ordinary temper And so much was the King startled when he heard of the giving up of that City with the Fort and Castle and that too in so short a time that he posted away a Messenger to the Lords at Oxford to displace Col. Legg a well known Creature of Prince Ruperts from the Government of that City and Garison and to put it into the hands of Sir Thomas Glenham which was accordingly done and done unto the great contentment of all the Kings party except that Prince and his Dependents But Legg was sweetned not long after by being made one of the Grooms of his Majesties Bed-chamber a place of less command but of greater trust Fol. 891. And now the Parliament consider of a Term or Titleâ— to be given to the Commissioners intrusted with their Great Seal and are to be called Conservators of the Common-wealth of England Not so with reference either to the time or the thing it self For first The Commissioners of the Great Seal were never called the Conservators fo the Common-wealth of England And Secondly If they ever had been called so it was not now that is to say when the Kings Seals were broken in the House of Peers which was not long after Midsummer in the year 1646. But the truth is that on the 30 of Ianuary 1648. being the day of the Kings most deplorable death the Commons caused an Act or Order to be printed in which it was declared that from thenceforth in stead of the Kings Name in all Commissions Decrees Processes and Indictments the â—â—tle of Custodes Libertatis Angliae or the Keepers of the Liberties of England as it was afterwards englished when all Legall Instruments were ordered to be made up in the English-Tongue should be alwaies used But who these Keepers of the Liberties were was a thing much questioned some thought the Commissioners for the great Seal were intended by it whom our Authour by a mistake of the Title cals here the Conservators of the Common-wealth others conceiv'd that it related to the Councel of State but neither rightly For the truth is that there were never any such men to whom this Title was appliable in one sense or other it being onely a Second Notion like Genus and Species in the Schools a new devised term of State-craft to express that trust which never was invested in the persons of any men either more or fewer Fol. 892. â—o then the eldest Son and the yongest Daughter are with the Quâ—â—n in France the two Dukes of York and Glocester with the Princess Elizabeth at St. James 's The Prince in the Weâ—t with his Army â— This is more strange then all the rest that the Kings eldest Son should be with his Mother in France and yet that the Prince at the same time should be with his Army in the West of England I always thought till I saw so good Authority to the contrary that the Prince and the Kings eldest Son had been but one person But finding it otherwise resolved I would fain know which of the Kings Sonâ— is the Prince if the eldest be not It cannot be the second or third for they are here called both onely by the name of Dukes and made distinct persons from the Prince And therefore we must needs believe that the Kings eldest Son Christned by the name of Charls-Iames who dyed at Greâ—nwich almost as soon as he was born Anno 1629. was raised up from the dead by some honest French Conjurer to keep company with the yong Princess Henrietta who might converse with hâ—m as a Play-Fellow without any terror as not being able to distinguish him from a Baby of Clouts That he and all that did adhere unto him should be safe in their Persons Honors andâ—â—onsciences in the Scotish Army and that they would really and effectually joyn with him and with such as would come in unto him and joyn with them for his preservation and should employ their Armies and Forces to assist him to his Kingdomâ— in the recovery of his â—ust Rights But on the contrary these jugling and perfidious 〈◊〉 declare in a Letter to their Commissioners at London by them to be communicated to the Houses of Parliament that there had been no Treaty nor apitulation betwixt his Mâ—â—esty and them nor any in their names c. On the receit of which Letters the Houses Order him to be sent to Warwick Castle But Lesâ—ly who had been us'd to buying and selling in the time of his Pedlâ—ry was loth to lose the benefit of so rich a Commodity and thereupon removes him in such post-haste that on the eighth of May we finde him at Southwel and at Newcastle on the tenth places above an hundred Miles distant from one another and he resolv'd before-hand how to dispose of him when he had him there â—o Scotland he never meant to carry him though some hopes were given of it at the first for not onely Lesly himself but the rest of the Covenanters in the Army were loth to admit of any Competitor in the Government of that Kingdom which they had ingrossed whoâ—y to themselves but the 〈◊〉 in an Assembly of theirs declare expresly against his coming to live amongst them as appears fol 〈◊〉 So that there was no other way left to dispose of his person but to â—ell him to the Houses of Parliament though at the first they made 〈◊〉 of it and would be thought to stand upon Terms or Honor The Eaâ—l of Lowdon who lov'd to hear himsâ—lf speak more â—hen â—ny man living in some Speâ—ches made beâ—ore â—he Houses protested strongly against the dâ—livery of their Kings Person