Russia to Boghar in Bactria Anno 1558. 324. 24 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson through Russia and ouer the Caspian sea into Persia Anno 1561. 343. 25 The voyage of Thomas Alcock George Wrenne and Richard Cheyney seruants vnto the Company of Moscouy Merchants in London into Persia Anno 1563. 353. 26 The voyage of Richard Iohnson Alexander Kitchin and Arthur Edwards seruants to the foresaid company into Persia Anno 1565. 354. 27 The voyage of Thomas Southam and Iohn Sparke by land and riuer from Colmogro to Nouogrod in Russia Anno 1566. 365. 28 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson into Russia the third time Anno 1566. 372. 29 The voyage of Arthur Edwards Agent for the Moscouy company Iohn Sparke Laurence Chapman Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle seruants into Persia An. 1568. 389. 30 The voyage of Thomas Banister and Geffrey Ducket Agents for the Moscouy Company into Persia the fift time Anno 1569. 394. 31 The voyage of William Burrough Captaine of 13. English ships to the Narue in Liefland Anno 1570. 401. 32 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson into Russia the fourth time Anno 1571. 402. 33 The voyage of Christopher Burrough into Persia the sixt time Anno 1579. 419. 34 The voyage of Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman sent to discouer the Northeast seas beyond the Iland of Vaigats Anno 1580. 445. 35 The voyage of Master Ierome Horsey ouer land from Mosco in Russia to England Anno 1584. 469,470 36 A voyage to the Northeast performed by certaine Russes and translated out of Sigismundus ab Herberstein 492. 37 A voyage to Sibier and the Riuer of Ob by land declared in a letter written to Gerardus Mercator 510,511 512. 38 The vanquishing of the Spanish Armada Anno 1588. 591. 39 The honourable voyage to Cadiz Anno 1596. 607. ¶ The Ambassages Treatises Priuiledges Letters and other obseruations depending vpon the Voyages of this first Volume 1 TWo testimonies of Galfridus Monumetensis in his history of the Kings of Brittaine concerning the conquests of King Arthur pagina 1. 2 A testimony of M. Lambard in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 touching the right and appendances of the Crowne of the kingdome of Britaine pag. 2. 3 A Chronicle of the Kings of Man taken out of M. Camdens Chorographie 10. 4 The ancient state of the shipping of the Cinque Ports 17. 5 Libellus historicus Iohannis de Plano Carpini 21. 6 Part of the great Charter graunted by King Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque Ports 117. 7 The rolle of the huge Fleete of Edward the thirde before Caleis 118. 8 The summe of expences layde out in the siege of Caleis 121. 9 A note of Thomas Walsingham touching King Edward the thirde his huge Fleete of 1100. ships wherewith he passed ouer vnto Caleis Anno 1359. 121. 10 Certaine verses of Geffrey Chaucer concerning the long Voyages and valiant exploits of the English knights in his dayes 124. 11 A testimonie out of Cornelius Tacitus prouing London to haue bene a famous Mart-towne in the raigne of Nero the Emperour 124. 12 A testimony out of venerable Beda proouing London to haue bene a Citie of great traffique in his time 125. 13 The league betweene Carolus Magnus and Offa King of Mercia concerning the safe trade of English Merchants 125. 14 An ancient testimony translated out of the olde Saxon Lawes conteyning the aduancement of Merchants for their thrice crossing the wide seas 120. 15 A testimony of certaine Priuileges obteined for the English and Danish Merchants by Canutus the King of England 126. 16 The flourâ—shing state of Merchandise in the City of London in the dayes of Wilhelmus Malmesburiensis 227. 17 A testimony of the said Wil. of Malmesbury concerning traffique to Bristow in his time 127. 18 The league betweene Henry the second and Frederick Barbarossa Emperour of Germany partly touching trade of Merchandise 128. 19 A generall safe conduct granted by King Iohn to all forreine Merchants 129. 20 The letters of King Henry the thirdâ— vnto Haquinus king of Norwey 129,130 21 A mandate for the king of Norway his ship called The Cog. 130. 22 A Charter granted for the behalfe of the Merchants of Colen in the 20. yeere of Henry the thirde 131. 23 The Charter of Lubeck granted for seuen yeeres in the time of Henry the third 131,132 24 A Charter of the Merchants of Almaine or the Stilyard-merchants 132. 25 A mandate of King Edward the first concerning outlandish Merchants 133. 26 King Edw. the first his great Charter granted to forreine Merchants Anno Dom. 1303. 133. 27 The letters of Edward the second vnto Haquinus King of Norway concerning certain English Merchants arrested in Norway 138. 28 Another letter of Edw. the second vnto the said Haquinus for the merchants aforesaid 139. 29 A third letter of King Edward the second to the said Haquinus in the behalfe of our English merchants 140. 30 An Ordinance for the Staple to be holden at one certaine place 142,143 31 A Catalogue of the great Masters of Prussia 144. 32 The Oration or speach of the Ambassadours sent from Conradus de Zolner Master generall of the land of Prussia vnto Richard the second king of England 148. 33 An agreement made by the Ambassadours of England and Prussia confirmed by king Richard the second 150. 34 The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia vnto Rich. the second 153. 35 A briefe relation of William Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their Ambassages into Prussia and to the Hans-townes 154. 36 Certaine Articles of complaint exhibited by the Liuonians 156. 37 Other complaints exhibited by the Cities of the Hans 156. 38 Compositions and Ordinances concluded betweene the Ambassadours of Prussia and the Chanceller and Treasurer of England Anno 1403. 157. 39 The letters of the Chanceller and Treasurer of England vnto Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 158. 40 The letters of king Henry the fourth vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master generall of Prussia for entercourse of traffique 159. 41 The letters of Conradus de Iungingen vnto king Henry the fourth 160. 42 An agreement made betweene king Henry the fourth and Conradus de Iungingen 161. 43 An agreement betweene king Henry the fourth and the Hans-townes 164. 44 A testimonie out of Albertus Krantzius concerning the surprise of Bergen in Norway wherein 21. houses of the English merchants were burnt 169. 45 The grieuances and offences whereat the merchants of the Hans found themselues agrieued 171. 46 A letter of Henry the fourth king of England vnto Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia 175. 47 A letter of Werneherus de Tettingen commander in Elbing vnto sir William Sturmy Ambassadour vnto king Henry the fourth Together with an other letter of king Henry the fourth vnto Vlricus de Iungingen master of Prussia 176. 48 The letters of Vlricus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia signifying vnto king Henry the 4. that he was contented
that way that they were now in a newe maze thinking that God had forsaken them and left them to a greater danger And forasmuch as there were no victuals now left in the gally it might haue beene a cause to them if they had beene the Israelites to haue murmured against their God but they knew how that their God who had deliuered them out of AEgypt was such a louing and mercifull God as that hee would not suffer them to be conformded in whom he had wrought so great a wonder but what calamitie soeuer they sustained they knew it was but for their further triall and also in putting them in mind of their farther miserie to cause them not to triumph and glory in themselues therefore Hauing I say no victuals in the gally it might seeme that one miserie continually fel vpon an others neck but to be briefe the famine grew to be so great that in 28 dayes wherein they were on the sea there died eight persons to the astonishment of all the rest So it fell out that vpon the 29 day after they set from Alexandria they fell on the Isle of Candie and landed at Gallipoli where they were made much of by the Abbot and Monks there who caused them to stay there while they were well refreshed and eased They kept there the sworde wherewith Iohn Fox had killed the keeper esteeming it as a most precious iewell and hung it vp for a monument When they thought good hauing leaue to depart from thence they sayled along the coast till they arriued at Tarento where they solde their gallie and deuided it euery man hauing a part thereof The Turkes receiuing so shamefull a foile at their hand