which they propounded unto themselves in this their new abode so to do nor did the condition of those times permit it And they were so fenced from the Arm sof Enemies as then both by the natural condition of their situation as also by the salt waters as they needed not to arm themselves for their own defence Therefore their Citizens being by long custom inured to these thoughts they had no thought of taking up Arms though the City were already much increased both in Forces and Authority unless when they were provoked and more to keep themselves from being injured by others or to assist their Friends and Confederates then out of ambition of Rule and of enlarging their bounds And he who shall consider what their greatest and and most difficult enterprises were in those first times will see they aimed all at this end The Venetians fought first with the French and afterwards against the Huns in defence of their Country and of their Liberties and long after with the Genoeses enforced thereunto by necessity and provoked by many grievous injuries For this very valiant and generous Nation would not rest quiet out of an emulation of glory in Sea-affairs wherein though they were oftentimes worsted by the Venetians yet they still found occasion of new Contests The Commonwealth of Venice hath oft-times taken up Arms likewise in times neerer this our Age with greater preparation for War and with more courage to defend their State in Terta firmâ— which they had already gotten with much ado and whereof they were justly possessed insomuch as they have sometimes valianâ—ly repulsed the fury of most powerful Leagues of Princes who were resolved upon their ruine But it becomes not the moâ—th of a Venetian to say how oft they have taken up Arms in defence of their Friends and Confederates lest he may seem to upbraid others with the services his Countrymen have done them But divers People and Cities assisted and preserved by their Forces do witness this And to speak only of things of more recent memory how great a desire hath this Commonwealth shewn to the common good and to this purpose how careful hath she been of the liberty and glory of Italy in sustaining long and heavy War to preserve the noble Neapolitan Territories in the Italian Princes and the like of Milan But he who will look further back and see what they have done will find that the Venetians have undertaken and finished famous enterprises out of zeal to Religion as they did in the Wars of the Holy Land against the Saracens and divers other times against other Princes to preserve and increase the glory of the holy Church and the Papal dignity which amongst many other actions is cleerly and nobly witnessed by the famous Naval victory won from the Emperor Frederick Barbâ—rossa for the which Venice doth at this day enjoy many great priviledges in witness of her great worth and singular merit But it is needless now to particularize in those things whereof all Histories are full It will suffice to touch upon some things whereby it may be conceived what the first beginnings of the City were and what were the intentions and end of her Citizens Romes ends were far different from these who from her very beginning aimed only at Empire and greatness being built by Romalus a fierce and ambitious man who not content to have recovered his Kingdom to his Grandfather Numiter and opened the way to the Lordship of Alba longa resolved by the assistance of a great many young men who followed him to purchase a better fortune and condition for himself and to build a new City which must have a warlike institution to keep the minds of those stirring youth busied in military exercises and to defend himself from his neighbors who finding that the new City aimed at greater designs thought to keep is low Romulus might with reason promise himself to purchase more Dominion and to enlarge his Confines for he built his City in a Country which was possest by many people who were weak and at odds within themselves so as he needed not fear any potent Prince who might oppose his designs or suppress his Forces before they were somewhat better established This was the first foundation of Romes greatness for the City beginning soon to habituate herself to military discipline and to turn her thoughts upon War and aggrandising her State she grew so confirm'd therein with time and with continual military orders as the Militia and all things thereunto tending did continually flourâ— sh in her For those that came after following as it falls out for the most part the example of their Predecessors her Citizens were always desirous of warlike glory and of Empire proving to be like Romulus and those other valiant men from whom they had their beginning and increase Thus they always made one War beget another not being able to endure the suspected power of their Neighbors nor yet the injuries done unto them by their Friends and Confederates under which two pretences they made first many notable acquisitions in Italy and afterwards passing over the Sea in Africa in Spain and in many other Provinces But to pass on now to another Consideration let us affirm that the situation is of great moment for the Rule and Dominion which one City is to have over another as that which affords security for self defence and opportunity to subjugate others this helps likewise to make a City plentiful and wealthy without which States are hardly acquired For where there is scarcity of livelihood povertie is more to be fought withall then Enemies and want of wealth renders a City alwaies weak and easie to be wasted and opprest Hence it was that Sparta though she had excellent Laws and Institutions yet whilst she observed them she could not much inlarge her Dominions for by them the City was bound for what concerned both the private and publick condition to be kept poor and far from any commerce with others and in our time the Cantons of the Switzers though they be a very valiant Generation yet being poor and seated amongst Mountains and for the most part in barren places their Soldiers being fighting under the pay of other Princes they have not been able to do any thing for themselves or to make any acquisitions but have onely preserved their Liberties If we shall then consider the situation of Venice we shall certainly find it very opportune for most things and miraculously well for some things For if we have respect to safety what City can be compared to this which without any Bulwarks of Walls or Garrisons of Soldiers defended by her natural scituation is of her self safe from all injuries and inexpugnable So as she is the onely example after so many Ages of being untoucht by the Barbarians violence If we respect abundance of plenty and wealth the accommodation that the Sea affords her and the so many Rivers which disgorge themselves either into
liberty of Rome recover'd by Caesars death 51. That he endeavored it when 't was too late 53 C. CArthaginians why they came to aid the Romans against Pyrrhus 23 For a long time friends to the Romans ibid. Should rather have been afraid of the Romans then of Pyrrhus 25. Were stronger at Sea then they 36. Often subdued 45 Catâ— Major causing sigs to be brought from Carthage into the Senate-house gives counsel that that City should be destroyed 45. How such counsel might be useful 49 Cato Uticensis what things they were which ingratiated him with the Senate and the People 55. Did many times prevail against Caesar ibid. Founded his greatness upon nobler courses 57. What demonstrations he received from the People of their singular favour to him 58. Because his manners were not suitable to the form of that Republick he could not hold out his reputation among them to the utmost 59 Charls the Great having freed Italy from the slavery of the Northern Barbarians made his son Pipin King of Italy 183 Charls the Eighth King of France his passage into Italy for the conquest of Naples 140. At his return assaulted by the Italian Princes and whether they were well advis'd in it discoursed upon at large ibid. Charls the Fifth Emperor compared with Solyman 22. His great wars with Francis the First King of France and his famous expeditions 157. Why his enterprises against the Kingdom of France proved vain 158. Why he shunn'd hazarding a set battel with Solyman 162. How the State of Milain fell to him 165. Whether he was well advised in not parting from before the walls of Vienna when Solyman was come to assault it 185 A City well ordered how it should be qualified 10. For preserving of unity among the Citizens whether the courses which Caesar took or those used by Cato were more available 5â— When it is grown to a great height 't is a hard matter to order it aright 14. That which aspires to a large Dominion must have two things 1â—1 What is most necessary for its long continuance especially such a one as is cast into the form of a Republick 104 Of how great importance the situation is 114 Citizens of singular quality banish'd from Athens for ten years 3 104 To make them vertuous three things necessary 7. By what means they may acquire greatness 56. That quietness and concord between them is of main importance for the felicity of the State and how it may be preserved ibid. 121 A Citizen very potent how to be corrected that he disturb not the common Quiet 95 Cleomenes King of Sparta accounted the riches of the Persians not worth the trouble they would stand his Soldiery 98 Colonies when first used by the Romans and how beneficial to them 63 172 Of the Venetians why sent into Candy ibid. Constantine the Great divided the Empire between his three Sons 67. Why he transferred the Empire to Constantinople 71 Constantine son to the above-named what part of the Empire fell to his share 67 Consalvo Ferrante why kept under by King Ferdinand 106 Consuls of what authority in Rome 2-4-5 Customs how profitable good ones are to Cities 10 D. DAlmatians with much difficulty subdued by the Venetians 119 Decemvirate held the form of a Republick 50. Why Rome was able to free herself from its tyrannie 51. Why driven out from thence 52 Docius Emperor of Constantinople routed by the Goths flieth and is drown'd in a Fen 75 Discords sprung up in Rome from War not from Peace 48 Dictator upon what occasions chosen by the Romans 12. Of what relief to Rome and who was the first 62. Esteemed necessary in times of great danger and what his dignity was 86 E. EDucation good how useful to a City or State 9 Elephants imployed by Pyrrhus in his wars against the Romans 26 Emperors of Rome favour'd assisted and maintained by the Soldiers and the People 69-72-73 Thirty at one time assum'd that title 70. Why some were chosen to be their Companions in their lives and their Successors after their deaths 72. When those of Caesars race ended ibid. Which were slain by the Soldiers for desiring to reduce them to good discipline 73 Empire of the Romans when it began 68. When it began to decline 6â— The causes of its declination and ruine 71. When it was void of worthy men and valiant Commanders 89. became tributary to the Goths 76 Equality or parity of goods why observed in Sparta 3. Of all the Citizens in government is not good 6. What equality is convenient for a Common-wealth that it may last long 104 Event the surest way to know what is likely to follow 19. That War is far more subject to divers unexpected events then any other actions of ours 31 That it is the master of Fools 38. Not the event of things but the advice wherewith they were done makes them either praise-worthy or blameable 132 F. FAbius Maximus his action and worth 29 c. Deserved to be praised not only for Prudence but for Courage 31. Feared by Hannibal ibid. overcomes Hannibal when Conqueror ibid. Why he took a contrary course to that of Scipio's 33 Fame and Reputation of great importance in all our actions but especially in War 85 Ferdinand King brother to Charls the Fifth why it would have been far better for him quietly to have suffered John King of Hungary to be his neighbour then to pull upon himself the Turks forces 196 Ferdinand King of Spain why he kept under Consalvo 106. Not just in his league with the Venetians 152 Florence why she could not keep herself in a firm state of Government free from civil dissentions 54 The Florentines succoring the Dukes of Milain and Ferrara with men and monies hindred the Venetians in those enterprises 124. Not well thought of and indeed hated by the Italian Princes for the correspondence which they held with the French 128. How their Fortresses put them to much trouble and damage when they were seised upon by the French brought in by their King Charls the Eighth 171 Forts or Fortresses of how great furtherance to a State 148. The doubts for which it may seem they are not available 168. Other more certain and no less grievous 171. Why called i ceppi della Toscana ibid. Arguments and reasons to demonstrate the great benefit of Forts 172. How to be rightly disposed and regulated 176. The defence and praise of rearing Forts ibid. The doubts and arguments against them resolved ibid. Fortune what is to be understood by that name 18 The Fortune of the Romans overborn by Hannibal 41. Why she easily rose up again changing for the better 45. When she proved cross they still kept the same minds 48 Fortune very cross to the Venetians 106 France the Romans put sore to it ere they could take it in 48. Whence the late troubles and discords arose 106 The French oftentimes assaulted Rome 61-63 How timorous they shewed themselves when the wars in
Italy grew unlucky 138. Why they have not been able to make great atchievements in Italy nor to stay long there 166 Francesco Foscari Duke of Venice said That the Republick could not much increase in power unless she made some enterprises by Land 115 Francis the First King of France how he palter'd in the League with the Italian Princes 152. For endowments of the mind and other qualities most eminent ibid. Though his fortune gave way to that of Charls the Fifth whom yet he put to much trouble 157. Why his furious endeavor to assault Spain prov'd bootless 159. and as much in vain his enterprises in Italy 161 G. GEnoeses conquer'd by the Venetians 41. Whereupon it was that at first they entred into competition and afterwards into a deadly fewd with the Venetians 118 The Goths famous for the destruction of the Empire and of many Provinces 76 Their original and why they fell down into Italy ibid. Other actions of theirs under divers Commanders 77. They also took pay under the Emperors ibid. Government how the quality of every one may be known 1-2 What the right Form of it is ibid. What it was in Rome 2. What in Sparta ibid. What in Venice 54. Every Form is not convenient for every State 2 The Form of the Government is as it were the soul of the State 131 From a Popular government men come to Tyrannie 54. The Change thereof in Rome occasioned so much the sooner the end of her Empire 90 and of the corruption of her Militia 92 Greece why the Romans strove to keep her from falling into Philips hands 45 Had a general Council called the Amphictiones like the Diets of Germany 94 In many of her Cities had men of eminence for all manner of worth 93 Not being at unity in herself could not compass any great atchievements abroad 95. By reason of her dissentions could not make use of her victories against the Persians 97. minded Arts more then Arms ibid. Whence her victories against the Persians proceeded 98. How she came to fall into the hands of the Macedonians 100. then of another Philip 101 lastly of the Romans ibid. Why after the death of Alexander she could not recover her liberty 100. For the same reasons having afterwards the Empire of Constantinople she could not preserve herself in that dignity 103 How highly her Soldiers were esteemed by Philip of Macedon and Alexander the Great ibid. 104 Guido Ubeldo Duke of Urbin why he would allow of no Forts in his Dominions 170-171 H. HAnnibal upon what ground he made war upon the Romans in Italy 34 What reasons should have removed him from that resolution 35 Honorius the Emperor his cowardise and simple saying 77 Hungary whence so called 77. The occasion of the Wars for her between the House of Austria and the Turks 195 I. ITaly how much she abounded in Soldiers 84. The Romans meetly out of their own Citizens and of their other Territories in Italy were furnish'd with Commanders and Soldiers for all their Armies 62. Was long obedient to the Western Emperors yet withdrew herself from under their command and submitted to Lords of her own 184 Italy through her own Princes fault at present under the Command of Strangers 140. Her late Quietness and Peace and from what causes 164 When it began 165. How it may be continued 167. Before the times of Pope Leo the Teath in great misery for thirty years 182 Italian Princes whether they were well advised in setting upon Charls the Eight King of France at his departing out of Italy 140 Iugurth with a bitter saying taxed the extreme grippleness and avarice of the Romans 13 Iulius Caesar what fierce people he conquer'd in France 91. Why it was difficult and troublesome for him to tame them 159. He would always charge his Enemy first 187 K. KIngdoms large and ample why apt and subject to Insurrections 72 L. LAws what benefit they bring 17. They ought to be confirmed by good Customs 11. Their aim ought to be to take away the abuse of things not the things themselves 109 Leagues or Confederacies why they are made their force and power 146 Made by the Christians against the Infidels 147-151-156-191 Which are the firmest 147. The defects which they may and use to have 148 For what causes they are made 154. How and when men may with reason expect benefit by them 154. Why they are no better esteemed ibid. That famous one of Cambray against the Venetians why made how soon dissolved and how unjust it was 154-155 Leonidas his famous victory against the Persians 98 Lewis the Twelfth King of France his nature and qualities of minde 135 Why he conspired against the Venetians and how injuriously 132 135 Lodowick Sforza Duke of Milain how fearful he shewed himself upon the League between the French and the Venetians 139. He calls Charls the Eight King of France into Italy and then to his own great damage repents himself of it 140 Lycurgus why his Laws proved good 11. Had many means to help him in the setling of his Laws 12. Ordered his Republick so that it should not much increase its Dominions 47 M. MAgistracies the confirming of them proved very dangerous in Rome 3 They ought to be of limited authority and for a short time 5 Malta why it preserved it self against the assaults of Bolyman 175 Marius by what ways he began his greatness 8. By his ambition he much endamaged the Commonwealth 10-47 His discreet carriage in the enterprise against the Cimbri which were come down into Italy 194 Medici how that Family got the superiority in Florence and kept it 105 The Militia of the Greeks or Macedonians what it was 21. Of the Carthaginians mercenary and incommodious 39. Of the Romans proved very profitable to the Commonwealth by being in the hands of many ibid. Well understood and practised by the Romans 38-49-61-80 Afterward grew corrupted and abject 69-73-74-75 Of the Turks how numerous well order'd and in continual Pay 186-193-195-196 Of the Christians much inferior to that of the Turks 186. Naval cannot of it self much enlarge the Dominion of a State 113. The Forces thereof are increased and maintained by those of the Land 114 N. NAtural inclination ought to be followed in the choise of our actions 58 Nicolo Orsino Count of Pitioliano like Fabius Maximus and not like him 135 Nobles why aâ— first of little authority in Rome 2. Opposing the Communalty and hated by it 4. Authors of the destruction of Tyrannies 12 O. OCtavianus why easily entertained by the Army after Caesars death 52 P. PEace how it remains of it self being brought into States 164. How in these last times it is established in the minds of the Italian Potentates 165 How Peace Concord and Unity amongst Citizens ought to be preserved by Laws 121 Plutarch prefers Lycurgus before Numa 11 Pompey set up by the Senate to take down Caesar 47. His triumphs ibid. After the war with Mithridates quitted the
prejudicial to permit private men to grow to such immoderate riches as equalling therein the most Potent Kings there was a Citizen of Rome who arrived to such greatness as he said He ought not to be esteemed rich who could not out of his own Revenue maintain an Army Whence it arose that the Nobility being much envied and suspected by the people the way was opened to the Gracchi to excite those hemous disorders which ended not but with the utter ruin of the Commonwealth Provision was long before hand by the Law against such disorders Licineus the Tribune having instituted so to curb the Avarice and Ambition of the Nobility that no Citizen should possess above Five hundred Acres of Land But these Orders in Civil Affairs were so weak and imperfect as one Law might easily be broken by introducing a contrary custom The Nobles therefore little esteeming the Licinean Law did very much increase their wealth and fraudulently usurping the publick Territories which were wont to be kept for the benefit of the people brought in Forainers to manure them so as the people being become very poor and seeing the Nobility injoy all the fruits of the common labor of the Militia did very unwillingly suffer such an injury and did very willingly listen and adhere unto any one who would feed them with hopes of bringing things to a just equality wherefore such as were seditious took occasion to try Novelties so as at last in the times of the Gracchi recourse must be had unto Arms and civil Differences must be thereby decided which as shall by and by be more clearly shewn might have been long before foreseen for such Customs did much disorder the Commonwealth not onely in that they partook not of civil modesty but by their being clean contrary to the Laws of that City which lent most towards a Popular State all Authority being given by them to the People in their suffrages and also in the most important State-resolutions So as it seemed respect was only had to the liberty of dividing the Government amongst Citizens All places of Magistracie were equally common to all and small means kept not any one far from the Commonwealth they might marry togethâ—r Foreiners were easily made Free Denizens the Tribunes had power to nominate all Magistrates the manner of living was not free but very licentious And the supreme Authority of the Tribunes doth of all other things most cleerly shew what that Government was who being greatly respected and reverenced by all men and called by the superstitious title of Sacrâ—sancti they were so insolent in their office as a Tyrant could hardly have used more severity in his commands See how boldly a Tribune of the People made Marius Violaâ—â—â— a Nobleman be seised on commanding that he should be suddenly thrown head-long down the Tarpeian Rock for no other reason but that in a Speech which he had made he used some harsh words against the People But the Tribune Sulpitius using more violence came one morning into the Piatza with many armed men and driving away the Consuls who would have opposed such an action made Marâ—â—â— be decreed for the undertaking against Mithridates not caring though therein he went against the Laws which not being in any thing observed all good Institutions were made in vain whilst the Laws were violated and destroyed by the Tribunes too great power He then who shall consider these things will not say that they tended not to the making of a Commonwealth totally Popular yet many things were contrary to these as hath been considered in perpetuating the Government of the Armies and in the excessive Riches of some Citizens Some Popular Commonwealths as that of Athens used by a quite contrary advice to banâ—sh such Citizens ten years from the City who did for some excellent quality far exceed the rest In some others because they did in some sort partake of popularity the equallity of means or levelling was introduced so to content and please the people as in Sparta and certainly to grant but a limited power and but for a short time to Magistrates are excellent precepts of such Legislators as will constitute a free City For so all the Citizens may have their share of Government but none freely dispose thereof to his own proper use and then indeavour to bring things to an equality or at least provide so as they may not increase so immoderately as any one Citizen may be envied or suspected by the rest for his too great Power It is then no wonder if Rome were much divided since these things were not observed in her for by such a diversity of Orders she became a Body with two Heads and of two several shapes which occasioned continual domestick disorders in her For the Nobility glorying in the dignity of Consulship wherein they used great Authority and which they for the most part kept amongst themselves and being also proud of their wealth would usurp all the Government to themselves And on the other side the people bearing so great a sway in all things and relying much upon the Magistracy of the Tribunes were so insolent as they would acknowledge no obedience nor bear any respect to the Laws or to the Magistrates thereof but would resolve all things according to their own fancy and as made most for their advantage which made that City which was so potent in Military and Foraign Affairs very weak in such as were Civil and Domestick for such a division of power in men of contrary minds keeps the forces of the City with much prejudice divided whilst the one of them contesting with the other they hinder the resolutions and executions of important Affairs as it often fell out in Rome for necessity urging to list Forces to march against the Enemy the Tribunes were presently ready to incense the people so as there was none that would give a name to the Militia which Insolencies were increased by the peoples being able to do it safely For the Tribunes minding nothing else but how to make their Faction powerful accepted of the Appeals of every popular man though in unjust causes to the end that the people might be the more respected by the Nobility and more ready and bold to raise seditions whereby they did always increase their power and had by these means obtained many things from the Senate The Nobles likewise no less sollicitous to increase their authority that they might keep back the Peoples insolencie sought always to keep them low and did with like endeavours maintain those of their own Order in all Judgments So as in punishing or in absolving of faults it was oftentimes a thing of greater consideration whether the party concerned were a Nobleman or a Plebeian then whether he were guilty or innocent And hence great prejudice arose unto the Commonwealth for all Justice was soon corrupted without which no good Order can be kept and each Party valuing the publick welfare but a little out of
