the same had not been done when they had no power to oppose by their insulting Oppressors Hippocrates and Epicides if they had wag'd War with the Romans with as much spight and animosity as the Carthaginians what more could Marcellus have done or wherein given greater instances of Hostile rage than in utterly destroying as he has done the whole City of Syracuse For 't is certain he hath left the Inhabitants nothing but the bare Walls and empty Houses and Temples of the Gods violated and ransackt the divine powers as well as the Citizens being robb'd of their Ornaments and such havock he hath every where made that they have nothing to maintain themselves their Wives and Children but hard stones and the bare ground therefore they did humbly request their Lordships that restitution might be made though not of all which was impossible yet at least of such things as could be found and rightfully claim'd by the Owners Having thus made their Complaint Laevinus order'd them to withdraw that the Fathers might debate thereon Nay rather let them stay quoth Marcellus that I may answer to their Faces since most worthy Fathers We are reduc'd to that pass that whilst we fight for you abroad those we subdue in the Field are admitted to be our Accusers in the Senate-House and that the taking of two Cities hath made both my self and Fulvius Criminals the one only guilty of subduing Syracuse the other Capua The Syracusians being brought again into the Senate-House the Consul proceeded thus I do not Venerable Fathers so far forget the Dignity of the People of Rome and my own Quality and present Command as to think that I your Consul am bound to plead for my self or answer the Accusation of these Greeks in case the Question were of any default or misdemeanour of my own but the business is not what I have done for howsoever I have treated Enemies the Law of War will justifie it but what they ought to suffer For if in truth they were not Enemies 't is all one as if I had invaded Syracuse whilst King Hiero was living but if they had not only revolted but attacqu'd our very Embassadours with their Arms and put them to the Sword If they had shut up their Gates and fortified their City against us and entertain'd a Garrison of Carthaginians for their defence who can complain that they suffer as Enemies who committed all sorts of Hostility But they say I refused to accept of the Offer of the principal Syracusians to surrender the City and chose to make use of Sosis and Meric the Spaniard in so great an Affair I suppose these Gentlemen present are none of the meanest of the Syracusians since they upbraid others with the poverty of their condition tell us therefore which of you it was that promised me to open the Gates or receive into the City my armed Souldiers Nay on the contrary you hate and revile those that did it and cannot even here forbear reproaching them so far were you your selves from offering any such matter The meanness of those persons O Conscript Fathers which they object is a mighty Argument that I refused not the Overtures of any people whatsoever that were willing to serve our Commonwealth Before ever I invested Syracuse I endeavoured all means of Peace both by sending Embassadours and offering my self to hold a personal Conference with them but after I found them so impudent as to offer violence to my Embassadours and that when I my self gave their Chiefs a Meeting at the Gates they would vouchsafe me no Answer having taking a world of pains and run infinite hazards both by Sea and Land I made you Masters of Syracuse What hardships they met with after the City taken they ought to complain of to Annibal and his Carthaginians vanquisht as well as themselves rather than before the Senate of the People of Rome who conquer'd them For certainly most Reverend Fathers if I intended to deny that I plunder'd Syracuse or thought I could not justifie it I would never have adorn'd the City of Rome with their Spoils And what I have as Conquerour given or taken away from any particular persons I may justly avow both by the Law of Arms or their respective Merits which whether you will please to allow of and ratifie concerns the Commonwealth much more than my self for I have discharged my Duty faithfully and now it imports the State that by reversing my Actions you do not render your Generals for the future more remiss in the like Employments In fine my Lords since you have heard both the Sicilians Complaint and my Defence face to face we will with your good leave all withdraw that in my absence your Honours may more freely debate the Point and determine as you shall judge fit So the Sicilians being dismissed he went away to the Capitol to muster his Souldiers In the mean time the other Consul put the matter to the Question in the Senate where for a long time with hard tugging it was debated Many of the Senators following the Opinion of T. Manlius Torquatus the Head of that Faction alledged That the War was waged with the Tyrants equally Enemies to the Syracusians and Romans the City was to be recovered not taken and being regain'd after it had so long been languishing under a domestick slavery 't was pity it should be exposed to all the Calamities of War But between the Tyrants on one side and the Roman Armies on the other here was a most fair and Noble City as if it had been the Prize of the Conquerour ruin'd a City that had been the Granary and Exchequer heretofore of the People of Rome by whose Bounty and frequent Assistances in difficulty Exigencies heretofore and even during the present Punick War this Commonwealth had been seasonably aided and honoured Should King Hiero arise from the dead he that had been so true and faithful a Friend to the Romans with what face could we shew him either Syracuse or Rome When he must on the one side behold his own dear native Country half razed and wholly ruinated by our hands and on the other could no sooner enter Rome but even at the very Gates
Holy Port. The Romans not dreaming of an Engagement came out only with Sails but by good luck at Crotone and Sibaris they had furnisht his Ships with Rowers also and his Fleet for the bigness of the Vessels was very well provided and man'd Just as the Enemies came within Ken the wind that before blew hard was laid and gave them time to sit their Tackle make ready their Rowers and putting their Souldiers in a posture seldom hath it been known that any two Royal Armado's encounter'd with greater fury or braver Courage than these two petty Navies shew'd against each other as sensible that the Battel was of greater importance than all their Ships came to the Tarentines considering that if by gaining the Victory they made themselves Masters of the Sea they should deprive the Roman Garrison of all hopes of provisions for the future and so should easily gain possession of the Castle as well as they had recovered their City to its antient liberty after almost an hundred years thraldome on the other side the Romans bestirred themselves as lustily that by keeping possession of the Castle all the World might see Tarentum was not fairly won from them by main strength or valour but by stealth and treachery The Signal was no sooner given on either side but they ran at one another with the Beaks and Stems of their Prows as hard as they could drive and still kept on rowing forwards and as they lay together mutually flung on their grapling Irons so that they could not be separated but fought not only with Darts and other missile Weapons but with their Swords too and as it were hand to hand their Prows stuck fast one in another whilst the Poops or Hinder-Decks were driven about with contrary Oars of the adverse part so near and withal so thick and Ships lay and in such a narrow compass that there was scarce one Dart flung in vain or that lighted into the Sea without doing Execution with their Beak-heads they charg'd one another just as if it had been a Land fight and so close they were that the Souldiers could step out of one Ship into another as they fought but remarkable above all the rest was the Conflict of the two Admiral Galleys engaging together in the Front of all the rest In the one was Quintius in person in the other Nico a Tarentine that was sirnam'd Perco a man that both hated the Romans and was hated by them not only for the publick Quarrel but particularly on his own Account he being the Ringleader of that Faction which betray'd the City to Annibal This Captain in the midst of the bussle as Quintius was busy and at once fighting and encouraging his men without taking sufficient heed to himself ran him through with a Spear who falling down dead in his Armour on the Foredeck the Victorious Tarentine leaps fiercely on Board the Ship already amaz'd and disorder'd for the loss of their Commander easily beat them back and got possession of the Foredeck but the hinder deck the Romans thronging together defended for a while till another Galley of the Enemies of three Banks of Oars clapt upon their Stern and then being attacqu'd on each side they were vanquisht and the Ship taken which so much discourag'd the rest of the Romans that they all began to fly and several of them were sunk others got to shore with their Oars and became a prey to the Thurines and Metapontines but of the Vessels of burthen laden with Corn very few fell into the Enemies hands the rest veering their Sails every way as the Wind serv'd got out to Sea and escaped About the very same time at home at Tarentum they had quite different Fortune for about four thousand of them being gone into the Country to get in Corn where they stragled and rambled up and down in disorder of which Livius the Governour of the Castle having notice and neglecting no opportunities to do them a mischief sends out C. Persius a stout Captain with two thousand Souldiers well-arm'd who fell upon them as they were wandring in the Fields and after he had for a great while had the Execution of them pursued those few that were lest home to the City who were let in at the Gates but half open for fear the Romans following them at heels should have entred with them Pell-mell and so have surpriz'd the City Thus were matters at Tarentum set even at the Foot of the Account The Romans winners at Land the Tarentines at Sea and both of them alike disappointed of their hopes of Corn whereof they had only a sight which could scarce fill their Bellies By this time when most of the year was spent Laevinus the Consul arriv'd in Sicily having long been expected by the Allies both old and new his first and most important work was to settle the Affairs of Syracuse which had not yet the Peace was so young recovered a fit Regulation Then he march'd his Legions to Agrigentum where only remain'd the reliques of War that City being held by a strong Garrison of Carthaginians there Fortune was propitious to his first designs Hanno was the Carthaginians Commander in Chief but their chief hopes were in the Conduct and Valour of Mutines and his Numidians This Mutines ranged all over Sicily at his pleasure and pillaged the Romans Associates in all parts nor could he by any Force or Stratagem be either intercepted in his return to Agrigentum or kept in when he was there but that he would issue forth whensoever he list So great Renown he had got by these Exploits that the General thought his own Glory thereby eclipsed and began so far to envy him that whatever good Services he perform'd the same were not very acceptable to Hanno because atchieved by him whom he had a private pique against At last he took away Mutines's Commission and bestow'd his Command on his own Son imagining that with his place he should lose also his Authority and that Esteem he had acquir'd amongst the Numidians But it fell out quite contrary for this his apparent spight doubled their kindness and veneration towards Mutines who likewise was resolv'd not to put up this Affront without being reveng'd and therefore privately entred into a Correspondence with Laevinus to deliver Agrigentum into his hands And after Security on both sides given and the manner of doing it agreed upon the Numidians at an appointed time seized the Gate that leads towards the Sea killing or driving away the Warders and so let into the City the Romans who waited hard by for that purpose and marching now through the middle of the City up to the Market-place with a great noise and tumult Hanno supposing it to be only an Insurrection of the Numidians as formerly had happen'd came forth as to appease the Mutiny but perceiving at a distance a far greater Company than the Numidians and withal hearing the Roman shouts with which he was not unacquainted without
Spouse has been kept here with no less modesty and reverence than if she had been all this while with your Father and Mother-in-Law her kind Parents Reserv'd she has been and kept for you alone that you might receive her untoucht and as a Present worthy both of you and my self All the return I expect for this gift is That henceforth you will be a Friend and Well-willer to the State of Rome and if indeed you take me to be an honest good man such as all these Nations have known both my Father and Vncle to have been before me then be assur'd That the City of Rome yields abundance more that are like us and that there is not a Nation this day under Heaven that is either a better Friend or a more formidable Enemy The young Prince confounded between an excess of joy and bashfulness held Scipio by the hand and invok'd all the Gods beseeching them to recompence him for this superlative savour on his behalf who should never be able to make acknowledgments for the same sutable either to his own desires or the merits of the thing Then the Maids Parents and Kindred were call'd who since the Lady was restor'd gratis for whose Redemption they had brought a great summ of gold began to intreat Scipio That he would be pleas'd to accept thereof which they should take as the next kindness to that he had done them in delivering their Daughter Scipio seeing them so importunate seems willing to take it and bids them lay it at his Feet Then calling Allucius Here says he besides the Portion you are to have from your Father-in-Law Let me help to encrease your Marriage Fortune take all this Gold and keep it for you and yours So being sent home over-joy'd with these Presents and Civilities he fill'd all the Country with Scipio's Praises and how brave and worthy a person he was telling them There was come over into Spain a young man in all respects resembling the Immortal Gods and who equally vanquisht all men with his Arms and his Courtesies Amongst his Dependents he soon raised fourteen hundred choice Horse and with them return'd to Scipio Laelius continued with Scipio till the Prisoners Hostages and Booty were by their mutual consent dispos'd of and then in a Galley of five Banks of Oars was dispatcht away for Rome with tidings of the Victory withal carrying Mago and about fifteen Senators Prisoners thither Scipio spent those few dayes he design'd to remain at Carthage in exercising his Sea and Land Forces The first day he caused all the Legions to run in their Arms a four-miles-course Next day he employ'd them in scouring and furbishing up their Armour before their Tents The third day they drew up in Parties and charg'd one another as in Battalia but arm'd only with wooden Swords and blunt rebated Darts and Javelins The fourth day they rested The fifth they ran again in their Armour as before and so continued this course of Exercise all the while they quarter'd at Carthage Whilst the Seamen as often as the weather was calm and would permit used to row out into the open Sea and vye one Galley with another for nimbleness and sometimes representing shews of a Sea-fight Thus without the City they were busy in hardening their Bodies and enuring their minds for service both at Sea and Land and within the Town nothing was heard but the clatter of Artificers and Workmen preparing all sorts of military Furniture shut up in divers Shops and Workhouses for that purpose The General had his Eye every where now he was aboard the Fleet by and by exercising himself with the rest of the Legions sometimes he took a view how the Works went on in the Armory and amongst the Shipwrights where every one endeavour'd to out work the other hoping so much the sooner to gain their Liberty Having thus set them to work and repair'd the Walls where there were any breaches or decays leaving a sufficient Garrison he march'd back to Tarracon being met by the way by several Embassies of whom some he presently dispatcht and appointed others to attend him there where he had ordered a General Diet or Assembly to be held by the Deputies of all the Allies old and new and almost all those Nations on this side of Iberus and many of the further Spain appear'd accordingly The Carthaginian Generals industriously suppress'd the report of New Carthage's being taken but when it grew too notorious to be any longer denied or concealed they used all their Art to undervalue it and make it seem as a thing of no great moment That there was indeed one single City of Spain taken by surprize and as it were by stealth in one dayes time which small exploit had so puft up the young man that he fancied it a mighty Victory but when their three Generals and their Victorious Armies should approach him the Ghosts of his Father and his Vncle would begin to haunt him Such like Speeches they gave out amongst the people though in themselves they were sadly sensible how great a blow it was and how much their strength in all respects was decay'd by this loss of New Carthage DECADE III. BOOK VII The EPITOME 1. Cn. Fulvius the Proconsul with his Army is slain at Herdonea by Annibal 2. But Cl. Marcellus the Consul has better Fortune against the same Enemy at Numestrio and obliges Annibal to retreat by night 14 c. Marcellus pursues him and urged him still as he retired until he obliged him to another Engagement 16. Wherein at first Annibal had the better on 't but in the next Fight Marcellus worsted him 17 18. Fabius Maximus the Father being Consul recovers Tarentum by the Treachery of some in that City 20 21. Scipio sights with Asdrubal the Son of Amilcar at Betula in Spain and defeats him where amongst others having taken a Royal Youth of wondrous Beauty he sent him home to his Vncle Massanissa with several Presents 29. Claudius Marcellus and T. Quintius Crispinus the Consuls going out to take a view of the Country are surprized by Annibal with a Stratagem Marcellus being killed and Crispinus escaping by Flight 32 c This Book also contains the Actions of P. Sulpicius the Praetor against Philip and the Achaeans 38. The Censors take a solemn Survey of the City and purged it by Sacrifices where there were enrolled an hundred thirty seven thousand one hundred and eight persons By which Account it appeared how many Romans were lost by the late unfortunate Wars 41 c. Asdrubal having with a fresh Army passed the Alps to join his Brother Annibal is cut off with six and fifty thousand of his men by the Conduct of M. Livius but especially by the good Service of Claudius Nero the other Consul 45. Who being appointed to make head against Annibal left the Camp so privately as the Enemy was not aware of it and with a choice Body of Souldiers surrounded Asdrubal and so defeated