pursued the Christians and scoured the seas where they could imagine that they had bent their course And the Christians had departed from thence on the one day in the morning and seuen gallies of the Turkes came thither that night as it was certified by those who followed Fox and his companie fearing least they should haue bene met with And then they came a foote to Naples where they departed a sunder euery man taking him to his next way home From whence Iohn Fox tooke his iourney vnto Rome where he was well entertayned of an Englishman who presented his worthy deede vnto the Pope who rewarded him liberally and gaue him his letters vnto the king of Spaine where he was very well entertained of him there who for this his most worthy enterprise gaue him in fee twentie pence a day From whence being desirous to come into his owne countrie he came thither at such time as he conueniently could which was in the yeere of our Lorde God 1579. Who being come into England went vnto the Court and shewed all his trauell vnto the Councell who considering of the state of this man in that hee had spent and lost a great part of his youth in thraldome and bondage extended to him their liberalitie to helpe to maintaine him now in age to their right honour and to the incouragement of all true hearted Christians The copie of the certificate for Iohn Fox and his companie made by the Prior and the brethren of Gallipoli where they first landed VVE the Prior and Fathers of the Couent of the Amerciates of the city of Gallipoli of the order of Preachers doe testifie that vpon the 29 of Ianuary last past 1577 there came in to the said citie a certaine gally from Alexandria taken from the Turkes with two hundreth fiftie and eight Christians whereof was principal Master Iohn Fox an Englishman a gunner and one of the chiefest that did accomplish that great worke whereby so many Christians haue recouered their liberties In token and remembrance whereof vpon our earnest request to the same Iohn Fox he hath left here an olde sworde wherewith he slewe the keeper of the prison which sword we doe as a monument and memoriall of so worthy a deede hang vp in the chiefe place of our Couent house And for because all things aforesaid are such as we will testifie to be true as they are orderly passed and haue therefore good credite that so much as is aboue expressed is true and for the more faith thereof we the Prior and Fathers aforesaide haue ratified and subscribed these presents Geuen in Gallipoly the third of Februarie 1577. I Frier Vincent Barba Prior of the same place confirme the premisses as they are aboue written I Frier Albert Damaro of Gallipoly Subprior confirme as much I Frier Anthony Celleler of Gallipoly confirme as aforesaid I Frier Bartlemew of Gallipoly confirme as aboue said I Frier Francis of Gallipoly confirme as much The Bishop of Rome his letters in the behalfe of Iohn Fox BE it knowen vnto all men to whom this writing shall come that the bringer hereof Iohn Fox Englishman a Gunner after he had serued captiue in the Turkes gallies by the space of foureteene yeeres at length thorough God his helpe taking good oportunitie the third of Ianuarie last past slew the keeper of the prison whom he first stroke on the face together with foure and twentie other Turkes by the assistance of his fellow prisoners and with 266. Christians of whose libertie he was the author launched from Alexandria and from thence arriued first at Gallipoly in Candie and afterwardes at Tarento in Apulia the written testimony and credite of which things as also of others the same Iohn Fox hath in publike tables from Naples Vpon Easter eue he came to Rome and is now determined to take his iourney to the Spanish Court hoping there to obtaine some reliefe toward his liuing wherefore the poore distressed man humbly beseecheth and we in his behalfe do in the bowels of Christ desire you that taking compassion of his former captiuitie and present penurie you doe not onely suffer him freely to passe throughout all your cities and townes but also succour him with your charitable almes the reward whereof you shall hereafter most assuredly receiue which we hope you will afford to him whom with tender affection of pitie wee commende vnto you At Rome the 20 of Aprill 1577. Thomas Grolos Englishman Bishop of Astraphen Richard Silleum Prior Angliae Andreas Ludouicus Register to our Soueraigne Lord the Pope which for the greater credit of the premises haue set my seale to these presents At Rome the day and yeere aboue written Mauricius Clement the gouernour and keeper of the English Hospitall in the citie The King of Spaine his letters to the Lieutenant for the placing of Iohn Fox in the office of a Gunner TO the illustrious Prince Vespasian Gonsaga Colonna our Lieutenant and Captaine Generall of our Realme of Valentia Hauing consideration that Iohn Fox Englishman hath serued vs and was one of the most principall which tooke away from the Turkes a certaine gallie which they haue brought to Tarento wherein were two hundred fiftie and eight Christian captiues we licence him to practise and giue him
loro per il tempo che restarano qua siportorno da fideli Catholici Christiani che sua sanctita habbia trouato bono il saluo condutto del gran Turko a loro concesso per il timor della armata Tuâ—kesca di altri vaselli de mimici inherendo alla volonta di sua sanctitá massime per che hauera de andare passare per diuersi lochi tanto lontani come Ingilterra Flandra tutti parti di ponente in altroue a noi ha parso farle le presente nostre lettere patente come fidele conuersatore nostro accio piu securamente sensa obstaculo possa andare ritornare quando li parera con detta naue o con alire a loro bennista Per tanto donque tutti ciascun di voi sudetti affectuosamente pregamo che per qual si voglia de vostra iurisditione alla quale detto magnifico Giouani Keale Dauid Filly a nome quo supra con la naue marinari de detti loro principali o altricaschera nauigare passare venire sicuramente alla libera sensa alcuno disturbo o altro impedimento li lasciate facciate lasciare stare passare tornare quando li parera partire talmente che per amore contemplatione nostra il detto magnifico Giouanni Keale a nome quo supra con le naue marinari mercantia non habbi difficulta fastidio ritentione alcuna anzi se gli dia ogni agintâ— fauore cosa degnadi voi giusta a noi gratissima de recompensaruila con vguale maggior seruitio quando dall ' occasione ne saremo rechiesti Et finalmente commandammo a tutti qual si voglia relligiosi frati de nostra relligione di qual si voglia coÌ„ditione grado stato che siano a tutti riceuitori procuratori nostri in tutti qual si voglia priorati nostri deputati deputandi in vertu di santa obedientia atutti nostri vassalli alla giurisditione di nostra relligione soggetti che in tale per tale tenghino reputino il detto magnifico Giouanni Keale a nome vt supra naue marinari mercantia sensa permittere che nel detto suo viaggio o in alcun altro luogo sia molestato o in qual si voglia manera impedito anzi tutte lecose sue negotij loro sian da voi agâ—outati continuamente fauoriti In cuius rei testimonium Bâ—lla nostra magistralis in cera nigra praesentibus est impressa Datae Melitae in conuentu nostro die duodecimo Mensis Iulij 1582. The same in English FRier Hugo of Loubeux Verdala by the grace of God master of the holy house the hospital of S. Iohn at Ierusalem and an humble keeper of the poore of Iesus Christ to all euery prince ecclesiastical secular archbishops bishops Dukes Marqueses Barons Capteines Uicelords Maiors Castellanes Admirals and whatsoeuer patrons of Gallies or other greater shippes and gouernors of cities potentates and magistrates and other officers and persons whatsoeuer of what dignitie degree state and condition soeuer they be dwelling in all places and landes greeting We make it knowne and in the word of truth do witnesse that in the moneth of May last past our gallies came on the voyage from Barbarie where hauing commandement to succour a little ship of the Christians which was driuen ouer into that part being arriued vpon this Iland on the West part they found one English ship vnder the charge of the worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie master and our men willing to know what ship it was they seemed to put themselues in order for their defence doubting that the said our gallies were of the enemies therefore one mariner attempted contrary to the will of the worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie maister and had shot off a piece of artillerie against one of the said