good concord result from the former Therefore care must be had that every Order may keep its own state and be neither too much exalted nor too much abased lest the too 〈◊〉 or too sharp Tone occasion dissâ—nance as it was seen to fall out in Rome where this just proportion was but badly kept people of unequal condition and worth being oft times made equal in Dignity which caused a Government full of confusion and disorder not bounded in any one Form but disposed to receive all Forms But if we will assign any particular State to the mixt body of this City as predominate over the rest there can be none more properly given her then popularity Which though it may be already comprehended yet it will be better known by passing to some other more particular considerations The state of the Commonwealth is known by observing in whom the chief command is found but the majesty thereof appears clearly in the creating of Magistrates in making new Laws or repealing old ones in making War in disposing of Rewards or Punishment All which things being by many examples seen to lie in the power of the People do evidently witness that the State of this Commonwealth was Popular The People were they who gave authority to Magistrates nay even to the Senate it self by authenticating and invigorating the Resolves thereof and as the soul of that Government they did in divers manners move the other parts of the Commonwealth in their operations So as her truest and properest Form can only be taken from them nay it was seen that the resolutions of the Republick did bind the Senate and were of equal force with the Peoples commands prolonging Magistrates in their places and by the authority thereof putting a period to begun Wars Wherefore the corruption of a Popular State may be further seen by the immoderate power of the meanest Citizens Let us next view the ultimate end of that Commonwealth which by a certain ordinary and as it were natural change of condition will shew us what her first Form was For it being changed into Tyranny which usually ariseth from a Popular State it appears that that City was formerly governed by the People and had by corrupt manners opened the way to Tyranny so as this Transition was easily made by the likeness of State For that City where the People commands with licence may be said to be subject to many Tyrants nor admits it of any change saving that one man becomes the master of those disorders which a multitude were masters of There were likewise always many popular Pick-thanks in Rome who like the Flatterers of Tyrants tracing the People in their humors went a birding after favors whereby they won credit and preferment Which as the Philosopher says is a manifest sign that in such a City the People command not the Laws Which is seen by many experiences of which Marius was an evident example who being born of very mean parents and applâ—ing himself from the begining to the Government of the Commonwealth not guided by the glory of his Predecessors or any noble action of his own which might first introduce him thereinto but confiding in a certain greatness of spirit began to think of acquiring great power so as being become Tribune of the People he betook himself wholly to abase the authority of the Nobles as he did in publishing the Law of Suffrages threatening Consul Cotta to imprison him if he forbare not to oppose him By which boldness he won so much favor with the People as he was able to dispose of them afterwards as he listed in any affair how unjust soever or in working revenge upon his Enemies as he did in banishing innocent Metellus or to aggrandise himself insomuch as he contrary to the Laws was created Consul against the Cimbrians being absent and in a contumacious time and lastly in making the Province be assigned unto him which belonged to Sylla By such means the way was opened to the immoderate power of Citizens which in the height of their prosperity brought that Commonwealth to its final ruine For these disorders being long before begun were afterwards by the spaciousness of the City so inâ—â—eased as the People being become powerful by reason of the numerousness of the Citizens and growing more free and bold by their so many prosperities not content to be equal to the Nobility would become greater then the Laws They banish'd many Citizens without hearing the cause they granted places of Magistracie before the usual time they confirm'd the Authority of those that were already out of it and disposed of all things not according to civil equity but as they liked best Which things do sufficiently manifest the imperfections of that Government For the Philosopher says that that State where the People command and not the Laws is so corrupt as it deserves not the name of a Commonwealth no sort of Government being to be thereunto assigned Which easily happens in Cities which are very great and powerful as was that of Rome But iâ— we shall then consider the Conditions of those men into whose hands that Government was put we shall thereby likewise find that amongst the several Forms of Popular States this may be thought the most corrupt as that whereinto even Artificers were admitted which being usually but ill conditioned and frequenting Assemblies only that they may talk together do constitute an imperfect State and subject to alterations And hence it may be deduced that this part being most prevalent in that so corrupt and imperfect Commonwealth the others must partake of the same imperfection For no such union can be framed out of two good Governments and one very bad one as is requisite to give form to a good Government neither could they continue together for never so small a time Whence it may be likewise inferred that those other parts of the Commonwealth which may seem to resemble Monarchy and Aristocracy as the Consuls and Senate came short of such perfection as is proper to those States declining to the contrary party For many things may be observed to have been done by Consuls with more authority and boldness then what became a Commonwealth To pass by many other examples Caesar being confirmed in that power which he had received as Consul usurped the Liberty of the Commonwealth There were likewise many corruptions in the Senate which shew how subject that part was likewise to various disorders For when the Commonwealth was at the very height of her perfection Senators were become so mercenary as Iugurth having corrupted many of them and purchased his own saâ—ety by monies it may well be said that the Citizens of Rome would have sold their City if they could have met with a Chapman for it Another Consideration may be added to wit That that Commonwealth cannot be said to be well ordered even in the very Popular State which she so much affected For it is easie to frame any Government for a
advice was followed by the Venetians when they had their Enemies at their own own homes and were in the same danger and disorder by reasou of the rout given them by the Genuses as the City of Rome was in after the defeat at Cannae For they joyned in confederacy with Barnaby Vis Coute Duke of Millan and making a great Effort sent many Soldiers against the City of Genua and did so molest their affairs by Land as they kept off those succours which otherwise would have been sent to their men who had taken the City of Chioggia who missing of supplies and being fought withal and besieged by the Venetian Forces of Conquerors became conquered and fell into the hands of the Venetians Moreover the Romans considered that in the Wars which they made in Sicily and in Spain they had this great advantage that they fought not with Honnibal a Captain of singular and unparalleld valor It was likewise held that the Roman Commanders and Armies might more securely make trial of their worth and fortune in Wars made out of Italy as they had oftentimes done for when they had any loss abroad they lost nothing but those men which the fortune of War bereft them of but if they should overcome they got the Enemies Country just as it befel them in Spain Wherefore it being disadvantagious for them to fight in Italy it proved the better advice to temporize with Hannibal in Italy and at the same time to fight with Mago Asdrubal and other Carthaginian Commanders in Sicily and in Spain So as the losses in Italy were recompeased by acqusitions made in Spain the which of all other Countries was the first that was reduced into a Province and did much inlarge the Confines of the Roman Empire But if the Sea had been open for the Carthaginians as it would have been if the Romans neglecting their Fleet had not provided for the affairs of Sicily Hannibal might easily have been furnished with things necessary from the Carthaginians wherewith to reinforce his Army So as no part of Italy should have been free from his forces who unassisted or succored could notwithstanding keep his Army so long together and attempt so many enterprises they therefore thought they had done enough in entertaining Asdrubal a Captain of great authority and valor so as he could not as they knew his design was pass with a new Army into Italy to joyn with Hannibal as he did after the Scipio's death and after the rebellion of many of the Spanish Cities the Carthaginians being moved to do their utmost since they had lost Syracusa and Capâ—a which were both of them faln into the Romans power So as no assistance being given unto Hannibal all the labor was lost which he had so many years undergone in Italy On the contrary the Romans persevering in their first opinion when the two Scipio's were dead sent Pâ—blius Scipio into Spain to keep Asdrubal from making his passage diverting the Forces which were to pass over with him into Italy by keeping the Carthaginians molested at home It follows not therefore by a general rule that what was good for one of the enemies must be hurtful for the other so as it were good for the Carthaginians to wage War in Italy far from their own homes this very same thing must be harmful for the Romans But since they could not be the first Assailant Hannibal having faln upon them with such violence it was reason that the Romans taking the same course should assault the Carthaginians Territories We read also that the same Hannibal being still of the same opinion which once he was being with Autiochus in the time of his Exile whilst he was treating of making War against the Romans he perswaded him to pass over as soon as he could and with as great a strength as he could put together into Italy affirming that all other enterprises would be to no purpose whilst Italy was at peace and quiet and that the Romans had means to maintain War abroad This very same thing for the same respects diversly considered ought to have instructed the Roman Commanders and Senators in the Carthaginian war to wit that they were not to suffer their Enemies to rest quiet at home so as â—ree from all thoughts of defending themselves they might the better turn all their Forces upon Italy and the very City of Rome And if they had taken that resolution at first which they did afterwards by the advice of Publius Scipio who from the conquering of Africa took the name of African to wage War with the Carthaginians neerer their own home they might peradventure have freed Italy sooner from the so many troubles and dangers which she underwent by Hannibals long abode But it may be moreover said that many other things did force or at least perswade the Romans to undertake these Wars Sardinia was first assaulted by the Carthaginians with those very Forces which were destined for Italy to relieve Hannibal so as it behoved the Romans to march with their Armies thither not only to maintain and defend that Island which was of such importance to the Commonwealth but for that they therein defended the welfare of Italy by keeping so many Warriers afar off who if they were free were ready to assault her And this advice proved very fortunate for Quintus Fabius gave so notable a Rout to the Carthaginians in Sardinia as they lost about Forty thousand of their Soldiers The death of Hiere the Tyrant of Siracusa occasioned the War made in Sicily and the great commotions of that Island by which it was comprehended that if these their designs had not been hindred by the Romans that great and famous City would have faln into the power of the Carthaginians to the great prejudice of the Romans who for the same reason being assisted by the Mamertines undertook the first Carthaginian War judging that if the Carthaginians should be absolute Masters of Sicily it would be a step to pass into Italy But this would have been the more incommodious at this time for that by reason of the so many places which Hannibal had taken in Italy they might have had a more easie and secure receptacle there Moreover the Romans were invited to make War with the Carthaginians in Spain and to divert their Forces by reason that they understood how that Province was but ill satisfied with the Carthaginian government and that it was well inclined to the Romans which did much facilitate those enterprises which were boldly undertaken and fortunately atchieved The City of Saguntum was also the first rise of these Wars in Spain which they thought it did not become the generosity of Rome to leave in the power of the Carthaginians so as upon any other good success they might seem to have lost the chief cause in this contest Neither did they notwithstanding take Saguntum till after eight years War in Spain when the other affairs of Rome began to prosper very much as
whilst he was abroad in the Juâ—urthan War was created Consul and made chief Commander against the Cimbrians though he ought not in his absence and in time of contumacy to have been chosen to that Magistracy Caesar after having commanded the Roman Armies five years when he was sent to wage War in France had his place of command cont nued unto him for five years longer and not herewithal content but being accustomed to rule he asked leave of the Senate to keep abroad and to continue in the Army which when the Senate would not give way unto they too late opposed his desire he being grown so powerful by reason of his continuation in military command as he valued not the Senates Authority nor the being declared an enemy to the Commonwealth But if we will consider the beginning of Civil Discords how and where the siding began which insected the minds of the Citizens with pestiferous corruption we shall find that this happened not in time of Peace in Cities or by reason of Civil Affairs but in the Camp amongst Weapons and when the Commonwealth was bufied in weighty Wars For Marius being drunk with the desire of military glory and not being able to endure that it should be taken from him or diminished by Sylla as he imagined it might happen by reason of Syllas happy success in the Jugurthan War wherein having taken Iuguâ—tha alive he had the glory to have put an end to that War He began to think of establshing yet more greatness in himself by making many of the Order of Cavaliers and of the people partial to him and impudently corrupting the Citizens first with moneys and afterwards with open force of Arms making the Magistracy and command of the war be conferred and resolved upon in him as he did in the Consulship and Proconsulship against Mithridates The Nobility being afrighted at this mans greatness by reason of his authority and reputation with the Soldiers they mightily encreased Sylla's power who was an enemy to Marius till at last they came to taking up Arms and shedding of civil blood But who knows not that Caesar moved thereunto more out of a desire of his own greatness then out of his alliance with Marius raised and maintained his Fraction in Rome and that his power encreased not in Peace and in the Market-place but in War and in the Camp So for the same reason for which Sylla was advanced a little before it behoved the Senate to confer more greatness upon Pompey then became the condition of civil Government so as the whole City was divided and with those arms by which though taken up and made use of against enemies the first occasion of contention among private Citizens was given the very Commonwealth must be wounded which stood in the midst between them so as her vitâ—l spirit of liberty being taken away her throat was cut by those whom she had most favoured But whence did the so many other corruptions of those times arise save from the so many prosperous successes of war by which the Citizens being much enriched and made proud could not betake themselves to live parcimoniously and with civil equality And it is said of Caesar that he corrupted the people of Rome by moneys which he had got in the War so to make them confer places of Magistracy as he listed upon such as were his friends and partial to him Out of these respects the wise Legislator Lycurgus intending to lay the foundation of a long lasting Government in Sparta though he introduced Military exercises to the end that the Citizens might be able to defend their Country yet he ordered the City so as it could not much increase its power by any Forgein War But the Commonwealth of Rome not being ordered for peace could never find out not enjoy a peaceful condition How is it then given out that peace and idleness was the ruine of that City How should she beleeve that her Arms should remain idle if she would have the whole world for her enemy as Mariâ— said to Mithidates that who would not recieve Law from the Romans must make themselves more powerful then they So as the counsel which Scipio gave to his Romans of not utterly destroying Carthage might be good in another respect for the preservation thereof might encrease that glory to their Commonwealth which many of her valiant Citizens seemed greatly desirous of to wit to have easily pardoned their enemies when they should have humbled themselves as the Carthaginians had then done haveing not onely with great humility begged peace of the Senate by their Ambassadors but given many of their chief Citizens for hostages to Scipio and great store of Arms to secure the Romans that they would keep their Articles And truly the destruction of that noble City did differ from the usual generosity of the Romans who had wont after Victory to grâ—â—t the Cities and Kingdoms to those very enemies with whom they had fought making both King and People in all parts or Tribuâ—ory or Confederate to the Senate and People of Rome But I see no reason at all why they should forbear the rooting out of these the Romans antient enemies for fear lest they should be undone with idleness and that civil discords should thereupon ensue How many years were there between the second and third Carthaginian war and yet when was the Commonwealth of Rome free from Foreign war though these her Enemies did not appear to be so The last Carthaginian war being hardly ended did not they wage war in Spain with the Numantines for the space of fourteen years And yet in these times the bounds of the Roman Empire may be said to have been very narrow in respect of what they were afterwards France which then was Mistress of more Provinces then now she is was not as yet subdued nay the difficulty and length of that War bringing along with it the prorogation of Command since Caesar commanded the Armies for ten years together did much increase those disorders which did at last prove the ruine of the Commonwealth But how much did Pompey enlarge the bounds of the Roman Empire in Asia over how many conquered Kings and Provinces did he triumph Armenia Cappadocia Media Iberia Syria Arabia Phaenicia and other Nations were reduced under the Romans power by this sole Commander It will seem strange and yet it is related by authentical Writers that nine hundred Cities were made subject and tributary to the Roman Empire by Pompey and almost as many more by Caesar And he who will consider it well shall find that the Roman Commanders did flourish most and were most cryed up after the destruction of Carthage Rome wanted then neither means nor will to exercise her Arms not to mention so many Wars which were all of them famous if not for the greatness of acquisition at least for other weighty accidents and if not for their strength yet for the wisdom of the Enemy That of Tigranes
natural affairs every thing is not made of every thing but from this or that other assigned matter such or such a thing is particularly generated answerable to the quality of the said matter and to the vertue of the generating cause so in our civil actions every State cannot be fashioned out of every State but these things are likewise determined by a certain order so as from Aristocracie we pass into the power of a few from thence to a Popular condition and at last to Tyranny Yet are these Transitions very hard to be observed in the City of Rome for that her Government was always mixt with divers species of Regiment yet it may be seen how divers Parties prevailed in divers Times so as they came to constitute a different Form of Government At the beginning Vertue was highly esteemed the greatest Honors and chiefest Places were conferr'd upon some few that were the most famous and most vertuous Citizens though the People had always a share therein But Ambition and the desire of Rule and Riches did afterwards mightily increase in the Nobility who deceiving the Multitude by several artifices they reduced so much of the publick Authority into themselves to maintain their private greatness as the Laws having lost their efficacie and the choice of the Magistrates and the resolution in all weighty and important affairs depending upon the will of some few powerful Citizens the City wholly lost the resemblance that she had of an Aristocratical State and took the form of being governed by a few And those very Citizens that they might preserve the power amongst themselves were forced to favor the multitude by promising and permitting unto them things that were both unworthy and unlawful So these men that they might domineer over more noble personages were forced to obey the hase will of the Soldiers and of abject and insolent Popular men which reduced the Commonwealth at last to a base and corrupt Popular State though in former times the peoples Authority was always great but better moderated notwithstanding by the Laws and certain considerations from whence it was more easie afterwards to pass to Tyranny the Plotters using those very means which it hath been observed Caesar made use of to usurp unto himself the sole Government of the Commonwealth Such changes have usually been seen in other Cities and at other times where the condition of Government hath given the same occasion So Athens was alwaies subject to frequent alterations of Government and particularly to Tyranny Insomuch as the wise Legislator Salon who had the charge of reforming it before his death saw it faln from the state whereinto he had reduced it and tyranny brought in by Pisiâ—â—atus for the corruption which was amongst the Inhabitants afforded matter and means to any one who had a mind to possess himself of the Liberty thereof And it is likewise seen of Modern Commonwealths that those wherein the people have had much authority or rather licentiousness they have not been able to keep in a constant Government free from Civil Seditions and have been but short-lived As happened is the City of Florence wherein for the consideration above said it was easier for them who had a mind to suppress the liberty thereof and hard for him who desired to preserve it So as though the House of Medici hath by various accidents been sundry times driven from thence and though Alexander the first Duke thereof lost his life the City though otherwise noble and magnificent being much infected with parties and corrupted by popularity all endeavors of preserving it in the form of a Commonwealth and in true liberty proved vain And on the contrary the Commonwealth of Venicâ— by reason of hen excellent Form of Government which though it be mixt hath little in it of Popular Government and much of the Optimati not having given way to such corruptions as use to trouble the quiet of civil life nor afforded means to any who should goe about to plot against the publick Liberty hath been able for a very long space of time to maintain her self in one and the same condition and free from those dangers into which other Commonwealths have faln for not having a Government of equal temper with that of hers The Ninth DISCOURSE Which is the safer way to be taken to arrive at Honor and Glory in a Commonwealth that which waâ— beld by Cato or that which was pursued by Caesar. JUlius Caesar and Marcus Cato who was afterwards called Uticencis both of them very famous and greatly cried up persons both for their excellent indowments of mind and for the great Authority which they held both with the Senate and with the people did both of them flourish at the same time in the Commonwealth of Rome But they did so differ in Manners and Customs as it may afford occasion of wonder if we will consider how stearing several courses they happened both of them to arrive almost at one and the same end And of doubt in him who shall propound unto himself the example of these two great Personages to purchase Fame and Power in a Commonwealth whether of the two he ought most to imitate Caesar won much love by his great humanity liberality and magnificence but Cato was reverenced for the austerity of his Comportment by the integrity of his life and for the zeal he shewed in the managing of all publick affairs Those who were opprest either by poverty or by enemies had recourse to Caesar for protection and those who hated wicked men and the inventers of novelties trusted that Cato would chastise and suppress them Caesar never spared for any labour by which he might hope to purchase renown and glory and Cato by despising glory became glorious Caesar desired to shew generosity and greatness of spirit in all his actions and Cato delighted in nothing more then in modesty and innocency of life Caesar was much given to all acts of Grace and Cato constant in all acts of Justice Caesar seemed to take delight in Sports Feasts and Banquets and Cato profest openly to scorn all favor save what the merit of his own worth brought with it So as the greatness wherein the Commonwealth then was was said to be most resplendent in Caesar so the preservation of the antient Form of the Commonwealth and of the customs of her first age was held to be preserved in one onely Cato These two so excellent Personages took these two differing ways yet each of them acquired great Renown Fame and Authority Great was Caesars glory by the many things he did in War but Cato was no less celebrated for Civil Affairs Caesar by his great Authority could make France be first assigned unto him and then confirmed upon him where he kept in chief command with his Army for the space of Ten years He also made use of the peoples favour not to aggrandise himself but to make the greatest honors be conferred on his Friends and upon such