had only him to deal with he should do well enough but knew he was not a match for them both Therefore resolves to piece out the Lions Skin with his old Foxes Tail and sought all opportunities to entrap them with an Ambuscade frequent Skirmishes happen'd with various success which the Consuls feared would spin out the Summer and thought that in the mean time they might well enough carry on the Leaguer of Locri to which purpose they order'd L. Cincius to bring over the Fleet from Sicily and a part of the Army that lay at Tarentum to march thither also to assault it by Land Annibal by certain Thurines had notice of this design and to way-lay their passage plants two thousand Horse and three thousand Foot in secret ambush under the side of the Petellian Mount who falling upon the Romans as they march'd carelesly without any Scouts abroad slew two thousand of them and took very near as many more Prisoners the rest scatter'd in their flight through Woods and private ways got back to Tarentum One misfortune usually follows another between Annibal and the Roman Camp was a little Hill over-grown with Wood which at first was possess'd by neither Party for the Romans knew not the situation of that side which lay towards the Enemies Camp and Annibal thought the best use could be made of it was for an Ambuscade and therefore in the night hides certain Troops of Numidian Horse in the middle of that Wood with charge that none of them should stir out in the day time lest they or their Armour should be discovered The Souldiers in the Roman Camp cry'd out That Hill by all means was to be gained and secured by some small Fort for if Annibal possess'd himself thereof the Enemy would lye as it were over their heads and command them at pleasure Marcellus was of the same opinion but propos'd to his Collegue that they two with a Party of Horse should first take a view of the place for then they would be better able to judge of its conveniency Crispinus consents and away they troop attended but with two hundred and twenty Horse whereof forty were Fragellanes the rest Tuscans and with them went M. Marcellus the Consuls Son and A. Manlius both Colonels and two Captains of the Allies L. Arennius and M. Aulius Some have written that as the Consul Marcellus was sacrificing that Morning when the first Beast was kill'd its Liver wanted that part which in that superstitious kind of Learning they call'd its Head in the second Bullock all was right save only that the head seem'd much bigger than ordinary which the Soothsayer was troubled at because both the defective and over-grown Bowels did equally betoken ill Success But as the Consul Marcellus was so eager of fighting with Annibal that he thought he was never encamp'd close enough to him so then when he rode on he gave Orders That the Souldiers should be ready immediately to advance upon a Signal given in case the Hill he was going to view should suit with their purpose Now before the Camp there was a small Plain which lay open to the view of the Hill on the top whereof the Numidians had planted a Spy to give them notice if he saw any of the Romans straggling too far abroad for Forrage or Wood that they might all at once start out upon them for little did they dream of so great a Prize as now offer'd it self This Fellow gave the sign but they that were to rise from the top and ridge of the Hill in the Front did not appear till others fetching a compass had got inclosed the Romans on the Rear and then all at once set up a shout and fell on The Consuls were in a Valley and could neither get up to the pitch of the Hill because 't was possessed by the Enemy nor yet retreat being also beset by them behind yet they might have continued the Skirmish and held out a good while but that the Tuscans all ran away and discouraged the rest and yet the Fregellanes to give them their due did not give over the Fight though thus basely deserted as long as the Consuls remain'd unhurt and heartned them on both by their Words and Examples for they fought manfully amongst the thickest of the Enemy but when they saw them both wounded and Marcellus run through with a Lance fall down dead from his Horse then they being but very few left alive with Crispinus the other Consul who was wounded with two Javelins and young Marcellus who was sore hurt shifted for themselves as fast as they could Of the two Captains of the Allies M. Aulius was slain L. Aremius taken Prisoner five of the Consuls Lictors fell into the Enemies hands the rest either killed or escaped with the Consul surviving Of the Horse forty three were killed in the Skirmish and Pursuit and eighteen taken alive In the Camp there was much ado and crying out to go help their Generals but before they could advance they saw one of their Consuls and the Son of the other both wounded with the rest of the small remnant of this unlucky Expedition hastening towards their Camp The Death of Marcellus as in other respects it was to be lamented so especially because unbecoming his Age for he was above sixty and the prudence of an experienced Captain he should so inconsiderately bring himself and his Collegue and in a manner the whole State into such imminent danger I should but weary the Reader to report all the different stories related by Authors touching the Circumstances of this Gentlemans unfortunate end For to wave others L. Laelius has publish'd three several Accounts of that Affair one traditionary from common Fame the other extant in an Oration made in praise of Marcellus by his own Son who was present in the Action and a third which he after diligent inquiry avouches as the very truth But however Reports vary most say That he went out of the Camp to view a certain Ground and all agree that he was cut off being surprized by an Ambuscade Annibal made no doubt but he had put the Enemy into a mighty Consternation by killing of one their Consuls and wounding the other and therefore that he might not be wanting to improve the Advantage presently removes his Camp to the said Hill where finding the Body of Marcellus he gave it Honourable Burial Crispinus afflicted for the Death of his Collegue as well as with his own Wounds marches off privately in the night and got upon the nearest Mountains where he encamped and fortified himself on an high Ground and naturally advantageous on every side And now the two Generals used all their Wits one to contrive Shams and Wheedles and the other to prevent them Annibal with Marcellus's Body was become Master of his Ring and Signet with which Marcellus fearing he would play some tricks sent Expresses to the neighbouring Cities to acquaint them That his Collegue was killed and
thousand a Courier arrives from Macedonia with news That one Eropus by corrupting the Governour had surprized the City Lychnidus and several Villages of the Dassaretians and endeavour'd to raise the Dardanians to join with him Therefore postponing the Achaic and Aetolian War to that domestick mischief yet leaving two thousand five hundred Souldiers of all sorts under the Command of two Captains Menippus and Polyphanta to guard his Allies he hastned from Dymae through Achaia Boeotia and Bebaeis in ten days march arriv'd at Demetrias in Thessaly Where other Messengers brought tidings of a greater Insurrection viz. That the Dardanians had in vast numbers invaded Macedonia and were Masters of Orestis and marching down into the Plains of Aegestaeum and that 't was currently reported amongst the Barbarians That King Philip was slain The truth is in that Expedition which he made at Sicyon against those that spoil'd the Country he was carried by his high-metled Horse under a Tree and against an Arm thereof broke off one Corner of the Crest of his Helmet which being taken up by an Aetolian and carried home to Scerdeletus who knew by the mark that it was the Kings this story of his death was thereupon divulged After Philip's departure out of Achaia Sulpicius arriving with his Navy at Aegina join'd with Attalus The Achaeans not far from Messene fought with the Aetolians and Eleans and worsted them King Attalus and P. Sulpicius took up their Winter Quarters at Aegina At the end of this year T. Quintius Crispinus the Consul died of his Wounds some say at Tarentum others in Campania having first nominated L. Manlius Torquatus Dictator for holding the Elections and celebrating the solemn Games The like never happen'd in any former War that both the Consuls should be slain and leave the Common-wealth as it were Fatherless and yet no memorable Battle fought The Dictator named for his Master of the Horse Cn. Servilius who was then Aedile of State The Senate at their first meeting order'd the Dictator to exhibite the grand Roman Games which M. Aemilius the City Praetor had represented when C. Flaminius and Cn. Servilius were Consuls and vow'd again at five years end The Dictator held them accordingly and also vowed them for the five years following But there being at present two Consular Armies so near the Enemy both without Generals the principal care that troubled both Senate and People was with all speed to create Consuls and such whose Vertue and Prudence might be secure against Punick Craft since during this whole War the over-hasty heads and hot Spirits of the Leaders had prov'd pernicious to the publick and even this very year the Consuls by too much eagerness to fight the Enemy had been most unexpectedly ruin'd Howbeit the immortal Gods in pity to the Roman name spar'd the innocent Armies punishing the Consuls rashness with the loss only of their own Lives The Fathers of the Senate casting their Eyes every way for fit Consuls C. Claudius Nero appear'd the most likely man but where to suit him with a Partner was the question For though they knew him to be a gallant man yet they thought he might be a degree too warm for this juncture and such an Enemy as Annibal unless he were moderated by some discreet and wary Collegue Now there was M. Livius who many years ago was condemned by the judgment of the people for what he had done in his Consulship viz. as having unjustly divided the Illyrians spoils which disgrace he resented so heinously that he withdrew into the Country and for several years refrain'd not only the City but all Company In the eight year after this judgment given against him the Consuls M. Claudius Marcellus and M. Valerius Laevinus brought him back to Town but he appear'd in old thredbare Cloaths the hair both of his head and beard grown long and neglected shewing whereever he came how firmly he still retain'd the memory of that affront The Censors L. Veturius and P. Licinius enjoin'd him to trim himself and lay by that odd slovenly Apparel to make his appearance in the Senate and discharge publick Duties like other persons of his quality but even when any debate happen'd he either gave his Vote in a single Ay or No or if the House were divided went over to which Party he lik'd and testified his mind by his silence till lately the cause of his Kinsman M. Livius Macatus when his honour was brought in question about the loss of Tarentum prevail'd with him to stand up and deliver his mind in the Senate in a notable Discourse which affected all that heard it so much the more because 't was after so long a discontinuance and occasion'd them to speak of the unhandsome usage he had receiv'd from the people and the damage the publick had sustain'd by losing the service of so worthy a man so long both in the Field and the Senate during this dangerous and tedious War That neither Q. Fabius nor M. Valerius Laevinus could be join'd with C. Nero because 't was not lawful to chuse both Patricians The same obstacle lay against T. Manlius and besides he had already once refused and would again decline it if offer'd but M. Livius and C. Claudius would make a most excellent pair of Consuls Nor did the people when the Fathers put him in nomination seem unwilling to chuse him The only man in all the City that oppos'd the conferring that honour upon him was himself Saying That this would be the most scandalous argument of levity and inconstancy that the City could be reproach'd with To take no pitty of his misery when he went in mourning under the sense of an unjust accusation and now against his will to cloath him in a glittering white Garment that he may put in for the Consulship to brand and advance one and the same person and at once inflict punishments and confer honours on him If they judge him a good man why did they Condemn him as a Criminal and a Villain If they have found him tardy why should they entrust him with a second Consulship who manag'd his first so lewdly Whilst thus he argued and complain'd the Fathers reprov'd him and bid him recollect Was not M. Furius recall'd from banishment and did not he restore his Country to her former dignity who had disgracefully spew'd him out The harshness of a mans Country like that of his Parents is only to be addulc'd and mitigated by Patience and a modest submission In fine they prevail'd and with one Voice chose him and C. Claudius Consuls Three dayes after the Court for Praetors was held and those created were L. Porcius Licinus C. Mamilius and the two Hostilii Catones Aulus and Caius The Playes done and Elections finisht the Dictator and Master of the Horse resign'd their Offices C. Terentius Varro was sent into Tuscany that C. Hostilius might go out of that Province to Tarentum to command that Army which formerly belong'd to T. Quintius
and C. Laelius being come in the night-time to Hippo Regius a great City led his Seamen and Allies at break of day in Battalia to spoil the Country By which means there was a great devastation brought upon all places the people as those that live in peace being negligent of theirs affairs Thereupon immediately certain Messengers themselves in a consternation filled Carthage with a mighty dread That the Roman Navy and General Scipio for there was a report that he was long come over into Sicily was arrived Wherefore not knowing well how many Ships they had seen nor how great the number of Soldiers was that pillaged the Country they heard every thing with such concern that their fear much increased the real calamity Hence terror and amazement first and after that sorrow possessed their minds That Fortune should so far change upon them that they who so lately had a victorious Army before the Walls of Rome conquer'd so many Armies of the Enemy and receiv'd all the Nations of Italy either through force of free-will by way of Surrender should now quite contrary be in danger to see all Africa ravaged and Carthage besieged That they had not such strength to bear those things as the Romans had for the Roman common people and all Latium afford them youth enough still greater and more numerous that grew up in the room of those many Armies which were slain whilst that people were not only weak in the City but in the Country too so that they were fain to hire Auxiliaries from among the Africans a Nation very fickle and treacherous whenever there was any hopes of greater gain That now also the Kings since Scipio and Syphax had had an interview were fallen off Syphax by Scipio 's perswasions and Masinissa grown a mortal Enemy by the same means in an open Revolt Wherefore there was no hope left nor any assistance to be got Besides that Mago out of Gaul made no great stirs nor joyn'd Annibal who himself was now grown old both in his fame and strength But though this News at first so much dejected their spirits the urgent dread again reviv'd them and put them upon a consultation how they should obviate the present dangers Thereupon they presently order'd a Levy to be made both in the City and Country sent to hire African Auxiliaries fortified their City got a stock of Corn together provided Weapons and Arms fitted out Ships to send to Hippo against the Roman Navy As they were in the midst of this hurry at last a Messenger came That Laelius not Scipio was come over with no more Forces than were sufficient to plunder the Country but that the stress of the War was still in Sicily Then they took breath a while and sent Ambassadors to Syphax and other petty Kings to strengthen their Alliance They likewise sent Men to Philip with a promise of two hundred Talents of Silver if he would come over into Sicily or Italy and also to their own Generals in Italy to keep Scipio off with all the terror they could To Mago likewise they dispatch'd not only Ambassadors but 25 long Ships 6000 Foot 800 Horse seven Elephants and a great deal of Money to hire Auxiliaries in the strength whereof he might approach more near to Rome and joyn Annibal This they contrived and did at Carthage whilst Masinissa rouzed by the fame of a Roman Navy came with a few Horsmen to Laelius who was driving great store of Booty out of the Country it being unarm'd and void of all defence To whom he complain'd that Scipio was too dilatory in his business in that he had not brought over his Army into Africa at that very time when the Carthaginians were under such a consternation and Syphax embarass'd with Wars against his neighbouring Countries who he knew very certainly if he had leisure to compose his affairs according to his mind would do nothing with any sincerity for the Romans He therefore desired Laelius that he would advise and excite Scipio not to tarry any longer and told him that he would be ready though he were beaten out of his Kingdom with no contemptible Force both of Horse and Foot Nor would he have Laelius to stay in Africa for he believ'd there was a Navy already set out from Carthage with whom in Scipio 's absence it would not be safe for him to engage Masinissa having made this Speech was dismissed and Laelius the next day set sail from Hippo with his Ships all full of Plunder and going back into Sicily told Scipio what Masinissa said At the same time the Ships that were sent from Carthage to Mago arrived on the Coast of Liguria where the People called Albingauni dwell and came to Genua On which Coasts it happen'd that Mago at that time had a Navy who hearing what the Ambassadors said to wit That he must raise as big an Army as he possibly could immediately called a Council of the Gauls and Ligurians for there was a mighty multitude of both those Nations in that part of the Country and told them That he was sent to redeem them from slavery which that they might be sure of there were Auxiliaries sent him from home but it was in their power to say with what force and how great an Army that War should be carried on That there were two Roman Armies the one in Gallia and the other in Etruria and he knew well enough that Sp. Lucretius would joyn with M. Livius Wherefore that they also ought to arm a great many thousands that under the Command of two Generals proportionable resistance might be made against those two Roman Armies To which the Gauls made answer That they were very willing so to do but said that since the Romans had one Camp within their Confines and another in the adjacent Country of Etruria if it were discover'd that the Carthaginian were assisted by them the plundering Armies would presently make incursions on both sides into their Territories Wherefore they desired him that he would ask such supplies of the Gauls as he might be privately furnish'd with But the Ligurians being that the Roman Camp was a great way distant from their Country and Cities were free to do any thing so that they ought in justice to arm their Youth and bear a share in the War The Ligurians did not refuse the Proposal only they desir'd two months time to make their Levies In the mean time Mago having dismissed the Gauls sent privately and hired Soldiers all over their Dominions having Provisions of all sorts secretly convey'd to him from the Gallick Nations Then M. Livius brought over the Army of Volunteers out of Etruria into Gallia and having joyn'd Lucretius put himself in a readiness to meet Mago if he should offer to move out of Liguria any nearer to the City But if the Carthaginian lay still under that corner of the Alpes he himself likewise resolv'd to keep the same Post about Ariminum and be a Guard to
Tribunes whom Scipio for his sakâ— put into prison but left him though he were as guilty or rather more than they in the same Commission as before The Ambassadors being order'd to withdraw out of the Temple not only Pleminius but Scipio also were severely lash'd in several invective Orations which the Nobility then made But above the rest Q. Fabius said He was born to corrupt all military Discipline That in Spain too he lost full as much by the mutiny of his Soldiers as by the War for he had a foreign King like way with him both to indulge the licentiousness of his Soldiers and to be very severe upon them when he had so done And then he ended his Speech with this his fatal Opinion That he would have Pleminius brought in bonds to Rome and in that condition to plead for himself so that if all were true that the Locrians had said he should be executed in the Prison and his Goods confiscated That P. Scipio for that he had quitted his Province without the Senates leave should be recalled and that they should treat with the Tribunes of the People to make them propose the abrogating of his Command That the Senate should tell the Locrians in his hearing That what injuries they complain'd of as done to them neither the Senate nor the Roman People would have willingly done That they should be called good Men Allies and Friends That their Wives and Children with all other things that had been taken from them should be restored That as much Money should be raised as had been taken out of Proserpines Treasury and double that summ be return'd into that place as also that a piacular sacrificing should be appointed by advice first taken of the Colledge of Priests because the sacred Treasures were so misplaced and prophaned what Propitiations to what Gods and with what Sacrifices they would have them made That all the Soldiers at Locri should be transported into Sicily and that four Regiments of the Latine Allies should be carried as a Guard to Locri. The Opinions that day for and against Scipio were not to be number'd the Senators were so hot on both sides For besides Pleminius's ill behaviour and the ruine of the Locrians they said that his garb was not only not Roman but not so much even as Military in that he walk'd in a Cloak and Buskins after the Greek fashion in a Gymnasium a School of Exercise giving his mind also to Books and Activity as Wrestling c. That his Regiment was equally slothful and effeminate at Syracuse taking their pleasure only for Cartâ—age and Annibal were out of their heads That all the whole Army was corrupted by licentiousness and just as they were at Sucro in Spain and now at Locri more dreadful to their Allies than any Enemy These things though partly true partly mixed and therefore the more probable were given out buâ— Q. Metellus's Opinion at length obtained who though â—e agreed with Maximus in all other things yet in the case of Scipio dissented from him For how said he can it seem convenient that he whom the City had so lately chosen even in his youth as the only General fit to recover Spain whom Spain retaken from the Enemy had created Consul on purpose to put an end to the Punick War with great hopes that he would not only draw Annibal out of Italy but also subdue all Africa that he I say should be so suddenly recalled from his Province like Q. Pleminius and almost condemn'd before his Cause was heard When ev n those things that the Locrians complain of as done so nefariously against them were done in Scipio 's absence as they themselves owne nor can he be blamed for any thing save his modesty or patience in that he spared the Lieutenant That he thought fit that M. Pomponius the Praetor to whom the Province of Sicily was allotted should go the next three days to that Province and that the Consuls should chuse ten Ambassadors out of the Senate whom they pleas'd to send along with the Praetor with two Tribunes of the People and an Aedile And that by the assistance of that Council the Praetor should inquire if those things that the Locrians complain'd of were done by the order or consent of P. Scipio to the end that they might warn him to quit the Province If Scipio was already gone over into Africa that the Tribunes of the People and the Aedile with two of the Ambassadors whom the Praetor should think most fit should follow him thither the Tribunes and the Aedile to bring Scipio back and the Ambassadors to command the Army till a new General came over But if M. Pomponius and the ten Ambassadors found that such things were not done either by order or consent of P. Scipio that Scipio should stay in the Army and carry on the War as he had proposed This being passed into an Order of Senate it was referr'd to the Tribunes of the People either to agree among themselves or cast Lots which two of them should go along with the Praetor and Ambassadors In like manner it was left to the Colledge of Priests to determine of an Expiation for those things that had been touch'd violated and carried away out of the Temple of Proserpine at Locri. The Tribunes of the People that went along with the Praetor and the ten Ambassadors were M. Claudius Marcellus and M. Cincius Alimentus who had an Aedile also allow'd them to whom if Scipio either in Sicily should not obey the Praetors commands or were already gone over into Africa the Tribunes should give order to lay hold on him and bring him back by the Authority of their Sacred Power Their design was to go to Locri before they went to Messana But as to Pleminius there is a double report goes For some say that he when he heard what had been done at Rome went as a banish'd person to Naples and there by chance met with Q Metellus one of the Ambassadors by whom he was forced back to Rhegium Others say that a Lieutenant was sent by Scipio himself with thirty of the noblest Horsmen to put Q. Pleminius in Chains and with him the Heads of the Sedition But they were all committed to custody at Rhegium either before by Scipio's order or just then by the Praetors The Praetor therefore and the Ambassadors went to Locri where as they were order'd they first took care of what concern'd Religion For they gather'd together all the Sacred money that either Pleminius or the Soldiers had and put it with that which they themselves brought thither into the Treasury making a piacular Sacrifice Then calling the Soldiers into an Assembly the Praetor bade them march with their Ensigns out of the City and pitch'd the Camp in the adjacent Plains with a grave Edict That if any Soldier either remain'd in the City or took any thing out with him that was not his own he would permit the Locrians every one to