gallies and because she would not strike amaine her sayle according to the will of the saide worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie master the said ship was brought backe againe vnto the present port of Malta according to the order of the reuerend generall of the said gallies and in being there maister Inquisitor staid it by authoritie of the holy office and in that behalfe by the holinesse of our Lord pope Gregorie the thirteenth in the end was licenced to depart on her voyage They therefore the said worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie in the name and behalfe of the worshipfull master Eward Osborne Alderman and Richard Staper English marchants of the noble citie of London haue humbly besought together with Thomas Wilkinson the purser pilots master and mariners that we would giue our letters patents and safe conducts that they might goe and returne when they shall see opportunitie with their goods and merchandizes at their pleasure whereupon the thing seeming vnto vs iust and that it might be for the prosite of our religion and of these strangers by the tenor of these presents we haue granted the same to them yet with the conditions here under written viz. That euery time the said marchants of the said ship or with any other shall not bring such marchandize as is forbidden and that by sufficient proofe and letters testâ—moniall it appeareth that they are free from the infections of the plague they may victuall themselues with all necessarie victuals and traffike with vs and in this Iland and dominion and afterwarde may depart and follow their voyage whither they will into the Leuant or else where as all other vessels and especially of France and other nations do and sell and buy whatsoeuer marchandize they shal thinke good Item that they may bring powder for cannon and harquebush saltpeâ—ter cole of Newcastle plates of lattin tinne steele yron coÌ„mon karsies white course canuas to make saile for the gallies balies of yron for shot fine milstones trees masts for gallies litle and others and in conclusion hauing seene that they for the time of their abode here did behaue themselues like faithfull and catholike Christians that his holines hath allowed the safeconduct of the great Turke to them granted for feare of the Turkish armie and other vessels of the enemie submitting our selues to the pleasures of his holinesse and especially because our people haue occasion to passe by diuers places so farre off as England Flanders and all parts Westwards and in other places we haue vouchsafed to make these our letters patents as our faithfull assistant so as more surely and without let they may go and returne when they shall thinke good with the said ship or with others at their pleasure We therefore pray all and euery of your subiects effectually that by what part soeuer of your iurisdiction vnto the which the said worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie by name abouesaid with the ship and mariners of the said principall place or
marchandize to be vsed and continued by our subiects within his sayd dominions whereby we perceiue and finde that both many good actions haue beene done and performed and hereafter are likely continually to be done and performed for the peace of Christendome Namely by the reliefe and discharge of many Christians which haue beene and which hereafter may happen to be in thraldome and bondage vnder the sayde Grand Signor and his vassals or subiects And also good and profitable vent and vtterance of the commodities of our Realme and sundrie other great benefites to the aduancement of our honour and dignitie Royall the maintenance of our Nauie the encrease of our customes and the reuenues of our Crowne and generally the great wealth of our whole Realme And whereas we are enformed of the sayd Edward Osborne knight William Hareborne and Richard Staper that George Barne Richard Martine Iohn Harte knights and other marchants of our sayd Citie of London haue by the space of eight or nine yeeres past ioyned themselues in companie trade and traffike with them the sayd Edward Osborne knight William Hareborne and Richard Staper into the sayde dominions of the sayd great Turke to the furtherance thereof and the good of the Realme And whereas â—urther it is made knowen vnto vs that within fewe yeeres now past our louing and good subiects Thomas Cordall Edward Holmeden William Garraway and Paul Banning and sundry other marchants of our said Citie of London haue likewise at their great costes and charges builded and furnished diuerse good and seruiceable shippes and therewith to their like costs and charges haue traded and frequented and from time to time doe trade and frequent and traffike by sea with the commodities of our Realme to Venice Zante Candie and Zephalonia and other the dominions of the Segniorie and State of Venice and thereby haue made and mainteyned and doe make and continually maintaine diuers good shippes with mariners skilfull and â—itte and necessarie for our seruice and doe vent out of our Realme into those partes diuerse commodities of our Realme and returne hither into our sayde Realme many good and necessarie commodities for the common wealth thereof All which traffike as well inward as outward vntill it hath beene otherwise brought to passe by the sayde endeuours costs and charges of our sayde subiects was in effect by our subiectes wholy discontinued Knowe yee that hereupon we greatly tendring the wealth of our people and the encouragement of them and other our louing subiects in their good enterprises for the aduancement of lawfull traffike to the benefite of our common wealth haue of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion giuen and graunted and by these presents for vs our heyres and successours doe giue and grount vnto our sayd trustie and welbeloued subiectes Edwarde Osborne Knight George Barne Knight George Bonde knight Richard Martine knight Iohn Harte knight Iohn Hawkins knight William Massam Iohn Spencer Richard Saltonstall Nicholas Mosley Aldermen of our sayde Citie of London William Hareborne Edwarde Barton William Borrough Esquires Richard Staper Thomas Cordall Henrie Paruis Thomas Laurence Edwarde Holmeden William Garraway Robert Dowe Paul Banning Roger Clarke Henrie Anderson Robert Offley Philip Grimes Andrewe Banning Iames Staper Robert Sadler Leonarde Power George Salter Nicholas Leate Iohn Eldred William Shales Richard May William Wilkes Andrewe Fones Arthur Iackson Edmund Ansell Ralph Ashley Thomas Farrington Roberte Sandie Thomas Garraway Edwarde Lethlande Thomas Dalkins Thomas Norden Robert Baâ—e Edward Sadler Richard Darsall Richard Martine Iunior Ralph Fitch Nicholas Pearde Thomas Simons and Francis Dorrington that they and euery of them by the name of Gouernour and company of Marchants of the Leuant shall from hence foorth for the terme of twelue yeeres next ensuing the date hereof bee one bodie fellowshippe and companie of themselues both in deede and in name And them by the name of Gouernour and companie of marchantes of the Leuant wee doe ordayne incorporate name and declare by these presentes and that the same fellowshippe and companie from hence foorth shall and may haue one Gouernour And in consideration that the sayde Edwarde Osborne Knight hath beene of the chiefe setters foorth and actors in the opening and putting in practise of the sayde trade to the dominions of the sayde Gand Signor Wee doe therefore specially make ordaine and constitute the sayde Edwarde Osborne Knight to bee nowe Gouernour during the time of one whole yeere nowe next following if hee so long shall liue And after the expiration of the sayde yeere or decease of the sayde Edward Osborne the choyse of the next Gouernour and so of euery Gouernour from time to time during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres to be at the election of the sayde fellowshippe or companie of marchantes of the Leuant or the more part of them yeerely to be chosen and that they the sayde Sir Edwarde Osborne and all the residue of the sayde fellowshippe or companie of Marchantes of the Leuant and euerie of them and all the sonnes of them and of euery of them and all such their apprentises and seruants of them and of euery of them which haue beene or hereafter shall be imployed in the sayde trade by the space of foure yeeres or vpwardes by themselues their seruantes factors or deputies shall and may by the space of twelue yeeres from the day of the date of these our letters Patents freely traffike and vse the trade of Marchandize as well by sea as by lande