into their Power 〈◊〉 what in 〈◊〉 â—â—amy would lie upon them and the whole Nation â—f 〈◊〉 â—hould to 〈◊〉 But this was but a coâ—y of their Countenance onely 〈◊〉 â—â—vice to raise the Marâ—eâ— and make is â—uch money 〈…〉 as they could At last they came to this Agreement that for the sum of Two hundred thousand pounds they should deliver him to such Commissioners as the Houses should Authorize to receive him of them which was done accordingly For Fol. 939. The Commissioners for receiving the Person of the King came to Newcastle Iune 22. c. Not on the 22 of Iune I am sure of that the Commodity to be bought and sold was of greater value and the Scots too cunning to part with it till they had raised the price of it as high as they could The driving of this Bargain took up all the time betwixt the Kings being carried to Newcastle and the middle of the Winter then next following so that the King might be delivered to these Commissioners that is to say from Prison to Prison on the 22 day of Ianuary but of Iune he could not And here it will not be amiss to consider what loss or benefit redounded to those Merchants which traded in the buying and selling of this precious Commodity And first The Scots not long before their breaking out
spoken vulgarly in the land of Canaan before the coming of Abraham thither is not affirmed by Brerewood only but by Scaliger Grotius Vossius Bochartus all of them men of great renown for their learned studies and by many others of this Age. By most of which it is affirmed also that the name of Hebrews was given unto them by the people of Canaan not in regard of their descent from Heber the father of Phaleg but from Abrahams passing over the River Euphrates when he came out of Chaldaea with his Family to dwell amongst them that name in the Canaanitish language signifying as much as trajiciens or transfluvialis and therefore not unfitly given by them to Abraham at his first coming thither And if the Hebrew as we now call it was that Holy Language which was spoken in Paradise continued by the Patriarchs before the Flood and after to the building of Babel it must needs seem infinitely strange that it should be reserv'd only amongst the Canaanites accursed in the person of Canaan their common Parent by his Grandfather Noah and so abominated by God for their filthy wickednesses that he resolv'd to spew them out of their Native Countrey as in fine he did Or if Abraham brought it with him also when he came into the Land of Canaan he must needs leave it behinde him also amongst the Chaldees where he was born and where his Ancestors had dwelt before their â—emoval unto Haran And yet we know that the Hebrew Tongâ—e was so different from the Chaldean that when the Iews retuâ—ned from the Captivity of Babylon where they had been accustomed to and bred up for the most part in the Chaldean Language they could not understand the very words of the Hebrew Text without an Interpreter as is apparent in the eighth Chapter of Nehemiah vers 7 8. But of this Argument enough let us now goe forward Fol. 69. As Pitseus a Catholick Writer would have it A Roman Catholick if you will but no Catholick Writer And much I wonder that an Author so averse from the Church of Rome should give the Title of Catholick to a stickler in the Romish Quarrell though others of less zeal and prudence do commonly but inconsiderately bestow it on them A Title which they take with joy and from thence suck unto themselves no small advantage Adeo probanda est Ecclesia â—ostra a nomine Catholici quod extorquet etiam ab invitis Haereticis as is bragged by Barclay But as Pope Gregory pleading against the Patriarch of â—â—â—stantinople who had then assum'd unto himself the name of Oecumenical Bishop advertiseth all the rest of that sacred Order Si ille est Universalis restat ut vos non sitis Episcopi so may I say with reference to the present case By gracifying these men with the name of Catholicks we doe unwittingly confess our selves to be no Christians or at least but Hereticks Fol. 76. Oxford lays claim to the Antiquities of Crekelade and Lechlade two ancient Schools of Greek and Latine as some would have it remov'd afterwards to Oxford c. The like we finde fol. 117. where our Author telleth us of two Towns or the banks of the Isis the one call'd Greekelade in which the Greek the other Lechlade or Latinlade in which the Latine Tongue was taught by Philosopherâ— Most miserably mistaken in both places For though Crekelade of Grekelade may import a study of Greek Philosophers as some are ready to believe yet ceâ—tainly Lechlade in no Language will signifie the like study of the Latine Tongue The Countrey people as it seems do better understand themselves then our Author doth Amongst whom there is a common Tradition that Crekelade was a University of Greek Philosophers Lechlade of Leches or Physitians as the name doth intimate and Latten a small Village betwixt both to be the place of study for the Latine tongue But though the people are mistaken in the Etymon of the name of Lechlade yet are they not so far out as our Author is in making Lechlade or Latinlade to be both the same place and of the same signification whereas in truth that Town is so denominated from the River Lech which arising in the Hils of Cotswold passeth first by Northlech from thence to