Africa Which when it was related at Rome the Senate first thought good that the Praetor should write to the Consul and tell him That the Senate was of opinion he ought to return into Italy but after that when the Praetor said He would despise a Letter from his hand P. Sulpicius who was created Dictator for that very end according to the Authority of his greater Office called the Consul back into Italy The rest of his year he spent with M Servilius Master of the Horse in going to all the Cities in Italy which had been alienated by the War and inquiring into the several reasons of their defection In the time of the Truce an hundred onerary Ships with Provisions under a Convoy of twenty Men of War came over cut of Sardinia from Praetor Lentulus the Sea being free both from the Enemy and storms But Cn. Octavius who came out of Sicily with two hundred Ships of burden and thirty long ones had not the same Fortune For when he was come almost within sight of Africa with a prosperous course first the Wind failed him but soon after turning toward Africa it disorder'd and scatter'd all his Ships He himself with the Men of War getting with much ado and hard tugging of his Oars through the mighty Surges arrived at the Promontory of Apollo whilst most part of the onerary Vessels got into Aegimurus an Island at the end of the Bay next the main Ocean where Carthage stands about 30000 fathom from that City but some were driven to a place called Aquae Calidae i.e. hot Waters over against the very City All were in sight of Carthage wherefore they ran from all parts of the City into their Forum the Magistrates summoning a Senate and the People grumbling at the Court-door for fear so great a Booty as that should be lost out of their sight and power To which when some opposed the promise of a Peace which had been desired and others the obligation of the Truce for the time was not yet expired the Senate and the People being well-nigh mingled in Council together they at last agreed That Asdrubal should go with a Navy of fifty Ships to the Island Aegimurus and from thence gather together the Roman Ships that were dispersed about the Shores and Ports of it So those onerary Ships that were deserted by the Seamens running away from them were tow'd first from Aegimurus and then from the Waters by their Poops to Carthage The Ambassadors were not yet come back from Rome nor could they tell what the Senate of Rome's opinion was either of War or Peace nor was the time of the Truce yet expired Wherefore Scipio thinking it the greater indignity that they themselves who desired a Peace and a Truce should violate all hopes of Peace and the obligation of the Truce too sent M. Baebius L. Sergius and L. Fabius as Ambassadors immediately to Carthage who being like to have been abused by a concourse of the Rabble and seeing also that their return would be very dangerous they desired of the Magistrates who kept the Crowd off of them that they would send some Ships after them Thereupon they had two Gallies of three banks apiece allowed them which when they were come to the River Bagrada in sight of the Roman Camp returned to Carthage The Punick Navy was in Harbour at Vtica out of which three Gallies of four banks apiece either by a private Order sent from Carthage or of Asdrubal's own accord who being Admiral durst do such a thing without any damage to the publick from the main Sea surprised one of five belonging to the Romans as she had just got beyond the Promontory But they neither could hit her with their beaks she slid away so fast from them nor could their Soldiers leap out of their lower ones into her who was an higher Vessel Insomuch that she was bravely defended as long as their Weapons lasted which when they failed and she had now nothing else to defend her but the nearness of the Land and the multitude that came out of the Camp down to the Sea-side they rowed as hard as they could and running her on ground lost the Ship but saved all the Men. Thus by one ill thing upon another the Truce being without all doubt broken off Laelius and Fulvius came from Rome along with the Carthaginian Ambassadors To whom Scipio having said That though not only the Truce was broken by the Carthaginians but even the Law of Nations too was violated in his Ambassadors yet he would do nothing to them that should be either unworthy of the Roman Government or his own Morals dismissed the Ambassadors and prepared for the War When Annibal was now come nigh to the Land he bade one of the Mariners go up to the main top to see what Coast they made who telling him that the Prow of the Ship lookt toward a demolished Sepulchre he being dissatisfied at that ominous name bade the Pilot steer by that place and so arriving at Leptis he there put all his Men ashore These things were done that year in Africa What follows must be referred to that year in which M. Servilius Geminus who then was Master of the Horse and Tib. Claudius Nero were Consuls But in the end of the precedent year the Ambassadors of the associated Cities in Greece having made complaint That their Country was wasted by the Kings Guards and that their Ambassadors whom they had sent into Macedonia to demand a Reprisal of their Goods were not admitted to King Philip 's presence and also told them that it was reported Four thousand Soldiers were gone over into Africa under the Command of General Sopater to be a Guard to the Carthaginians and that a certain summ of Money was also sent along with them the Senate thought sit to send an Embassy to the King to tell him that they lookt upon all these things contrary to the League that was between him and them Whereupon they sent C. Terentius Varro C. Mamilius and M. Aurelius to whom they allowed three five bank'd Gallies This year was remarkable for a great fire that burnt down all the Clivus Publicius a street so called to the very ground the Waters being mightily out and every thing so extraordinary cheap for besides that all Italy was by Peace opened to them M. Valerius Falco and M. Fabius Buteo who were the Curule Aediles distributed to the People through every street a great quantity of Corn that was sent out of Spain at four Asses a Bushel The same year Q. Fabius Maximus died after he had lived to a great age if at least it be true that he was Augur sixty two years as some Authors say He was a Person truly worthy of that great Sirname Maximus i. e. the greatest yea even if it began in him for he outdid his Fathers and equalized his Grandfathers great Actions Indeed his Grandfather Rullus was famous for more Victories and greater Battles but Annibal is such
and Syracuse to our charge To Rhegium I confess in the time of the War with Pyrrhus we at the request of the Rhegians themselves sent a Legion to assist them who made themselves Masters of that City that they were sent to defend But did we approve of that injustice No we persecuted that wicked Legion which when we had subdued and forced to give our Allies satisfaction at the expence of their Necks we restored their City Country and all they had with their Liberties and Laws back to the Rhegians When the Syracusans were oppressed by Foreign Tyrants to make their oppression appear the more grievous after we had assisted them and been fatigued for three years together both by Sea and Land in attacking well fortified Cities seeing that the Syracusans themselves chose rather to be enslaved to Tyrants than to be taken by us we took and restored their City when we had freed it with the same Arms. Nor do we deny that Sicily is our Province or that some Cities that were on the Carthaginians side unanimously making War against us as their Allies are stipendiary and tributary more to us But on the other hand we would have both you and all People else to know that we have made each of their conditions proportionable to their deserts Must we repent for punishing the Campanians an act which they themselves cannot complain of These People after we had fought for them against the Samnites almost seventy years to our great loss after we had obliged them to us first by a League secondly by intermarriages and consequently by all the bonds of consanguinity and lastly by making them free of our City these very People I say in the time of our misfortunes were the first in all Italy who having barbarously murdered our Garison revolted to Annibal and then being incensed that we should besiege them sent Annibal to attack Rome Now if neither their City nor so much as a man of them were yet alive who could say but they had suffered according as they deserved More of them through consciousness of the ill things which they had done kill'd themselves than were put to death by us And from the rest we only so far took away their Town and Country that we still allowed them an habitation letting their innocent City stand as secure as that whosoever at this day sees it will find no sign at all of its being stormed or taken But what do I talk of Capua when we granted a Peace and liberty even to Carthage after we had conquer'd it Our greatest danger is lest by pardoning those we conquer too easily we incite more people for that very reason to try the fortune of War against us So much in our defence and against Philip whose domestick Parricidies and slaughters of his nearest Relations and Friends with his Lust more inhumane if possible than his Cruelty you who live nearer to Macedonia are better acquainted with than we are As for you Aetolians we undertook a War upon your account against Philip and you made a Peace with him without our knowledge But perhaps you 'll say that when we were engaged in the Punick War you were forced for fear to admit of Terms of Peace from him who then was more powerful and that we also having greater things upon our hands our selves omitted the War that you had laid down 'T is true but now by the bounty of the Gods seeing the Punick War is made an end of we bend all our strength against Macedonia and you have good opportunity of restoring your selves into our Friendship and Alliance unless you had rather perish with Philip than conquer with the Romans When the Roman had said this all of them were inclined to the Roman side but Damocritus Praetor of the Aetolians who as the report goes had received money from the King Philip assenting to neither party said That nothing was so injurious to publick Counsels as hastiness For it was attended with swift repentance though too late and to no purpose since counsels hurried so precipitately on could not be either recalled or amended But that a time might be now appointed for that deliberation whereof he thought they ought to wait the maturity or ripeness And since the Laws provided that they should not treat of War or Peace but in a Panaetolick or a Pylaick Assembly of all the Aetolians and at Pylae or Thermopylae he therefore advised them immediately to resolve that the Praetor when he had a mind to treat of Peace or War should without any design fairly summon an Assembly and that whatever was then proposed or decreed should be as valid and of the same force as if it had been the act of a Panaetolick or Pylaick Council The Embassadors being thus dismissed without any positive Answer he said He had taken the best course for the safety of their Nation for now they would be on that side which happened to have the best luck These things were done in the Council of the Aetolians Mean while Philip made preparation for the War both by Sea and Land drawing all his Naval Forces to Demetrias in Thessaly supposing that Attalus and the Roman Fleet would move from Aegina in the beginning of the Spring he made Heraclides Admiral of the Navy as he had done formerly with a charge to look to the Sea Coast But he himself mustered up all the Land Forces he could believing that he had gotten two great Auxiliaries from the Romans the Aetolians on the one side and the Dardanes on the other whilst his Son Perseus blocked up the streights at Pelagonia The Consul in the interim did not prepare for but actually wage a War leading his Army through the Confines of the Dassaretians where he kept the Corn that he brought from his own Winter-Quarters entire because that Country afforded supplies sufficient for his Souldiers The Towns and Villages surrendred themselves partly of their own freewill and partly for fear some being also taken by storm and others found to be deserted by the Barbarians who fled into the adjacent Mountains After which he pitched his Camp at Lycus near the River Bevus from whence he sent for Corn to all the Storehouses of the Dassaretians that were thereabout Philip saw all People round about in a consternation and great fear but not knowing which way the Consul was bent sent a Party of Horse to find out whither the Enemy intended The Consul was at the same loss For though he knew the King was gone out of his Winter Quarters he knew not what Country he was bound for Wherefore he likewise had sent some of his Horse as Scouts to watch his motions Which two adverse Parties after they had a long time stragled about the Dassaretian Territories to and fro at last met in the same rode Whereupon they both knew as soon as they heard the noise of the Men and Horses though at a good distance that the Enemy was at hand so that
Roman Generals with his Fleet and other Forces the Senate took it very kindly but that they would neither send any Auxiliaries to Attalus against Antiochus who was the Ally and Friend of the Roman People nor detain Attalus 's own Auxiliaries any farther than should stand with his convenience That the Roman People had always used foreign Soldiers according to the pleasure of those foreign Allies that sent them and that both the beginning and end of their Action was at the disposal of them who were so kind as to assist the Romans But they would send Embassadors to Antiochus to tell him that the People of Rome did then imploy Attalus his Ships and Soldiers against Philip their common Enemy and that he would gratifie the Senate very much if he would not meddle any farther with Attalus 's Dominions but desist from the War That it was fit all Kings that were Allies and Friends of the Roman People should preserve Peace among themselves also The Consul T. Quintius having so made the Levy that he chose out those Soldiers of known Courage who had served in Spain or Africa was now making all hast into his Province but was detain'd by Prodigies that he heard of being fain to stay at Rome to take care of ceâ—tain Religious Duties upon that account The publick street at Veii and the Forum with Jupiters Temple at Lanuvium were burnt with Lightning Hercules's Temple at Ardea and at Capua the Wall certain Turrets and the Temple which is called Alba. At Arretium the Heavens seemed to be all on Fire and the Earth at Velitrae fell in with a vast hollow for the space of three Acres At Suessa Aurunca they said there was a Lamb with two Heads and at Sinuessa a Pig with a Mans Head Upon the score of those Prodigies there was a supplication made one whole day the Consuls being imployed in the performance of the Divine Rites But having appeased the Gods they went into their Provinces Allius with C. Helvius the Praetor into Gaul and delivered the Army that he received from Lentulus which he ought to have disbanded to the Praetor resolving himself to carry on the War with those new Legions that he had brought with him but he did nothing worth our taking notice of T. Quintius also the other Consul being come over from Brundusium sooner than former Consuls were used to do lay at Corcyra with eight thousand Foot and eight hundred Horse From whence he crost over in a Fire-bank'd Gally into the Borders of Epirus and marched toward the Roman Camp by great Journeys Then sending away Villius he stayed some few dayes whilst his Forces came after him out of Corcyra and held a Council whether he should attempt to go streight through the Enemies Camp or not venturing upon an enterprize attended with so much trouble and danger should rather go into Macedonia by way of the Dassaretians and Lycus a Town so called a safe rode though about And that opinion had prevailed had not he feared lest when he was so far from the Sea by letting the Enemy escape him if as he had formerly the King would defend himself in Desarts and Woods the Summer might be spent without any action Wherefore be it how it would be he resolved in that very place though so inconvenient for him to attack the Foe But indeed he resolved to do so before his Council had told him or he found out the way how he should do it for they spent forty days without any attempt in sitting down within sight of the Enemy Then Philip had hopes of making a Peace through the mediation of the Epirotes and therefore in a Council that he called there were for the carrying of the affair Pausanias their chief Magistrate and Alexander Master of the Horse who brought the Consul and the King to a Parley at that place where the River Aous is the narrowest The Substance of what the Consul demanded was this That Philip would draw out all his Guards out of the several Cities and restore all the goods that could be found to those persons whose country and Cities he had plundered and set a competent value indifferently upon the rest To which Philip made answer That the condition of his Cities was very different as for those that he had taken he would set at liberty but as to those that were delivered to him from his Ancestours he would never quit the just and hereditary possession of them If those cities that he had had war with complained of any damage by them sustained he would reserve the arbitration of it to any people with whom they both had peace The Consul replied there was no need of a Judge or Vmpire in such a case for who did not know that the injury sprung from him who was the first aggressor And that Philip though never provoked by any body whatever was himself the original cause of all that violence which in that war had been committed After that when they came to discourse of what Cities should be set at liberty the Consul named the Thessalians first of all At which the King was so incens'd with Indignation that he cryed out What T. Quintius could you injoin me to do that were more grievous if I were a conquered King and with that he flung away from the Parley Thereupon they could hardly forbear from engaging each other with darts and such like Weapons at a distance since they were parted by the River running between them The next by excursions from their stations there were first a great many light skirmishes in the Plain which was wide enough for that purpose but soon after the Kings Men retiring into the narrow and rough places thereabouts the Romans also out of an eagerness to fight them got in thither too On the Roman side their Order Military Discipline and a sort of Arms fit to streighten the Foe was their advantage and on the Enemies side the Places the vast Engines and Cross-bows planted upon almost all the Rocks as it were upon Walls But when they had received a great many Wounds on both sides and some also as in a form'd Battel were slain night came on and put an end to that Fight When things were in this posture a certain Shepherd sent from Charopus a Noble Man of Epirus was brought to the Consul who told him That he kept sheep in that Lawne where the King was now encamped that he knew all the turnings and by-ways in all those Mountains If therefore he would send a party along with him he would lead them a very convenient easie way till they came upon the very heads of their Enemies but told them withal that Charopus said He would have him give credit to what he delivered only so far as that the effecting of the matter might be in the Consuls and not in the Shepherds power Hereupon the Consul being more inclinable than daring to believe the fellow and having a mind fill'd both with joy