as depended on him which was that which made his faction so potent And truly he who will consider it well will finde that as long as Rome retained any Form of a Commonwealth Cato's power was no less then was Caesars for he oftentimes bore it even against Caesar As when the business of those that were Complices with Câ—iline in his conspiracy was in hand in the Senate they being accused by Cato and defended by Caesar were condemned to be put to death And also another time when he opposed the publishing of the Law proposed and favoured by Caesar touching the division of Lands in Latium wherein Cato's authority appeared to be the greater by making Caesars amâ—â—tious designs fail of success is so popular things as were the Agrarian Laws The same success had the things maintained by Caesar against Poâ—â—pey though he was more powerful then any other Citizen for having stoutly opposed Metellus who moved at the time of Cataline's conspiracy that Pompey should together with his Army be recalled back to Rome he carried the business which was the cause why these two prime Citizens endeavored the friendship and good will of Cato for they doubted of compassing what they desired without his good will so great was his Authority Caesar when Cato appeared to be his bitterest enemy procured Cato's releasement when he was imprisoned by order from the Senate And Pompey that he might be fastened to him by the bond of Alliance endevored to have his Neece for Wife Whence it is conceived that Cato's austere behaviour had purchased him more Authority though unarmed in the management of the Commonwealth then the reputation of having commanded Armies and their so much obsequiousness to the people had done to Pompey and Caesar. A just occasion then offers it self here of consideration whether was the better and safer course taken to arrive at Glory and Civil Greatness or that which Caesar or that which Cato took Caesars comportments seem to have been more noble and better defitting a Civil life as also more easie to be imitated and what indeed is of more importance for the happiness of a City then quietness and concord amongst Citizens What more proper to produce and preserve this then Magnificence Grace and Affability all which vertues were proper to Caesar and which by a straight and speedy way guided him to the height of greatness and glory He who desires to obtain this favour from Citizens must abstain from doing any injury must seek out all occasions of doing good must attribute much to others must speak moderately of himself must do good things and make them appear to be so so as he may help not onely by his actions but by his example Rigor Severity the neglect of all other respects where there is onely an upright mind to do well things which are sufficiently commendable in Cato may of themselves peradventure border nearer upon true vertue but bear a less proportion with civil vertue if respect be had to that which is found not to that which is desired Who does not value the love of his Citizens or will not endeavor the acquisition thereof save by very upright ways which are not always possible meets with continual occasion of contention from whence great and open enmities do often arise which do at last put the City into confusion So as such men do first ruine themselves and then the Commonwealth When laws are observed with such extremity of rigor it seems to be done to oppress Citizens not to preserve Justice Wherefore such a Government is but little acceptable and therefore easier to receive alteration upon any accident that shall happen This was seen in Cato's actions for his way of proceeding got him many enemies who that they might make themselves able to bulk with his Authority made themselves strong by Alliances and Friendships and became not onely formidable to him but even to the Commonwealth If Cato had not despised the Parentage offered him by Pompey Caesar had not joyned alliance with him by giving him his Daughter Iulia for Wife which was the occasion of both their too excessive greatness by which they ruined the Commonwealth The people were not pleased with Cato's severe way of proceeding which made them the more easily adhere to Caesar and his Associats and so not perceiving it became enemles to the Commonwealth Therefore Caesar might still continue in the peoples good opinion and long preserve his Authority and Power But Cato though his counsels did sometimes prevail yet was not his Dignity and Power grounded upon so sound foundations as that he could alwaies keep himself in the â—â—me condition Nay sometimes things were born against him in the choyce of Consuls when people much more unworthy then he were Corrivals with him The little pleasingness of his proceedings was also cause though under pretence of honor and publick imployment why he was sent from the City and in a manner banished being sent by Sea to Cyprus for some concernments of that Kingdom so as the Common-wealth suffered by his absence and particularly Cicero who was formerly upheld by Cato's authority and held for a Defender of the publick Liberty was banished By these things the question seems cleerly enough decided that Caesars way of proceeding is much more easie and certain to bring a man to dignity and greatness then the way which Cato took Yet he who on the other side shall examine Cato's manners and actions as he will find them more praise-worthy so will he think that they may lead by a righter and more direct way to true Honor and to that greatness which is to be desired by him that lives in a Commonwealth For he takes a safer and a more noble way to arrive at Dignity who walks by the way of true Vertue of Justice Modesty and Temperance then he who endeavors the like by Popular Favor For that Favor which is won by a good repute and by vertuous actions is easily preserved by herself and of herself nay the cry'd-up Honor which ariseth from publick Imployments and Places if it be not grounded upon true worth soon vanisheth and leaves that in obscurity which did before shine forth so bright But he who deals uprightly doth always advance as it were by a certain natural motion and confirms himself more and more in the habit of well-doing So that Favor which hath so good a leaning-stock is more firm and stable whereas that which is purchased by extrinsecal appearances as it is easilier gotten so is it upon any slight occasion more easily lost For those who are moved to favor for such reasons are incited so to do rather out of their own humor or for their own advantage then out of any true affection that they bear to such persons And therefore growing either glutted of the same things they did so like at first or thinking that they may receive them in a larger proportion from others they change their minds and turn their liking
due to this Age for not to touch upon many particular Laws and Institutions the most famous Laws amongst the Romans of the Twelve Tables made in the Decemvirate of Appius Claudius and his Colleagues by which the City of Rome was chiefly governed were Institutions of this Age industriously taking divers things from the Grecians amongst whom more then in any other Nation all learning and all the most noble Arts did then chiefly flourish Amongst other things great was the wisdom of allowing the Latius to be free Denisons of Rome for hereby the City was notably augmented and her Empire established For she did not onely for ever free her self from the vexation which she had had for the space of Four hundred years by the Forces of these people whom they had often subdued and who had often rebelled against the Romans and could not by Force be kept within the bonds of obedience but being hereby obliged so fast and so interessed in the same Affairs with the Romans she was much assisted by them in the so many Wars which the Romans made afterwards The use of Colonies was of great advantage likewise to the Roman Empire for it served to ease the City when she was opprest with too many Citizens and to keep others in obedience who were daily reduced under the Roman Empire And this use of Colonies though it had a certain weak beginning when Romulus sent some to inhabit in the City of Fidena yet was it oftener and more orderly introduced and confirmed in this second Age So as experience shewing the good of this institution to those that came after this custom was ever after followed by the Romans This Age is likewise a great argument of the civil wisdom of the Citizens for though there were therein important Insurrections often made and so great broils between the People and the Nobility and though it were harder to keep those in obedience who had continued to serve in the Commonwealth in her Wars for the space of a hundred years after the driving out of their Kings without pay yet were they able to appease all discords without the effusion of any civil blood as it happend afterwards in the third Age wherein great tumults arose from little ones so as Civil Wars or at least dissentions and partakings continued amongst the Citizens for about Fifty years from Sylla's Dictatorship to that of Caesars thereupon the final ruine of the Commonwealth ensued It also gives a great proof of the perfection of the orders observed in the City of Rome in these times that she was twice able to shake off slavery First that of the Kings and then that of the Decemviri which the Third Age could not do which being once faln under the command of Sylla though he himself forewent the vast authority which was granted him and left the City in Liberty continued notwithstanding still in factions which soon after brought her past all remedy under Caesars most express Tyranny And certainly great was the endeavor after Liberty in this second Age in respect whereof all things else were set at nought insomuch as Brutus did not pardon his own Sons life it being suspected that he had had to do with Tarquin to the prejudice of Liberty and the whole people of Rome condemned Manlius Capitolinus to death he who had saved the Capitol and the City of Rome for being suspected his actions tended towards Tyranny Those who lived in the hardest times of this second Age shewed their constant generosity when the City of Rome being burnt and destroyed by the French they would not abandon her and go to live at Veij as their forlorn fortune and the condition of these times seemed to advise them to do but kept their hopes alive for better things which if they had then abandoned that name and fame of Rome had peradventure been for ever lost which her happy genius promised her So as he who shall consider the works and actions of those Citizens of Rome of this second Age may with reason think them worthy of great praise so as it may seem they had nothing to desire whereby to have been made as illustrious in the sight of the world and their actions equal to those of the Third Age then to have had occasion of greater enterprises as they had But on the contrary these mens actions are more to be commended for the integrity of their manners for their love towards their Country and for their other noble vertues whereas in those of the last Age the splendor of their glorious actions in War was oft-times obscured and stained by other vices by Ambition Avarice and immoderate Liberty to which things the Third Age was so addicted as they brought her in the height of her greatest prosperity to utter ruine But before we pass this sentence it will become us in justice to hear what those gallant Romans can say in their own behalfs who by the cried up Fame of their stupendious actions have filled the world with the glory and wonder of the Roman greatness And how much shorter the time was wherein the supreme Monarchy was founded and established so much greater demonstration is thereof the generosity and worth of these men who had the boldness to undertake so many Enterprises and could bring them to a good end For the first time that the Romans carried their Forces out of Italy was by reason of the Carthaginian War wherein amongst other things it was not only a thing commendable but much to be wondred at that the Romans being till then unexperienced in Maritime affairs did so soon learn that manner of Discipline as they overcame the Carthaginians in many Sea-fights who for so long a time before had profess'd themselves to be Sea-men and had the first place given them by all other Nations for their Naval preparatâ—ons But whereby can the excellent Military Discipline of the Romans be better known and their unvanquish'd worth then by their deeds done in the second Carthaginian War wherein at one and the same time they were able to maintain so many Armies in Italy Sicily Spain and Greece And yet one only City of Rome could furnish them all with Commanders and Soldiers out of her own Citizens and Italian Colonies and that in so great a number as that there was above Eighty thousand fighting men of the Roman Army in the Fight at Cannae On the contrary Carthage though her Dominions were large and powerful after she had been several times routed by the Romans in Spain being willing to defend Africa nay the very City of Carthage the head of the Empire was forc'd to recall that her Commander in chief and those her Soldiers which she had in Italy The Romans thrice overcome in battel by Hannibal took still fresh courage and assuming new Forces did even face Fortune whom they won at last to be their friend and in a manner obedient to their deserts But the Carthaginians when once overcome by Scipio in
good Obedience was also wanting every body made his will his law nor was there any sort of wickedness how infamous soever from which the Commanders or Soldiers were restrained by any respect borne to the Majesty of the Prince All reason was reduced to the sword and every one dared to attempt as much as his power encouraged him to compass Such and so great were the vices which crept daily into men of all degrees and qualities as it would be too laborious a thing to number them up all This one example may suffice to shew to what dissoluâ—eness and licentâ—ousness The affairs of Rome were reduced when Galba having chosen Piso Lasinianus a man very famous for his civil behaviour and military worth his election was neither accepted of by the Army nor by the Senate because it was thought that if he should come to the Empire he would correct the many misdemeanors both of Citizens and Soldiers But both of them being kill'd and in stead of him Otho was made Emperor in Rome and Vitellius at the same time cry'd up Emperor by the Army in Germany the affairs of the Empire were then governed with such confusion and grew so much worse in the succeeding Age the disorders growing to be confirm'd by a bad habit as when any Emperors should go about to correct the immoderate licentiousness of the Soldiers by reducing them to their antient discipline were they never so good and wise Princes they were slain by the Armies as was Alexander Severus Probus and some others So as no certain Form could be given to such a Government wherein the Soldier had so great a stroke in Authority making and unmaking Emperors at their pleasure so as it might seem to resemble a Popular State and yet the Emperors commanding with supreme authority in so ample a Dominion Monarchy might appear to be there formed It is not much to be wondred at then if this monstrous body of the Roman Empire being composed of almost incompatible ill-govern'd and mâ—sproportioned parts should be sick of divers infirmities and must at last suffer dissolution sooner then otherwise her greatness and power promised The negligence and pusillanimity of some Emperors were likewise cause why the City-Soldiers who kept still about the City as it were the Life guard of the Princes person and who were the flower of all the rest both for valor and discipline being long kept idle grew so effeminate and so unaccustomed to labor and military exercise as when some more valiant Prince would make trial of them they found themselves deceived in the hopes they had of their pristâ—ne worth Wherefore the Empire having already received great losses and damages in divers battels things grew to that height as not to mention many almost innumerable particulars which in this case might be produced when the States of the assaulted Empire would defeâ—d themselvs against the Northern nations as you shall shortly hear they were forced to take others of the same Nations to oppose their violence To so great a want both of Power Soldiers and Military discipline was the Empire reduced before it was so rent and so bereft of many Provinces as it was afterwards Then as the Roman Empire was got to that height of power and greatness by the worth of those first antient Romans and by the excellencie of their military discipline so her good Orders being afterwards corrupted she took so clean contrary a way to her first beginning as it behoved her soon to fall to ruine it being a certain and true rule That States do increase and are preserved by the same means by which they had their first beginnings and are corrupted by the contrary And he who shall consider the antient ways and works of those who laid the first foundations of this Empire and shall compare them with those which insued in the time of Emperors will find such difference therein as the necessity of coming to such an end may soon be seen The Roman Armies and their Leaders were once excellent examples of worth and discipline Who does not praise and wonder at what Titus Manlius did who punisht his victorious Son with death because he fought the enemy before the sign of Battel was given Very remarkable were the severe punishments which were oft-times imposed upon the Soldiers disobedience even for slight causes whose tumultuous proceedings were oft-time punished with decimating the whole Army But how different from these examples were those which were afterwards in the following Age shewn by many of those who waged War and commanded the Roman Armies The Commanders indulgence towards the Armies the Soldiers uncurb'd licentiousness the authority and boldness which they assumed unto themselves both over the people and over the very Emperors whom they were to obey are not they monstrous things in a well ordered State Those antient Romans did so study Military Affairs and so frequent were the exercises of the Militia with all Citizens as when the â—â—ity of Rome had not extended her bounds beyond Italy she had so numerous Armies as she was able to maintain at one and the same time but in several parts above One hundred thousand men in Arms and yet when so many calamities and ruines befel her by the Barbarians when she commanded over so many Provinces and Kingdoms her antient Discipline was so lost as for want of Soldiers she was forc'd to make use of mercinary Barbarians who getting at last to be very powerful did joyntly turn their Arms against that Empire for whose defence they were called in and whose pay they took Nor is the vanquishing and beating of the Roman Armies which was for so many years unconquerable by other Nations to be attributed to the Goths or those other Northern people but rather to the corruption of their Customs to the loss of their good Discipline and to the discord and baseness of the Commanders and Soldiers of those times For were not the French a valiant and stout Nation to overcome whom it behoved Caesar to fight so many Battels and to make so often trial of the Romans worth and fortune and that not without much danger Did not the Romans wage War in Spain for the space of almost Two hundred years together before they could well conquer that Nation and get quiet possession thereof How often did the Saxons Bavarians and other people of Germany take up Arms to molest the States of the Empire Yet all their commotions were still supprest And had not the Roman Empire almost continual War by reason of their so many Insurrections with many other Eastern Nations and chiefly with the Persians And though sometimes they tasted of adverse fortune yet their loss was always recovered as also the prejudice of the reputation of the Romans Forces by their own Commanders and Soldiers so as they were always forc'd to keep within their own Confines and under the obedience of the Empire But when they stood in greatest need when the Empire
recieved so sore and so irreparable blows from the Barbarians it was brought to such weakness in the Eastern parts by reason of the many great disorders which were in the Head and in all the Members which were now become incureable â—s it was not able to sustain the force of the fierce and warlike Northern Nations And beginning once to fall when its worth was but little it could not get up again as it had done at other times Now if we will apply these more general considerations to some particular chances of this Empire the true cause of its declination will the more easily be known The Affairs of the Empire were almost at all times greatly molested by divers of the Northern People many of which were never reduced to the obedience of the Empire some of which had not been known till they took up Arms but of all the rest the Goths proved the most famous for the ruine of the Empire and for the so many calamities of Italy and of many other Nations and he who shall consider their beginnings and their progress must needs wonder very much and through confusion lose the discourse of humane wisdom To think how this barbarous people and so far remote from our Regions and unknown by them insomuch as at this day their original is not by Authors agreed upon without or Kingdom or Military Discipline falling down tumultuously at first to possess themselves of other mens Countries should soon become so powerful and formidable as that they should overcome the Romans who had overcome the world Who could have imagined that a new and unknown people were to come from forth the utmost Northern parts to destroy so vast an Empire by which so many powerful Kings and famous warlike Nations were subjected The most general opinion is That these men who destroyed the Empire came from Scythia into Europe where they were possest of many large Regions differing amongst themselves in name and habitation those who lived more towards the East being called Estern-Goths and others more Western-Goths But they were thought to be but new Inhabitants of that Country into which they were first come from certain Islands in the Sarmatian Ocean and that being worsted by some of their neighboring people after many contestations had with them their Country being moreover of two smal a circuit for their abounding numbers they betook themselves to seek out new seats and other habitations And thus they passed over very many times in very great numbers into the Provinces belonging to the Empire possessing and indamaging many Countries The things a little before mentioned being the cause why these evils and the greater ruines which ensued were not remedied For the Empire being of a very vast extent was continually troubled with sundry commotions in sundry parts The Princes who commanded were of little worth and the former antient valor and discipline was no longer found in their Armies which were given over to licentiousness Hence it was that whenin the time of Philip the first of that name but in order the Nine and twentieth Roman Emperor the Goths fixt themselves in Mysia and Thrace such forces were not sent against these novelties as might appease them and quell the then but small strength of these tumultuous people For there being no loyalty in the Commanders nor valor in the Soldiers those who were sent by the Empeor against such enemies intended their own particular interest more then the service of the Empire Insomuch as Macrinus and Decius being sent the one after the other to be chief of the enterprise made themselves be cried up Emperors by the Army having first permitted much licentiousness in the Soldiers that they might win their good will And when the same Decius was truly possest of the Empire after the death of Macrinus and of Philip also joyning battel with the Goths he found the effects of nourishing sedition in Armies and in winking at their disobedience and at the non-performance of their military duuties for his Army was routed and put to flight by the Goths and he seeking to save himself by running away was drowned in a marrish ground And when after these losses the Empire ought to have been restored and the honor thereof vindicated by the Successor with new Forces Gallus who had obtained this supream dignity by the Souldiers rashness and who was a poorly spirited man and had come by the Empire by indirect means That he might enjoy his leasure time in Rome which he leudly spent he was easily perswaded to make a shameful peace with the Goths not onely permitting them to â—arry in the Provinces which they were possessed of but obliging himself to pay them a certain sum of money yearly Thus the City of Rome which was Mistress of the whole World became tributary to a Barbarous people who knew not till then what belong'd to Imperial dignity to Wealth nor to Military glory This base Agreement gave a great blow to the reputation of the Roman Empire so as in Galienus his time who soon after succeeded in the Empire so many mutinies and insurrections arose as Italy it self was hardly kept in obedience and the Goths grew so insolent as breaking the Peace which they had made with the Gauls they took many Cities in Bythinia in Thrace and in Macedonia By which prosperous successes others of the Goths being encouraged who had tarried all this while at home where they lived in narrow precincts they sent to the Emperor Valens to demand abode in the Provinces of the Empire with whom fear prevailing more then the antient honor of the Empire and the Roman generosity gave way to their request allotting Bulgaria and Servia for these new Inhabitants to live in suffering the Northern Nations thus to get footing and to increase in strength which had always been the greatest Enemies to the Empire and from whom the Emperors had received such injuries and shame These easie acquisitions and the hopes of greater matters made Alaricus King of the Goths march not long after with a numerous Army from his own Kingdom towards Italy demanding that a place of residence might be allowed him by the Emperor Honorius in France and receiving a denial did in his fury do greater mischief But the same Emperor Valens soon felt the harm of this his ill-taken advice For the same Goths increasing through the baseness and negligence of others and the Huns Alani and other Northern people conspiring together with them they besieged the City of Constantinople and other noble Cities were endangered which made Gratianus choose Theodosius for his Companion in the Empire for the great repute which was had of his valor though he were a Spaniard by Nation But though he behaved himself gallantly against these Enemies and wan some brave victories yet since they had already got great strength and were governed in obedience under their valiant Masters and Commanders and for that the Empire was still busied in other Wars it was