into and from the dominions of the sayde Grand Signor and into and from Venice Zante Candie and Zephalonia and other the dominions of the Signiorie and State of Venice and also by lande through the Countries of the sayde Grand Signor into and from the East India lately discouered by Iohn Newberie Ralph Fitch William Leech and Iames Storie sent with our letters to that purpose at the proper costs and charge of the sayde Marchants or some of them and into and from euerie of them in such order manner forme libertie and condition to all intentes and purposes as shall be betweene them of the sayde fellowshippe or companie of Marchantes of the Leuant or the more part of them for the time being limited and agreed and not otherwise without any molestation impeachment or disturbance any lawe statute vsage or diuersitie of Religion or faith or any other cause or matter whatsoeuer to the contrarie notwithstanding And that the sayde Gouernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant or the greater part of them for the better gouernement of the sayde fellowshippe and companie shall and may within fortie dayes next and immediatly following after the date heereof and so from thence foorth yeerely during the continuance of this our graunt assemble themselues in some conuenient place and that they or the greater parte of them being so assembled shall and may elect ordaine nominate and appoint twelue discreete and honest persons of the sayde companie
Any thing in these presents contained to the contrary notwithstanding And our will and pleasure is and hereby wee doe also ordaine that it shall and may bee lawfull to and for the sayde Gouernour and company of marchants of Leuant or the more part of them to admit into and to be of the sayd companie any such as haue bene or shall bee employed as seruants factors or agents in the trade of marchandise by the sayd Leuant seas into any the countries dominions or territories of the sayd Grand Signior or Signiorie or State of Venice according as they or the most part of them shall thinke requisite And where Anthony Ratcliffe Steuen Some and Robert Brooke Aldermen of the saide Citie of London Simon Laurence Iohn Wattes Iohn Newton Thomas Middleton Robert Coxe Iohn Blunt Charles Faith Thomas Barnes Alexander Dansey Richard Aldworth Henry Cowlthirste Caesar Doffie Martine Bonde Oliuer Stile and Nicolas Stile Marchants of London for their abilities and sufficiencies haue bene thought fit to be also of the sayd Company of the saide gouernour and Company of Marchants of Leuant Our will and pleasure and expresse commaundement is and wee doe hereby establish and ordeine that euery such of the same Anthony Radcliffe Steuen Some Robert Brooke Simon Laurence Iohn Wattes Iohn Newton Thomas Midleton Robert Coxe Iohn Blunt Charles Fâ—ith Thomas Barnes Alexander Dansey Richard Aldworth Henry Cowlthirst Caesar Doffie Martine Bonde Oliuer Style and Nicolas Style as shall pay vnto the saide Gouernour and company of Marchants of Leuante the summe of one hundred and thirtie poundes of lawfull English money within two monethes next after the date hereof towards the charges that the same Company haue already bene at in and about the establishing of the sayde trades shall from thencefoorth bee of the same company of Marchants of Leuant as fully and amply and in like maner as any other of that societie or Company Prouided also that wee our heires and successours at any time during the sayd twelue yeeres may lawfully appoynt and authorize two other persons exercising the lawfull trade of marchandize and being fit men to bee of the sayd companie of Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant so that the sayd persons to bee nominated or authorized shall aide doe beare and paie such payments and charges touching and concerning the same trade and Companie of marchants of Leuant ratablie as other of the sayd Companie of marchants of Leuant shall and doe or ought to beare and pay and doe also performe and obserue the orders of the sayd Companie allowable by this our graunt as others of the same doe or ought to doe And that such two persons so to bee appoynted by vs our heires or successours shall and may with the sayd Company vse the trade and feate of marchandise aforesayd and all the liberties and priuileges herein before granted according to the meaning of these our letters patents any thing in these our letters patents contained to the contrary notwithstanding Prouided also that if any of the marchants before by these presents named or incorporated to bee of the sayd fellowship of Gouernour and companie of the merchants of Leuant shall not bee willing to continue or bee of the same Companie and doe giue notice thereof or make the same knowen to the sayd Gouernour within two moneths next after the date hereof that then such person so giuing notice shall no further or any longer be of that companie or haue trade into those parties nor be at any time after that of the same corporation or companie or vse trade into any the territories or countries aforesayd Prouided alwayes neuerthelesse that euery such person so giuing notice and hauing at this present any goods or marchandises in any the Territories or countreys of the sayd Grand Signior or Segniorie or State of Venice may at any time within the space of eighteene moneths next and immediately following after the date hereof haue free libertie power and authoritie to returne the same or the value thereof into this Realme without vsing any traffique there but immediately from thence hither paying bearing answering and performing all such charges duetiâ—s and summes of money ratably as other of the same corporation or company doe or shall pay beare answere or performe for the like Prouided also that if any of the persons before by these presents named or incorporated to bee of the sayd fellowship of Gouernour and Companie of the marchants of Leuant or which hereafter shall bee admitted to bee of the sayde Corporation or Companie shall at any time or times hereafter refuse to bee of the sayd Corporation or Companie or to beare pay or be contributorie to or not beare and pay such ratable charges and allowances or to obserue or performe such ordinances to bee made as is aforesayd as other of the same company are or shall bee ordered to beare paie or performe that then it shall and may bee lawfull for the rest of the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant presently to expell remooue and displace euery such person so refusing or not bearing or paying out of and from the sayd Corporation and companie and from all priuilege libertie and preheminence which any such person should or might claime or haue by vertue of this our graunt and in place of them to elect others exercising the lawfull trade of marchandise to bee of the sayd Companie And that euery such person so expelled remooued or displaced by consent of the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant or the more part of them shall bee from thencefoorth vtterly disabled to take any benefite by vertue of this priuilege or any time after to bee admitted or receiued againe into the same any thing in these presents contained to the contrary notwithstanding Prouided alwayes that if it shall hereafter appeare to vs our heires and successours that this graunt or the continuance thereof in the whole or in any part thereof shall not bee profitable to vs our heires and successours or to this our realme that then and from thencefoorth vpon and after eighteene moneths warning to bee giuen to the sayd companie by vs our heires and successours this present graunt shall cease bee voyd and determined to all intents constructions and purposes And further of our speâ—iall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion wee haue condescended and graunted and by these presents for vs our heires and successours doe condescend and graunt to the sayâ—e Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant that if at the ende of the sayd terme of twelue yeeres it shall seeme meete and conuenient to the sayde Gouernour and Companie or any the parties aforesayd that this present graunt shall bee continued And if that also it shall appeare vnto vs our heires and successours that the continuance thereof shall not bee preiudiciall or hurtfull to this our realme but that wee shall finde the further continuance thereof profitable for vs our heires and successours and