equal even to the Townsmen only who were of the Macedonians side much less when the Macedonians were added to them whom even the Romans themselves could not endure to cope with at Corinth which though at first it not at all moved either their Captain or them yet sometime after when they saw the Argives come arm'd on the other side in a great Body foreseeing nought but certain destruction they nevertheless seem'd resolv'd to undergo any hazard if their Commander had but stuck to them But Aenesidemus for fear all the flower of the Achaean Youth and their City should be lost together having bargained with Philocles that they might march off himself continued in the same place where he was arm'd and with a very small number to attend him Whereupon when Philocles sent a Messenger to ask him what he meant he standing mute with his Shield before him made Answer That he was resolv'd to die arm'd in defence of that City which was committed to his charge Thereupon by the Prefects Order the Thracians threw their Darts in upon them and kill'd them every man So that after the alliance was made between the Achaeans and the Romans two of the most famous Cities in the World Argi and Corinthus were in subjection to the King These things were performed by the Romans in Greece by Sea and Land that Summer But in Gaul there was no memorable exploit done by Sex Aelius the Consul who though he had two Armies with him in that Province one which he kept still but ought to have disbanded that had been under the Command of L. Cornelius the Pro-Consul of which he made C. Helvius the Praetor General and another that he brought thither yet he spent allmost the whole year in reducing the Cremoneses and Plancentians back into those Colonies from whence by the fortune of War they had been dispersed Now as Gaul that Year was at quiet beyond all expectation so about the City of Rome there had like to have been an Insurrection made by the slaves For the Carthaginian Hostages were then in Custody at Setia and had with them as being Noblemens Sons a great number of Slaves who were the more not only by reason of the late African War but because the Setines also themselves had bought several Captives of that Nation which were taken Prisoners When therefore they had formed their Conspiracy they sent some of that number to sollicite the other Slaves that were in the Country near Setia as well as about Norba and Circeii And when they had gotten all things in a readiness they had resolved to set upon the people when they were intent upon seeing certain Games which were to be in a day or two at Setia and when they had taken Setia by slaughter and that sudden tumult to make themselves Masters of Norba and Circeii News was brought to Rome of this their design to L. Cornelius Merula then Praetor or Governour of the City Two Slaves came to him before day and told him in order all that had been or was intended to be done He therefore having Commanded them to be kept in Custody at his own House and called a Senat to whom he declared what the Informers said was immediately ordered to go and inquire into and suppress that Conspiracy Accordingly he went with five Lieutenants and by the way forced all he met with an Oath to take up Arms and follow him By means of which tumultuary Levy having raised almost two thousand men he came without telling any of them whither he was a going to Setia Where having soon laid hold upon the Heads of the Conspiracy he so surprised them that the Slaves ran all out of the Town But he sent a Party to pursue and find them out all over the Country In this affair the service of the two informing Slaves and one Freeman was very extraordinary to the latter of which the Senat ordered an hundred thousand pounds for a Reward and to the Slaves twenty five thousand pounds with their Liberty which was paid them out of the Treasury Not long after out of the remains of that same Conspiracy news was brought that the Slaves were like to seize Preneste Thereupon L. Cornelius the Praetor marching thither punished nigh five hundred persons that were in that Plot. Mean while the City was in a fright that the Carthaginian Hostages and Captives should attempt such things insomuch that there were Watches kept at Rome in every street of which the inferiour Magistrates were to take care and the Triumviri injoin'd to have a stricter Eye over the Prison belonging to the Stone-quarries whither Slaves c. were sent to work Besides which the Praetor sent Letters all over Latium to Command that the Hostages should be kept in private and not suffered to stir abroad and that the Captives being bound in Fetters of no less than ten pound weight should be in no other than the publick Gaol That year Embassadors from King Attalus laid up as an offering in the Capitol a golden Crown of two hundred forty six pound weight and gave the Senat thanks for that Antiochus by the perswasions of the Roman Embassadors had drawn his Army out of Attalus's Dominions The same Summer there came two hundred Horsemen ten Elephants and two thousand Bushels of Wheat from King Masinissa to the Army that was in Greece There were also sent out of Sicily and Sardinia great quantities of Provision and Cloths to the same Army M. Marcellus at that time was Governour of Sicily and M. Portius Cato of Sardinia who though he were a religious and an innocent man was lookt upon as a little too harsh in restraining of Usury For he expell'd all Usurers out of that Island and either retrenched or quite took off the charge which the Allies were usually at to maintain the Praetors At this time Sext. Aelius the Consul being come back out of Gaul to Rome to hold the Assembly for chusing of Consuls made C. Cornelius Cethegus and Q Minucius Rufus Consuls Two dayes after the Assembly was held for chusing of Praetors in which there were more than ever before six chosen the Provinces did so increase and the Empire grew so much larger Their names were L. Manlius Vulso C. Sempronius Tuditanus M. Sergius Sillus M. Helvius M. Minucius Rufus and L. Atilius Of whom Sempronius and Helvius were Aediles of the People as Q. Minucius Thermus and T. Sempronius Longus were the Curule or chief Aediles The Roman Games were performed four times that Year Now Cn. Cornelius and Q. Minucius being Consuls their first business was to dispose of the Provinces between themselves and the Praetors But the Praetors had the precedence in that transaction whose choice was to be managed by lots In which affair Sergius happened to have the jurisdiction of the City and Minucius a Foreign one Acilius to have Sardinia Manlius Sicily Sempronius the hither Spain and Helvius the farther But when the Consuls were ready to part
the Carthaginians who had been the cause of the War an hundred and thirty military Ensigns carried off besides above two hundred Waggons The Towns that had complyed with the Revolters surrendered themselves to the Romans Minucius the Consul had first over-ran the Boian Territories with extraordinary devastations but when they had left the Insubrians and were come back to defend their own kept himself within his Camp supposing he must then have a set Battle with the Enemy Nor had the Boii declined the fight had not the News which was brought them of the Insubrians being defeated quite damped their Spirits Wherefore leaving their General and their Camp they dispersed themselves about their Villages each man to defend what he had and totally altered the Enemies measures in the mannage of the War For having now no hopes of determining the matter at one bout he began again to plunder the Country burn the Houses and take the Towns At that time Clastidium was set on fire and from thence were the Legions led toward the Ligurian Iluates who were the only people that would not submit And that Nation too as soon as they heard that the Insubrians were Conquer'd and that the Boii were thereupon so affrighted as that they durst not so much as try the fortune of a Battle made their Surrender About that time there were Letters brought from the Consuls to Rome concerning their success in Gaul which M. Sergius the City Praetor read first in the Senate and then by order of that House to the People upon which there was a Supplication appointed to be made for four dayes together It was now Winter and just at that time when T. Quintius having taken Elatia was gone into his Winter Quarters in Phocis and Locris that a sedition broke out at Opus In which one Faction sent to the Aetolians who were the nearer and the other the Romans to assist them The Aetolians came first but the stronger Faction shutting out the Aetolians and sending a Messenger to the Roman General continued Masters of the City till he came A Garison of the Kings had possession of the Castle who could not be induced to stir from thence either by the menaces of the Opuntians nor the Authority of the Roman Consul who commanded it The reason why they were not presently Besieged was this that an Herald came from the King to desire time and place for a Parley That was a request which the Consul could very hardly grant not but that he desir'd that the War might seem to be made an end of partly by force of Arms and partly upon conditions too For he did not yet know whether he should have a Successor sent him out of the new Consuls or which he had ordered his Friends and Relations as much as possible to endeavour whether he should be continued in Commission However he thought a Parley might be convenient that he might have his choice either if he staid to dispose things toward a War or if he went off toward a Peace For this purpose therefore they chose the Sea-shore in the Malian Bay near Nicaea And thither came the King from Demetrias with five Barks and one Man of War attended by the Macedonian Nobility and a famous Achaean who was banish'd his Country call'd Cycliadas With the Roman General there was King Amynander Dionysodorus Attalus's Embassador Agesimbrotus Admiral of the Rhodian Fleet Phaeneas Prince of Aetolia and two Achaeans Aristanus and Xenophon Among these persons the Roman marching on to the extremity of the breach and seeing the King come only into the Prow of his Ship that stood at Anchor there told him We may discourse with and hear each other more commodiously when we are nearer if you will but come a shore To which the King making Answer that he should not take his advice Quintius reply'd Why who is it that you are afraid of The King made this proud and King-like return I fear no person but the immortal Gods but I dare not trust all those that I see about you and of all the Aetolians least Why said the Roman All men that meet to parley with an Enemy are in equal danger as to that that they may be betray'd That 's true said the King but then the reward of their treachery is not equal if they should deceive each other Phaeneas and Philip. For it is not so hard for the Aetolians to put another Governour in the place of Phaneas as it is for the Macedonians to find another King when I am gone After these words had past they were all silent till the Roman began and said he thought it fitting for him to speak first who desired the Conference to which the King reply'd That it was his part to begin who prescribed not who accepted the terms of peace Whereupon the Roman told him He would be very plain with him for he design'd to say such things as that unless he perform'd them there was no likelyhood of a Peace That the King must draw his Guards out of all the Cities in Greece restore their Captives and Fugitives to all the Allies of the Roman people deliver back to the Romans those places in Illyrium that he had taken possession of after the peace was concluded on in Epirus and give up those Cities to Ptolomy King of Aegypt which he had invaded after the death of Ptolomy Philopator That these were the terms which he and the Roman People would make but that it was also very just that the demands of their Allies too should be heard For King Attalus's Embassador demanded the Ships and Captives that were taken in the Sea fight at Cius complaining that Nicephorium and the Temple of Venus which he had plundered and laid wast were restored as though they had never been violated The Rhodians demanded back Peraea a Country upon the Continent opposite to their Island to which it anciently belong'd and required that his Garrisons should be drawn out of Jassus Bargyllae and Eurome and in Hellespont from Sestus and Abydos as also that Panopolis should be restored to the Byzantians with all its ancient immunities and that all the Mart-Towns and Ports of Asia should be set at liberty The Achaeans redemanded Corinth and Argi but as Phaeneas Praetor of the Aetolians who desired much what the same thing as the Roman that the Macedonians should depart out of Greece and that those Cities that were formerly theirs might be restored to the Aetolians a certain Nobleman of Aetolia call'd Alexander who among them was reckoned a very Eloquent Person went on with his Speech and said He had held his tongue a great while not that he thought they had done any thing to the purpose in that Conference but for fear of interrupting any of his Allies who was a speaking But now he could not forbear to tell them that Philip did neither talk of Peace with any sincerity nor ever make War with true Courage That in his Parleys he was
the shore near Thronium was appointed for their meeting to which they came very early And there Philip desired Quintius with all that were then present not to destroy his hopes of peace and at last desired time to send Embassadors to the Senate at Rome telling them that he would either obtain a peace upon these conditions or accept of any terms that the Senate should offer That did not by any means please the rest for they said His design was only to gain time by that delay to reinforce himself and Quintius also said That was very likely indeed if it had been Summer and a season fit for action But that now since the Winter was come they could lose nothing by giving him time to send his Embassadors to Rome For neither would any of those things which they agreed upon with the King stand good without the approbation of the Senate and besides that he had an opportunity whilst the Winter continued and made it necessary for them to lie still to learn of the Senate what they resolved to do To this his Opinion the rest also who were the principals of the Allies submitted and granting a Truce for two Months resolved themselves likewise to send each of them Embassadors to advise the Senate that they might not be circumvented by the Kings Politicks But it was added as Surplusage to the Truce that the Kings Guards should be all immediately drawn out of Phocis and Locris Quintius sent Aminander King of the Athamans and to make a shew of an Embassy Q. Fabius his Sisters Son Q. Fulvius and Appius Claudius along with the Embassadors of the Allies When they came to Rome the Embassadors from the Allies were heard before those from the King Now the rest of their Speeches was spent in invectives against the King but they moved the Senate most of all by demonstrating the situation of the Sea and Land in that Country so far that it appeared to all of them That if the King were Master of Demetrias in Thessaly of Chalcis in Euboea and of Corinth in Achaia Greece could not be free and that Philip himself did not more contumeliously than truly call those Cities the Fetters of Greece Then the Kings Embassadors were admitted who at the beginning of a long Speech had this short question put to them Whether the King would quit those three Cities or no which interrupted them they denying that they had any Commission to answer to that particular point Thus were the Kings men dismissed without concluding of a Peace and Quintius had full power granted him to make either Peace or War as he thought good When therefore it sufficiently appear'd that the Senate were not weary of the War he himself also being more desirous of War than Peace would never grant Philip the favour of a Conference after that time nor admit of any Embassy but what should tell the Senate that Philips Forces were departed out of all Greece Philip seeing that he must needs fight for it and that he ought to muster up as much force as he could from all parts especially from the Cities of Achaia a Country far remote from Macedonia though he were yet more solicitous for Argos than Corinth he thought it his best course to let Nabis Tyrant of Lacedaemon have Argos in Trust as it were so as that he should restore it to him again if he happen'd to be Victorious but keep it himself if any thing happened contrary to his hopes or expectations In order whereunto he writes to Philocles who was Governour of Argos and Corinth to go and wait upon the Tyrant Accordingly Philocles besides that he carried a Present along with him added as a pledge of the future Friendship between the King and the Tyrants that the King had a mind to marry his Daughters to Nabis's Sons The Tyrant at first said He would not accept of that City on any other terms than that the Argives themselves by their Decree would send for him to the relief of their City But afterward when he heard that they in full Assembly not only despised but also abominated the very name of a Tyrant thinking with himself that he had got a sufficient reason now to pillage them He bad Philocles deliver the City into whose hands he pleas'd Thereupon in the night time when all people were secure the Tyrant was received into the City where at break of day he seiz'd all the chief places and shut the Gates Some few of the Nobility escaped upon the first commotion whose Fortunes were plundered in their absence and those that staid there had their gold and silver taken from them Great Impositions were laid upon the Inhabitants and those that paid their money readily were dismissed without any affront or corporal torture but those that were suspected to hide or keep back any thing were punished with all the severity that slaves could undergo After which he called an Assembly and proposed two Laws one for the remitting of old Debts and another for dividing of the Lands equally to each man his proportion which were two Firebrands to them that were studious in innovation to kindle and incense the Mobile against the Nobility Now when Argos was in the hands of Nabis the Tyrant never minding from whom or upon what condition he had received that City sent Embassadors to Quintius at Elatia and to Attalus who wintered at Aegina to tell them That Argos was now in his possession and that if Quintius would come thither to a conference he did not doubt but all things would go according to his mind Quintius that he might deprive Philip of that Garrison also having consented to come sent to Attalus to come from Aegina and meet him at Sicyon whilst he himself crossed over from Anticyra with ten five-bank'd Gallies which at that very time his Brother L. Quintius had by chance brought thither from their Winter Quarters at Corcyra to the same Port. Attalus was already there who by saying That the Tyrant ought to come to the Roman General not the Roman wait upon the Tyrant brought Quintius over to his opinion not to go into the very City of Argos Not far from the City there is a place called Mycenica in which they agreed to meet Quintius came with his Brother and some few Tribunes of the Soldiers Attalus with a Kingly retinue and Nicostratus Praetor or Chief Magistrate of the Achaeans with a small number of Auxiliaries There they found the Tyrant waiting for them with all his Forces and as he marched forth arm'd with a Guard about him almost into the middle of a plain that lay between them so Quintius with his Brother and two Tribunes and Attalus attended only by the Achaean Praetor and one of his Nobles came unarm'd to meet him The beginning of the Tyrants speech to them was an excuse that he should come to the Conference arm'd and with a Guard of armed Men about him when he saw the Roman General and
Romans did not shew the same affection to their Nation since the Victory as they had done in the War whilst others more vehemently accused and upbraided him saying That it was not only impossible for the Romans to have conquer'd Philip without the Aetolians to assist them but they could not so much as have come into Greece without them To which the Roman forbore to Answer lest the matter should have proceeded to a quarrel and only said they would be sure to have all the justice imaginable done them if they sent Embassadors to Rome Whereupon by his advice they pitch'd upon Embassadors and thus was the War with Philip made an end of Whilst these things past in Greece Macedonia and Asia a Conspiracy of the Servants had like to have put Etruria into a Warlike posture But Manius Acilius the Praetor who had the jurisdiction between Citizens and Foreigners being sent to inquire into and suppress it with one of the two City Legions overcame some of them that were gather'd to an head in open fight of which many were slain and many taken but drubbing others who were the chief Conspirators hang'd them up upon Crosses restoring the rest to their former Masters The Consuls went into their Provinces But when Marcellus was just got into the Confines of the Boii and since his Souldiers were now quite tired with marching a whole day together was Encamping upon a certain Bank Corolamus King of the Boii set upon him with a great Army and kill'd to the number of three thousand men In that tumultuary Battle there fell some very eminent persons among whom were the Prefects of the Allies T. Sempronius Gracchus M. Junius Sullanus and two Tribunes of the Souldiers of the second Legion A. Ogulnius and P. Claudius Notwithstanding the Romans made all the hast they could to finish the Fortifications of their Camp and kept it so that the Enemy though they had been successful in the late fight attempted it to no purpose After that for some dayes together Marcellus kept in the same Post till he had cured his wounded men and recover'd his Souldiers Courage from the fright they had been put into Thereupon the Boii being a Nation that cannot endure to stay long in a place got away into their Forts and Villages and Marcellus immediately passing the Po march'd into the Territories of Comum where the Insubrians who had perswaded the Comians to take up Arms were then Encamped The Legions join'd Battle upon the rode in which the Enemy at first charged up so briskly that they made the Antesignani those Souldiers that were before the Ensigns give way Which when Marcellus perceived he fearing lest if they were once removed they might be absolutely routed opposed the Marsian Regiment and sent all the Troops of Latine Horse out to meet the Foe By whose first and second effort the violence of the Enemy was so far rebated that the rest of the Roman Army being thereby encourag'd first stood their ground and then fell fiercely on Nor could the Gauls any longer endure the shock but turn'd their backs and ran away as hard as they could drive Valerius Antias tells us that in that fight there were above forty thousand men slain four hundred and seven military Ensigns taken with four hundred thirty two Waggons and a great many gold Chains one of which being of a great weight Claudius sayes was laid up as an offering in the Temple of Jupiter in the Capitol The Gallick Camp was that day taken and rifled and so was Comum within a few dayes after After that twenty eight Castles revolted to the Consul But this also is a doubt among Writers whether the Consul led his Army first into the Country of the Boii or the Insubrians to obliterate the memory of an unfortunate with a successful Battle or whether the Victory gain'd at Comum were disparaged by the defeat which he receiv'd among the Boii About the time that these things were transacted with such variety of Fortune L. Furius Purpureo the other Consul came through Vmbria into the Boian Dominions Where when he was got near to a Castle called Mutilum fearing lest he might be hedg'd in by the Boii and Ligurians together he marched back the same way that he came till by a long Circuit about through an open Champaign Country which was for that reason the more secure he met with his Collegue who joining his Forces with him they first of all ravaged all the Boian Territories as far as the Town called Felsina But that City the other Castles and most of the Boii except the youth which were in Arms upon a very great occasion and then were retired into the pathless Woods came and submitted to them Then they led their Army into Liguriae whether the Boii supposing that they might surprise the Romans who were negligent in their marching because they themselves seemed to be at a great distance from them follow'd through by wayes But not over-taking them they presently crossed the Po in Boats and having pillaged the Laevians and the Libyans as they return'd back again in the very Confines of Liguria laden with the spoil of the Country they light upon the Roman Army With that they engaged more suddenly and sharply than if they had come prepared to fight at a time and place appointed for it There it appear'd what force passion had to instigate mens minds For the Romans were so much more desirous of slaughter than of Victory that they scarce left the Enemy a Messenger to carry the news of their defeat For that action upon the receit of the Consuls Letters at Rome there was a Supplication order'd for three dayes together Soon after Marcellus came to Rome and had a triumph granted him by general consent of the Senate so that he triump'd in the time of his Office over the Insubrians and Comians But he left the hopes of a triumph upon the score of the Boii to his Collegue for that though he himself had been unfortunate in a Battle against that people his Partner had met with better success Many spoils were brought along in the Enemies Waggons that he had taken with many military Ensigns three hundred and twenty thousand pounds of brass money and of silver stamped with a Chariot two hundred thirty four thousand pound Out of which he gave to each Foot-Souldier eight hundred Asses and three times as much to every Horseman and Centurion The same Year King Antiochus happening to Winter at Ephesus endeavoured to reduce all the Cities of Asia to their old form of Government for the rest he supposed either because they were situated in Champaigne Places or that they had but little confidence in the Walls Arms or Youth would easily receive his Yoke Smyrna and Lamsacus were then at Liberty and therefore there was some danger lest if he should wink at them whom he fear'd the other Cities in Aeolus and Ionia would follow the example of Smyrna and those in