Eastlech and finally falleth into the Thames neer Sâ— Iohns-bridge in this Parish of Lechlade As for the University of Oxford which from hence took beginning as our Author hath it and the Antiquity thereof I shall not meddle at the present though our Author forgetting the Subject which he was to write of takes all occasions to hook in every old Tradition though less probably grounded to justifie the seniority of the younger Sister Fol. 78. Deira whence say some Deirham or Durham lay betwixt Tees and Humber More out of this then in his Lechlade or Latinlade which before we had For first Durham is not so called quasi Deirham Our learned Antiquary gives us a better and more certain derivation of it The River saith he as though it purposed to make an Island compasseth almost on every side the chief City of this Province standing on a Hill whence the Saxons gave it the name of Dunholm For as you may gather out of Bede they called an Hill Dun and a River-Island Holme Hereof the Latine Writers have made Dunelmum the Normans Duresme but the common people most corruptly Durham But secondly which mars all the matter the Bishoprick of Durham was not in the Kingdom of Deira as being wholly situate on the North side of the Tees and consequently part of the Realm of Bernicia which makes our Author mistake in another place fol. 51. the more remarkable where speaking of the Kingdom of Deira he gives us this Comment in the Margin viz. What this day is the Bishoprick of Deirham or Durham But as long as some say so all is well though who those some are except our Author I can no where finde Only I finde that as it is held necessary for a Noâ—body to be in all great Houses to bear the blame of such mischances as by the carelesness of servants and inconsiderateness do too often happen so is it no less necessary that there should be a some-body also in all great undertakings to bear the blame of such mis-fortunes as our Adventurers at wit do as often meet with And such a some-body as this our Author hath found out to be the Father of another conceit of his concerning Teyburn that I may take in this also whilest it is in my minde of which he tells us lib. 4. fol. 168. That some have deduced the Etymologie of Teyburn from Ty and Burn because forsooth the Lord Cobham was there hang'd and burnt Whereas indeed it was so named from the Tey or Teybourn a small Brook passing neer unto it in the former times Which Brook or Bourn arising not far from Padington hath since been drawn into several Conduits for the use of the City Fol.
and happiness depended on their adhering to the present Parliament And they applyed themselves to their instructions with such open confidence that the King had not more meetings with the Gentry of that Country in his Palace called the Manor House then they had with the Yeomanry and Free-holders in the great Hall of the Deanry All which the King suffered very strangely and thereby robb'd himself of the opportunity of raising an Army in that County with which he might have marcht to London took the Hen sitting on her nest before she had hatched and possibly prevented all those Calamities which after followed To omit many less mistakes as Sheffield for Whitfield fol. 306. and Kit the Taylor for Ket the Tanner fol. 540. Our Author gives unto Sir William Neve the title of Garter-Herald which was more then ever the King bestowed upon him he having at that time no other title then Norroy the third King Sir Iohn Burroughs being then Garter-Herald and Sir Henry St. George the second King of Arms by the name of Clarenceux to whom Sir William Neve succeeded in that Office at such time as he the said Sir Henry succeeded Sir Iohn Burroughs who dyed sometime after this at Oxford in the place of Garter But we must now return to matters of greater consequence and first we encounter with the Battle of Edge-Hill of which our Author tells us That Fol. 586. The question will be who had the better But the Parliament put it out of question by sending the Earl of Pembroke the Earl of Holland the Lord Say the Lord Wharton and Mr. Strode on the 27 of October to declare to the Lord Major Aldermen and Citizens the greatness and certainty of their Victory how God had own'd his own work their Speeches being eight in all harping upon this String That as the Cause had been undertaken with their Purses and with their Persons so they would crown the work by following it with the same zeal love care nobleness and Alacrity And the better to keep up the Hearts of the People the Commons voted to their General a present of 5000 l which he kindely accepted to the no small commendation of his modesty in taking so small a reward for so great a Victory or of their Bounty in giving him so great a sum for being vanquished And yet this was not all the Honor which they did him neither a Declaration being past by both Houses of Parliament on the 11 of November then next following Concerning the late valorous and acceptable Service of his Excellency Robert Earl of Essex to remain upon Record in both Houses for a mark of Honor to his Person Name and Family and for a Monument of his singular vertue to posterity In which they seem to imitate the Roman Senate in the magnificent reception which they gave to Terentius Varro after his great defeat in the Battle of Cannae the