they saw it was in vaine for them to stay and therefore set vp sayles and by Gods prouidence auoyded all danger brought home the rest of their goods and came thence with all expedition and God be thanked arriued safely in England neere London on Wednesday being the 8 day of Iune 1585. In which their returne to England the Spaniards that they brought with them offered fiue hundred crownes to be set on shore in any place which seeing the Maister would not doe they were coutent to be ruled by him and his companie and craued mercie at their hands And after Master Foster demaunded why they came in such sort to betray and destroy them the Corrigidor answered that it was not done onely of themselues but by the commandement of the king himselfe and calling for his hose which were wet did plucke foorth the kings Commission by which he was authorized to doe all that he did The Copie whereof followeth being translated out of Spanish The Spanish kings commission for the generall imbargment or arrest of the English c. LIcentiat de Escober my Corigidor of my Signorie of Biskay I haue caused a great fleete to be put in readinesse in the hauen of Lisbone and the riuer of Sâ—uill There is required for the Souldiers armour victuals and munition that are to bee imployed in the same great store of shipping of all sortes against the time of seruice and to the end there may be choise made of the best vpon knowledge of their burden and goodnesse I doe therefore require you that presently vpon the arriuall of this carrier and with as much dissimulation as may be that the matter may not be knowen vntill it be put in execution you take order for the staying and arresting with great foresight of all the shipping that may be found vpon the coast and in the portes of the sayd Signorie excepting none of Holand Zeland Easterland Germanie England and other Prouinces that are in rebellion against mee sauing those of France which being litle and of small burden and weake are thought vnfit to serue the turne And the stay being thus made you shall haue a speciall care that such marchandize as the sayd shippes or huâ—kes haue brought whether they be all or part vnladen may bee taken out and that the armour munition tackels sayles and victuals may be safely bestowed as also that it may be well foreseene that none of the shippes or men may escape away Which things being thus executed you shall aduertise me by an expresse messenger of your proceeding therein And send me a plaine and diâ—tinct declaration of the number of ships that you shall haue so stayed in that coast and partes whence euery one of them is which belong to my Rebels what burthen goods there are and what number of men is in euery of them and what quantitie they haue of armour ordinance munition victuals tacklings and other necessaries to the end that vpon sight hereof hauing made choise of such as shall be fit for the seruice we may further direct you what ye shall do In the meane time you shall presently see this my commandement put in execution and if there come thither any more ships you shall also cause them to be stayed and arrested after the same order vsing therein such care and diligence as may answere the trust that I repose in you wherein you shall doe me great seruice Dated at Barcelona the 29 of May. 1585. And thus haue you heard the trueth and manner thereof wherein is to be noted the great courage of the maister and the louing hearts of the seruants to saue their master from the daunger of death yea and the care which the master had to saue so much of the owners goods as hee might although by the same the greatest is his owne losse in that he may neuer trauell to those parts any more without the losse of his owne life nor yet any of his seruantes for if hereafter they should being knowen they are like to taste of the sharpe torments which are there accustomed in their Holy-house And as for their terming English shippes to be in rebellion against them it is sufficiently knowen by themselues and their owne consciences can not denie it but that with loue vnitie and concord our shippes haue euer beene fauourable vnto them and as willing to pleasure their King as his subiectes any way willing to pleasure English passengers The Letters patents or priuiledges granted by her Maiestie to certaine Noble men and Marchants of London for a trade to Barbarie in the yeere 1585. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. to the Treasurer Barons of our Eschequer and to al Maiors shirifs constables customers collectors of our customes and subsidies controllers searchers and keepers of our hauens and creekes ports and passages within this our realme of England and the dominions of the same and to al our officers ministers and subiects and to all other whosoeuer to whom it shall or may appertaine and to euery of them greeting Whereas it is made euidently and apparantly knowen vnto vs that of late yeeres our right trustie and right welbeloued councellors Ambrose Erle of Warwike and Robert Erle of Leicester and also our louing and naturall subiects Thomas Starkie of our citie of London Alderman Ierard Gore the elder and all his sonnes Thomas Gore the elder Arthur Atie gentleman Alexander Auenon Richard Staper William Iennings Arthur Dawbeney William Sherington Thomas Bramlie Anthony Garrard Robert How Henry Colthirst Edward Holmden Iohn Swinnerton Robert Walkaden Simon Lawrence Nicholas Stile Oliuer Stile William Bond Henrie Farrington Iohn Tedcastle Walter Williams William Brune Iohn Suzan Iohn Newton Thomas Owen Roger Afield Robert Washborne Reinold Guy Thomas Hitchcocke George Lydiat Iohn Cartwright Henry Paiton Iohn Boldroe Robert Bowyer Anthonie Dassell Augustine Lane Robert Lion and Thomas Dod all of London Marchants now trading into the Countrey of Barbary in the parts of Africa vnder the gouernment of Muly Hammet Sheriffe Emperor of Marocco and king of Fesse and Sus haue sustained great and grieuous losses and are like to sustaine greater if it should not be preuented In tender coÌ„sideration whereof and for that diuers Marchandize of the same Countries are very necessary and conuenient for the vse and defence of this our Realme of England and for diuers other causes vs specially mouing minding the reliefe and benefite of our said subiects and the quiet trafique and good gouernment to be had and vsed among them in their said trade of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue giuen and granted and by these presents for vs our heires and successors doe giue and grant vnto the saide Earles of Warwike and Leicester Thomas Starkie Ierard Gore the elder Arthur Atie gentleman Alexander Auenon Richard Staper William Iennings Arthur Dawbenie William Sherington Thomas Bramlie Anthonie Gerrard Robert Howe Henry
thankfull mind accept and by the tenour of the said letters of yours totally approue the concord of a certaine satisfaction to be performed with the payment of certaine summes of money howsoeuer due vnto your subiects as well of Prussia as of Liuonia expressed in our former letters within the termes prefixed by our consent and limited in our said letters aud also of other summes which within one whole yeare immediatly following the feast of Easter last past by sufficient proofes on their part to bee made before our chauncelour at our citie of London shall be found due vnto them conditionally that without inconuenience of delay and impediments the premisses be performed as they ought to be And that your selfe also will without fayle vpon the termes appoynted for the said payments procure satisfaction â—o be made accordingly vnto our endamaged subiects with the summes due vnto them by reason of their losses whereof they haue sufficient information Wherefore in regard of those your friendly letters and your courteous auswere returned by them vnto vs as is aforesaid wee doe yeelde vnto you right vnfained thanks But because it will vndoubtedly be most acceptable and pleasing both vnto vs and vnto our people and vnto you and your subiects that the zeale and ferueâ—cie of loue which hath from auncient times growen and increased betweene our progenitours for them and their subiects and your predecessors and their subiects and which by the insolencie of of certayne lewde persons without any consent of the principall lords hath often bene violated betweene vs and you and mutually betweene the subiects of vs both may be put in perpetuall vre and obtaine full strength in time to come sithens hereupon by Gods assistance it is to be hoped that vnspeakeable commodity and quiet will redound vnto both parts may it seeme good vnto your discretion as it seemeth expedient vnto vs that some messengers of yours sufficiently authorised to parle agree and conclude with our deputy