the time of Arcadius and Honorius wherein Italy underwent many miserable ruines as did also the very City of Rome which was the Metropolis of the Empire so as she could not resume her antient greatness as formerly she had done after some adverse events It appears to be and truly is a thing worthy of deep discourse and consideration how this so great and well-founded Empire after it began to totter did so soon precipitate into final ruine If the time of this its duration be measured in respect to the ordinary mutation of humane things and more particularly of State-Governments the time of its continuance may appear to have been long enough but if the greatness and power of the Empire be taken into consideration which was such as that there was no other Potentate that could weigh against it or rather no Country which was not in some sort subject thereunto it may very well invite us so far as may be probably conjectur'd by so great success and where so many various accidents concur and have a share to conjecture whether the Roman Empire would have been longer or shorter lived if it had been still governed in the form of a Commonwealth then it did when it fell into the power of one onely man under the government of Emperors Many things may perswade us to beleeve that in whatsoever condition or form of Government this Empire must have run the same fortune and walked on with some little variation of time to the same end it did First the vicissitude of humane affairs which by reason of their natural imperfections will not suffer sublunary things to be still in the same state of being but will have it so as being carried about in continual motion they must sometimes be raised higher fall sometimes lower Other People and other Nations besides the Romans have flourish'd in other times though not so much nor so highly cried up Other Ages have seen other great Empires so as the rise of the one hath been the fall of the other and it is a great truth that Lordships and Empires as do mens lives nay as befals every thing that is born in time wax old and proceeding on by ordinary and natural gradations have their beginning increase time of perfection declination and final ruine Till Honorius his rule at which time the Empire began palpably to wander from its grandeur and dignity it had continued for so many years as the longer duration thereof would have almost exceeded the common condition of other things this may well be a general reason but one that is so approved of by other reasons and continual experience as it may be reputed certain in particulars though sometimes we ignore the proximate reason But to proceed to more particular considerations why should we beleeve that the Roman Empire should have been of longer duration if it had been governed by a Commonwealth then under Emperors Not onely reason but experience shews that 〈◊〉 Government of one alone is fittest to keep up supream power in large Dominions since all other great Powers and Lordships have been founded and governed by one onely King or Emperor The City of Rome is the onely example of a Commonwealth which hath purchased large Dominion nay we may therein also observe that as soon as she grew to be Mistress of many Provinces that Form of Government behoved to be altered as not fit to sustain so great a weight In the very times of the Commonwealth when any thing was to be agitated or treated of especially in Wars of great importance and difficulty they ran to create a Dictator because the supreme authority which by vertue of that Magistracie was granted to one man alone was held requisite for the good administration of the most difficult businesses The Magistracy of the Dictator did punctally represent the Majestie and Dignitie which the Roman Emperors did after retain Wherefore Caesar when he made himself the Master of the Commonwealth made himself be declared perpetuall Dictator And the name of Emperor was taken from the very name used by the Roman Commanders and shewed the Authority which they had of Emperor which is to command over Armies And certainly the uniting the power of many in one alone doth not onely not weaken but doth much to the strength and power of a Government or State For it encreaseth obedience facilitates resolutions and hastens the execution of weightiest affairs So as had not the Roman Forces when military Discipline flourished most amongst them been with-held oftentimes as if opprest by internal seditions sprung from that sort of Government whereof they did so much partake and which did oft-times retard great enterprises it may be argued that the City would have sooner gotten to that height of greatness and Empire which she arrived at born even even by main force against all these difficulties by the great worth of her Citizens Let us observe in the next place that though the Empire of Rome had changed the Form of Government and reduced the supreme power into one alone yet we finde not that she was bereft of those arms and helps wherewith she had been preserved whilst she was a Commonwealth but did rather encrease them and did very much establish Forces for the Emperors kept alwaies about their persons a great number of Soldiers for the defence of Imperial Majesty which were therefore called Pretorian-bands and Armies in the Garrisons of Provinces which might defend and keep them from any commotion which might be raised either by their own Subjects or by foreign Nations Nor were the Emperors themselves wanting in taking order for Arms and all things belonging to War nay not onely those that were held valiant but even who for all things else were esteemed cowards and given over to all manner of vice did either by themselves or by their Commanders undertake and finish many Wars So it seems likliest that the Roman Empire might govern her self and so long preserve her greatness as she did chiefly for being sustained by the chief Authority and reverent Majesty of one onely Lord which was of such force as it for a long time did overcome that weakness which otherwise might have befaln the Empire by the abject baseness of many Emperors where on the contrary whilst it was a Commonwealth it was divided rent weak and easie to have been opprest if it had then met with the power of any great and valiant Nations which would have supprest it as did so many Northern People do to the Empire And if the corruption of antient customs may be judged to have been the readiest and truest occasion of the ruine of this Empire the Commonwealth was never free from the like but even as for this very cause of having faln from her good Principles that first Government was altered and the City lost her Liberty so might she have done though she still kept the Form of a Commonwealth Avarice ambition immoderate â—ensuality were the maladies
the care and diligence of one only Prince who was oft-times unfit for Government then it would have done had it been guarded by many Citizens at once as it was in the Commonwealths time But it is very hard to penetrate into the true causes of so great events and so remote from our memory which are reserved to the deeper judgment of him who is the true and Supreme LORD and who governs and doth dispense States and Empires by ways and ends which are unknown to humane reason The Fourteenth DISCOURSE Why the Grecians did not much extend the Confines of their Dominion as did the Romans and how Greece came to lose her Liberty OF all other antient People there are two that have been greatly famous so as their names and the glory of things by them done hath been conveyed over to the memory of Posterity with large acclamations to wit the Romans and Grecians alike for notable examples of all worth and vertue but sufficiently unlike for the greatness and duration of Empire For whereas the Grecians did not extend their Confines beyond the bounds of Greece herself nor did she long flourish in the same splendor of dignity nor greatness of fame and dominion the Romans did command over almost the whole World and their Empire although the Form of Government was changed endured for many Ages for there past above eleven hundred years between the building of Rome and the time wherein she was taken and sackt by the Goths They then who shall consider these things may with reason desire to know why these two Nations did differ so much in fortune since they were equally worthy It was not in any one City alone that choise men for both all civil and military worth did flourish in Greece as in Italy they did in Rome but many Cities did at the same time produce Citizens excellent in all manner of things It would be a tedious thing to number vp the gallant Actions of Miltiades Themistocles Aristides Phocion Alcibiades Ageâ—ilans Cimon Leonida Epaminondas and of so many others whose â—â—me rings loud amongst us And Plutarch when he writes the lives of the most excellent Romans finds as many Grecians almost to parallel to them who are as highly cry'd up for the same vertues Yet did never any of their Cities nor Greâ—â—e herself the Country common to them all ever rise by any of their actions to that high pitch of Fortune and Command as did the City of Rome and whole Italy by the illustrious deeds of the Râ—mans This diversity of success ought not to be attributed to Fortune but their certain and natural causes If Greecâ— should have enlarged the 〈◊〉 of her Empire into the farthest distant Regions as did Italy through the power and gallantry of the 〈◊〉 she must either have been reduced under the power of one only 〈◊〉 or they must all of them have been joined in an uniform 〈…〉 designs But so many difficulties discover themselves in both theâ—e things when they are considered the wonder ceaseth why she could not encrease her Dominions answerable to the Fame Vertue and Glory of things done by that Nation Greece was divided into many several people who were all of them totally or for the most part governed by proper Laws and Civill Institutions in the Form of a Commonwealth though they were of divers States And though they had a general Councel which was called the Aâ—phictyoâ—â—s wherein men met who were sent from all the chief Cities to treat of the most important affairs and such as did concern the common interests of all Greece yet did not this Councel give one onely and certain Government to all Greece but it was such an Assembly as are the Diets which are in these times sometimes call'd in Germany upon some particular Occurrences wherein many Princes and free Cities of that Province meet which do much differ in State Dignity and Form of Government and who have free votes in counselling and in resolving upon such matters as are therein treated But amongst other people of Greece the Spartans and the Athenians antient people of Greece and who for a long time had by their worth purchast much authority were very numerous and eminent when Greece did flourish most both for publick power and for the admirable worth of particular Citizens For though the Corinthians the Argives the Achaeans and some other people were of greater consideration in respect of other lesser Cities yet they for the most part did rather follow the fortune of the Lacedemonians and the Athenians then their own And the Thebans who for a while were in better esteem then the rest by reason of their Soldiers Discipline whom they called by a particular name of the Sacred Cohort yet because of all her Citizens onely two arrived at any celebrated honor to wit Pelopides and Epaminondas and for that her Militia consisted but of Five hundred men their City never arrived at that degree of Dominion and Glory as did Sparta and Athens But as much as these were greater then the others so much did they the more emulate one another both for private worth and glory as for publick Dignity and Reputation To these did the other people of Greece adhere some being by them commanded others by vertue of particular considerations These two Cities were highly esteemed for the orders of the first Founders of such Commonwealths to with Lycurgus in Sparta and in Athens Theseus so as these people who did long before inhabit the same Country began to take name and authority over the rest Those who did inhabit the Terra firma held for the most part with the Spartans and those of the Islands with the Athenians But yet every City was free and hugely intent not to let the power either of the Spartans or Athenians encrease too much but to keep the strength of these two chief Cities so equally ballanced as when the one of them should go about to oppress the other people of Greece the oppressed might have recourse to the other It is therefore to be observed in all the actions of the Grecians that the rest of the people were never firm in their friendships either to the Spartans alone or alone to the Athenians but when the one of them began to exceed the other they sided with the weakest not valuing any tie of friendship or confederacy when they met with any such respect So as for a long time the affairs of Sparta and of Athens marcht hand in hand though each of them both gave and received many routs and partook both of good and bad fortune in War Sparta was strongest by land and Athens by Sea so as they did counterpoise one another and therefore and for that as it hath been said they had each of them many dependants and confederates they kept the forces of whole Greece divided nor was there means afforded to either of them much to exceed the other Wherefore neither of them could busie themselves
they possest themselves of divers parts and Cities of the Empire sparing noâ— friends nor enemies and placing their Regal Seat amongst them they grew soon much more powerful being favored therein by the great dissentions which still continued amongst the Grecian Nobility and other neighboring Lords as those of Servia Bulgaria and Albania interessing themselves therein they together with their own interests drew along with them the destruction of many other States and gave just occasion to postery for ever to blame their ill taken counsels For if the Grecians had been at unity within themselves and as solicitous to keep the Turks from advancing their power as they were to abase that of the Latin Princes they might certainly have hoped to have kept that fire a far off which hath burnt and consumed so many noble parts of Christendom Since it is seen that the Grecian Forces whilst their Lords after being driven from the City of Constantinople by the Latins kept in the parts about Natolia which was for above fifty years although they had already begun to be governed by one alone Prinâ—e under a just form of Empire were yet able to keep them bounded within the mountains of Natolia in barren places not suffering them to make any acquisitions of moment nor to enter into Europe as they did afterwards But it was the particular imperfection of this Province and of that in all other respects most noble Nation that she understood not or knew not how to make use of her many and valiant Forces Since if we will look back upon antient stories when Philip had reduced Greece into his power he put so high an esteem upon the value of those Soldiers as he undertook by them chiefly to effect his antient desire of making the enterprize of Persia whch not being able as hindred by death to effect was after so gloriously ended by his Son Alexander And it is related that being thus minded Philip had already mustered Two hundred thousand Foot and Fifteen thousand Horse in Greece and that Alexander desirous to prosecute his Fathers intentions but by different advice building his chiefest hopes in the body of an Army of but Thirty thousand valiant Soldiers many of which he raised in Greece did by their valor chiefly end so many glorious Enterprises The Fifteenth DISCOURSE Whether Ostracism used by the Athenians be a just thing or no and whether it be useful for the preservation of a Common-wealth IT was instituted by the Laws in some antient Commonwealths that such as were very eminent above the rest either for Riches Glory Friends or for any other Civil power or who did exceed the other Citizens for any particular worth should be banished the City not out of punishment or penalty but for the common good to the end that Equality being the better maintained and as it were a certain Consonancie amongst the several ranks of Citizens observed the Government might be the safer and more durable Which custom was for a long time observed by the Athenians and chiefly then when their Commonwealth did flourish most and ten years was the limited time for this exilement This Law was commonly called Ostracism whereof Aristotle toucheth a little in his Third Book of the Politicks But whether such a Law be just or no and whether it may make for the preservation of a Commonwealth or State for which end it was instituted is a Consideration of no small moment in point of Police there being much to be said on both sides both in praise and dispraise of so strange a Law and Custom In the behalf thereof these things may be had into consideration That nothing is more requisite for the long preservation of a City especially of such a one as is governed in form of a Commonwealth where the Government is in the hands of many then Equality amongst Citizens whereof the more excellent the temper is and the more it is tied fast by strict Laws so as it cannot be exceeded on any side the life of that City or Commonwealth will be so much the longer more quiet and more secure A City may be resembled to a humane Body compounded of divers Elements and consisting of many Members and that as that humane Body is more healthful and more handsom wherein every elementary quality is better distributed and every member better proportioned so that City or Commonwealth wherein every degree of Citizens hath a moderate authority state and fortune and well proportioned to the whole doth preserve it self the longer and keep freer from the contagion of civil seditions Though the Head be the noblest part of the Body and the Eyes the like of the Head yet would they not be of ornament when either that or these were bigger then their ordinary and natural form they would rather take away all Decorum and beauty which is nothing but a due proportion in all things Then though it may seem a gallant thing to shew the greatness and nobleness of a City or Commonwealth that there be many very wealthy men therein and of excellent civil gifts and that the supreme Degrees and Negotiations of the Commonwealth be bestowed upon these yet another reason may perswade the contrary for this eminencie spoils the proportion of the whole and doth not represent a City of Free-men and partakers of the same Government but the form of a Tyrannical Government consisting of Lords and Servants hateful names in good Governments Therefore all the best Legislators have chiefly aimed at the reducing of all things as much as may be to an Equality in that City where they would introduce a Politick Government and a peaceful and durable condition Insomuch as Plato to take away all occasion of civil discord would have all goods to be common in that his Commonwealth which he propounded to himself for the most exact form of Government So as there should be no such name as Rich or Poor but only that of Citizens of the same Country and who live under the same Law So as no man could out-doe another by altering this so necessary and useful Civil Equality which not being to be had where there is a Propriety of Goods the Athenians would provide against those inconveniences which the unequal condition of Citizens produced by driving at a certain time out of the City such as had caused the disorder and who were suspected to be the Authors of Novelties and of trouble to peaceful living And truly he who shall consider what the beginnings of those evils have been which have inwardly vex'd and troubled both Commonwealths and other States as well in antient as in these more modern times shall find that all the confusions and civil disorders which have after a long time brought many States to their ultimate ruine have sprung from this root How was partiality and the corruption of good and antient Orders introduced in the Commonwealth of Rome whence all great things may take example if not from having suffered avarice