People being commanded to go forth to meet him and the Senate giving him publick thanks Quod de salute Reipub. non desperasset because he despaired not of the safety of the Common-wealth Which whether it were an Argument of their Gallantry as Livy telleth us or rather of their fear as Sir Walter Raleigh is of opinion I dispute not now Certain I am that by this Artifice they preserved their Reputation with the People of the City of Rome which otherwise might have been apt to mutiny and set open their Gates to the Victor And to say the truth the care of the Earl of Essex deserv'd all this though his Fortune did not For having lost the Battle he hasted by speedy marches thither to secure that City and the Parliament which otherwise would not have been able to preserve themselves But on the contrary our Author lays down many solid and judicious Arguments to prove that the King had the better of it as no doubt he had And for a further proof hereof we cannot have a better evidence then an Order of the Lords and Commons issued on the 24 of October being the next day after the Fight in which all the Citizens of London and Westminster c. were commanded to shut up their Shops and put themselves into a readiness to defend the City and the Parliament Which Order they had never made if their fear of the Kings suddain coming upon them with his Conquering Army before their broken Forces could reach thither had not put them to it And though the King might have come sooner then he did the taking in of Banbury Oxford and Reading being all possessed in the name of the Parliament spending much of his time yet we finde him on the 12 of day November beating up their Quarters at Brentford where they had lodged two of their best Regiments to stop him in his march towards London some other of their Forces being placed at Kingston Acton and other Villages adjoyning In the success of which Fight our Author tells us That Fol. 594. The King took 500 Prisoners c. and so unfought with marched away to Oatlands Reading and so to Oxford By this we are given to understand that the King retreated toward Oxford but we are not told the reasons of it it being improbable that he should march so far as Brentford in his way towards Lond. without some thoughts of going further Accordingly it was so resolv'd if my intelligence and memory do not fail me order given for the advancing of the Army on the morning after which being ready to be put in Execution News came that at a place called Turnham-Green not far from Brentford both the Remainders of the Army under the command of the Earl of Essex and the Auxiliaries of London under the conduct of the Earl of Warwick were in readiness to stop his march And thereupon it was consulted whether the King should give the charge or that it might be thought enough in point of Honor to have gone so far On the one side it was alledged that his Army was in good heart by reason of their good success the day before that the Parliament Forces consisted for the most part of raw and unexperienced Souldiers who had never seen a War before and that if this bar were once put by his way would be open unto London without any resistance On the other side it was Objected That the King had no other Army then this that there was nothing more uncertain then the fortune of a Battle and that if this Army were once broken it would be impossible for him to raise another which last consideration turn'd the Scale that Counsel being thought most fit to be followed which was judged most safe id gloriosius quod tutissimum said the old Historian And as for the five hundred Prisoners which our Authour speaks of they were first mov'd to enter into the Kings pay and that being generally refused they were dismist with life and liberty having first taken their Corporal Oaths not to serve against him But
al ove one hundred in number forcibly sâ—â—ze upon violently kept out of and driven from the House by the Officers and Souldiers of the Army under Thomas Lord Fairfax c. And thirdly We finde after this that Sir Iohn Temple Sir Martin Lumley Câ—l Booth M. Waller M. Middleton and others were turned back by such Souldiers as were appointed to keep a strict guard at the doors of the House So that the whole number of those who weâ—e imprisoned and kept under restraint or otherwise were debarred and turned back from doing their service in the House waâ— reckoned to amount to an hundred and fourty which comes to thrice as many as the 40 or 50 which our Author speaks of But to proceed the Officers of the Army having thus made themselves Masters of the House of Commons thought fit to make themselves Masters of the City also To which end they ordered two Regiments of Foot and some Troops of Horse to take up Quarters in Pauls Church and Black-fryers on Friday the 8. of the same moneth and on the â—unday following sent diverse Souldriers to be quartered in the Houses of private Citizens which notwithstanding such was their tender care not to give any diâ—turbance to them that lbid Not to fâ—ighten the City the General writes to my Lord Mayor that he had sâ—nt Col. Dean to seize the Treasuries of Haberdashers Goldsmiths and Weavers Halls where they seize on 20000.l that by the Monies he may pay his Armies Arrears The Authour whom our Historian followeth in all these late