about the mutuall contraction of a perpetuall league and confirmation of friendship may with all conuenient speede be sent vnto our presence At whose arriuall not onely in this busines so profitable and behoouefull but also in certaine other affaires concerning the former treaties and conclusions they may yea and of necessitie must greatly auayle Wherefore our entirely beloued friend euen as vpon confidence of the premisses we haue thought good to grant vnto the marchants and subiects of our realme full authority to resort vnto your dominions so we doe in like maner graunt vnto your marchants and subiects free licence and liberty with their marchandises and goods securely to come into our realmes and dominions there to stay and at their pleasures thence to returne home Moreouer if Arnold Dassel who last of all presented your foresayd letters vnto vs shal thinke good in the meane season to make his abode here in our dominions as in very deede it is expedient he may both by serious consideration and deliberate consulting with our commissioners more conueniently and prosperously finde out wayes and meanes for the more speedy expedition of all the premisses Fare ye well in Christ. Giuen vnder our priuie seale at our palace of Westminster the seuenth of March in the yere of our lord 1408 according to the computation of the Church of England and in the tenth yere of our reigne A new concord concluded between king Henry the 4. and Vlricus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia in the yeare of our Lord 1409. BY this indenture or letters indented be it euidently knowen for the perpetual memory of the matter vnto all faithfull Christians that the noble honourable personages Richard Merlowe Maior and citizen of London Master Iohn Kington clerke and William Askham citizen and Alderman of the same citie the commissioners of the most soueraigne prince and lord L. Henrie by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland and Tidericus de Longenthorpe knight Lefardus de Hereford burgomaster of Elbing and Iohn Crolowe citizen of the citie of Dantzik the procurators commissioners deputies and messengers of the right noble and religious personage Fr. Vlricus de Iungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital of Ierusalem hauing in the names of the sayd king and Master by vertue of the power on both parts committed vnto them sufficient authority haue appointed and with one consent agreed vpon all and singular the things vnder written Imprimis for the conseruation of mutuall loue and wonted amiâ—ie and for the tranquilitie of sweete amiable peace it is decreed and ordained that all and singular the liege people subiects of the Realme of England and the Marchants of the territories dominions of the said Realme and all other persons of what state or condition soeuer shall and may safely and securely as well by land as by water enter into the parts of Prussia and there mutually conuerse and freely after the maner of Marchants exercise traffique aswell with the Prussians as with others of what nation or qualitie soeuer there also make their abode and thence vnto their owne homes and dwelling places returne and depart vnto any place whither and so often as they shall thinke good as well by land as by water with their goods marchandize and wares whatsoeuer faithfully paying in the meane time all rights customes due in regard of their said wares and marchandize Reserued alwaies vnto the said Master and his successours all right and remedie ordained granted and vouchsafed in certaine obligations by our Lord the king whereof mention shall be made in the articles following Item it is ordained that all and singular the subiects of the said Master generall and of his order of what state and condition soeuer shall and may as well by water as by land enter into the kingdome of England and into the territories and dominions thereof and there mutually conuerse and freely after the maner of Marchants exercise traffique as well with all English people as with others of what nation or qualitie soeuer and there also make their abode and thence returne vnto their owne habitations and dwelling places and to depart whither they will and as oft as they shall thinke good as well by land as by water with their goods marchandize and wares whatsoeuer truely paying in the meane time all rights and customes due in regard of their said wares and Marchandize Reserued alwayes vnto the said soueraigne king his heires and successours all rights and remedies ordained and graunted vnto them in certaine obligations by the commissioners and procurators of the said Master generall aboue-named and in the name of the said Master generall Item it is with one consent agreed vpon promised and graunted that for all and singular damages grieuances and robberies howsoeuer done and committed before the date of these presents against the foresaid soueraigne Prince and his subiects whatsoeuer and all others which at the time
vnto y e foresaid Matthew Ludekinson Item by Nicholas Scot of Caleis the sonne of Tutbury and Hilg of Hull 256. nobles which are due vnto the foresayd Arnold de Aschen Item by the inhabitants of Scardeburgh Blakeney and Crowmer who had one Iohn Iolly of Blakeney for their captaine 156. nobles which are due vnto Henrie Culeman aforesayd Item by the inhabitants of Bayon Whose Capitaine was one Pideuille 125. nobles which are due vnto the said Iohn Vnkeltop Item by the inhabitants of Plymmouth and Dertmouth whose Captaines were Henry Pay and William Gadeling 600. nobles which are due vnto the foresayde Iohn Halewater in respect of his goods by them violently taken away Item 334. nobles to be payed by the selfe same parties being due vnto the sayde Iohn Halewater by reason that they detained his ship from him three moneths and more which ship was of the burthen of three hundreth tonnes of wine and had in it all the foresayde time fiue and fourtie seruants maintained at the expenses of the sayde Iohn Halewater Item that Sir William de Ethingham knight who was Uice-admirall for the sea must bee summoned to alleage a reasonable cause for that the sayd Sir William with his seruants expelled the said Iohn Halewater out of his ship for the space of fifteene dayes together and tooke of the goods and victuals of the said Iohn to the summe of 114. nobles why he ought not to pay the said summe of 114. nobles vnto Iohn Halewater aforesaid which if hee shall not bee willing nor able to alleage before the first of April next ensuing that then by the kings authoritie hee must be compelled to pay vnto the foresaid Iohn the said 114 nobles Item by the inhabitants of Caleis whose captaines were Michael Scot Bishop and William Horneby 1900. nobles which are due vnto the foresayde Eggard Scoff because the saide soueraigne king hath giuen them in charge by the said Michael Scot and the rest concerning the payment of the summe aforesaid Item by Iohn Bilis neere vnto Crowmer 68. nobles which are due vnto Nicholas Wolmersten of Elbing Which summes of nobles must by the kings authoritie bee leuied at the hands of his subiects aboue-mentioned betweene the time that nowe is and the feast of the Purification of the blessed virgine which shall fall in the yeere of our Lord 1411. effectually to bee deliuered and payed vnto the sayd Master generall or his lawfull procurator or vnto his successours or their lawfull procuratours at the Citie of London vpon the feast aforesaid Item it is couenanted that besides the summes specified in the foresayde letters obligatorie made in the behalfe of the said soueraigne prince there are due to be paied vnto one Iohn Marion of Wersingham lately deceased being in his life-time the liege subiect of the foresaid soueraigne prince 200. nobles of English money in regard of certaine iniuries and robberies done and committed before the date of these presents against the foresayde Iohn by one Eghard Scoff subiect vnto the said Master generall for the full satisfaction of the saide damages and robberies to bee made vnto the said deceased Iohn his wife children heires or exceutors by the said Egghard his heâ—res or by the administrators of his goods at the time and place aboue-mentioned Item it is couenanted confirmed and promised that for all the iniuries and robberies done and committed against one Iohn Dordewant of Elbing being in his life time subiect vnto the sayd Master generall by the liege people and subiects of the said soueraigne king the inhabitants of Scardeburgh before the date of these presents for the full recompense of all such iniuries and robberies