and the power of some Citizens to increase too much Who having made themselves so great by the continuation of military Commands and for having many ways whereby to purchase popular favor as the Commonwealth could not keep them within any bounds nor could the Laws curb them did totally subvert that Government insomuch as it was said of Caesar that he would not have any Superior to him in the City and of Pompey that he would have no Equal And Cato had wont to say that Caesars immoderate greatness had enforc'd Pompey likewise to exalt himself above what otherwise became the publick service to the end that the one might counterpoise the other So grant one inconveâ—ience others will easily follow And as too great eminencie in any Citizen although he be not ill-minded towards the Publick ought to be suspected so it is hard to rid ones self thereof when it is once brought in and tolerated where those usual means and institutions are wanting which the Carthaginians had without falling upon violent courses which in stead of Physick proves poison to that State The House of Medici began to lay sound foundations for its greatness in Florence by means of old Cosmo's great wealth it afterwards increased very much by the vertue and wisdom of Lorenzo and so by little and little getting to a great height of power which exceeded the ordinary condition of a Civil State it was no longer able to live under the Laws of the Country but would assume unto it self the superiority of that Government So as when the Florentines were too late aware thereof they could not moderate that too immease greatness for the continued power of that Family wherein there had been excellent men for worth and eminent degrees and dignities purchased by them both in their own Country and elswhere had got them so many to side partially with them as their own Faction was able upon any occasion to sustain them The like happens also in some States wherein there is not so express a form of a Commonwealth but a supreme Prince yet also many particular Lords of great authority In such States the too much greatness of Bâ—rons hath oft-times proved too pernicious For there being in all men naturally a desire of growing greater and they having means to do so where their power is not limited by the Laws and Customs of the State they are easily induced to mount higher then stands with their degree to equal their authority to that of the King himself and to put for innovations prejudicial to the State Amongst many others we have a notable example hereof in the present troubles of France which were occasioned by having suffered some prime Lords to grow too great in power whence civil discords have risen in the Kingdom and the better to foment and sustain their parties and to perfect their designs they had recourse to forein forces and kindled that fire which is not well quenched yet It hath therefore been thought a very wary and well advised course which hath been used by some Prinâ—es to have an eye upon such whose greatness and eminencie above others may render them suspected and to allay thâ—s their greatness by not admitting them into chief imployments by taking away or lessening their Priviledges and Immunities and by lessening their authority and universal favor by other means according as occasions have counselled Consalvâ— a great and famous Commander in the former age had done excellent service to King Ferdinandâ— and when in all other respects he was to have looked for great rewards as having by his own worth gotten and preserved the Kingdom of Naples he was taken off from all imployment and brought back into Spain to spend the remainder of his years in a private condition That prudent Prince was moved thereunto as knowing that such a man who was so generally cried up and who was so followed and applaâ—ded both by the common people and the Nobility could not but be to be suspected So as he knew it was requisite for his own security and the like of his Dominions not to suffer him to grow greater to his Masters prejudice and therefore to take from him all Command and Imployment The Instructions given to this purpose in a figurative way first by Periander to Thrasybalus and after by Tarquiâ— the proud to his Son Sâ—xtâ—â— are very observable to wit to cut off the tops of the highest Poppies oâ— ears of corn whereby they would infer that he who will rule in safety must not suffer men to grow more eminent then others for what concerns any Civil Power which though it appear to be a thing proper to onely tyrannical Siâ—es yet wheâ— it is used with discretion and wisdom hath another aspect for all particular interests ought to give way where the publick good and the preservation of universal Peace and Quiet of the State which is of aâ—much greater concornment is in question But when this may be done by any ordinary way as by Law and Custom as it was among the Athenians and other antient people then this remedie proved the more just and secure There is not any mischief in the City which stands in more need to be cured by the physick of the Law then Ambition for Ambition is such a sickness in the mind of man as where once it takes root it never leaves the mind free and healthful till it be torn out by main force but rather the maladie increasing by length of time it makes men as it were franticâ— so as the ambitious man covets all things and is not satisfied with any thing having neither mean nor bridle Honors Dignities Preferments how great soever they be serve rather for tinder to make this inward fire flame the higher then for water to quench it insomuch as some of these vain-glorious men thought it a small matter to command the whole world when they heard it disputed that there were more worlds then one Now to this almost natural and ordinary defect of humanity and altogether as harmful to the quiet of all States as it is of it self incorrigible 〈◊〉 will prove a wholesome cure and which the Atheniâ—ns in particular 〈◊〉 their Commonwealth stood in need of For as Greece did in that Age abound 〈◊〉 men who were really valiant so ambition seemed to have set up its rest amongst them Wherefore miraculous things are written of that Nation in those times But such as wherein it may be found that true worth was greatly conâ—â—â—isnated by an immoderate desire of glory and haughtinesâ— The Laws of canvassing and all other provisions thereunto tending have alwaies proved fruitless for every little sparkle that remains of this fire though it be covered over with ashes may cause great Combustions It seems therefore that no other remedy is sufficient for those evils which proceed from pride and ambition then totally to rid the City or State of such men as are desirous to exceed all others Plato said that men
not altogether such as are requisite for the acquiring of a large Command for at 〈◊〉 beginning she applied herself as hath been said to maritime affairs not with any intent of subjugating other Cities and Nations but rather as the condition of those times and businesses did require for what concerned Traffick and Merchandising to which the preservation of Peace did much conduâ—e and the keeping of open and free Commerce with all men but having since had some such thoughts too late they were not very sevently pursued neither but only as necessary or some occasion did dictate For the City was nor disposed and established with certain and perpetual Orders not with any very ambitionâ— ends for what concerned War and for Landâ— Militia it hath already been said that for a long time the Commonwealth was totally a stranger unto it And therefore when at last she made it her business for want of any fitting preparation for it in her own people and Citizens she had recourse for help to Foreiners and this 〈◊〉 growiâ—g stronger by time she hath always made use for the most part of Forein Commanders and Soldiers brought under her Pay from elswhere which as experience shews hath turn'd much to her damage and disorder for her Forces being under the command and power of **** other men she hath not beeâ—able upon many fiâ—â—ing ccasions to make good use of the Victories which she with great danger and 〈◊〉 hath â—on And not to mention many other things it is a thing very well known that had not the 〈◊〉 great fidelity of the Commandess 〈◊〉 the Commonwealth of her just hopes in the 〈…〉 The Romans did not thus who being to rig out Fleets against the Carthaginian did not seek out Sicilians or Grecians or people of other Nations to command over them but made use of their own Citizens as well by Sea as by Land Cinciâ—natuâ— was taken from the Plough and made Dictator against the Subins Cicerâ— being taken from pleading at the Bar was sent to the government of Cilicia and to make War against the Parthians Scipio who parted a fresh Soldier from Rome is said to have gotten the knowledge of the militarie Art by the way before he arrived at the Enemy Sylla being sent Questor into Africa with the Consul Marius being till then Puney in the Militia became in a few daies so well instructed therein and raised so great an opinion of valor and military Discipline of himself as the Commonwealth did very soon put their chiefest hopes in him in all their weightiest affairs In brief people that are of a ready wit and noble spirit do easily accustom themselves by exercise to all things and prove excellent therein the experience whereof hath been seen amongst our selves for those few who have betaken themselves to Land-service have given such proof of their valor which is witnessed by particular Histories as it may very well be known that the Commonwealth might have promised unto her self all gallantries from her Citizens if she had known how to make use of them But she was run into this error because she would as the conjuncture of times did almost require follow the example of the other Princes of Italy who long before and chiefly at that time when the Commonwealth did most apply her self to Land-affairs made use of mercinary Militia's which was then heightned to a great esteem by two famous Commanders of that Age Braccio and Sforza who were afterwards imitated by others in this sort of Militia Wherefore the Captainâ— whose Troops did ordinarily consist of horse led them along to the service sometimes of one sometimes of another Prince So the Venetians who were but learners in this sort of Militia saw that the Popes and Kings of 〈◊〉 the Dukes of Miâ—an the Florentines who bore great sway and authority in Italy made use of this sort of Forces they began no follow the footsteps which were 〈◊〉 out unto them by others Another respect may be added hereunto which hath already been touched upon that the Commonwealth having then put her self in a certain course which she had for a long time observed of making use of her people and her Citizen in Sea-affairs it seemed dangerous to some to make such an innovation in a City ordained for civil Government and which was greatly â—ixt therein by long custom But it is not to be denied but that when the aggrandizing of a State or Empire is in question this which hath been spoken of is a great faâ—lt in a City which doth aspire thereunto And it is to be observed in the Roman Monarchy that the happy success of their famous victories is chiefly attributed to the discipline of their Malitia because it was excellent and because it was exercised by their own Soldiers and particularly in the Carthiginian Wâ—rs which were 〈◊〉 then all the rest which the Romans did ever make it is observable that the Carthaginians being equal to the Romans both for the reâ—â—ration and wâ—rth of their Commanders and superior to them in the numbers of their Soldiers to boot with the strength of their Elephants which they made use of in their Battels yet thâ—ir Armies were overcome which consisted of 〈◊〉 people and assembled out of many 〈◊〉 and yet not by the greater worth but by the greater fidelity constancy and love of the Roman Soldiers towards their Countrie But for such abuses as 〈◊〉 it may be alledged in behalf of the Commonwealth of 〈◊〉 that she did it to 〈◊〉 thâ—se mischiefs into which 〈◊〉 Commonwealth of 〈◊〉 can by giveng these military commands to 〈…〉 yet he who will truly examine the state of affairs will find that the 〈◊〉 which is granted limited and corrected by the Laws cannot be prejudicial to the publick good and the experience of the very City of Venice confirms this where so great authoritie being so often granted in commands at Sea to her own Citizens yet it was never known that the Commonwealth suffered any mischeif thereby and certainly a great mistery lies in the well disposed orders of a City by which Citizens are easily kept within their duties wherein if any one chance to fail he is soon chastised without any disturbance to the peace of the City Which if by nothing else is sufficiently proved in the City of Venice by the long duration of that Commonwealth So as these things were very well understood and ordained by her and she might the more easily do it by reason of the conditions of those her first inhabitants as hath been said But such freedom and licentiousness was given in Rome to that warlike people together with the government of their Forces as the Laws were not so reverenced as they ought to have been and the orders of the Militia being instituted by Româ—lus before those of Religion and civility by Numa Poâ—pilius military discipline was alwaies in greater esteem then the study of civil affairs By all which considerations it is manifest That
the diversity of success in these two Commonwealths hath sprung from this diversity of institutions and from so many accidents and not from any one reason as was said at the beginning but in this diversity both of them have their praises and all those perfectâ—ons and felicity which is grantable to humane affairs Rome was Mistress of the World but could not long enjoy this greatness and prosperity nor yet with the quiet of her Citizens But Venice though of much meaner Precincts and condition hath preserved her self as an onely example in her liberty for so many Ages free from all domestick troubles and with the miraculous union and concord of her Citizens The Second DISCOURSE Whether or no the Commonwealth of Venice be to be blamed for having taken upon her the defence of the City of Pisa when it was oppugned by the Florentines I Have often not without some to me appearing reason wondred that some Historians should so much blame the Commonwealth of Venice for having taken upon her the defence of the City of Pisa against the Florentines whereby they may seem to reproach the counsels of those wise and stout Senators who had then the managing of publick affairs in their hands for those very things for which other Princes and States have been by other Writers much celebrated He who will know the truth of such judgements must take unto himself more particular and inward considerations for it often-times falls out that looking into the very pith and marrow of business the clean contrary is found to what did first appear and the face of things do seem to alter Such actions may then be measured either by the ordinary reasons of justice and equity else by the reasons of State which are the more proper If you consider 〈◊〉 action of the Commonwealth according to the first measure what is it that 〈…〉 consciences of these so â—eruplous meâ— to take upon ones self 〈…〉 a pioâ—â— action and beâ—itting great and generous Princes and how miserable was the condition of the poor Pisans how much it did deserve to be imbraced and favored both out of compassion and justice is demonstrated to omit for the present other particulars by what was done at the same time by Charls the Eight King of France whilst he was in Italy and by the so many favors afforded to the cause of Pisa by all the chief of his Court Charls had promised the Florentines to keep the City of Pisa under their Dominion being obliged unto them for their readiness in receiving them into his State and for having afforded them all assistance and accommodation yet did the afflictions of the Pisans appear to be so grievous as he was moved more by compassion then by his own interest or by his promise made to the Florentines A forein Prince used this charity to the Pisans with whom he nor his Kingdom had never held any friendship or confederacie his interests being not only separate from but contrary to their welfare And shall it be thought a strange and irrational thing that the Commonwealth of Venice which had had the Pisans for their friends and associates in divers enterprises and who kept still friendship and commerce with that City from whence also some of the noblest Families of the Commonwealth draw their original and whose cause for the same respects was straitly annex'd unto their own should interest herself in behalf of the Pisans to comfort them in their great affliction Nor ought the Commonwealth of Venice to use greater respect to the Florentines then they had used towards her against whose designs they had so opposed themselves in the Wars formerly made against the Dukes of Milan and Ferrara assisting their Enemies both with men and monies as they were thought to be the chief hinderance why the business undertaken by the Commonwealth with great hopes of good success had no better an end The Venetians were thereunto likewise moved by the example of others For if the Duke of Milan the Genoeses the Lucheses and those of Sienna had assisted the Pisans as much as they were able how could the Venetians whose Forces in Italy were much superior to theirs stand idly looking upon the Pisans miseries and upon the prosperity and greatness of the Florentines whereby the common troubles of Italy were augmented since they alone adhered to the French faction But let us consider a little more particularly the cause which was undertaken to be defended by protecting the Pisans and what it was that they did endeavour Certainly nothing but the recovery of their antient liberty whereof they were bereaved either by their several misfortunes and by the violence of others or at least as they said to reduce themselves to a less severe government then that of the Florentines under whose dominion being faâ—n but a little before and the City of Pisa being sold at a low rate by the Visâ—onti the Pisans pretended first by the favor of Charls the Eight King of France and afterwards by the like of Maximilian the Emperor to be returned to their former liberty The former having used his power and the other his antiâ—nt pretences of the Empire to put them into that condition And grant that respect were to be had to the possession which the Florentines had of that City which notwithstanding was but of later times the Florentines were likewise to have released the Haven of Ligoâ—n to the Gâ—noeses from whom they had taken it by violence The Venetians did not perswade the Pisans to forgo their obedience to the Florentines as Lodovick Sfoza had formerly done for they minded 〈◊〉 the appeasing of the commotions of Italy then the raising of more they did not free them from the bond of obedience to the Florentines as did the Emperor and the King of France because they 〈◊〉 such an action did not belong unto them they were not the first that did 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 of that City as the Genoeses and those of Sienna had done because they had no intention to advantage themselves by the discord and ruine of others But the City having already totally rejected the obedience of the Florentines being thereof â—â—eed by the authority of other puissant Princes and assisted by other more petty Princes to maintain their liberties the Venetians being requested and conjur'd by the Pisans when they saw them ready to fall into the depth of misery if not assisted by them and that their ruine would draw along with it great prejudice to the peace and liberty of all Italy they at last took upon them their protection and defence And I herein say nothing but what is most true and confirm'd by the testimony of those who have written upon the passages of those times But let us consider other more particular accidents and more weighty respects Charls the Eight King of France was at that time pass'd into Italy to get the Kingdom of Naples an undertaking wherein he had prosperous success which was an ill
onely to the benefit of the Pisans to the preservation of their liberty as much as might be and to the right of what belonged to their Territories which they were possest of when they put themselves into the Commonwealths protection wherein the Venetians were alwaies very constant though the imminent War with the Turks might have made them forget the dangers and interests of other mens for their own concernments And at last as they would yeeld to nothing which might be prejudicial to the Pisans so to witness to the World that in reality they had no thought in maintaining this controversie to any peculiar design of their own in making themselves Masters of that City they put the determination of these differences into the arbitrement of Hercules Duke of Ferrara which though it had not any effect afterwards the Pisans not consenting thereunto yet it might be discerned that the Pisans averseness thereunto or the constancy wherein they persevered was not fomented by the Venetians but rose either out of the meer election or necessity of the Pisans themselves But let us come to another consideration more proper for this business that is to the reasons of State wherein thâ— many of the same things do concur yet they are clothed with other respects wherewith Princes building either onely or chiefly upon what may most redound to their own advantage do not advise with counsel of equity or do not attribute thereunto what is requisite It is most certain being already reduced to the greatest extremity if they should have been abandoned by the Venetians they must have put themselves either into the power of the Duke of Millan or of the Florentines but reason of State would not permit that in this conjuncture both of times and affairs this City should be joyned to the Dominion of either of these As for Sforza his vast and disordinate drifts were already known and how he would be the sole Arbitrator of Italy so as if he should become more haughty and pâ—ft up by this important acquisition no part of Italy could remain quiet or secure either from his force or craft And as for the Florentines you have heard how resolute they were not to part from the friendship of the King of France by how much greater the danger of whose Army was in recent memory so much the more were his friends and associats to be kept weak and under to the end that they might not increase to the prejudice and apprehension of the rest It was seen in what danger Italy was put by forein Forces how soon the Kings of Aragon were driven out of their Dominion how little resolute the other Princes of Italy were to withstand forein Forces which having once found an open and easie way into Italy it was to be imagined that they would be cause of greater dangers and molestations to her So as the Commonwealth being to be put into a condition of being able to resist the Forces of greater Princes and of not being exposed to their wills she was necessitated to think upon increasing her power and reputation that she might depend upon her own Basis and be well esteemed of by others She knew particularly that 〈…〉 was a State which might accommodate or dis-accommodate the French designs accordingly as it was well or ill affected towards them And the keeping of the City of Pisa dependant upon the Venetians might several waies be helpful â—nto them in their intentions in seeping the French from â—according the â—ingdom of Naples and in securing themselves afterwards from the Florentines as also in winning such strength and reputation to the Commonwealth with friends and 〈◊〉 as she might provide for her own preservation and for the like of 〈◊〉 other Italians who had the like intentions with her to maintain peace in Italy and to keep her safe from foreign Forces It was not their onely useful but necessary for the Venetian in this conjuncture of affairs to have footing in Italy and to have the City of Pisa if not subject to their dominion at least dependent upon the authority of the Commonwealth Now take it for granted that that suspition might be true which they have so much divulged who have endeavored to cast a blur upon the honor and dignity of the Commonwealth to wit that the Venetians intended to make thâ—mselves absolute masters of that City only out of a design of increasing their dominion Certainly the actions of a Philosopher and those of a Prince ought not to be measured by one and the same Rule nor must we fancy the condition of men and of affairs to be what peradventure they ought to be but what they are for the most part Magnanimity is the proper vertue of Princes which makes them always busie themselves about great matters and whereby they make themselves be dreaded and reverenced by others Therefore the desire of Glory and Empire is highly praised in such Princes as have been greatest and most celebrated as Alexander Cyrus Caesar Charls and all the rest of the most famous men in whom a spirit of Grandure and Generosity which did still egg them on to new and glorious enterprises is not only commended but even admired If the Romans whose actions are praised and celebrated by the general consent of all men had been content to contain themselves within the precincts of Latium their worth would have been hidden and obscured nor would their names have been so highly cry'd up to the memory of posterity And had not the Venetians had larger thoughts then to keep within their private merchandising affairs as it became them to do in their weak begining dispising or neglecting such occasions as they sundry times met with of enlarging the bounds of their Dominions the Commonwealth would not only not have gotten such esteem and reputation as it hath got but could not have kept herself so long in liberty amidst so many revolutions of affairs and such movings of Forein Armies It remains now only to see whether the opportunity of the Times and condition of Affairs did counsel them to purchase new glory and greater Empire to their Commonwealth Which though it may be known by what hath been formerly said yet it will more clearly appear by adding some other particular Considerations The Commonwealth was then in a more powerful condition then any Prince in Italy being much stronger then them all both in Land and Sea-Forces the Pisans cause was generally well wish'd unto the Florentines were but little acceptable to the rest of the Princes of Italy by reason of their friendship with the French and for this and other respects were particularly much hated by their neighbors the Genoeses Seneses and Lucheses and all the actions of the Commonwealth seemed to be favored by a certain Genius She had lately gotten the Kingdom of Cyprus she had enlarged her Confines in Friuli by the acquisition of many Towns in the Country of Goâ—itia and she prospered greatly in all that