first came into Spain because to his Predecessors the Spaniards revolted as being weary of the Carthaginian Yoke but by him were to be vindicated or judicially challeng'd as it were from their usurped liberty into slavery wherefore he found all things in such confusion that some of them were in Arms and others by being besieged were forced to revolt nor had he not come in time to assist them could they have held out any longer But the Consul had so much wit and courage together that he used to make one himself in every thing that was done whether greater or lesser nor did he consider only and give order for that which was convenient but himself also transacted several things in his own person never shewing his authority more gravely or severely upon any one than upon himself For he vied with the meanest of his Souldiers in Parsimony watchings and pains-taking nor had he any thing in the Army more than another man excepting honour and the command of it The Celtiberians who as I said before were hired by the Enemy made the War in Turdetania the more difficult to P. Manlius the Praetor Wherefore the Consul for whom the Praetor sent a Letter led his Legions thither When he came there now the Celtiberians and the Turdetans had two distinct Camps the Romans running into their stations began to make some light Skirmishes with the Turdetans coming off with Victory though their attempt was never so rash Then the Consul order'd the Tribunes of the Souldiers to go and talk with the Celtiberians and to carry them their choice of three conditions of Peace the first that they would come over to the Romans and accept of double the pay which they were to have from the Turdetans the next that they would depart to their own homes upon the publick word and promise that their joining with the Romans Enemies should be no disadvantage to them and the third that if they delighted in War they would appoint a time and place where they might fairly fight it out But the Celtiberians desired time to consult of it There upon a Council was held at which there were several Turdetans present with a great Tumult that hinder'd their resolving upon any one point Now though it were uncertain whether they should have Peace or War with the Celtiberians yet the Romans as in times of Peace carried in Provisions out of the Country and Castles of the Enemies and besides that went often into their Fortifications as if they had agreed upon a Commerce with them by virtue of a private Truce But the Consul finding that he could not tempt the Enemy to fight first of all led some of his most active Regiments under their several Banners into that part of the Country that was yet unpillaged where having an account that all the Baggage and Carriages of the Celtiberians were left at Seguntia he went forward with his Army to attack that place But seeing that nothing would provoke them he having paid off not only his own men but the Praetors also and left all the Army in the Praetorian Camp himself with seven Regiments went back to Iberus With that force though so small he took several Towns besides that the Sedetans Ausetans and Suessetans revolted to him But the Lacetans who lived in a pathless woody Country were still in Arms not only by reason of their natural inclination to War but because they were conscious that whilst the Consul and his Army were imploy'd in the Turdetan War they had plunder'd the Roman Allies by sudden incursions which they made upon them Wherefore to attack their Town the Consul led not only the Roman Regiments but the youth of those Allies who were so justly incensed at them Their Town was very long and not nigh so broad from whence he set up his Standard about four hundred paces And leaving there a guard of certain chosen Regiments he order'd them not to stir out of that place till he himself came to them but led the rest of his Forces round to the farther side of the City The Suessetan youth were the greatest part of all his Auxiliaries whom he commanded to approach and attack the Wall The Lacetans knew by their Arms and Ensigns who they were and therefore remembring how often they had over-ran their Country how often they had routed and defeated them in set Battles on a sudden open'd their Gates and sallied out all together upon them The Suessetans could scarce endure the shout that they set up much less their violent Effort which when the Consul as he thought before hand he should saw come to pass he gallop'd up to the Wall of the Enemies to the Regiments and taking them hastily along with him whilst all the Lacetans were in eager pursuit of the Suessetans led them into the City at a place where there was silence and no Company to defend it taking all the whole Town before the Lacetans came back They therefore soon afterward having nothing but their Arms surrender'd themselves to him From thence he presently march'd victorious to Vergium a Fort so called which was for the most part a refuge for Robbers who from thence made incursions into the peaceful parts of his Province Thence fled the Prince or Governour of the Town and came to the Consul beginning to excuse both himself and his Country-men in this manner That the Government of that Town was not in their hands but that a Company of Robbers that were taken in had made the whole Garison their own Thereupon the Consul bad him go home again but frame some plausible excuse for his absence and when he saw him under the Walls the Thieves being then also intent to defend them that then with the men of his own Faction he should be sure to seize the Castle Accordingly he went and did as he was order'd which put the Romans on the one hand whilst they were climbing the Walls and the Barbarians on the other hand to see the Castle taken into a sudden consternation The Consul having got possession of this place commanded that all those who were in the Castle with their Relations should have their liberty and Estates order'd the Questor to sell the rest of the Townsmen and punish'd the Robbers as he thought fit Having quieted the Province he imposed great Taxes upon the Iron and Silver Trades out of which the Province grew every day still richer and richer and for these exploits of his in Spain the Senate decreed a Supplication of three dayes continuance The same Summer the other Consul L. Valerius Flaccus fought a second set Battle with the Boii in Gaul near the Litan Wood in which they say there were eight thousand Gauls slain and that the rest quitting the War escaped into their Villages and other parts of the Country The Consul the rest of the Summer kept his Army near the Po at Placentia and Cremona and repaired those places which in those Towns were demolish'd in the
him who was not only a grievance to his own Country but to be fear'd by all the Cities round about and stuck in the bowels as it were of a famous City Nor was Quintius ignorant how they stood affected and therefore confess'd that if it could have been done without the ruine of Lacedaemon He ought not to have hearkned to any terms of Peace But now seeing he could not be subdu'd any otherwise than by the fatal ruin of that City he thought it better to leave the Tyrant weaken'd and deprived of almost all his power to hurt any body else than to let such a City be destroy'd by remedies too violent for it to bear and perish even whilst he asserted its liberty But to the remembrance of what was past he added that he designed to go into Italy and carry all his Army along with him That they should hear within ten dayes that the Garisons at Demetrias and Chalcis were drawn out that he would deliver Acrocorinthus immediately before their Faces empty up to the Achaeans to the end that all people might know whether the Romans or the Aetolians were used to lie who had given out that their liberty was very unwisely trusted in the hands of the Roman People and that their Macedonian Masters were only chang'd for Roman Lords But that they never cared what they said or what they did That he advised the other Cities to value their Friends not by their words but their actions and learn to know whom they ought to believe and whom to have a care of That they would use their liberty with moderation for when it was temperate it was wholesome both for each particular person and the communities in general too but being extravagant was headstrong and unruly as well to them that had it as it was grievous to others That the Nobility in every City and the several orders of men among themselves with all the Cities in common should study Concord For there was no King or Tyrant could be strong enough to oppose them if they agreed one with another but that discord and sedition made all things easy to those that have a mind to ensnare them when that side which is the weaker at a domestick conflict engages rather in a Foreign one than they will yield to a Fellow-Citizen That they would keep and preserve the liberty which was gotten by external force and restored by others love to them very carefully that the Roman People might know they had given liberty to those that deserv'd it and that their favours were well placed When they heard these words as if they had come from a Father they all cry'd for joy so that they confounded even him also whilst he was a speaking But some time after they hum'd to signifie their approbation and advised each other that they would suffer those words as though they were utter'd from an Oracle to sink into their breasts and minds And then having commanded silence desired of them That they would send all the Roman Citizens whom they could find among them in slavery within two months to him in Thessaly For it was not honourable even for themselves that in a Country just set at liberty the very deliverers of it should be in servitude Thereupon they all cry'd out that they gave him thanks among other things for this also that they were put in mind to do so pious and necessary an office For there was a vast number of such as were taken in the Punick War whom Annibal being they were not redeemed by their own Countrymen had sold To prove which Polybius writes that that business cost the Achaeans a hundred Talents five hundred Deniers being set upon each ones Head to be given back to their several Masters For at that rate there were in Achaia twelve hundred Now do you reckon proportionably how many it was likely that all Greece contain'd The Convention was not yet dissolv'd when they saw the Garrison descending forthwith down from Acrocorinthus march to the Gate and so away In Reer of whom the General follow'd attended by all the People who with Acclamations call'd him their Saviour and Deliverer and when he had saluted and disbanded those men return'd to Elatia the same way that he came From thence he sent away Ap. Claudius the Lieutenant with all his Forces bidding him go through Thessaly and Epirus to Oricum and there stay till he came For from that place he design'd to transport his men into Italy He wrote also to L. Quintius his Brother Lieutenant and Admiral of the Fleet to get the Ships of burden together from all the Coasts of Greece into that Port. He himself going to Chalcis and drawing the guards not only out of that place but of Oreum and Eretria likewise held there a convention of all the Euboean Cities and having told them In what state he found them and in what condition he left them dismiss'd the Assembly Then he went to Demetrias where having drawn forth the Garrison he went forward attended by all the People as at Corinth and Chalcis into Thessaly in which the Cities were not only to be set at liberty but from a general mixture and confusion to be reduc'd into some tolerable form For they were put in disorder not only by the vices of the times and the violence as well as licentiousness of the King but even by their own mutinous inclination also having not held either an Assembly Convention or any Council though they were not concern'd in any sedition or tumult from that time to this our present age He therefore chose a Senate and Judges for them according to every Mans estate and made that part of the Cities most powerful whose greatest interest it was to have all things safe and quiet When he thus setled Thessaly he came through Epirus to Oricum from whence he was to cross over From Oricum all his Forces were transported to Brundusium from whence they marched in triumph through all Italy almost to the City of Rome with no less a train of things that they had taken than of what was their own before them When they came to Rome there was a Senate granted to Quintius without the City in which he might declare what exploits he had done and a deserved Triumph decreed him very freely He triumph'd three Days on the first of which he carried forth the Arms Darts brazen and marble Ensigns more whereof were taken from Philip than he had taken from the several Cities The second Day he produced the Gold and Silver tried and untried with that â—lso which was coined Of untried Silver there was eighteen Thousand Pounds and of tried two Hundred and seventy a great many Vessels of all sorts most of them imboss'd and some very curiously done with many made of brass besides ten silver Bucklers and of coined Silver eighty four Thousand Attick Pieces each of half a Crown value which they call Tetradrachms weighing about three deniers in Silver
the same time they sent five hundred men under the command of Hippolochus for a Garison to Pherae but they being excluded from access to that place now that the Kings men had beset all the Roads went to Scotussa To the Larissaean Embassadours the King gave this mild Answer That he was come into Thessaly not to make War but to defend and establish the liberty thereof He also sent an Envoy to say much the same thing to the Pheraeans but they giving him no Answer sent themselves an Embassadour to the King by name Pausanias who was one of the chief men in their City Who when he had spoken to the same purpose being in the same circumstances as others had done for the Chacideses in the parley at the Streight of Eupirus and some things more boldly too the King having advised the Pheraeans to deliberate again and again for fear they should take that course of which whilst they were too cautious and provident for the time to come they would repent at present dismissed them When this news came to Pherae they presently resolv'd out of their love to the Romans to undergo all that the Fortune of War should cast upon them They therefore prepar'd themselves as fast as possible to defend their City whilst the King at the same time began to attack their Walls on every side as knowing well enough for there was no doubt of it that it depended upon the event of his attempt upon that City which he first set upon whether he should be contemn'd or fear'd by the whole Nation of the Thessalians wherefore he put the besieged into all the consternation he could The first effort of the attack they endured with resolution enough but soon after when many fell or were wounded as they were making their defence their hearts began to fail them But being recall'd by the chastisement of the Nobility to persevere in their design they left the outward circle of the Wall seeing their Forces were now wasted and retired into the inner part of the City about which there was a shorter Line of Circumvallation At last being quite tired out they fearing lest if they were taken by force they should find no favour from the Conquerer surrender'd themselves Thereupon the King without any delay sent four thousand men whilst the terrour was fresh to Scotussa where the Inhabitants never stuck to surrender having seen the Example of the Pheraeans before their Eyes who were forced at their cost to do that at last which at first they so pertinaciously refused Together with that City Hippolochus also and the Larissaean Garison were surrender'd But they were all dismiss'd by the King without any hurt done to them for that the King thought that would be a thing of great moment to reconcile the affections of the Larissaeans unto him Within ten dayes after his coming to Pherae having perfected these matters he went with his whole Army to Crano which he took upon his first arrival From thence he went and took possession of Cypaera Metropolis and the Castles thereabouts so that all places in that part of the Country excepting Atrax and Gyrto were now in his hands Then he resolv'd to attack Larissa supposing that either for fear since the other Cities were so lately taken or in gratitude for his dismissing of their Garison or by the Example of so many Cities that had surrender'd themselves they would no longer persist in their obstinacy He therefore having order'd his Elephants to be driven before the Ensigns for terrour march'd with a square Body up to the City to the end that the minds of great part of the Larissaeans might float to and fro between present fear of an Enemy and respect for their absent Allies At the same time Amynander with the Athaman Youth seiz'd Pellinaeum and Menippus going into Perrhoebium with three thousand Aetolian Foot and two hundred Horse took Mallaea and Cyretiae by storm plundering all the Country of Tripolitis Having done all this with great celerity they return'd to the King at Larissa and came just as he was consulting what to do with that place For there they were of different opinions some saying that they must use violence and not defer attacking the Walls with Works and Engines on every side at once it being a City seated on a Plain and easy of access which way they pleas'd whilst others said one while it was a City of such strength as not to be compar'd to Pherae and anon took notice that it was Winter and such a time of year as was not fit for any Warlike Enterprize much less for besieging or taking of Cities Whilst the King hereupon stood doubtful between hope and fear Embassadors from Pharsalus who came by chance to surrender their City raised his Courage In the mean time M. Boebius having met and confer'd with Philip in the Dassaretian Territories sent Appius Claudius by common consent to guard Larissa who marching through Macedonia by great Journeys came to that highest part of the Mountains that lies above Gonni Gonni is a Town twenty thousand paces from Larissa situate in the very entrance of the Lawn called Tempe Where having Encamp'd on more ground than he needed to have done in regard to the numbers he had and kindled more Fires than were necessary he made the Enemy believe what he design'd they should to wit that the whole Roman Army was there with Philip. Whereupon the King telling his men for an excuse that Winter was near at hand after he had staid only one day retired from Larissa and went back to Demetrias the Aetolians and the Athamans too going into their own Territories likewise Appias though he saw that the Siege was raised the only thing he was sent thither for yet he went down to Larissa to confirm their Allies in their affections for the future so that there was a double joy among them not only for that the Enemy was departed out of their Confines but that they saw a Roman Garison within their Walls The King going from Demetrias to Chalcis fell in love with a Damsel of that place who was Daughter to Cleoptolemys whom when he had tired out first by Proxy and then by his own importunities himself in person the Gentleman being unwilling to match his Daughter into a Family so much above her at last having gain'd his request kept his Wedding as if it had been in the midst of Peace and spent the remaining part of the Winter in feasting drinking sleeping and such pleasures as attended that kind of Life wherewith he was tired rather than cloy'd All his great Officers too who in Boeotia especially had the over-sight of his Winter-Quarters were guilty of the same debauchery and so were the common Souldiers also nor did any one of them put on his Armour keep his watch or station or do any thing else that belong'd to a Souldier Wherefore in the beginning of the Spring when he was come through Phocis into Acarnania