traverses of State relates this businesse more distinctly and inteâ—ligently then we finde it here viz. That two Regiments of Foot and some Troops of Horse took up Quarters in Pauls and Black-frier and seized upon 20000. l in Weavers Hall which they promised to repay when the Lord Mayor and Common Councell please to bring in the Arrears due from the City They secured likewise the Treasures of Haberdashers and Goldsmiths Hall Here we have first a seizure of the 20000. l in Weavars Hall for the use of 〈◊〉 Army and a securing of the Treasures in the other two that they might not be employed against it The 20000 l. which they found in the first was the remainder of the 200000 l. which was voted to be brought in thither for the raising of a New Presbyterian Army under the command of the Lord Willoughby of Parhâ—â— as Lord Generall and Sir Iohn Maynard as Lieutenant Generall to reduce that Army to conformity which had so successively served under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax But the other two being hard names and not very easie of digestion require somewhat which may make them lighter to the understanding of the vulgar Reader Concerning which we are to know that severall Ordinances were made by the Lords and Commons for sequestring the Estates of all such who had adhered unto the King whom to distinguish them from their own party they called Delinquents and a severe couâ—se was taken in those sequestrations as well in reference to their personall as reall Estates to make them the more considerable in the purse of the Houseâ— But finding no such great profit to come in that way when every Cook who had the dressing of that dish had lickt his fingers as they did expect they were contented to admit them to a Composition These Compositions to be managâ—d at Goldsmiths Hall by a select Committee consisting of severall Members of the House of Commons and some of the most pragmaticall and stiff sort of Citizens the parties to compound had 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. or 7. years purchase according as they either offered themselves voluntarily or came in upon Articlâ—s or were forced to submit to mercy What infinite summes of money were brought in by these compositions he that list to see may finde them both in the severall Items and the summa toâ—â—alâ—s in their printed Tables And yet the payment of these Sums was the least part of the grievance compared unto those heavy clogs which were laid on their Consciences For first No man was admitted to treat with the Committee at Goldsmiths Hall till unlesse he was priviledged and exempt by Articles he had brought a Certificate that he had taken the Negative Oath either before the Committee for the Militia of London or some Committee in the Countrey where he had his â—welling And by this oath he was to swear that he would neither directly nor indirectly adhere unto or wilâ—â—â—gly assist the King in that War or in that cause against the Parliament nor any Forces raised without the consent of the two Houses of Parliament in thâ—t cause or War for which consult the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons bearing date April 5. 1645. And secondly It was Ordered by the said Lords and Commons on the 1. of November 1645. That the Committee of Goldsmiths Hall should have power to tender the Solemn League and Covenant to all persons that come out of the Kings Quarâ—â—â—s to that Committee to compound and to secure such as should refuse to take it until they had conformed thereunto And by that Covenant they were bound to endeavour the extirpation of Popery and Prelacy that is Church-government by Arch-Bishops and Bishops c. and to defend the Kings Person and Authority no otherwise then in order to the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms And if the party to compound were a Romane Catholick there was an Oath of Abjuration to be taken also before any such Sequestration could be taken off if once laid upon him By which he was to swear That he abjured and renounced the Popes Supremacy that he beleeved not there was any Transubstantiation nor Purgatory nor any worship to be given to the consecrated Host Crucifix or Images and that salvation could not be merited by works renouncing and abjuring all Doctrines in defence of thâ—se points To such a miserable necessity had they brought many of that party that they thought if safer as they use to say to trust God with their souls then such unmercifull men with their Lives Fortunes and Estates And yet this was not thought to be a sufficient punishment to them but they must first passe through Hâ—berdashers Hall which is the last of my hard words before they could be free of the Goldsmiths And in that Hall they were to pay the fifth and twentieth parts of their Estates as well real as personall in present money all men being brought within the power of the Committee not only who were called Delinquents but such as had not voluntarily contributed to the Parliament in any place whatsoever as appears by the Order of the Commons bearing date August 25. 1646. By which last clause more Grist was brought unto that Mill then can be easily imagined their Agents being very eager in that pursuit So that it was accounted a great benefit as indeed it was to them who came in upon the Articles of