she took in hand and won much honor So as in this happy conjunction the Venetians ought not to abandon their good Fortune lest they might too late repent for not having known how to make good use of their prosperity They were to be ruled by the example of things past For having oftentimes let sâ—ip many opportune occasions of increasing their Dominion by Land whilst their Enemies were but weak and not well setled in their States the like enterprises being by them undertaken afterwards in a less convenient time proved more difficult unto them Others thought that for the like reasons the Venetians should have forborne to meddle with the affairs of Pisa for said they the City was so situated as it could not be defended by them without much expence and inconvenience they being to take a long compass about the Sea before they could furnish it with things necessary and then the City it self was not so great a purchase as deserved so much labor to purchase it They added moreover that at the same time the friends of the other Princes did much envy the Commonwealth for her great prosperity so as it had better become the wisdom of that Senate to endeavour by concealing their thoughts of aspiring to greater things to allay this envy then further to increase it as they did by attempting so great a novelty No doubt but those wise Senators who sate then at the helm of Government did reflect upon these doubts and suspitions but it is to be believed that they were easily free of them considering that the Commonwealth when she was not yet so powerful nor strong had undertaken many difficult but glorious enterprises in parts far off and had gotten notable victories against the Saraâ—ens who were then very strong both by Sea and Land and had placed Trophies of singular worth and great zeal to Religion in the Holy Land that she had many times taken up Arms in the behalf of the Emperors of Constantinople against divers other Potentates and upon occasions had reduced many Cities into her power which had formerly belonged to that Empire and that likewise she had for many years maintained sharp Wars against the Genoeses and had put a period to many other gallant affairs by apparent victories So as they thought that the Commonwealth had reason to promise herself good success in this her noble design of taking upon her the defence of Pisa and of the affairs of Tuscany Wherefore then ought they to distrust that the Commonwealth might keep the City of Pisa at her devotion in times when her power and authority was much increased and being accommodated with so many Ships and Gallies which were usually upon the Sea and having the Island of Corfu in the Gulfs mouth to receive the Ships in the mid-way which sailed from the one Sea to the other But on the contrary who does not know how very opportune this situation was for many other things and of what use for the Commonwealth Their having got footing in Tuscany might according as occasions should be offered open them the way to greater acquisitions and the Haven of Ligorn was extreamly commodious for the Navigation and Traffick which the City of Venice holds with the Western Provinces which may the better be known now for that since the affairs which had wont to be transacted in the East being now turn'd to the West Ships which come from thence laden with sundry sorts of Merchandise putting into the Haven of Ligorn to shun further Navigation do there unload themselves from whence their Loading is afterwards brought by Land to Venice So as it seems those wise Senators did even then foresee what high esteem was to be put upon that situation But their desires have at least prevailed thus far as that this Country is possest by very wise Princes who are great friends to the Commonwealth with whom an excellent intelligence being held as hath been of late and as it is to be hoped it will be for time to come Commerce will always be open safe and free in those Countries So as no reason can perswade that the fear of being envied by other Princes should keep the Venetians from attempting so beneficial a thing For if these thoughts which ought not to be admitted of by any generous Prince should have been sufficient to have stopped the course of the Commonwealths good fortune she must not only have abstained from this but from other enterprises and so her Dominion and Fame would have been shut up within her own Washes if that peradventure might have been permitted them It was therefore necessary for the preservation of themselves and of their liberty to provide themselves of sufficient Forces which cannot be had without Territories to resist such as would offend them for the keeping of others well-affected is not sufficient to keep off injuries But War is not alwaies made out of fear of another Princes power and with a mind to secure ones self therefrom but most commonly out of contempt and out of a beleef of being able easily to effect what you undertake against them and envy is oftentimes more supprest in the very height of good fortune when a mans condition is raised much above that of others then when it is kept within common and usual precincts But what Princes envy ought the Commonwealth to have feared If you will say any Transalpin Princes they had not as then any such firm footing in Italy nor so ready Forces nor peradventure had they their thoughts so interessed as that they were to make War upon that account with the Venetians if you mean Italian Princes every one of them were weaker then the Commonwealth and the diversity of their ends and interests would be sure to keep them from joyning together Nor was it likely that they would conspire with greater Princes against the Venetians since it became all of them to apprehend forein Forces lest they might all suffer in a common ruine And if it be said that notwithstanding it fell out so afterwards as was seen by the league of Cambray which proved so pernicious to the Common-wealth it may be answered That things are not done especially among Princes as reason would perswade and no certain judgment can be given of Actions wherein Fancy reigns But let it be said that the condition of things times and respects were altered by reason of many much differing accidents and actions when these more heavy Wars began but chiefly because the French being become more powerful in Italy by their acquisition of the State of Milan and more desirous of subduing her they resolved to leave nothing unattempted which might bring this their design to effect so as it was from hence that all the troubles and dangers came upon the Commonwealth whereas she ought rather to have expected thanks and good offices from the Crown of France so as peradventure there may be more reason to blame the Commonwealth for having called the King
to do by the power of truth But let us come to those other things which accompany the action it self The Senate upon mature advice resolved wisely how that War was to be managed they knew the enemy was very strong the danger great and that the welâ—are of the Commonwealth depended upon the preservation of that Army which they had now got together But as it would be a great rashness to hazard it upon a Battel so to keep it onely to be a safeguard to the City shewed timorousness in them would discourage their men and increase the courage and reputation of the enemy Whilst they bethought themselves what to do in this great exigencie to evade both these inconveniencies the Senate ordered their Commanders to march with their Army to those Confines of the State of Milan where the Enemy should appear to be likely to make their first assaults to the end that following their Army in near but safe quarters and that keeping them still incommodated and in jealousie and fear of being assaulted they might keep them from advancing further and from falling upon any enterprise The Commonwealths Army was very strong in Horse amounting to the number of Ten thousand and in Foot to boot with a great number of Soldiers of their own Country commanded by their own Orders they had Twelve thousand veteran Soldiers under experienced famous Commanders together with a great train of Artillery and all other instruments for War so as the Senate had reason to beleeve that they might effect their eâ—ds of maintaining the War and of keeping the field and so spinning out time as it becomes those who are upon the defensive part and find themselves to be the weaker secure their own Affairs and keep further dangers from them For it oftentimes falls out through various accidents that the greater Armies be they do so much the more easily moulder away of themselves and the Forces of many several Princes though they be at first great and formidable prove less fit for great enterprises by reason of the Colleagues different ends and interests And as learned Physitians use no strong and violent remedies when the sick party hath but some grudgings of an Ague and when the disease is not yet well known So these wise Senators were of opinion that the Commonwealth being set upon and almost opprest by the sudden violence of so many Enemies it made not for their welfare and safety to come to the violent remedy of a pitcht field with enemies whose strength was not yet very well known Together with these reasons the Venetian Senate had for their example the success of the Commonwealth of Rome which finding her self assailed by powerful Carthaginian Forces and her Affairs being reduced to a great streight preserved themselves from greater danger by drawing out the War at length and by keeping the Enemy incommodated but the Venetians had not a Fabius Maximus for their Commander in chief as the French had an Hannibal for there were many of those vertues in Lodowick King of France which were praised in Hannibal chiefly a mighty thirst after glory to purchase which he valued neither labor nor danger â—ut Alvianâ— a famous and cried up Commâ—nder not more for his own worth then for this misfortune of the Venetians was of a nature much contrary to that of Fabius in knowing how to make advantage of time and though he had many other noble qualities as greatness of spirit in undertakings undaâ—nted courage in executing what he undertook and great experience in matter of War yet were these vertues little advantagious for the present occasion better befitting a Commander who was to assist a puissant Prince desirous of glory and in his most prosperous times then a Commonwealth which not making use so much of force as of occasion was slowly but safely arrived at that greatness and which was now more then formerly to proceed by the like counsels But it may peradventure be said that the Venetian Army wanted not a Fabius having Nicolo Orsino Count of Pitigliano who in his other actions may be truly said to resemble Fabius very much for he alwaies proceeded with the slowest and safest advices but in this he appeared much different and inferior to him since he would not succour Alviano who contrary to his order had given Battel as did Fabius Maximus who readily succoured Quintus Minutius chief Commander of the Cavalry though contrary to his opinion he had rashly exposed himself and part of the Army to the danger of Battel But on the contrary Lodowick King of France was not onely like Hannibal but did much exceed him for Hannibal knew onely how to overcome but knew not how to make use of Victory having spent much time to little purpose after the rout given to the Romans at Cannae but Lodowick pursuing the Victory stopt not till he had regained all that he pretended unto from the State of Venice But the Forces of the Commonwealth did either prove less valiant and less fortunate then formerly they had done or else they were hurried by some occult cause upon this calamity Yet can it not be said that the Senates advice was less good who in their Orders to their Commanders did alwaies lay before them the importance of the business with express and particular command to shun the necessity of joyning Battel with the Enemy Those prudent Senators knew very well that that Army was not to be hazarded upon the dubious event of Battel wherein consisted all the hopes of preserving her State by Land and that the condition of affairs were such on their side that if they came to the trial of a Battel it must be upon too much disadvantage The War was made at their own doors so as if the Enemy should prove victorious the conquer'd party could not have time to rally or recruit themselves for preservation of their own affairs but if the French Army had been overcome the War would not notwithstanding be at an end the Forces of the other Colleagues remaining still intire which were likelier to be ruâ—ned by their own disorders and by the discords which use to happen in Leagues then by force of Arms which could not be made use of without danger The bad advice of some Commanders or else some fatal adversity of the Commonwealth would not permit that this advantage of time should be waited for whereupon they came to the conflict not onely contrary to the so many aforementioned respects but uppon such disadvantage as with but half their Forces they hazarded the whole Fortune of the Commonwealth How valiantly they fought is witnessed by the general consent of all men nor do the victorious Enemies deny but that the victory was a good while doubtful but a few not being able longer to resist a much greater number that notable rout ensued which drew after it so many losses and ruines For the French Forces did not more secure the way to their Army in all places
Potentate at that time all entire and whole not having suffered any thing by this thunder of War which had only overrun their Terra firma their Treasure but little diminished from what it was at the begining of this War which continued afterwards and was maintained for the space of many years The City of Venice placed by her miraculous situation in compleat safety all attempts which could be made against it being to prove rash and vain as the effects proved afterwards A great Train of Artillery and of all things requisite for War a quiet People and obedient at the beck of their Nobility and a constant and resolute mind in all the Nobles to demonstrate all the proofs of worth and love towards their Country But that which followed afterwards in their defence of the City of Padua against the Forces of all the Princes of the League will suffice to prove that the Commonwealth was not so weak either in Counsel or in Power as to have recourse to thâ—â— last extremity of making that Ciâ—y tributary which had maintained her first freedom for above the space of a thousand years Say I beseech you was not the Commonwealth powerful by Sea and sufficiently valued by all other Potentates before she had any State in Terra firma Nay she was oft-times seen to neglect occasions which were offered of making acquisitious in Terra firma thinking her self safe and powerful enough without them What was it then which could move them to make themselves Servants and Subjects who had no reason to doubt not onely their liberty but nor their chiefest most antient and most proper Dominion which was that of the Sea for the preservation whereof as affairs stood then they had no reason to make such haste to Caesar for friendship Who can with reason blame the advice as the condition of things went then of giving and yeelding that up to Maximilian which could not as then be kept from him to wit some of those Cities in Terra firma which he pretended right unto since some agreement ensuing with him by such concessions and injuries ceasing on that part the way might be opened to straiter and more particular and advantagious conventions with the same Caesar who was naturally desirous of novelties whereby the Fortune of the Commonwealth was again to be raised up And this counsel tried afterwards with others had good success when they joyned in a new confederacy with the same French against Maximilian who scorning their frâ—endship would not listen to their propositions These were the counsels these the actions of the Venetians from whence some would take occasion to detract from the praise and dignity of their Commonwealth and particularly from the excellency of their Government But we may better know how injuriously this blemish is laid upon them if we will examine how other Princes and States did behave themselves when they were in like adversity which I do not alleage as taxing any one but to shew the usual course of affairs by the example of others Observe what art the King of Aragon used to preserve his State when Charls the Eighth King of France came against them in hostile manner Alphonso who possest the Kingdom having tried the extremity of fear before the danger grew near out of the meer report of the French Forces departed from Naples leaving all things at six and sevens whilst their Army was yet in Rome and Alphonso the Son who had boasted that he would defend himself and to that purpose had mustered a great many Soldiers retired with them into the narrow passes of the Kingdom without making any triall either of his fortune or of his valor and yeelding rather to the Fame then to the Forces of the Enemy suffered them to take free and quiet possession of that most noble Kingdom But Frederick of Aragon who was reinvested in his State by the favor of the people and by the assistance of other Princes with which the Venetians did readily joyn what use did he make of other mens labors and of his own fortune Soon after the Kingdom of Naples was assaulted by Lodowick King of France and by Ferdinando King of Spain at which assault being much discouraged he would not lâ— sten to the advice of his Commanders who advised him to keep the field but made some slender provisions for the Towns and soon after thinking more how to escape then how to defend himself he fled into Ischia and went from thence into France and put himself into the power of the same King his Enemy contenting himself rather to live a private man in peace and safety then to reign in trouble and danger But what shall we â—ay of the French who boast so much of their valor and glory in War How easily when they met with the first misfortune did they suffer themselves to be bereft of all they had before so happily acquired in the Kingdom of Naples And that so hastily as it seemed that they had freely yeeled up the possession of so many and so noble Cities to the victors the Spainards by agreement and as it were in reward for the day which they had won Nor is this the onely example since we have seen the same French who were faln with such fervency with their Forces into Italy and had with miraculous prosperity recovered the State of Milan but a little before resolve suddenly to forgo all that they had won and to retreat to beyond the Mountains after the roâ—â— which they had received from the Swizzers at Novara the succour which they met withal by the way as they fled not being able to make them halt Who was more famous then for dexterity of wit for the managing of weighty affairs then Lodorica Sforza Duke of Milan yet when a great deluge of War came upon him what use could he make of all his Artifices Could he shew that constancy and generosity which he had many times before publickly boasted of The onely news of the league made against him by Lodowick King of France and by the Venetians did so astonish him as losing all understanding and leaving his Affairs unprovided for he resolved at very first upon what ought to have been his last and most desperate advice to fly into Germany foregoing the defence of that State which being once lost he did afterwards in vain seek to recover But in this point I may help my self in looking a little more backward and trying whether the gallantry of the antients so much commended did produce other effects then those that I have spoken of The Romans who conquered the whole world met sometimes with adverse fortune wherein let us see how they behaved themselves for he is very timerous who is not bold and generous in prosperous affairs In what peril and hazard did Brennusâ— Prince and Commander of the Galli Senones put the City of Rome after the defeat given to the Roman Army under the unfortunate conduct of the Fabii no
it yet more questionable whether strong Holds be a greater safety or weakening to a State and where there are many and very great ones the doubt is made the greater since so many Soldiers must be imployed in their defence as if the Prince be not very powerful he shall hardly find Forces sufficient to keep several Armies as they may be termed on foot some within the Forts and some in the Campagnia Nor can it be made good that strong Holds are of themselves sufficient to secure the whole State for though they may entertain the Enemy for a while and stop the first brunt of an impetuous assault yet at last unless they be back'd with Forces from without and timely succored and relieved being overcome either by power length of time or necessity they must yield and fall into the power of the Enemy which cannot be denied no not by the very Professors and Favorers of Fortification And yet it cannot be denied but if a Prince have sufficient Forces to keep the Field in his own Country he may thereby keep himself from being injured for men do not easily put things to hazard where they think to meet with stout opposition and the only opinion and reputation of such Forces is able to keep off the greatest dangers For the Enemy who did design to assault such a State becomes jealous and doubtful nor is he bold enough to enter far into such a State as is guarded by a good Army and chiefly in situations such as are almost in all Countries as are naturally fortified by Hills Vallies or Rivers where it is hard to enter and harder to retreat And if any well experienced Captain command over such Forces he will be likely enough to defeat the Enemy without endangering himself by keeping him from victuals and so imployed and busied in sunâ—ry ways as he shall neither be able to keep long in the Country nor much less imploy himself in the taking or sacking of any Cities since he knows he is hourly subject to surprisals and to be ruâ—n'd and strong Holds securing nothing but those quarters where they are situated they do not secure the State if they be but a few and if many they require all the Forces for their own defence and leave the Enemy master of the Field to the Prince his prejudice and the Peoples despair So also if they be but little ones and incapable of such Works and so many men as are requisite to make them hold out long they and the Soldiers which defend them are lost and if they be great and contain large plots of ground as is most in fashion in these days they may be more perfect in themselves but they need so many men to defend them as those Forces which ought to be imployed for the safeguard of the whole Country or a great part thereof are bounded within a little compass in defence of some City or Ciâ—adel And yet these very Soldiers when drawn out into the Field may do much better service for being fashioned into the body of an Army they become as it were a moveable Fort which secures at once many Cities and a great Tract of Country nay by these the Enemy is much â—â—damaged and the troubles and danger of War are kept far from a mans own home For as hath been said diversions and preventions may be made by these Forces they may be carried into another mans State and set another mans hoâ—se on fire before it take head in ones own house but he who placeth his safety in strong Holds puts himself into a condition of being at his Enemies disposal in whose will it lies to choose what shall make most for his advantage with great prejudice to the opposing party For he may either pass by the Forâ—s over-ruâ— the Country enrich his Soldiers by booty impoverish the Subjects of that Country which is assaulted and cannot be releived by reason that the Forces thereof are disperst and imploid in the defence of the strong Holds or if he will make any certain archievement he may sit down before any Fort and without indangering his own men whilst he shall live upon the Enemies Territories he may in time take it by siege and effect his own desires for as hath been said no strong Hold can promise it self long safety where no succour is ready at hand But let us come a little closer to the business and let us suppose that these strong Holds may be brought to such a condition as they may be assuredly able to resist any open force which shall come against them and not be deceived in that their beleef as often times they are How can they secure themselves from treacherie and from such dangers as they may be subject unto by the negligence of Soldiers or falsehood of the Commanders that have the custodie thereof in which case the Princes danger is so much the greater and more irreparable for that his Enemy is in the Dominions in a well munited seat from whence he cannot hope to drive him without much labor and difficultie But in greater Cities wherein are a multitude of people and where these cautions and suspitions are not to be found others no whit inferior to these do arise for such quantities of victuals is requisite to feed the many men that are therein inclosed as no Prince is able to provide for so as may serve them for a long time and if this fail to what end serves Walls Weapons or Soldiers To this may be added that the safety of such strong Holds does in a great part depend upon the pleasure of the people who being of themselves naturally fickle do often favor forein Princes out of very slight reasons and sometimes out of a meer desire of noveltie and plot by sedition and by open force against the present State and deliver themselves and the City into another mans power And though they may afterwards repent themselves of their folly they know not how to mend it when a powerful Army is within the City Walls nor can this be done by him who defends the State because he cannot keep so many Forces together as are able to defend several places at â—nce and because loving his Subjects as a legitimate Prince ought to do he is loath to destroy a City of his own though whole Armies be therein But if the State be open and not pestred with Fortifications though it may the more easily be lost by sudden assaults or by ill affected Subjects it will be the more easily regained and as soon as the Prince who is deprived thereof shall have means to rallie his Forces which by misfortune may have been beaten he soon makes head again and recovers what he had lost the Enemy not having any safe hold wherein to abide And of this there are many apparent examples If the Commonwealth of Venice in the times of her greatest calamitie had had her State in Terra firma so well provided of strong