thence as from an unexhaustible Fountain The remainder of his Speech was by way of perswasion My Lords I relate not these things said he from the mouth of uncertain Fame or a greedy desire to beâ—ieve or wish that the truth of ill things should be prov'd upon my Enemy but on my own knowledge and experience in the same manner as if I had been sent a spy to report to you the things I saw nor would I have left my own Kingdom and the share of glory which by your benignity I possess to pass so vast a Sea to bring you trifling Tales to forfeit your esteem I have survey'd the noblest Cities of Asia as well as Greece discovering daily their intentions in which if they should be suffer'd to proceed they would not have it in their power to retrieve their safety by repentance I have observed how Perseus not contented within the limits of Macedonia sometimes by force of Arms sometimes by favour and benevolence obtains those Countries he ne'r could get by Conquest I have weigh'd the unequal conditions whilst he prepareth War on you and you perform the terms of Peace with him although it appears no less to me than his being already in actual Hostility Adrupolis your Friend he hath driven from his Kingdom Artetarus the Illyrian another of your Allies he slew because he found he had written Letters unto you Eversa and Callicrates Thebans and Princes of that City because in the Boeotian Council they spoke something too freely against him declaring they would relate to you those proceedings he commanded they should be put to death He sent Auxiliaries to the Bizantines contrary to agreement He made War on Dolopia invaded Thessaly and Doris and subdu'd them both that in civil War by the help of the stronger side he might afflict and trouble the other He made a mixture and confusion of all things in Thessaly and Perroebia hoping thereby to cancel Book-Debts and other accounts by which releasing Debtors from their Engagements he oblig'd them to assist him in oppressing their Creditors and principal Officers While this is doing you quietly look on your suffering him to act these things in Greece without controul makes him presume that not a man will dare to arm himself to oppose his passage into Italy how this consisteth with your honour and safety is not for me to judge it was my duty as your Friend and Ally to prevent your being surpriz'd in Italy by Perseus And now having perform'd this necessary Office and in some measure acquitted my self as became my fidelity what more remains but that I pray the Gods and Goddesses you may protect your own Republick and defend your Allies that depend upon you This Oration extreamly mov'd the Fathers but for the present none knew more than that the King had been before the Senate so silent were they all but the War being finish'd both the Kings Speech and the Senates Answer were divulg'd Some few dayes after the Senate gave Audience to Perseus's Embassadours but being prepossess'd by King Eumenes their defence and supplications were rejected the fierce deportment of Harpalus the chief Embassadour did not a little exasperate the Senate who endeavour'd to perswade them to credit the Apology of his Master that he never acted any thing tending to Hostility but if he perceiv'd they came upon him in this manner seeking occasions of War he resolv'd to defend himself with courage for the hazard of the Field was common and the event of War uncertain All the Cities of Greece and Asia were extreamly solicitous to know the proceedings of Perseus's Embassadours and King Eumenes with the Senate for upon his coming most of the States supposing he might occasion some commotion had sent their Embassadours to Rome speciously pretending other affairs Among others there was an Embassy from the Rhodians the chief of which was Satyrus who doubted not but that Eumenes had join'd the crimes of his City with those of Perseus and therefore by interest of his Patrons and Friends he had obtain'd leave to debate their business with the King before the Senate wherein he invey'd against Eumenes with too much heat upbraiding him for his fomenting Wars between the Lycians and the Rhodians and that he had been a greater Enemy to Asia than Antiochus This Oration was well receiv'd by those of Asia who began already to incline to Perseus but it prov'd not so with the Senate nor was it in the least advantagious to their City but on the contrary these Conspiracies against Eumenes rais'd his estimation with the Romans still increasing their honours and gifts upon him presenting him a Chariot of State with a Staff and Scepter of Ivory These Embassies being dispatch'd Harpalus returns with all speed into Macedonia and tells the King That he had left the Romans making no preparations as yet for War but so offended it easily appeared they would not long defer it nor was Perseus displeased with this relation relying on the valour of his Souldiers But of all others he hated Eumenes most with whose bloud he laid the foundation of the War for suborning one Evander a Candiot and Captain of some Auxiliaries and with him three Macedonians accustom'd to such actions to kill the King He gave them Letters to one Praxo an Hostess of great esteem and wealth among the Delphians being well assured Eumenes would be at Delphis to Sacrifice to Apollo These Traytors with Evander watched all opportunities to execute their design in the passage where men ascend from Cirrha to the Temple before they come to the place frequented with the usual concourse of the people there stood on the lest of the path a Mud-Wall or Bank arising a little above the foundation by which one at once could only pass for on the right hand the Earth was fallen down and a breach made of a great depth behind this Bank the Traytors hid themselves and rais'd some steps like stairs that from above as from the top of a Wall they might discharge their Treason on the King Before him coming from the Sea there march'd his Friends and Guards disorderly mixt when the way grew streight and narrow his train by degrees waxt thinner but when they came to the place where they could not go but one by one Pantaleon an Aetolian Prince with whom the King was then ingaged in some Discourse enter'd first that narrow passage immediately the Traytors roll'd two mighty stones upon the King one fell upon his head the other on his shoulder the people seeing Eumenes fail confusedly deserted him Pantaleon only had the Courage to stay and relieve the King The Traytors by a short compass about the Wall might soon have reach'd the place where the King lay and finish'd what they had begun but supposing the deed was done they fled to the top of Parnassus with that hast that they kill'd one of their Companions being unable to keep pace with them through that steep and craggy Mountain lest
prefer'd by those who were no less theirs than his Enemies for no other cause but that he alwayes preserv'd a constant fidelity to the Romans The Senate having heard both their Allegations Commanded this Answer to be return'd to the demands of the Carthaginians That Gulussa should immediately return to Numidia that his Father might soon after send Embassadours to answer those complaints of the Carthaginians and that the Carthaginians should also have notice given them to come and debate the business If any thing should be in their power to express their honour for Massinissa they would be as ready to perform it for the future as they heretofore had always been That affection did not sway their Justice desirous that every one should possess their own they were unwilling to prescribe new limits but rather exhort to observance of the old that since the Conquest of the Carthaginians they had given them Cities and Possessions not that those things should be torn away in Peace by private injuries which never could be taken from them by a lawful War Thus the young Prince with the Carthaginians after they had receiv'd their Presents and the usual Ceremonies were dismist About the same time Cn. Servilius Caepio Ap. Claudius Cento T. Annius Lascus Embassadours sent into Macedonia to demand restitution and to renounce the Friendship of that King return'd to Rome The relation they gave of what they had there seen and heard added fuell to that Fire which had already inflam'd the Senate against King Perseus They observ'd through all the Cities of Macedonia open preparation for War after they had attended many dayes without admission at length despairing of their access to the King prepar'd for their departure but were recall'd from their Journey which was already begun to receive their Audience the intent of their Oration was to remind him of the League contracted with Philip and confirm'd by himself since his Fathers Death wherein he was prohibited to make War on any of the Roman Confederates then they recounted the whole particulars of that Declaration themselves had heard from King Eumenes who openly asserted the truth of those things he reported on his own knowledge moreover that the King had held a secret Consultation with Embassadours from the Asiatick Cities In regard of which injuries the Senate thought it just he should restore to them and their Confederates those things he had unjustly taken from them and contrary to the Covenants of their League The hearing of these matters greatly incens'd the King his passion transported him into revilings often reproaching the Romans for their Avarice and Insolency and esteem'd their Embassadours which came so fast upon him no otherwise than Spies to watch his words and actions they thinking it necessary that all his measures should be receiv'd from them After he had finish'd this fierce Speech he commanded them to repair to him again the next day and they should receive his Answer in writing then he deliver'd them a Paper wherein he affirm'd That the League his Father had sign'd had no force at all on him if he suffer'd it to be renew'd it proceeded not from his approbation but because he was newly possess'd of his Kingdom he was compell'd to endure all things But if they were desirous of a new Confederacy it was requisite a capitulation were made concerning the conditions should they be induc'd to accept of reasonable Proposals yet he thought it necessary first considerately to weigh his own advantages as he doubted not but they would well consult those of their Republick and thus he abruptly left them they immediately withdrawing themselves from the Palace Whereupon according to our Commission we abandon'd his Friendship and Alliance which made him return upon us in great fury and with a loud Voice commanded us within three dayes to leave his Kingdom In fine they accordingly forthwith departed having found but an inhospitable Entertainment during the whole time of their aboad When they had finish'd this Relation the Aetolian Embassadours receiv'd their Audience The Senate that they might forthwith understand what Commanders were to be imploy'd by the Common-wealth dispatch'd their Letters to the Consuls that one of them should hasten to Rome to the Election of new Magistrates No action worthy commemorating was done that year by the Consuls The Republick esteem'd it more expedient to suppress and appease the exasperated Ligurians The Issean Embassadours considering the expectation of the Macedonian War gave no small occasion to suspect Gentius King of the Illyrians complaining he had twice over-run their Country that the Macedonians and Illyrians unanimously prepared to make War upon the Romans and that the Illyrian were then at Rome disguis'd under a specious Embassy but sent thither by Perseus's instigation to observe their motions The Illyrians being sent for before the Senate declared their business there was to obviate such accusations which their Master suspected might be brought against him by the Isseans It was urged why they did not present themselves to the Magistrate in order to receive the usual Ceremonies of the City and the appointment of their Appartments that their coming and their business might both be publick but hesitating in their reply it was commanded them to leave the Court not deserving an Answer as became Embassadours who had not offer'd themselves as such before the Senate determining rather to dispatch Embassadours to the King to advise him which of his Associates had complain'd against for committing outrages on their Territories and to animadvert the injustice of those injuries offer'd their Confederates A. Terentius Varro C. Pletorius and C. Cicereius were employed in this Embassy Those Embassadours sent to visit the Confederate Princes returning from Asia reported they saw Eumenes there Antiochus in Syria and in Alexandria they confer'd with Ptolomy All which had been solicited by sundry Embassies from Perseus but still continued firm in their fidelity to the Romans and assur'd them to perform whatever should be commanded them They had also visited the associate Cities finding them all except the Rhodians who began to stagger having too deeply imbibed the poysonous perswasions of Perseus thoroughly stedfast to their interest The Rhodian Embassadours were now at Rome to obviate those crimes they knew were publickly alledg'd against their City but the Senate would not allow them Audience before the new Consuls were initiated into their Consulships The War was now determin'd C. Licinius the Praetor was order'd to draw from the Docks as many Gallies as should be necessary for that Expedition and also to fit out a Fleet of fifty Ships of War but if he could not equip so many to send to C. Memmius his Collegue to rig out those Ships as were in Sicily and immediately transport them to Brundusium He was also commanded to muster as many of the Roman Citizens and Enfranchis'd Bondmen as might serve in five and twenty Ships C. Licinius was also Commissioned to raise a proportionable number out of the Latine
but at his first approach they surrender'd the City Cyretia endeavouring to make resistance the first day in a sharp Skirmish he was repulsed from the Gates but the day following attacking it with all his force they all before night yielded him submission Mylae was the next Town and so strong that the hope of it's being impregnable had render'd the Inhabitants a great deal fiercer thinking it not sufficient to shut the Gates against the King but they also cast out many scurrilous reproaches oâ— him and the Macedonians which proceeding seeing it had more inraged the Enemy to the assault and themselves likewise despairing of pardon enflam'd them the more fiercely to defend themselves so that for the space of three dayes they were attack'd and defended with much gallantry on both sides The number was so great of the Macedonians that relieving one another by turns they easily maintain'd the assault but the Townsmen that defended the Walls night and day not only their wounds but continual watching and labour had quite worn them out The fourth day when the Scaling-Ladders were every where raised on the Walls and the Gates assailed with greater force the Townsmen being driven from the Walls ran to defend the Gate and made a sudden sally on the Enemy which was rather an effect of blind rage than a true confidence of their strength but being few in number and quite tired out they were beaten back by those that were fresh and vigorous and in the pursuit their Enemies were received with them thorough the open Gate Thus the City was taken and sacked and the free people that survived the slaughter were exposed to sale The greatest part of the Town being burnt and ruined the Camp moved to Phalanna and the day after came to Gyrtone but hearing that T. Minucius Rufus and Hyppias the Thessalian Praetors had fortified that place he passed by without making any attempt however he surprized Elatia and Gonnus being smitten with terrour at his unexpected approach which two Towns are situate in the Streights which lead to Tempe Gonnus especially and therefore he left it fortified with a very strong Garison both of Horse and Foot and a triple Ditch and Rampier He determined to go himself to Sycurium there to expect the Enemy and commanded his Army to Forage all the Country of the Enemy that lay under him For Sycurium is seated at the Foot of the Mountain Ossa having on the South-side lying under it the Thessalian Plains and behind Macedonia and Magnesia To these commodities may be added the extraordinary healthfulness of the clime and the multitude of Fountains continually running round about it The Roman Consul by this time marching with his Army towards Thessaly at first began his expedition with some celerity thorough Epirus but when he had passed over into Athamania with great difficulty and slow marches thorough a rough and almost unpassable Country he arrived at Gomphi If the King at that time and place with his Forces in order had met him at the head of a young disciplin'd Army compos'd of tired men and Horses the Romans themselves cannot deny but that they must have received a very great overthrow but when they arriv'd at Gomphy without any opposition besides their joy for overcoming those difficulties they began also to despise their Enemies for their ignorance of their own advantages The Consul having duly sacrificed and distributed Corn to the Souldiers remained there some few dayes for the refreshing of his men and Horses When he heard that the Macedonians overran all Thessaly and destroyed the Countries of their Allies being now sufficiently recruited he led his Army to Larissa afterwards when he was about three miles distant from Tripolis which they call Scea he incamped by the River Peneus About this time Eumenes came by Sea to Chalcis with his Brothers Attalus and Athenaeus leaving his Brother Philetaerus at Pergamus Protector of his Kingdom departing hence with his Brother Attalus and four thousand Foot and a thousand Horse he came to the Consul leaving at Chalcis two thousand Foot under the Command of his Brother Athenaeus Thither also came other Auxiliaries to the Romans from all the parts of Greece many of which particulars being so inconsiderable are lost in oblivion The Appolloniats sent three hundred Horse and a hundred Foot From the Aetolians came one Company only the greatest number of Horse the whole Nation could raise nor did all the Thessalonians which were separated and quartered asunder in the Roman Camp exceed three hundred Horse and the Achaeans sent a thousand of their youth armed for the most part like the Cretesians About this time also came C. Lucretius the Praetor who went before with the Ships to Cephalenia after he had appointed his to sail above Malea with his Fleet to Chalcis himself went aboard a Trireme Galliot passing the Gulf of Corinth to pre-possess the affairs in Boeotia his Voyage was the slower because of the infirmity of his Body M. Lucretius coming to Chalcis and hearing that the City of Haliartus was besieged by P. Lentulus sent a Messenger to command him in the name of the Praetor to depart thence The Lieutenant having entered on that affair with the Boeotian youth who had taken part with the Romans left the Walls The raising of this Siege made room for another For M. Lucretius with a Naval Army of ten thousand Souldiers with two thousand of the Kings which were under Athenaeus immediately besieged Haliartus and being just ready to make an attack the Praetor from Creusa joined with them And about the same time Ships from the Allies arrived at Chalcis Two Punicaean Quinquereme Galliots two Trireme Galliots from Heraclea in Pontus four from Chalcedon as many from Samos and five four-oar'd Gallies from Rhodes the Praetor because there was no where any Sea-War remitted all these again to the Allies Q Marcius also after he had taken Halops and assaulted Larissa which is called Cremaste came by Sea to Chalcis This was the State of affairs in Boeotia when Perseus as was said before lay incamped at Sycurium having drawn together all the Forage of that Country round about sent Souldiers to destroy the Territory of the Pheraeans supposing that the Romans being drawn far from their Camp to the relief of their Confederates might be surprized But when he found them nothing moved by tumult he gave the Booty except the men which was large in Cattle of all sorts to be merrily devoured among his Souldiers Afterwards about the same time the King and Consul both consulted where they should begin the War The King's Courage was much increased by the devastation of the Pheraeans permitted by the Enemy and therefore resolved nor to give any space of further prolonging to march immediately towards their Camp The Romans also were of opinion that delay would have rendered them infamous among their Confederates resenting it as a thing extreamly dishonourable that the Pheraeans were not succoured as they were