there must bee payed vnto one Iohn Gruk of Dantzik eight hundred nobles of English money vpon the feast of Easter next following in the Citie of London by them of Scardeburgh being guiltie and culpable in this behalfe who are by definitiue sentence condemned vnto the said Iohn in the summe of 800. nobles by reason of the iniuries and robberies aforesaid Except the lawfull expenses in this behalfe layed out they are also taxed in due time for the issue And therefore the foresayde condemned parties whose names are in the sentence against them pronounced in this behalfe more expresly contained must in the meane season by the kings authoritie be compelled and constrained really and actually to obey the foresaid sentence namely by deliuering and paying vnto Iohn Gruk the summe of 800. nobles at the time and place aboue mentioned with reasonable expences wherein also the said parties stand condemned their lawfull taxation being reserued Item it is couenanted and granted that the heires of Lord Henrie de Percy the yonger after they shall come vnto lawfull age and shall haue attained vnto the possessions and goods of their inheritance must be compelled by the kings authoritie iustice going before to make satisfaction vnto the great procurator of Marienburgh with the summe of 838. nobles in lieu of certaine corne and graine which the foresaid Lord Henrie in the yeere 1403 bought and receiued of the said great procuratour for the vse of the castle of Zutberwik In testimonie and confirmation of all the which premisses the said Tedericus Lefardus and Iohn Crolow of their certaine knowledges haue put tâ—eir seales vnto these present letters indented in the presence of the aboue-named Richard Merlow Iohn Kington and William Askam commissioners for the behalfe of England Giuen at the Citie of London in England the fourth day of December in the yeere of our Lord 1409. Carta Henrici quarti Anno quinto regni sui concesâ—a mercatoribus Angliae in partibus Prussiae Daciae Norwegiae Swethiae Germaniae de gubernatore inter ipsos ibidem constituendo HEnricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae Dominus Hiberniae omnibus ad quos praesentes literae peruenerint salutem Sâ—iatis quod cum vt accepimus ob defectum boni sani regiminis gubernationis diuersa damna dissensiones grauamina angustiae inter mercatores Regni nostri Angliae in partibus Pruciae Daciae Norwegiae Hansae Swethiae commorâ—ntes saepius ante haec tempora mota fuissent perpetrata ac maiora exinde quod absit futuris temporibus verisimiliter euenire formidantur nisi pro meliori gubernatione inter eosdem mercatores mutuò habenda manus nostras adiutrices apponamus Nos damnis periculis in hac parte imminentibus praecauere eosdem Mercatores alios de dicto regno nostro ad partes praedictas venturos iuste fideliter regi pertractari intime desiderantes volumus tenore praesentium concedimus eisdem mercatoribus quod ipsi quoties quando eis placuerit in quodam loco competenti honesto vbi sibi placuerit se congregare vnire certas personas sufficientes idoneas in gubernatores suos in eisdem pattibus inter se ad eorum libitum eligere obtinere valeant libere impune
sword and he tooke their city which was very mighty seated vpon the sea which is called Ceuta in their language Confirmatio treugarum inter Regem Angliae Eduardum quartum Ioannem secundum Regem Portugalliae datarum in oppido montis Maioris 8 Februarij apud Westmonasterium 12 Septembris 1482 anno regni 22 Regis Eduardi quarti lingua Lusitanica ex opere sequenti excerpta Libro das obras de Garcia de Resende que tracta da vida è feitos del Rey dom Ioham secundo Embaixada que el Rey mandou à el Rey d' Inglaterra cap. 33. EDa qui de Monte Mor mandou el Rey por embaixadores à el rey dom Duarte de Inglaterra Ruy de Sousa pessoa principal è de muyto bon saber é credito de que el Rey muyto confiaua é ho doutor Ioam d' Eluas é Fernam de Pina por secretario E for am por mar muy honradamente com may boa companhia hos quaes foram en nome del Rey confirmar as ligas antiquas com Inglaterra que polla condisan dellus ho nouo Rey de hum reyno é do outro era obrigado à mandar confirmar é tambien pera mostrarem ho titolo que el rey tinha no senhorio de Guinee pera que depois de visto el rey d'Inglaterra defendesse em todos seus reynos que ninguen armassenem podesse mandar à Guinee é assi mandasse desfazer huna armada que pera laa faziam per mandado do Duque de Medina Sidonia hum Ioam Tintam é bum Guilherme Fabiam Ingreses Com ha qual embaixada el rey d' Inglaterra mostrou receber grande contentamento é foy delle com muyta honra recebida é em tudo fez inteiramente ho que pellos embaixadores Ibe foy requerido De que elles trouxeran autenticas escrituras das diligencias que con pubricos pregones fizeram é assi as prouisones das aprouasones que eran necessarias é com tudo muyto ben acabado é ha vontade del rey se vieram The Ambassage which king Iohn the second king of Portugall sent to Edward the fourth king of England which in part was to stay one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men from proceeding in a voyage which they were preparing for Guinea 1481 taken out of the booke of the workes of Gracias de Resende which intreateth of the life and acts of Don Iohn the second king of Portugall Chap. 33. ANd afterwards the king sent as Ambassadours from the towne of Monte maior to king Edward the fourth of England Ruy de Sonsa a principall person and a man of great wisedome and estimation and in whom the king reposed great trust with doctor Iohn d'Eluas and Ferdinand de Pina as secretarie And they made their voyage by sea very honourably being very well accompanied These men were sent on the behalfe of their king to confirme the ancient leagues with England wherein it was conditioned that the new king of the one and of the other kingdome should be bound to send to confirme the olde leagues And likewise they had order to shew and make him acquainted with the title which the king held in the segneury of Ginnee to the intent that after the king of England had seene the same he should giue charge thorow all his kingdomes that no man should arme or set foorth ships to Ginnee and also to request him that it would please him to giue commandement to dissolue a certaine fleet which one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men were making by commandement of the duke of Medina Sidonia to goe to the aforesayd parts of Ginnee With which ambassage the king of England seemed to be very well pleased and they were receiued of him with very great honour and he condescended vnto all that the ambassadours required of him at whose hands they receiued authenticall writings of the diligence which they had performed with publication thereof by the heralds and also prouisoes of those confirmations which were necessary And hauing dispatched all things well and with the kings good will they returned home into their countrey A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of the English Marchants to the Canarie-ilands gathered out of an olde ligier booke of M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a worshipfull marchant of the city of Bristoll IT appeareth euidently out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance in the custody of me Richard Hakluyt written by M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a principall marchant of Bristoll to his friend and factour Thomas Midnall and his owne seruant William Ballard at that time resident at S. Lucar in Andeluzia that in the yeere of our Lord 1526 and by all circumstances and probabilities long before certaine English marchants and among the rest himselfe with one Thomas Spacheford exercised vsuall and ordinary trade of marchandise vnto the Canarie Ilands For by the sayd letter notice was giuen to Thomas Midnall and William Ballard aforesayd that a certaine ship called The Christopher of Cadiz bound for the West Indies had taken in certaine fardels of cloth both course and fine broad and narrow of diuers sorts and colours some arouas of packthreed sixe cerons or bagges of sope with other goods of M. Nicolas Thorne to be deliuered at Santa Cruz the chiefe towne in Tenerifa one of the seuen Canary-ilands All which commodities the sayd Thomas and William were authorised by the owner in the letter before mentioned to barter sell away at Santa Cruz. And in lieu of such mony as should arise of the sale of those goods they were appointed to returne backe into England good store of Orchell which is a certaine kinde of mosse growing vpon high rocks in those dayes much vsed to die withall some quantity of sugar and certaine hundreds of kid-skinnes For the procuring of which and of other commodities at the best and first hand the sayd Thomas and William were to make their abode at Santa Cruz and to remaine there as factours for the abouesayd M. Nicolas Thorne And here also I thought good to signifie that in the sayd letters mention is made of one Thomas Tison an English man who before the foresayd yere 1526 had found the way to the West Indies and was there resident vnto whom the sayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent certaine armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd A description of the fortunate Ilands otherwise called the Ilands of Canaria with their strange fruits and commodities composed by Thomas Nicols English man who remained there the space of seuen yeeres together MIne intent is particularly to speake of the Canaria Ilands which are seuen in number wherein I dwelt the space of seuen yeres and more because I finde such variety in sundry writers and especially great vntruths in a booke called The New found world Antarctike set out by a French man called Andrew Theuet the which