Holds as now it is she might not peradventure have run so great a misfortune she had not so soon lost so many and so noble Cities as she did but it may be alleadged on the contrary that if in that evil Crisis of affairs wherein she was brought to such adversity she had had so many important Forts as now she hath and that they had faln into the power of the Enemy she would not certainly have so soon recovered her losses and restored herself into her pristine power and greatness as she did We likewise see the State of Milan which fell so often into the power of the French it staid not long under their Dominioâ— for not finding any strong and Royal Forts wherein they could make any safe abode nor having time to erect any by reason of their continual Wars or for want of monies the defenders of that State did often times prevail and every accident either of the change of the peoples minds or of their Enemies increase of Forces were sufficient to drive them out Which would not have happened if they had but once been Masters of any strong Holds from whence they could not have been expel'd without a long and hard siege Guide Ubaldâ— D. of Urbin a Prince but of small Territories but very wise and well experienced in War moved by these respects after he had recovered his State which was formerly taken from him by Duke Valentine he resolved to slight all the strong Holds that were there knowing that they could not at first preserve his State unto him and when hee should lose it they would make the difficultie of regaining it the greater When Charls the Eighth King of France going to win the Kingdom of Naples past through Tuscany the Forts which the Florentines had built for their own securitie were the very things whereby they were most indamaged and these falling into the power of the French whose Forces they thought they were not able to withstand they put the Florentines to vast expence and made them undergo great slavery out of a desire of recovering them Whereas if that State had laâ—n open the King who was bound upon other enterprises passing forward would no waies have troubled the affairs of that Commonwealth The like and almost out of the like respect did afterward befall Duke Cosimo when the Emperor Charls the Fifth would keep some Castles belonging to that State in his own power which should otherwise have been left free to Cosimo and which was the occasion of that saying Chele fortezza sonoi ceppi della Toscana That strong Holds are the fetters of Tuscany These are the greatest mischiefs which strong Holds use to bring with them but there are others not altogether so grievous but more certain and irreparable For who can deny but that the excessive charge which Princes are at not onely in building Fortresses but more in muniting and guarding them doth sufficiently exhaust the publick Exchequer and necessitate the disbursing of such moneys in times of peace as ought to be kept for the more urgent occasions of War And certainly he who could see what vast sums the Commonwealth of Venice hath spent for some late years past in making and muniting so many Forts both by Sea and Land would be very much astonished and would confess that so great a mass of treasure would â—beâ— sufficient to provide for any War how great soever and to withstand for a good while any potent Enemy It may peradventure likewise be said and not untruly that whilst a Prince reposes much confidence in being able to maintain his State by means of these strong Holds and by the assistance of a few Soldiers he is not so careful as he ought to be of other things which belong to the Miliâ—ia which are notwithstanding real and secure foundations of a State The Lacedemonians would not therefore suffer their Cities to be begirt with a wall because they beleeved that by the thoughts of such securitie their Citizens would become more careless and negligent in managing their Arms by sole means whereof they thought that the Forces of an Enemie might and ought to be kept afar off Which that wise man would likewise infer who said That the walls which ought to secure a City should be made of iron not of stone And a Spartan being demanded by an Athenian what he thought of the walls of Athens answered That he thought they were very handsome for a City which was to be inhabited by women inferring that it is not necessarie nor honorable for able valiant men to secure themselves from their Enemies by such means It is likewise usually seen that a Prince who thinks he shall be able to curb his Subjects to govâ—rn them and rule them as he pleaseth by means of Bulwarks and Castles and that therefore he needs not the love of his Subjects is much less mindful of those things which become a good Prince and which purchase affectâ—on Yet we are taught by many evident examples that the peoples love or hatred is that which doth most preserve unto him or bereave him of his State and makes them more ready or backward to render him obedient as is of late seen in Flanders which so many Fortresses and Armies hath not in so long a time been able to reduce to the devotion of its ligitâ—mate Prince And it may generally be observed that such Governments as have lasted longest have been preserved not by the advantage of strong Holds whereof some have not had any but by vertue of a good Militia and of the Subjects love The Romans were accustomed when they had won any new Country to send new Inhabitants thither who being placed either in the antient Cities or in others built by themselves they called Roman Colonies and by these mens valor as People devoted and obliged to the Senate and People of Rome out of remembrance of their desert and in gratitude for the good which they had received they easily kept the new Subjects in loyalty to the Commowealth and the Countries which they had won by their Arms in obedience The which being moved thereunto by the same respects the Venetians did likewise in Candia sending many of their own Gentlemen thither to make Colonies and to defend and maintain that Island But the Turks in a very violent manner but answerable to the custom of their Government do almost totally destroy the antient Inhabitants of their new-gotten Countries chiefly the richest and the most noble from whom they take their lâ—nds and possessions and give the revenues thereof to be made use of by the Soldâ—ery making Timari thereof as they term it which are Pays or Revenues assigned over to the Soldiers upon condition that they are to maintain a certain number of Horse by which means they keep a great number of Warriors continually on foot who seâ—ving for Garrisons for the safety of the new acquired Country are notwithstanding always ready to serve in any other place
and upon all occasions as they shall be commanded to the greater benefit and safety of the State then Forts and strong Holds can do to those other Nations which make most use of them But other Princes who have had greater abundance of Territories if you will respect their Inhabitants did use to leave great store of Land upon their Confines desert and unmanured as at these times the Persians did upon their Confines towards the Turks to render it more difficult for a numerous Army to pass through them to their prejudice or in case they do to make any long abode there which hath often been of great use to them as hath been seen when very mighty Armies have been led on by the Ottoman Emperors against the Persians they have most commonly been wasted and destroyed by their own sufferings and wants From these things it appears it may be inferr'd that there are other Arts and ways which may much better do that for which Fortifications were first found out and for which they are now a-daies so much used especially amongst Christian Princes And yet if we will face about some other and those no contemptible arguments will be found which will plead for the very great advantage which Princes and States receive from Fortifications It is most assuredly certain that to secure a mans self by all means possible from offence is a precept not only taught by Reason but dictated by Nature which as it were by some occult and miraculous counsel hath pleased to divide those Nations by a long series of high tow'ring Mountains and to secure them from the injuries which the diversity of Climate hath produced in their several affections and customs and consequently a certaâ—n natural enmity and hath likewise provided in all parts more eminent seats amongst Mountains and more inclosed ones amidst Vallies wherein the Inhabitants may preserve themselves safe from the force and violence which the stronger use to exercise upon the weaker So as Fortification may be said to be an Art which doth imitate and help Nature because her operations are like those of the others and do sometimes reduce the workmanship of Nature to more perfection and use And though this be not grounded upon so certain principles as those of the Sciences yet doth she govern herself by a kind of Reason in such things wherein she is versed And thus much may serve to prove that she deserves the name of Art neither ought she to be ever a whit undervalued because new things and new rules are daily found out by the industrie of those that study her since it is proper to natural and eternal things to keep themselves always in such a condition as that they suffer not any alteration But say what thing it is which of all humane operations wherein such certainty and constancie is to be found No man will notwithstanding say that men are to live idly or totally to betake themselves to Contemplation and despise so many Arts which are the ornaments of Civil life because we cannot proceed therein by way of demonstration to one only and certain truth Nor can it be said that this Arts of Fortification is of late invention for it is very antient and hath been known almost in all Ages and by all Nations but sometimes in lesser sometimes in greater perfection according to a certain variety and vicissitude which Time causeth as well in Arts as in all other things The Antients had their Forts and Engines of War to take them which by a general name they called Tormenta Amongst other Engines which served to batter down Forts the Rams were much known and used and we find mention made of many other sorts of Instruments belonging to the offence and defence of Cities and of these some so miraculous as their force may be said to cause no less wonder then do our Guns now-a-daies To this purpose we read that when Scipio would vanquish a certain City in Spain the Defenders thereof threw certain Irons over the walls so artificially ordered as they therewith drew up such of the Enemies Soldiers as came neer the walls to the top thereof And it is related of that famous Archimedes that he invented an Engine which was used in defence of his Country Syracusa by which an armed Gally might be raised by force out of the water and drawn up on the Town-walls How can it be then said that such Art of Fabricking was unknown to the Antients if they used such study and industry in defending and in oppugning Forts Nay many of their most cry'd up Commanders have been praised particularly for this and the Romans who were very excellent at all things belonging to the Militia were very good at this also and did thereby preserve their State which they had almost lost by fighting For Hannibal in his prosperous course of victory was forced to keep so long and spend so much time before some small but strong and well-walled Castles and Colonies of the Romans as the safety of the City of Rome was in a great part attributed thereunto But to speak no more of these antient proceedings do we not see that many Forts and Castles have been built in not many Ages ago in many places and chiefly in Italy Which though the use of Cannon renders now of no use yet compare such Fortresses with the manner of warfaring in those days and they may be held almost equal to ours or at least they shew that men did study as much then to secure themselves from being injured by the Enemy and the better to maintain their States and Territories by that art as they do now The so many Sieges and beleaguering of Cities whereof mention is made in all Ages do cleerly prove that the use of Fortification is of very antient use and hath been continued in all Ages though it be now reduced to much greater perfection Now if we shall consider what advantage is made by Fortificaâ—ions we shall find them to be many and of great importance For it is sufficiently manifest that a Country wherein are no strong Holds is alwaies in apparent danger and left almost at the discretion of the Enemy who whilst they may safely at unawares enter thereinto not meeting with any obstacle have it alwaies in their power if not to prejudice the main affairs of that State at least to vex the people by fire and rapine of whose safety and preservation the Prince ought alwais to be careful We may find sad example of this by the late and well known passages of the Country of Friuli in the late Wars which the State of Venice had in Terra firma being totally destitute of strong Holds it became a prey to whosoever would assault it insomuch as it was not onely ruined and destroyd by regular Armies but by such as passed tumultuously over the mountains the Inhabitants thereof being only so long secure as the Venetian Army was permitted to remain amongst those Confines but
as soon as being summoned from thence upon other occasions it behoved to be gone from thence the Enemies returned again to fresh and secure depredations which will likewise befal any Region which is not defended and maintained by Fortresses And where the members of a State are far asunder if it must be defended onely by the Soldiers sword many Armies will scarcely be able to secure it whereas by means of strong Holds the same people who are able to defend them will likewise serve in a great part to preserve the Country as well because many of the Inhabitants may there finde safe refuge as likewise for that is no good advice nor usually imbraced by good Commanders to advance forward and to leave the Forts of the Enemy placed in fitting parts upon the Frontiers behinde them the State is preserved from greater dangers As on the contrary the State wherein there are no strong Holds though it be provided of a good and valiant Militia yet must it depend upon the various chance of War and hazard all upon the uncertain event of Battel and if any thing of misfortune befal the whole Country is left to the discretion of the Enemy and the Armies not having any safe place whereunto to retreat are totally defeated by one rout as it happened in the last Age in the Soldan of Cairo's most famost Empire which Soldan being overcome in several Battels by Selymus Ottoman and wanting time to rally his Army and strong Holds whereunto to have refuge did in a short time lose his whole Kingdom and the Empire of the Mammalucchi was overthrown which was before very famous for military discipline and esteemed very secure by reposing its safety in the valor of strong and able men To this may be added That strong Holds do not onely secure States from these utmost hazards of adverse Fortune but make very much for the keeping it away and often-times they reap the intention of true securitie without any hazard for when he who intends to assault a State shall consider that his attempts are likely to prove tedious and difficult and that it is doubtful whether he shall be therein victorious or on he does not so easily fall upon the business but when the War is once begun Fortresses do assuredly sufficiently keep from comming to join Battel for the assailant will not easily hazard himself upon the danger of a pitch'd Field because he sees he shall be debarr'd the chief fruits of Victorie which is the getting of some City or place of importance by strong Holds And so also he who is assaulted the more he sees his affairs in a good posture by the means of strong Holds the more he endeavors to prolong the time to the end that he may defeat him by his own incommodities without much use of weapons Whence ◠is that in these times wherein the perfection of fortifying is much increased field Battels are seldom fought for to fight makes not for the advantage of either of the parties out of the above said considerations Since the wit and industry of the Commanders seems to prevail over Fortifications and do in a great part take that uncertainty from War which useth to be found therein In the condition of the present affairs and times it is also seen that as much time is spent in the taking of one onely Fort as in former Ages and when another manner of Militia was in use was spent in taking in whole Provinces Which peradventure is likewise the cause why the Princes of these later Ages though some of them have been very powerful and valiant have not made any great progress in all the Wars which they have made Wherefore it seems it may be affirmed that Fortification is a very noble and excellent Art because it helps to compass the ultimate and true end which ought to be the aim of War in a well regulated State to wit peace and securitie What is then to be resolved upon in this diversitie of allegations It is a true and general rule that all things cannot suit with all things nor ought we in the actions belonging to civil life to seek for that which is simply and of it self good for it would be in vain to do so divers things prove useful to divers ends and to divers persons and they ought to be accommodated to the condition of times quality of customs and to other particular accidents Therefore the same manner of proceeding in the Government and preservation of their States becomes not several Princes but several waies Such Princes as have large Dominions and powerful Forces may securely repose 〈◊〉 safety in their Militia and Soldiery they have no great need of Castles or strong Holds and if they will have any it may suffice them to have them placed upon their utmost Confines to secure their Country from sudden incursions and for the opportunitie and securitie of such Garisons as such Princes use to keep in their provinces which are furthest remote and at a great distance from their Imperial Seate as the Roman Emperors did in former times and as the Ottoman Lords do now who trusting in their own power do endeavor much more the taking of Forts which do appertain to other men then the making of new ones themselves which they stand not so much in need of for that their greatness keeps them free from being injured by others But lesser Princes ought to govern themselves by another rule and stand more in need of strong Holds for not having any large Territories nor much money to keep a great many Soldiers continually in pay what they cannot do by force or reputation they do by the advantage of Fortifications for they keep what belongs unto them so well guarded by a few Soldiers as sometimes the Forces of any whatsoever powerful Prince are not able to pluck them out of their nest nor yet to bereave them of any part of their State Whereof we have had many examples in these later times and amongst the rest the defence of Malta is very remarkable which being assaulted by the Forces of so great a Prince as was Solyman the few Knights of Malta were so able to defend it as the Turks were forced not without some shame and much to their prejudice to quit it after having spent much time and lost many men before that Fort. And the Turks having learned by the experience of others the good of strong Holds being now to have a better esteem of them then formerly they have had especially in places furthest off from the Seat of the Empire where all things necessaie cannot be provided for but in a long time and with much inconveniencie They have to this purpose built many Forts in the parts which they have lately gotten in Persia and have therein done very wisely for whereas the former Ottoman Emperors reaped no good by their enterprises upon Persia but as soon as their Armies were withdrawn the Country which they had
in all other defences howsoever attempted Wherefore then by seeking for such perfection in Forts as is not found in other things shall we by the loss of that advantage which may be thereby received and is often received leave the State in the hands of Chance and to the discretion of him who doth design to assault it Nor ought it to be said that strong Holds should be despised and the whole safety of the State be placed in the Militia as in a thing of firmer foundation because it is not every Prince that can alwaies keep an Army in pay nor would this be sufficient to keep a State from unexpected assaults which hath many several Confines Moreover he who placeth all his hopes of securing his State in Armies and in openly fighting his Enemies must oftentimes as it hath been said hazard all to Fortune and put himself upon the danger of a thousand accidents and unless Field-forces be back'd by strong Holds and equal to those of the Enemy who doth assault them they must remain idle and of no use For not being able to withstand the shock what can they do else but retreat and suffer him who shall be stronger to make himself Master of the whole Country whereas by the help of Fortresses a few are able to resist many and to gain time the only true remedy of him who is the weaker and who is to resist and withstand the Forces of one that is more powerful Nor ought the example of the Spartans be of any validity to perswade the contrary who would not secure their Cities with Walls or any other Fortifications because having only to do with other people of Greece who were weaker then they they thought themselves safe without such helps and that by doing so they purchased more praise and reputation But when they were to wage war with the Persians and Macedonians who were powerful Enemies even they sought to put themselves in a posture of defence by having recourse to narrow passages and to keep off the Enemy assisting the natural situations of the places by Fortifications Moreover the Syartans had but small Teritories and but a few places to guard and were much given to the Militia so as they who will reap advantage by following their counsels must be Lords of Cities all the inhabitants whereof must be Soldiers and all of them desirous to preserve the State as were the Spartans But the reason why the Duke of Urbin did slight some of his Forts was peradventure because he knew himself too weak to defend them and besides because he thought it better not to invite others to wage war with him either out of a jealousie of them or out of a desire to make themselves masters of them he being to consider all Forces as they related to his or if he would make use of other mens assistance he must depend upon them And for what concerts the strong Holds of Tuscany it may be said in the first place that it was the imprudencie of Pietro de Medici not the Castles which did trouble and disorder the Florentines And secondly that it may be Duke Cosimo would not so easily have gotten Caesar to have confirmed him in the possession of that State had it not been that he might thereby secure himself of his faith in that new Dominion But the accidents which may occur are so many as it is impossible to comprehend every particular under one and the same rule And is it not a vain thiâ—g to affirm that strong Holds ought not to be made use of because if it so fall out as the State which wants them be lost it may be the more easily recovered For that is no more then to expose a mans self to mortal wounds out of hopes that when he is hurt he may find a cure And what Prince can assure himself that though he hath been negligent in muniting his State with Forts his Enemy when he shall have made himself Master of his State will not fortifie such seats as he shall find commodious for his safety But if it be said that a Prince grows wicked covetous and cruel towards his Subjects through his too much confiding in strong Holds it is noâ— easily to discern that these so far remote affairs have any thing to do with the vices of the mind and if they ought to be taken into such consideration the reason would reach no further then to Castles and Citadels but in greater and more important Fortifications the Prince is so much the more bound to preserve the love and loyaltie of his Subjects in that he stands in the more need of them for the safety of the City thus fortified for if it should fall into the Enemies hands by the peoples rebellion the loss would be the greater But it may be the consideration of expence which that Prince puts himself unto who builds many strong Holds may seem to bear more weight with it then any of the rest whereas his chief care ought to be to accumulate treasure in time of peace against Wars shall happen to which it may be answered That States cannot be preserved without charges and expence and that if a Prince should go about to procure the like securitie to himself by his Militia as he doth by his strong Holds he must be at infinite more expence and such as none but great Kingdoms and Empires are able to undergo But if a Prince proceed therein with such temper and judgement as hath been spoken of and which is also requisite in all things else he can incur no danger by Fortifications of running into those disorders and necessities which many careless men and such as know not how to govern do fall We will then conclude that Fortifications are very useful in all States but chiefly in small ones and those more then any others which have many Confines and powerful neighbors for such States have need of good guards and have not wherewith to keep Armies perpetually on foot as the Turks do in these times nor to make Desarts as do the Persians nor to institute Colonies in several parts as was the custom of the antient Romans and if the Commonwealth of Venice did imitate them therein it was but once and with more desire to the self-inhabitants of the Island of Candia at her devotion then to defend it from forein Forces But now that the Turks power is grown so formidable it would be altogether unuseful and not of any moment without strong Holds and a well paid Militia therefore the care and study which Princes take more in these latter times then they did formerly in Fortification must needs be praised by whosoever considers things with a right judgment The Ninth DISCOURSE Whether the Opinion of Pope Leo the Tenth were good or no and his counsel safe of driving forein Nations out of Italy by the help of other Transalpine Forces ITaly had been molested with Wars by forein Nations almost continually for the space