Claudius was acquitted the Tribune of the people said he had nothing to say to Gracchus That year the Aquileian Embassadours desiring the Senate that they would augment the number of their inhabitants there were fifteen hundred Families by order of Senate raised and the three who were sent to carry them thither were T. Annius Luscus P. Decius Subulo and M. Cornelius Cethegus The same year C. Popillius and Cn. Octavius the Embassadours who were sent into Greece having read the order of Senate first at Thebes carry'd it about to all the Cities of Peloponnesus That no person whatsoever should give the Roman Magistrates any thing toward the War but what the Senate first thought fit This gave them a confidence for the future also that they should be cased of the burdens and expences whereby several Magistrates commanding several things one after the other they were exhausted and drain'd The Achaean Council being held at Argos they spoke and were heard very kindly and then having left that most trusty Nation under great hopes of their future state went over into Aetolia Where though there was not any insurrection as yet made all places were full of suspition and accusations among themselves For which reason having demanded Hostages but put no end to the business the Embassadours went thence into Acarnania where the Acarnanians gave them Audience at Thyrium In that Country too there was a difference between two opposite Factions some of the chief men desiring that there might be guards brought into their Cities in opposition to the madness of those men who endeavour'd to make the Nation side with the Macedonians which others refused lest they who were peaceable and allied Cities should receive that disgrace which usually befalls those that are taken in War and common Enemies This seemed to be a just disswasive and so the Embassadours return'd to the Pro Consul Hostilius for from him they were sent at Larissa He kept Octavius with him but sent Popillius with about a thousand men into Winter-Quarters at Ambracia Perseus not daring to go out of the Confines of Macedonia in the beginning of Winter lest the Romans should break in any way upon his Kingdom when it was empty a little before the hard weather when the depth of the Snow makes the Mountains from Thessaly unpassable thinking he had a good opportunity of breaking and damping all the hopes and courage of the Neighbour Nations that there might be no danger whilst he himself was imploy'd in the Roman War now that Cotys from Thrace and Cephalus out of Epirus by his sudden defection from the Romans offer'd him Peace and he had subdu'd the Dardans because he saw that that side of Macedonia only which lay toward Illyricum was molested nor were the Illyrians themselves quiet but besides that gave the Romans leave to come into their Country and if he once had tamed the Nations next to Illyricum that King Gentius who had been a long time wavering in his mind might be drawn into an Alliance march'd out with ten thousand Foot whereof part were Phalangites a particular sort of Foot-Souldiers in Macedonia and two thousand light-arm'd men together with five hundred Horse and came to Subtera Where having taken up Corn for a good many dayes and order'd the preparations for attacking of Towns to follow after he Encamped the third day at Vscana which is the biggest City in all the Penestian Territories having sent before he offer'd any violence to them certain persons to try which way the Garison and the Townsmen were inclined Now there were in that City a Roman Garison and the Illyrian Youth But having answer brought him that there was no hopes of Peace he began to attack them and attempted to take the City by besieging it quite round Yet notwithstanding that they one after another both day and night without intermission some of them rear'd Ladders against the Walls and others threw fire against the Gates the besieged made a good defence against that storm because they well hoped that the Macedonians could neither any longer endure the sharpness of the Winter in the open air nor that the King would have so much respite from the Roman War as to be able to stay But when they saw the Galleries come near and Towers set up their resolution was defeated For besides that they were not equal in point of strength there was not a sufficient quantity of Corn or any other Provisions within they having been surpriz'd by that Siege Wherefore when there was no hope of making resistance C. Carvilius Spoletinus and C. Afranius were sent from the Roman Garison to demand of Perseus first that he would let the Souldiers depart with Bag and Baggage and secondly if they could not obtain that that they would accept of a solemn promise of life only and their liberty This was more freely promised by Perseus than 't was perform'd For when he had order'd them to depart with Bag and Baggage he first took from them their Arms. But when these men were departed the City the Regiment of Illyrians in number five hundred and the Vscanians surrender'd themselves and the City Perseus having put a Garison into Vscana led the whole Body of those that were surrender'd which was almost in number equal to his Army to Stubera where after the Romans who were in all four thousand men besides the chief Officers were distributed to secure the several Cities having sold the Vscanians and Illyrians he led his Army back to reduce the Town of Oeneum which as it is otherwise commodiously situated is also an Avenue into the Labeatian Dominions whereof Gentius was then King But as he passed by a Castle called Daudracum certain persons that well knew that part of the Country told him that he needed not to take Oeneum unless he made Daudracum also his own for that was seated more advantagiously for all purposes Whereupon when he approached with his Army to that place they all immediately surrender'd themselves By which surrender that was made much sooner than he could hope for he was so animated that when he observ'd how great the terrour of his Army was he reduced eleven other Castles by help of the same consternation For the taking of some very few he was constrain'd to use force but the rest were voluntarily surrender'd and in them were retaken fifteen hundred Roman Souldiers who were distributed through the several Garisons Carvilius Spoletinus was of great use in his Parleys with them by saying that there was no severity used against them After this he came to Oeneum which could not be taken without a formal Siege that being a Town not only guarded by a somewhat greater number of younger men than the rest but also well-fortified with Walls besides that on one hand the River Artatus and on the other an exceeding high inaccessible Mountain compassed it round These things gave the Townsmen courage to make resistance Perseus therefore when he made a Line quite round
esteem all his Advantages wrapt up and included in reverencing their Authority and obeying their Commands That he desired nothing more passionately than peace but either to defend his antient Patrimony or in Gratitude to the Romans for their former favours he was continually either by the violences or under-hand practices of the Carthaginians forced to take Arms who either forgetting their former overthrows or by the memory thereof exasperated to revenge could not bear those few years of peace but thereby puft up with too much wealth began to hanker after their former Empire and first intended to breathe themselves and make tryal of their strength upon their Neighbours that so they might thereafter be able to shake off their Conqueror's Yoke 'T was with this design continued he that lately when the Romans were engaged in a War with the Celtiberians and other Spaniards infested the Coasts of Numidia they sent Carthalo General of their Auxiliaries against us who under pretence of visiting the Frontiers of his Province unexpectedly fell upon the Camp of Masinissa which lay hard by in peace within the bounds assign'd him by your Ambassadors and kill'd and took Prisoners not a few of his men and besides stirred up the Peasants of Africk to rebel and to this very day cease not to vex our people with continual Incursions and Devastations It concerns you therefore Noble Senators by your prudence and power to chastize their insolences and to restrain these common Enemies from such like injuries by maintaining the peace and making good your own Gifts to an Associate King that they may be as lasting to him as his Fidelity shall be perpetual towards you The Gods have bestow'd on you Empire as for us we shall esteem the Glory of obeying your Commands as the Will of the Celestial Powers equal to the most enlarged Dominion Then were the Carthaginian Ambassadors admitted who lamentably remonstrated much what the same Grievances as they had complained of last Year And though the Particulars did not certainly appear yet it could scarce be doubted but Masinissa emboldned by our friendship had attempted many things beyond his Commission the Senate winking thereat as willing for Reasons of State to have the power of Carthage weakned The Answer return'd to both was That the Senate would shortly send Commissioners who upon the place should examine all differences and determine therein according to Justice and Equity and in the mean time both Parties to forbear all Acts of Hostility Nor was that the only reason of dispatching such Commissioners thither but also to make an inspection into the Carthaginians present state whose fidelity as it was always wavering and suspected so especially since the beginning of the Macedonian War their minds were set upon new hopes and designs and distracted with several Factions For some few of the Nobles were firm to the Romans and the Head of that Party was Hanno sirnamed by his Country-men the Great Others but not very many favoured King Masinissa and their Leader was that Annibal whom for distinction they called Psaris whether some similitude of a Sparrow or of a Galley for the word seems to signifie both gave at first cause for that Appellation But the far greater part were for gratifying the humours of their own Commons and join'd with Amilcar Samias and of the same Faction was Carthalo The Commissioners arrived not in Africk before King Masinissa had made himself Master of the Territories in Question and then not as Judges but Arbitrators composed the Differences without any long hearing of the Cause with this final Award That each Party should retain what they were at present in possession of But they could not without astonishment behold the City Carthage so full of Inhabitants and flourishing in Riches for so wonderfully by the advantages of the place and ingenuity and industry of the people had it thriv'd in twenty years space that there were not the least tokens left of the calamities of the former Wars or that hard Siege they had sustained About the time these Commissioners Embarqu'd for Africk the Comitia were held at Rome and Hostâ—lius Mancinus and Atilius Serranus chosen Consuls for the ensuing year After which were created Praetors Q Maenius M. Recius and L. Hortensius for their Names are Recorded but who the reâ—t were is not certainly express'd in any Authors extant The Province of Macedonia was allotted to Hostilius the Consul and Italy to Hostilius The City-Jurisdiction fell to Recius that of Foreigners to Maenius The Navy and Guard of the Sea Coast to Hortensius If we may guess from the Consuls of the following years who rarely arriv'd at that Honour before they had serv'd a Praetorship there are two that may not improbably be thought to have been Praetors this year viz Q Aelius Poetus and T. Manlius Torquatuâ— the former coming to be Consul the third year after with M. Junius the latter the fifth year after with â—n Octavius as appears by the Registry of the Consuls kept in the Capitol and perhaps the sixth Praetor of this year might be Q. Hostilius Tubulus for the year following he was the third person join'd in Commission with C. Popillius Laenas who had been Consul and C Decimius who had serv'd as Praetor when they were sent into Egypt to compose the War between Antiochus King of Syria and the Ptolomies now it can scarce be believ'd That he should be employ'd in so Honourable an Embassy and with persons of that quality if he had not already serv'd some Office of State and these three 't is probable might manage the Provinces of Sicily Sardinia and Spain In the mean time P. Licinius Crassus the last years Consul of whose unsuccessful Skirmishes with Perseus we have spoken before Quarter'd some part of the Winter in Thessaly but longer in Boeotia nor did he afterwards perform any thing memorable unless we should reckon amongst his famous Exploits the taking of some Towns whilst King Perseus was absent far off in Macedonia and plundering them outragiously and yet not content therewith selling the Inhabitants for Slaves Nor were the Cities on the Sea-Coast any better treated by C Lucretius the Propraetor and the rest of the Captains of the Fleet who committed many outrages on their own Allies which injuries being afterwards complain'd off the Senate redress'd them as far as they could and particularly the Coronaeans whom Crassus had sold for Slaves were by a Decree restored to their Liberties Cotys seeing part of his Territories possess'd by the Troops of Eumenes and Atlesbes a neighbouring pâ—try King and that he was unable to beat them out especially since the Dardanians threatned him on the other Quarter ceased not to imploâ—e and importune Perseus for assistance according to the Treaty between them who judging it not for his interest to abandon Cotys who almost alone had openly taken the Macedonians part got together some Squadâ—ons of Horse out of the next Garrisons and part of a Phalanx or Batallion of Foot
by an insinuating Speech prevail'd with the Nobles and People to chuse him King And was the first that Triumpht in a Chariot Anni V. C. 176 Servius Tullius the Sixth King Tr. 3. and Reigned 44. Years He was supposed to have been the Son of a Bondwoman whence call'd Servius but being bred in King Tarquin's Court and married to his Daughter when Tarquin was kill'd by the procurement of Ancus's Sons he by the Instigation of Tanaquil his Mother-in-Law assumes the Crown being the first King that took upon him the Government before he was Elected He also first numbred and rated the people and divided them into Classes and Centuries according to their Estates And at his first Lustrum or survey enroll'd fourscore thousand Romans He also made three such Lustrums Surveys or Purifyings of the people afterwards Anni V. C. 219 L. Tarquinius sirnamed Superbus or the Proud the seventh and last King of the Romans Tr. 2. reigned 25. Years He was the Son or rather Grandson of the other King Tarquin and having killed Severus Tullius usurpt the Kingdom by Force without any colour of Choice which he no less tyrannically administred but upon the Rape committed on Lucretia the Wife of one of his Kinsmen L. Tarquinius Collatinâ—s by his Son Sextus he and all his Family were expelled together with all Kingly Government Anni V. C. 244 there in the 244. year of the City Kings being thus excluded the Romans conferr'd their Sovereign Government Book II upon two Magistrates called Consuls annually chosen in a general Assembly of the several Centuries who were wont at first to be both of Patrician Rank or Nobles and had all the Insignia Badges and Power of Royalty bating the Name between them and that both of them had not the Rods and Lictors carried before them left the people should be frighted and say That instead of one Tyrant they had now got two but each in his turn However this their Original Grandeur was much abated in process of time as will appear CONSULS Anni V. C. 244 L. Junius Brutus who being slain in a Battel in his room was created Sp. Lucretius Tricipitinus and he dying L. Tarquinius Collatinus who being obliged to surrender because he was of Kin to King Tarquin though very active and most concern'd in his Expulsion M. Horatius Pulvillus supplied his place P. Valerius sirnamed Poplicola succeeded and triumpht Thus there were five Consuls at Rome in the space of this first year A Law was preferr'd by Valerius That in all Cases an Appeal should lye from the Consuls to the People whereby the Consular Power was much retrencht whence he got his Sirname of Poplicola or the Peoples Friend Anni V. C. 245 P. Valerius Poplicola the second time T. Lucretius Tricipitinus held the fifth Lustrum King Porsena besieges Rome Anni V. C. 246 P. Valerius Poplicola III. M. Horatius Pulvillus II. Anni V. C. 247 Sp. Lartius Flavus T. Herminius Aquilinus Anni V. C. 248 M. Valerius Volusi F. Tr. II. Q. Posthumius Tubertus Tr. Anni V. C. 249 P. Valerius Poplicola IV. Tr. T. Lucretius Tricipitinus II. Anni V. C. 250 P. Posthumius Tubertus II. He was the first that had an Ovation Agripp Menenius Lanatus Tr. Anni V. C. 251 Opiter Virginius Tricostus Sp. Cassius Viscellinus Anni V. C. 252 Posthumius Cominius Auruncus T. Lartius Flavus Anni V. C. 253 Servius Sulpicius Camerinus M. Tullius Longus dyed in his Office Anni V. C. 254 P. Veturius Geminus T. Aebutius Elva Anni V. C. 255 T. Lartius Flavus II. Q. Claelius Siculus The first Dictator T. Lartius Flavus created both for appeasing a Sedition at home and to manage dangerous Wars abroad Sp. Cassius Viscellinus his Master of the Horse For the Nature of both these new Offices see the Explanatory Index Anni V. C. 256 A. Sempronius Atratinus M. Minucius Augurinus Anni V. C. 257 A. Posthumius Albus T. Virginius Tricostus Coelimontanus Banisht King Tarquin dies at Cumae The second Dictator A. Posthumius Tr. chosen to manage the Wars against the young Tarquins and their Adherents whom he defeating at the Lake Regillus he was thence call'd Regillensis T. Aebutius Elva his Master of Horse Anni V. C. 258 M. Claudius Sabinus Regillensis P. Servilius Priscus This Claudius was the top of the Claudian Kindred who in the 250. year of the City came from Regillus a City of the Sabines to Rome and was admitted amongst the Patricians and was Grandfather to Claudius the Decemvir Anni V. C. 259 A. Virginius Tricostus T. Veturius Cicurinus The Third Dictator M. Valerius Volusi F. Tr. He in this honour gain'd the Title of Maximus Q. Servilius Priscus his Master of Horse Anni V. C. 260 Sp. Cassius Viscellinus II. Postumus Cominius Auruncus II. He held the seventh Lustrum Now the Commons first obtain'd to chuse themselves Tribunes And the Agrarian Law for dividing the new conquer'd Lands amongst the people began to be disputed Anni V. C. 261 T. Geganius Macerinus P. Minucius Augurinus Anni V. C. 262 A. Sempronius Atratinus II. M. Minucius Augurinus II. Anni V. C. 263 Q. Sulpicius Camerinus Cornutus Sp. Lartius Flavus II. Anni V. C. 264 C. Julius Julus P. Pinarius Rufus Mamercinus Both these and the Consuls of the year before are omitted by Livy Anni V. C. 265 Sp. Nantius Rutilus Sex Furius Fusus Anni V. C. 266 T. Sicinius Sabinus Tr. C. Aquilius Fuscus Ov. Anni V. C. 267 Sp. Cassius Viscellinus III. Tr. Proculus Virginius Tricostus Anni V. C. 268 Q. Fabius Vibulanus Servius Cornelius Maluginensis Anni V. C. 269 L. Aemylius Mamercus K. Fabius Vibulanus Anni V. C. 270 M. Fabius Vibulanus L. Valerius Potitus Anni V. C. 271 Q Fabius Vibulanus II. C. Julius Julus Anni V. C. 272 K. Fabius Vibulanus II. Sp. Furius Fusus Anni V. C. 273 M. Fabius Vibulanus II. Cn. Manlius Cincinnatus slain in Battel Anni V. C. 274 K. Fabius Vibulanus III. T. Virginiuâ— Tricostus Three hundred and six Gentlemen of the Fabian Family slain in the War against the Veians which that single Family undertook to manage Anni V. C. 275 L. Aimilius Mamercus II. C. Servilius Ahala dying in his Office is succceded by C. Cornelius Lentulus Anni V. C. 276 C. Horatius Pulvillus T. Menenius Lanatus Book III Anni V. C. 277 A. Virginius Rutilus Sp. Servilius Structus Anni V. C. 278 G. Nantius Rutilus P. Valerius Poplicola Tr. Anni V. C. 279 L. Furius Medullinus A. Manlius Vulso Ov. He held the eighth Lustrum Anni V. C. 280 L. Aimilius Mamercus III. Vopisc Julius Julus Anni V. C. 281 P. Furius Fusus L. Pinarius Rufus Anni V. C. 282 T. Quinctius Capitolinus Barbatus Ap. Claudius Sabinus Anni V. C. 283 L. Valerius Potitus II. Ti. Aimilius Mamercinus Anni V. C. 284 A. Virginius Coelimontanus T. Numicius Priscus Anni V. C. 285 T. Quinctius Capit. Barbatus II. Tr. Q. Servilius Priscus Anni V. C. 286 Ti. Aemilius Mamercinus II. Q. Fabius Vibulanus Anni
find these words Whosoever hereafter shall be made Praetor and shall sit in Judgment let him propose to the people the Election of a Capital Triumvirate and let them set Fines and give judgment and each of 'em have equal Authority to fine and give judgment according to the Laws and Statutes of the people For then the fine was call'd Sacramentum because it was generally laid out to defray the expences of Sacrifices by reason of the multitude there was of them in the City and the necessities of the Treasury Of the Polling that year we have no more account left but that two hundred seventy three thousand were said to be poll'd That the President of the Senate this year chosen by the Censors was Fabius Maximus is very probable which we know upon another account forasmuch as that honour continu'd in the Tribe of that Family descending from Ambustus the Father to Maximus and from him to Gurges the Son In the mean time whilst Affairs abroad went very prosperously the State was pester'd at home with sad mutinies and dissentions The Populace now being much in Debt demanded discharges of it an ancient thing practis'd two hundred years before variously according as some turbulent Tribune us'd it to incense the people or the oppression of Usurers inflam'd their choler But under some of the former Consuls the fear of sickness or Enemies did abate the public heats and animosities When Q. Marcius Tremulus and P. Cornelius Arvina were Consuls but the year following when M. Cla. Marcellus and C. Nautius Rutilius bore Office the tumults rose higher A. U. 465 466. to the suppressing of which rather than for any other business or War I conceive that Appius Claudius afterwards surnam'd Caecus was made Dictator whom I find in the Ancient Records to have bore that Office But besides the rigor and oppression of the Usurers the infamous debauchery of C. Plotius fomented those ill humours that were working already in the people so that they fermented more vehemently and suddenly T Veturius Son to Veturius the Consul who had been deliver'd up to the people for the dishonourable Treaty with the Samnites had by reason of the misfortunes of his Family run into great Debt and being not able to pay he of his own accord deliver'd himself prisoner to his Creditor Plotius to work out his Debt and accordingly he did all kind of drudgery for him But Plotius is not satisfied to have thrown this young Gentleman from the hopes of a Consular House into arrant misery indeavour'd also by force to debauch him as well as to inslave and beggar him Afterwards seeing Veturius unwilling and readier to endure any thing than such a brutal act he in a barbarous manner falls to beat him whereupon Veturius gets out into the street and then the multitude carrying him before the Consuls judging it no small matter brought a Bill to the Senate concerning it and judgment was given that Plotius should be imprison'd and all that were in prison for Debt through the whole Town should be discharg'd a Law being made touching that particular Instead of Veturius I know there is one Publius mention'd by others a Tribunes Son that was concern'd in the Peace of Caudium Moreover 't is said that forty years before a Law had been made concerning the Prisoners for Debt upon a very like occasion but for all that might not many Usurers exercise the same cruelties and a former Law as it happens be neglected by reason of the Debtors patience until a fresh Act of the like nature shall remind people of the same So that for the future a fuller and more exact provision might be made touching that particular But the people desirous to be freed not onely from their slavery but withal from the severity of the Usury could not though the Law and the revenge pleased 'em sit contented But as it happens in some violent Diseases that the use of Medicines rather increases than mitigates the pain so here the State was so distemper'd that when the Tribunes of the Commons indeavour'd by all means to make a Law concerning discharging of Debts and the Creditors on the other hand oppos'd it with no less zeal and interest the Commons leaving the City as their Fathers had done withdrew over the River into the Hill Janiculum being resolv'd not to return home unless they should gain their point The Consuls being not able to help these things who are thought to be M. Valer. Potitus and C. Aelius Paetus they made use of the best remedy in times of great danger and chose a Dictator Q. Hortensius was the Man who having applied those lenitives which the season and occasion requir'd when A. U. 467 he understood that the publick Peace was hindred because the People were griev'd to see their Acts contemn'd and the Publian Law despis'd thought it best though many oppos'd him to yield to the times and making a new Law upon the Esculetum he ordain'd again more strictly that an Order of the Commons should bind all the people The â—ommons by these and the like Addresses being pacified and call'd home the Dictator either by a sudden fit of sickness or else being worn out with the toils of business dy'd in his Office a thing that happen'd to none afore him The differences between the States abated for a pretty while after But in the mean time the lustre of the Empire was more and more eclips'd for whilst the Commons either understood not the Intrigues of ambitious Men or else to exercise their Power became easie to pass any Bills many things were enacted which not onely lessen'd the grandeur but likewise struck at the foundations of the Government This may be a caution for Governours not to let the Populace who never aim higher if they enjoy but a competent Estate to be forc'd by the insolencies of the Rich to desire such a Power as they are not fit to manage The Law concerning Votes I suppose was made about this time by which the Senate were forc'd to approve the proceedings in the public Assemblies of the People whatever they should be who till then had the Power in their hands that none could bear Office unless he were first approv'd by them This restraint controll'd the wild humours of the multitude and though the Senate rarely disapprov'd the Assemblies proceedings yet because of their Power to do so they were fear'd as if they would disapprove them But when the Tribune of the Commons Maenius made this Law the Power of the people was hereby much augmented but the exactness in Elections a thing as honourable as beneficial to the State was greatly impair'd After Q. Hortensius's death 't is said that another Dictator was made for the administration of the Commonwealth to wit Q. Fab. Maximus now thrice Dictator L. Volumnius was Censor and Flamma Violens Master of the Horse For then they had War with the Volsinians a Nation of Hetruria which prov'd very seasonable to