that Kingdom as he did being more encouraged thereunto by the weakness and backwardness of the Imperialists who if when they had done their utmost had done nothing at all and the Turks knowing that Charls the Emperor being imploâ—ed in other very considerable Wars would not be alwaies able to afford his Brother so great assistance was not this a great incitement to them quickly to renew the War to the greater prejudice and danger not onely of Hungary which Ferdinand laid claim unto but even to the like of Ferdinands own Territories and not long after the fact it self shewed what might have been foreseen by reason for Solyman could not onely not be perswaded to quit the protection which he had taken of his Pupil King Steven but before he should come to any accord with Ferdinand demanded tribute from Austria and the conditions both of the War and Peace growing daily worse and worse the greatest part of Hungary being lost after the notable discomfitures of the German Armies at Essechlo and Buda and the other part continuing still in great danger the certain loss was known which did redound unto them by not hazarding a Battel at this time when the fears and hopes were at least alike on both sides But say that this had been too rash or too difficult a thing to have been effected what hindred them or disswaded them from passing through their own Countries and marching with their Army to between Dava and Sava a Country which had not at all been prejudiced by the late Wars and therefore fit to furnish their Army with victuals and where there are many mountainous seats which were advantagious for the Imperialists and incommodious for the Turks in respect of their Cavalry whereby they might have preserved two Provinces which were Patrimonâ—al States of the House of Austria and therefore ought to have been the more carefully kept Carinthia and Stiria which being abandoned were left a secure prey unto the â—urks who utterly destroyed them by fire and sword endangering likewise the loss of some of their chief Cities for the way would have been block'd up and kept Solyman from coming thither if it had been first possessed by the Imperialists and Solymans reputation would have been much lessened if he had tarried behind leaving that Country untouched which he was come to assault with so great an Army But to do as the Imperialists did to keep so many men with so great a Train of Artâ—llery and all necessaries for War barely to defend one City which lay not open but was begiâ—t with walls which was held to be a strong Forâ—ress and which being but meanly provided of men had formerly repulsed great Turkish forces what was it but by this new and prejudicial example to confirm the Turks and even our own men in the opinion that the Christian Militia was inferior to that of the Turks and that our Princes being intent upon their own defence and not without some fear to imploy their utmost endeavors therein were for their parts to suffer the Turks to enjoy their large Empire in peace and safety Which the Ottoman Princes have brought to so vast a greatness not by letting their Forces lie idle and by being content to defend that Title which they had gotten at first but by going every where to find out the Enemy fighting him upon all occasions and by making their way by their swords into other mens Countries How oft have the Turks entred into the Consinus of Persia nay wrought themselves in even to her inmost parts chiefly intending to come to a day of fight with the Persians Armies which they have often enected though the Persians were rather to be feared then to be despised for their antient honor in War and for the manner of their Militia and yet at last they have in these last Wars got safe possession of the chiefest part of this most noble Kingdom What then is more to be said but that if this way of proceeding have proved prosperous to those that have walked therein he who takes another way walks on towards destruct on and either through ignorance or too great a thirst after quiet and secuâ—ity involves himself into greater troubles and difficulties And though the loss be made by peece-meal which may peradventure make it appear the less yet at last the whole falls into more certain though a later ruine And to speak of more modern affairs how had not only the Commonwealth of Venice but several other States of Christian Princes been preserved from the Turkish power and insolencie if the Leagues Fleet shunning all occasion of fight had retreated without that famous Victory of Lepaâ—â—â— But it was afterwards more cleerly seen that Charls his intent on in this War was far from joining battel with the Turks either that he would not hazard his glory and honor or manifestly confess himself interior to Solyman in Forces when Hungary and Austria being assaulted at another time by the same Solyman in stead of succoring of assisting his Brother who was in emient danger he went to try new adventures in Africa of a much more inconsiderable nature If a day of Battel be ever to be had what else was there to be done to keep off the ruine which doth threaten Christendom every day more and more He who hazards may lose but he may also win And he who stands idly and does nothing whilst he endeavors security by useless means does by degrees daily fall into new dangers and doth as it were voluntarily but for certain basely submit himself to the yoke of a grievous and unworthy slavery If Germany and Italy had been so forward to furnish men and monies for this enterprise the authority of so great a Prince who was the chief Author and Head thereof being considered as upon other occasions which did happen not long after these assistances might have been sooner hoped for When were the whole Forces of Germany seen so united as they were at this time Nay it was rather to be doubted that many seeds of discord were to grow which were already spread abroad throughout this Province by reason of Religion and State-policie whereby Germany might be weakned and divided From whence then was there any good to be hoped for against this so formidable Enemy if so great a preparation for war proved altogether vain and useless The condition of present Times and of long Custom will not suffer us now to hope that we may see what formerly fell out in that famous Councel of Clerement that at the words of an Hermite at the bare exhortations of a Pope Christian Princes and people should readily take up Arms against the Infidels being content for bond of firm union to be all of them signed with the sign of the Cross. But now when any such thing is treated of such disputes are made upon every point every one looks so much to their own particular ends not measuring things aright nor minding the common
those which are commended and practised by those who walk in the waies of the world But how far different from these are Gods waies Patience Humility Poverty Obedience Self-denial and the giving over of all worldly care are things which are abhorr'd by the worldly wise but otherwise to God How badly do the fallacious rules of worldly wisdom agree with the instructions of true Christianitie especially those of this corrupt Age wherein heavenly and divine things are often troubled and confounded with a certain vain name of Reason of State Crowns Empires Kingdoms and all power is given by God and though the weakness of our reason be such as it cannot penetrate into the infinite abyss of his wisdom yet does he dispose and order all things with certain and infallible ends though unknown to us Therefore unless that great and omnipotent Lord God by whom Kings do not onely reign upon earth but the earth it self is sustained and held up with a miraculous equality of weight do not keep the City how vain is all this your learning O ye wise men of the world and you Princes how vain are all your Forces to maintain your Lordships and States Thou whosoever thou art who dost manage the weightiest affairs of Principalities put thy heart into the hands of thy God and he will infuse worthie and becomming thoughts into thee He will give thee true Wisdom and true Fortitude The World builds nothing but Towers of Babell nor is it aware thereof till its desigâ—s and many years labors being overthrown by its own confusion it sees its rashness laid low and those thoughts which aimed at Heaven thrown down to Hell But I return again unto my self I see that these many years past wherein I approach to old age I imploy my time in studies thoughts and imployments of differing natures in themselves but all conformable to what tends to my prejudice For they robb'd me of my rest have still oprest me with many cares and led me astray from more holy desires to which if I had bent my mind in time I might hope now to sit and feed at the Table of those true good things which now I want What do I then do What do I think What do I expect Why do I not change my thoughts and exercises if I know that those wherein I have hitherto spent my time do me no good nor for all the labor I have taken have made me ere a whit more happy then I was at first Nay I may say they have made me more wretched since I have consumed the greatest part of my life wofully and without any profit Do I peradventure hope that whilst I my self do not change the nature of those things wherein I am verst should alter That trouble should turn to delight That the Affairs of the world so full of anxious cares should turn to the peace and solace of the soul That worldly good shall assume a new vertue of makeing their possessors well apaid and satisfied That these brackish waters of the pleasures of the Age of which the more we drink the more we are athirst should become sweet and savory and afford any true delight or content Men who are blind in what concerns their own good are wont to pervert the nature of things to make them their Masters who are given to them to be servants Such are the goods of Fortune as the common people call them because they know not how to raise themselves up to the knowledge of that mystery whereby their supreme Author and free Donor doth dispense them But what greater misery is there then this humane felicity The true Lord and God is made known unto us and yet we continue to adore the Idols of Avarice Ambition and Vain glory Look but upon those huge â—eaps of â—uine which thou maist every day see in the City of Rome who was once the Queen of the World where are now her immense treasures Where the majesty of her Empire Where the pomp of so many Triumphs the memory of so many victories all these being made the prey of time and death 〈◊〉 buried in these ruines But thou who livest by other precepts and who hast a truer knowledge of thy eternal life and eternal death consider better what the nature of these goods are to which thou hast been sometimes â—arâ—ed with a less moderate affection by the torrent of continual custom If they be not of great worth as truly they are not why dost thou so much love them Why endeavorst thou so much to be master of them Why dost thou dread the loss of them so much And if they have any thing of good in them why dost thou not call to mind how soon thou art to forgo them How comes it to pass this our happie worldly man is not aware that if the increase of these goods could make him happy he makes himself miserable whilst through overmuch loving them he is more intent upon purchasing the little which he lacks then in injoyâ—ng the very much which he possesseth whilst the fear of loosing it doth continually molest his mind a greater vexation then which the soâ—l hath none because it hath no bounds We look upon their outside onely and are enamored of a certain handsome but vain appearance which is in them taking them for the guids of our life But if we would consider their infide and discover the deceipt and cousenage which is woven therein we would shun them as some holy men have done least we be by them and with them hurried down into Hell and damnation We have our happiness within us and seek for it elsewhere He who will search his own house well what wealth shall he find there whereby to inrich himself with precious treasure which is hidden from us because the darkness of our affections lead us astray If thy heart be fraught with pure â—houghts if thy soul be purged of all earthly passions so as the raiâ—s of that true and lively Sun which is alwaies reâ—dy to illuminate thee may penâ—trate thereinto thou shalt soon discover there jâ—wâ—ls of such vertue price and worth as thou maist thereby purchase the worlds peace and heavens glory Thou shalt find those affections which now rage tumuâ—tuously within thee become quiet and obedient to reason and those dissonant sounds which do so perturb thy mind will agree with so just proportion as they will make a sweet harmonie in thy soul and will prove a refreshing to the troubles of the world a figure of heavenly mâ—lodie and of the glory of Paradice O you Fathers you good and holy Fathers who being within your Closter live in peace and quiet fâ—r from the World and the cares thereof not onely in your person but in your very thoughts if there may be any affection found without affection and envy without sin I do assuredly envy in you those your leasure times wherein you givâ— your selves wholly to prayer and meditation an idleness which is
a desire of their own greatness the City was reduced oftentimes into eminent dangers Thus the Roman Plebeians thinking almost that they had not a common Country but that it did only belong unto the Nobility forsook it and retired into the Aventine valuing more the increase of their own power by necessitating the Senate to yield to their desires then their putting the City into such a disorder The Nobles likewise more sollicitous to abase the People and to increase their own fortunes then to preserve peace and union in the City did nourish Civil discord by usurpiâ—g the Common goods and by reducing the People to great Poverty through Usury By this discourse it may be comprehended how badly proportioned the Orders were in that mixt Government But it may be more cleerly seen by comparing this Commonwealth with that of Sparta which proved more excellent then any other in that mixt Government and preserved it a long time free from all discord by vertue of her most excellent Laws In Sparta the Princes power ended not but with his life to the end that he being preferred before all others for making the Laws be observed he might the better do it being detained by no self-respect from deposing of Magistrates or from being judged by the People But his Authority was notwithstanding so limited as he was rather a Custos of the Common Liberty then a true Prince in the City The People had as great a share in Government as their condition required For it being they who were to make use of the Magistrates it seemed they might better know their abilities as we see it falls out in other Trades that the excellencie of the work is better known by him that is to use it then by the maker thereof The People had the power given them of choosing and of correcting Magistrates but greater authority was granted to the Senate which was placed as in the midst to defend the Commonwealth from the Princes power and from the peoples insolencie to the end that thereby it might the better temper the one and the other Now let us see how in the joint union of these three Governments certain Conditions were appropriated unto every of them but neither so many nor yet such as made them of clean contrary qualities but so as they might very well be united in one and the same person The Prince had perpetuity of power but this stood so corrected by the Laws as it might easily consist with the other States The Senate which was made up of Forty eight of the prime Citizens represented a true Aristocratical Commonwealth but because they acknowledged their Dignity from the People their power was not such as bereft others of their Liberty But the Peoples authority in ordering rewards and punishments as it was not dangerous so it afforded place for a modest Popular State and rendred that Government more perfect by mixture of all the three best But above all things else there was a miraculous proportion observed in Sparta in sharing out those things which use to cause Civil dissentions amongst Citizens For the Noblemen had the greatest part in Honors but the People were equal to them in Wealth all the Revenues being in common so as the ambition of the one and the necessities of the other were satisfied and all of them being content they enjoyed much Peace and Tranquility so as that Commonwealth may endure longer then any of the antient Reipublicks And if at the first she had been a little more large in communicating her Government by encreasing the number of her Senators so as there had been no occasion in Theopompus his time for the better regulating their too great Authority of introducing the Magistracy of the Ephori whereby the City began to be a little too popular and leaving Licurgus his antient Institutions gave it self over to licentiousness nothing could have been desired in that City to have reduced her to the highest pâ—tch of perfection Therefore as far as the Roman Government differed from this it must be confest it fell so far short of true excellencie The Consuls of Rome had great Authority and it may be more free then became any Magistracy in a Commonwealth but the little durance thereof made it less beneficial to the the Republick For their Power being soon to be given over made them less diligent and less bold in undertaking Publick Affairs For Consulship being laid aside the way was opened of revenging private 〈◊〉 by the Tribunes So Cicerâ— who freed his Country from Catalius Conspiracy when he was out of Place was banished But the Senate because it had not any Ordinary Magistracy from whence no Appeal might be made by which is might curb the Peoples Insolency had not that respect given to it by which the ignorant common people is Governed So as the people not being held back by this Bridle ran into such lâ—centiousness as they dared to commit divers Indignities even against the chief Magistracy of Counsulship as they did when they plucked the Consul Camillus Hestare from the Tribunal that they might by force obâ—aâ—â— admittance to that Supream Magistracy The weakness of the Senate was likewise the occasion of the increase of the power of some Citizens for the peoples resolutions prevailing over the like of the Senate the way of ariving at great power by the favour of the people in despite of the Senate was opened to such as were ambitious Thus did Marius cause himself to be declared Consul contrary to the Laws and Caesar to be confirmed in his Province And to suppress these mens immoderate greatness which tended towards Tyranny it was requisite since the Commonwealth had no usual means to do it to prefer other Citizens of the Nobilities side whose greatness proved afterwards no less pernicâ—ous then that of those whom they thought through their Authority to suppress wherefore the City became wholly divided so that private injuries were with horrid cruelties revenged by Sylla though he professed to vindicate the Common welfare And Pompey to maintain his Greatness put rubs in the Treaty of Agreement with Caesar Wherefore betaking themselves to Arms the Commonwealth could not at last but fall These disorders were occasioned through the weakness of the Senate But the people possessing themselves of other mens Places usurpâ— the best imployments of the Commonwealth and being equall to the Nobility in pâ—â—nt of liberty would without any respect to other things purtake equally of Government So the right disposure of the Honors and Orders of the City were confused which require Geometrical and not Arithmetical proportion in such sort as the same things be not granted to all men but to every one that which is most convenient for him And certainly to constitute a City of that form as all her Citizens should be equal would be no better then to make a Consort of Musick consisting all of the same voyces for as the latter produceth no true Harmony so doth no
wherewith the City of Rome began to be infected not when she was governed by Emperors but whilst she was ruled by her Citizens in Civil Government And if it be objected that this did not hinder her from giving the greatest testimony of her valor in War since in the last Age of the Commonwealth when these vices and corruptions were rifest among the Citizens Military Discipline did flourish most and greatest actions were done It cannot then be said that neither the corruption of manners in the times of Emperors did destroy the Empire nor that the integrity thereof could have longer preserved the power of the Commonwealth But so much the less for that the Empire did not fall to ruine though it was sufficiently agitated by home-disorders in such sort as that either the Subjects did vindicate their Liberty or the Commanders of Armies divide the Empire amongst them as did Alexanders Commanders after his death but the roman Commonwealth though it was oft-times thrust at by such commotions was still notwithstanding able to subsist and to raise it self up again when it began to fall But barbarous and foreign Forces overthrew it at last with whom the famous Commanders in the time of the Commonwealth not having had any occasion to tâ—y their worth it cannot be said what would have succeeded upon such an occasion if the Government of the Commonwealth had continued till that time It is likely that the disorders and factions increasing much more whereof so many pâ—stiferoâ—s seeds had been sowed in all the Orders of the City the City and Territoâ—ies belonging thereunto being to remain the weaker and the more exposed to the injuries of foreiners would have been the easilier opprest if she had been to have withstood the terrible shock of these fierce and wild Northern Nations which the Emperors Forces did notwithstanding long resist insomuch as the Roman Empire maintained it self for the space of two hundred years after it was molested by these sorts of people nay it maintained it self in dignity and majesty for about siâ—ty years after it was shrewdly shaken till in the time of the Emperor Leo the First Rome and Italy being totally abandoned the name and power of the Western Empire did totally terminate It may therefore be thought a gallant and well-advised action that the Emperors did so long temporise and keep the Arms of these so powerful Nations from the more inward parts of their State of Italy and chiefly of Rome herself like so much venom from their hearts with which if they should have tryed the fortune of War hazarding one Battel or more as upon other occasions those antient Roman Commanders had done they might peradventure have brought the Empire sooner to its ruine since they had to do with a very warlike people and whose condition was such as they must either die or overcome And certainly they had done worse if they had therein trusted and relied upon Fortune since they could have gotten nothing by the victory when they should have won it were it not the saving of themselves for the present against those Armies who might have been succeeded by others of the same Nations and so the War to have been renewed more hotly and direfully then before out of a desire to revenge the death of their friends whereas the loss of a Battel or two on the Romans side might have drawn along with it the ruine of a most noble Empire It was then fortunate for the Common-wealth of Rome that she met not with these people in such necessity and danger for if that had befaln her which hapned in the time of Emperors that Fame might peradventure have been obscured which she was happy in of being glorious and victorious in all Wars and the course of her so many prosperous successes might have been interrupted or broken off by this unfortunate end Yet if we will look on the other side we may peradventure meet with other no less prevalent reasons which peradventure perswade us to the contrary Experience shews us how good the Orders were wherewith the Commonwealth was founded to make great acquisitions But it is a general rule That States are preserved by walking in the same ways wherein they were founded for every thing is preserved and maintained by alike things and are corrupted by the contraries If the Roman Arms governed by her own Citizens with Civil authority were sufficient to reduce so many States and Kingdoms under the power of the Commonwealth what reason have we to believe that they should not still be as able to preserve what they had gotten which is more easily done The baseness and carelesness of many of those Emperors did doubtlesly open the way to the Empires ruine for they oftentimes suffered those Northern people to settle themselves in divers Provinces of the Empire Alaricus was permitted by Honorius to inhabit with his Goths in France and soon after becoming his Colleagues they likewise obtained some Cities in Spain from him Valentinianus granted likewise Servis and Bulgaria to other Goths and before these Gallus had bought peace of the Goths so as becoming more bold and insolent they made themselves masters of Thrace Thessaly and of Macedonia Thus the very Emperors themselves having through their pusillanimity suffered mischief to increase at home and these their fierce Enemies to grow powerful they could not afterwards drive them out of those places which they had possest themselves of nor keep them long out of Italy This would not have been suffered by the generosity of the Roman Commanders and Citizens who when they were in a much worse condition would by no means agree with King Pyrrhus who had assailed Italy unless he would leave them and return to his own Kingdom And that they might draw Hannibal out of Italy they betook themselves to molest the Carthaginians in Spain and in Africa after they had for so many years generously withstood their Forces And whilst that State continued in the form of a Commonwealth as if Liberty had infused noble and generous thoughts into them the City of Rome was an example to all the world of all sorts of vertue chiefly of Magnanimâ—ty in undertaking great enterprises and of Fortitude and Constancie in managing them and in bringing them to a happy end But when the Commonwealth was â—uin'd and a new sort of Government brought in that antient Roman worth went astray by little and little till at last it was quite lost So as the ensuing Ages gave as many examples of ignorance and baseness in the very Emperors themselves and in others who were of greatest degree and authority in that Empire Hence then it was that the good and antient Customs being corrupted both in Civil government and chiefly in the Militia the State being reduced to great faintness and growing old had not strength enough to govern it self when it met with stout opposition The Roman Empire was brought to so miserable a condition when it was set upon by the