purge the City of innovators and to efface the memory of former differences Moreover a Warbroke out with the Lucanians upon a new score who by molesting their Neighbours the Thurini that inhabit a part of Italy called Magna Graecia forced them after many injuries to put themselves under the protection of the Romans and the people decreed a War should be made with the Lucanians Aelius their Tribune proposing it to them The Armies on both sides marched out and several actions passed between them the memory of which with the Annals that recorded them is quite lost The Thurini presented a Statue and a Crown of Gold to C. Aelius A. U. 468 The Consulship of C. Claudius Canina and M. Aemilius Lepidus follows which passed without any thing of note whereof there is any Record save that the Wars with the Hetrurians and Lucanians seem to have happen'd about that time We have also the Triumph of Manius Curius for his Victory over the Lucanians which is to be reckon'd among his four Triumphs so many being attributed to him but when or in what Office he did these things is not known After this arose greater business and memorable for no inconsiderable loss A War being made with the Senones a people of Gaul who had Peace and War at turns with the Romans and now they had rested ten years after their defeat in the Countrey of Sentinum when upon Decius's devoting himself to death great numbers of them were slain onely they let their young Men be listed by the Hetrurians against the Romans but afterwards they came out in greater numbers than they had done for many years before and entring Hetruria besieg'd Aretium The Aretines before that had a desired Peace with the Romans but though that was denied them yet they obtain'd a Truce which was not yet expir'd but now they were in greater hopes of aid because they knew the Galls could not clash with their Arms but the Romans thought themselves concerned at it therefore by their Ambassadours sent to Rome they begg'd aid against the common Enemy and now the year ended when C. Servilius Tulla and L. Caecilius Metellus were Consuls Some Annals put Caelius for Caecilius but the House of Caelius being of a meaner quality is supposed not to have bore the Consular Dignity till six hundred sixty years after the building of Rome DECADE II. BOOK XII Florus his Epitome of the Twelfth Book of Livy The Roman Ambassadours having been assassinated by the Galli Senones a War is therefore declar'd against them wherein Caecilius the Pretor with his Forces is defeated And the Roman Fleet being robb'd by the Florentines and the Admiral kill'd the Ambassadours sent to them to complain of these injuries are beaten Therefore a War is declar'd against them The Samnites revolt with whom as also the Lucanians and Brutians many Battels are fought with good success Pyrrhus King of Epirus comes into Italy to aid the Tarentines The Campanian Legion under the command of its Tribune Decius Jubellius being sent for to aid the Rhegians they stay the Inhabitants and seize on the Town of Rhegium WHEN P. Cornelius Dolabella and Cn. Domitius Calvinus were Consuls there arose some fear again of the Gallic War it being reported that many of the Tuscans took part with the Gauls so that the Senate looked on the danger of the Aretines as a thing not to be neglected but because that neither Dolabella could be call'd out of the Volscinian Province nor Domitius from Lucania without prejudice to the Affairs they had in hand the Senate commanded L. Caecilius the last year Consul and then a Praetor to march out speedily to raise the Siege of Aretium But lest this War should seem to be undertaken rashly 't was thought fit to send Ambassadours before to acquaint the Gauls that Aretium was under the Romans protection and that the Gauls would seem to act more honestly if they would not suffer their young Men to serve in War against their Confederates Whilst the Ambassadours carried this Message through the several Cantons of the Gauls one Britomaris a young Hotspur descended from the Royal Line whose Father among the Auxiliaries of the Hetrurians had been slain by the Romans being brimfull with desire of revenge not onely seiz'd on the Ambassadours cutting them in pieces but tore even their Robes and badges of their Sacred Character When this barbarous act was reported at Rome and in the Camp of Dolabella people were so incensed at it that a war was immediately declar'd against the Senones and the Consul laying aside the Hetrurian Expedition by great Journeys through the Sabino and Picene Countries arrives upon the borders of the Senones who being alarm'd by this sudden incursion of the Enemy whilst the main of their Forces was absent came out with a few unexperienced Soldiers and were easily routed The Consul giving no respite to the conquered burns their Villages and wasts all the Country round In fine he slew all that were of age carried into captivity all the weak multitude of Women and Children and lest the Country as desert as he could behind him Britomaris himself was taken and after he had endured several tortures he was reserved for the Triumph But at the same time Affairs did not succeed so well at Aretium L. Caecilius before the Town being routed by the Senones and Hetrurians Seven Tribunes and many brave Men besides having been killed together with the General Out of the Legions and Auxiliaries thirteen thousand Men were lost but the joy for this Victory among the Gauls was quite damp'd with mourning and consternation when they understood the ruin of their own Country for these people being furious desperate and rash having now no habitation to go to drew together all their Countrymen that fought in Hetruria resolving in a heat to march against Rome as if they were led by Fate to their own destruction For they could not quit scores with the ravagers of their Territories but by forcing them to behold their own City under the same Fate and to be sure they had as much courage and greater reason to march against Rome than their Ancestours who setting out of Clusium a place in the same Hetruria had conquer'd that City Having provoked one another by such words as these they marched out in a hurry being naturally impatient of delay and now hastning the more to surprize the Enemy but whilst they pass through their Enemies Country several devices were found to retard their motion whereby time was gain'd to provide against the storm Being thus put back whilst they roam heedlesly through strange and dangerous places at last they light on Domitius the Consul and immediately joined Battel with him but his Conduct easily prevail'd over their rashness many of them being kill'd in the Battel the rest in rage and despair turned the Swords upon themselves which they had drawn in vain against their Enemies So that a Nation but now flourishing in power for the
endeavoured to wipe off that imputation of treachery towards Eumanes but with little probability the thing appearing too manifest other things were matter of supplication but they were heard with such minds which would not be inclined or inform'd and were commanded to depart immediately from the Walls of the City of Rome and within thirty dayes from Italy It was afterwards ordered That Licinius the Consul who had the Government of the Spanish Province should appoint the Army the first day he could a general Rendezvous C. Lucretius the Praetor Admiral of the Fleet left the City with forty five-oar'd Gallies for the Ships that had been refitted were kept at home for other uses about the City sending his Brother Lucretius before with one Quinquereme to receive those Ships from the Allies which were promised by Treaty and with them to meet the Fleet at Cephalenia From the Rhegines one Trireme Galliot from the Locrians two and from the Vrites four with which compassing the extream promontory of Calabria in the Ionian Sea along the Italian shore he sailed to Dyrrhachium there he found ten Barks of the Dyrrhachians twelve of the Isseans and fifty four belonging to King Gentius taking all these along with him pretending that he supposed they were all provided for the use of the Romans the third day he clear'd Corcyra from whence he soon after arrived at Cephalenia C. Lucretius the Praetor having put to Sea from Naples and crossing the Streight the fifth day arrived also at Cephalenia where the Fleet came to Anchor expecting the Land-Forces should be transported thither and that those Vessels of burthen which had been scattered thorough the Sea from the Fleet should there also overtake them It happened about this time that P. Licinius the Consul having offered up his Vows in the Capitol in his accoutrements of War took leave of the City which Ceremony was always certainly performed with the greatest state and dignity but then their Eyes and Minds were both especially imploy'd when they beheld their Consul marching against so noble an Enemy great no less in Fortune than in Courage nor was respect and duty the only inducive hither but also to behold the shew and see their Captain by whose Conduct they had consented the whole Commonwealth should be preserved From hence the mind proceeds to some reflections on the chance of War the unconstancy of Fortune the event of Battle common unto both The bad and good success and those things which too often by the inadvertancy and temerity of Leaders have been the occasion of fatal overthrows as well as those which on the contrary have been produced by prudence and fortitude what mortal could divine whether of these Conducts or Fortunes should attend the Consul they imploy'd in War whether they were likely to behold him not long after triumphantly ascend the Capitol with his Victorious Army to revisit those Gods which he was then about to leave or whether they should give the like opportunity of rejoicing to their Enemies Perseus the King against whom he was now a going had purchased Fame by being Prince of the Warlike Macedonians as well as from his Father Philip who among many fortunate atchievements was renowned for his War against the Romans nor was the name of Perseus since the time he first possess'd the Kingdom ever given over to be celebrated in expectation of this War With these cogitations men of all Orders followed the Consul at his departure C. Claudius and Q. Mucius two military Tribunes that had been Consuls were sent along with him and P. Lentulus and the two Manlii Acidini three young Gentlemen of quality one the Son of M. Manlius the other of L. Manlius with these the Consul went to the Army at Brundusium and from thence carrying his whole Forces over to Nymphaeum he Incamped in the Territory of Apollonia Perseus some few dayes before upon return of his Embassadours relinquishing all hope of Peace call'd a Council which was a good while divided with different Opinions some advised That if the Tribute should be injoined to be paid or if they should condemn them to yield some part of their Country nay it seem'd to them that no conditions were to be refused but to submit to all things for the sake of Peace nor that the King should throw himself and Kingdom on the chance of so great an uncertainty for if the real possession of his Kingdom remained in his own power opportunity might offer many advantages which being improved he might be able hereafter not only to recover his past losses but also become terrible to those whom now he fear'd But a much greater number was of a fiercer Opinion Affirming that whatsoever Perseus had yielded he must not long after have given his Kingdom with it for 't was not Money or Land the Romans wanted But this they were assured that all humane things were subject to changes nor were the greatest Kingdoms and Empires exempt from revolutions That they had themselves subdued the Carthaginian Power imposing on their necks a mighty King their Neighbour Antiochus too with all his race remov'd beyond Mount Taurus That Macedonia was the only Kingdom both near in Region and which if at any time the Roman People should decline in Fortune seem'd able to restore their Kings their antient magnanimity Therefore while things stood intire Perseus ought to resolve whether he had rather conceding to particulars and being at last divested of his Kingdom and his wealth extorted be forc'd to intreat the Romans either for Samothracian or some such petty Isle where like a private man surviving his Royal State he might grow old in base contempt and poverty or whether arming himself in defence of his dignity and fortune as became a gallant man he would suffer the utmost chance of War or victoriously release the World from the Roman sway nor would it be a greater wonder to chase the Romans out of Greece than that Annibal was driven out of Italy nor could they see how it did consist that he who had resisted with the highest courage his ambitious Brothers injurious attempt upon his lawful Kingdom to yield it up to strangers Lastly Peace and War was so disputed that in the end they all consented That nothing was more shameful than to abandon a Kingdom without a Battel nor any thing more honourable than for a Throne and Majesty to attempt all Fortunes This Council was held at Pella in the ancient Royal Palace of the Macedonians Let us then make War said he since you are so resolv'd and may the Gods be propitious to us Then sending Letters to all his chief Officers he drew up all his Forces near Citium a Town in Macedonia After he had offer'd the Princely Sacrifice of an Hecatomb to Minerva whom they call Alcides with a great Train of Guards and Courtiers he went to Citium where already were gathered his whole Forces both of Macedonians and Auxiliary Strangers He incampeâ— before the City and
drew up his Army in the Plain which consisted in the whole of forty thousand men almost the half part of which were composed of the Phalangitae commanded by Hippias a Beraean There were also two Companies selected for their youth and agility out of the whole number of the Targetiers which they called the Legion commanded by Leonatus and Thrasippus Eulyestaus The rest of the Targetiers almost three thousand were led by Antiphilus of Edessa The Paeonians and those of Parorea and Pastrymonia places subject to Thrace and the Agrians with some Inhabitants of Thrace mixt amongst them amounted almost to the number of three thousand and Didas the Paeonian who murder'd the young Demetrius was he who had armed and mustered them There were also two thousand Gauls under the command of Asclepiodotus From Heraclea among the Sintians three thousand Free-born Thracians having a Commander of their own almost the like number followed their Leaders Susus the Phalasarnean and Syllus the Gnossian Leonides also the Lacedaemonian brought five hundred out of Greece being a mixt number of all Nations This person was reported to be of the bloud Royal condemn'd to banishment in a publick Assembly of the Achaeans certain Letters being intercepted that were sent to Perseus The Aetolians and Boeotians in all not above five hundred were commanded by Lycus the Achaean From these mixt Auxiliaries of so many people and Nations he made almost the Complement of twelve thousand and he himself had drawn out of all Macedonia three thousand Horse and Cotys Son of Seutha King of the Odrysians had brought thither a thousand well appointed Horse and well nigh as many Foot The whole Army amounted to thirty nine thousand Foot and four thousand Horse which manifestly appeared to have been the greatest Army except it were that second Army which Alexander the Great carried into Asia that any King of the Macedonians ever had The twenty sixth year was now expired since Peace was granted to the Suit of Philip during which peaceable interval Macedonia had brought forth a new Progeny great part whereof were ripe for Martial Discipline and by the light Skirmishes with the Thracians their Neighbours which rather exercised than fatigu'd them were always kept in Warlike Discipline And now that Roman War which had been long ago design'd by Philip and afterwards by Perseus was in all things fitted and prepared The Army moved gently not in a full march but only that they might not seem to have stood still in their Arms And thus armed as they were he call'd them to a Council of War The King sat on a Throne having about him his two Sons the Elder of which was Philip his natural Brother but his Son by adoption the younger whom they called Alexander his Son Legitimate He incourag'd the Souldiers to the War telling them the injuries done by the Romans both to his Father and himself That his Father being compell'd by all sorts of indignities to renew the War in the midst of his preparation was seized by the hand of fate That at one time Embassadours were sent to himself and Souldiers to possess the Cities of Greece afterwards by a fallacious parly under pretence of a Peace to be reconciled a whole Winter was wasted that they might gain time to prepare themselves That then the Consul was advancing with two Roman Legions each having three hundred Horse and about the like number of Horse and Foot from their Confederates and if the Auxiliaries of the Kings Eumenes and Massinissa should happen to come along with him they would not exceed the number of seven thousand Foot and two of Horse having heard these things of the Enemies Forces they should reflect upon their own Army how much they excell'd them in number how much in the disposition of their Souldiers mere novices hurried to the War in hast while they from their Childhood had learn'd the martial Arts hardned and exercis'd by frequent Wars That those who aided the Romans were none but Lydians Phrygians and Numidians but they had Thracians and the Gauls the fiercest of all Nations Their Arms were no better than every poor Souldier could provide for himself but the Macedonians were furnished with those that were ready fixt out of the Royal stores so many years provided by the care and great expence of his Father That provision was a great distance from the Romans and liable to the Casualties of the Sea while that they had besides the revenue from the ruines both Money and Corn reserved for ten years and that the Macedonians enjoyed all things which the gods indulged and which the Royal care had made accumulate That they ought to have the courage of their Ancestors who all Europe being subdued and passing over into Asia have by their Arms discovered a World unknown to Fame nor did they give o'r their Conquests till debar'd by the red Sea having then no more to conquer But now Fortune had rais'd a dispute not for the farthest shores of India but concerning the possession of Macedonia it self The Romans in the War with his Father pretended to have made it for the liberty of Greece but their ambition was now to bring the Macedonian People into servitude lest any King should be Neighbour to the Roman Empire or that a gallant people should have Arms for War All these things with their King and Kingdom they would be compell'd to resign to those proud Lords if they refrain'd the War and did what they would have them Hitherto thorough the whole Oration he had been sufficiently applauded by the general assent but then there arose so great an exclamation partly of indignation and menacings and partly of bidding the King be of good Courage that he was forced to make an end of speaking only bidding them to make ready for their march for that the Romans were already reported to remove their Camp from Nymphaeum The Assembly being dismiss'd he prepared himself to give Audience to the Embassadours of the Macedonian Cities who were come to promise money and grain to maintain the War every one according to his ability Thanks were returned to all remitting those charges with this Answer that the Kings provisions were sufficient for that purpose Carriages were only commanded to be provided for the Ordnance and a large number of hurling Darts with other Warlike instruments Then he march'd with his whole Army towards Eordea and near the Lake which they call Begorrites he Encamped from whence he came to Elimia on the River Haliacmona then passing over those they call the Cambanian Mountains thorough a narrow passage he descended among the Inhabitants of Azorus Pythius and Doliche which place they call Tripolis these three Towns held out a little while because they had given Hostages to the Larissians but being o'rcome with the present fear yielded themselves into his power these he saluted courteously not doubting but that the Perrhaebians would also do the same nor did the inhabitants make the least resistance