and cary away his barks and Carauels was content to suffer vs there quietly to tary and likewise to depart and neuer charged vs with one Canon-shot And when our Generall sent him worde that hee was there ready to exchange certaine bullets with him the marques refused his chalenge sending him word that he was not then ready for him nor had any such Commission from his King Our Generall thus refused by the Marques and seeing no more good to be done in this place thought it conuenient to spend no longer time vpon this coast and therefore with consent of the chiefe of his Company he shaped his course toward the Isles of the Açoâ—es and passing towards the Isle of Saint Michael within 20. or 30. leagues thereof it was his good fortune to meete with a Portugale Carak called Sant Philip being the same shippe which in the voyage outward had caried the 3. Princes of Iapan that were in Europe into the Indies This Carak without any great râ—sistance hee tooke bestowing the people thereof in certaine vessels well furnished with victuals and sending them courteously home into their Countrey and this was the first Carak that euer was taken comming foorth of the East Indies which the Portugals tooke for an euil signe because the ship bare the Kings owne name The riches of this prize seemed so great vnto the whole Company as in trueth it was that they assured themselues euery man to haue a sufficient reward for his trauel and thereupon they all resolued to returne home for England which they happily did and arriued in Plimouth the same Sommer with their whole Fleete and this rich booty to their owne profite and due commendation and to the great admiration of the whole kingdome And here by the way it is to be noted that the taking of this Carak wrought two extraordinary effects in England first that it taught others that Caracks were no such bugs but that they might be taken as since indeed it hath fallen out in the taking of the Madre de Dios and fyreing and sinking of others and secondly in acquainting the English Nation more generally with the particularities of the exceeding riches and wealth of the East Indies whereby themselues and their neighbours of Holland haue bene incouraged being men as skilfull in Nauigation and of no lesse courage then the Portugals to share with them in the East Indies where their strength is nothing so great as heretofore hath bene supposed A Patent granted to certaine Marchants of Exeter and others of the West parts and of London for a trade to the Riuer of Senega and Gambra in Guinea 1588. ELlizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To our Treasurer and Admirall of England our Treasurer and Barons of our Exchequer and all and euery our Officers minâ—sters and subiects whatsoeuer greeting Whereas our welbeloued subiects William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicolas Spicer and Iohn Doricot of our City of Exeter marchants Iohn Yong of Coliton in our country of Deuon marchant Richard Doderige of Barnestable in our saide Countie of Deuon Marchant Anthonie Dassell and Nicolas Turner of our Citie of London Marchants haue bene perswaded and earnestly moued by certaine Portugals resident within our Dominions to vndertake and set forward a voyage to certaine places on the coast of Guinea Videlicet from the Northermost part of the Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega and from and within that Riuer all along that coast vnto the Southermost part of another Riuer commonly called by the name of Gambra and within that Riuer which as we are informed they haue already once performed accordingly And for that we are credibly giuen to vnderstand that the further prosecuting of the same voyage and the due and orderly establishing of an orderly trafique and trade of marchandize into those Countreis wil not only in time be very beneficial to these our Realmes and dominions but also be a great succour and reliefe vnto the present distressed estate of those Portugals who by our princely fauour liue and continue here vnder our protection And coÌ„sidering that the aduenturing and enterprising of a newe trade cannot be a matter of small charge and hazard to the aduenturers in the beginning we haue therefore thought it conuenient that our said louing subiects William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Yong Richard Doderige Anthonie Dassell and Nicholas Turner for the better incouragement to proceede in their saide aduenture and trade in the said Countreis shal haue the sole vse and exercise thereof for a certaine time In consideration whereof and for other waightie reasons and considerations vs specially moouing of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion we haue giuen and graunted and by these presents for vs our heires and successors doe giue and graunt vnto the said William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Young Richard Doderide Anthony Dassell and Nicholas Turner and to euery of them and to such other our Subiects as they or the most part of them shall thinke conuenient to receiue into their Company and society to be the traders with them into the said Countreis that they and euery of them by themselues or by their seruants or Factors and none others shall and may for and during the full space and terme of tenne yeeres next ensuing the date of these presents haue and enioy the free and whole trafique trade and feat of marchandise to and from the said Northermost part of the said Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega and from and within that Riuer all along the coast of Guinea vnto the Southermost part of the said Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Gambra and within that Riuer also And that they the said William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Yong Richard Doderige Anthony Dassel and Nicholas Turner euery of them by themselues or by their seruants or Factors such as they or the most part of them shall receiue into their Company and societie to be traders with them into the sayd Countreis as is aforesaid and none others shall and may for and during the said space and terme of 10. yeres haue and enioy the sole whole trafique or trade of marchandize into and from the said places afore limitted and described for the buying selling bartering and changing of and with any goods wares and marchandizes whatsoeuer to be vented had or found at or within any the cities townes or places situated or being in the countries parts coastes of Guinea before limitted any law statute or graunt matter custome or priuileges to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding And for the better ordering establishing gouerning of the said societie and Company in the said trade and trafique of marchandizes the quiet orderly lawfull exercise of the same We for vs our
Nations had those bright lampes of learning I meane the most ancient and best Philosophers Historiographers and Geographers to shewe them light and the loadsâ—arre of experience to wit those great exploits and voyages layed vp in store and recorded whereby to shape their course what great attempt might they not presume to vndertake But alas our English nation at the first setting foorth for their Northeasterne discouery were either altogether destitute of such cleare lights and inducements or if they had any inkling at all it was as misty as they found the Northren seas and so obscure and ambiguous that it was meet rather to deterre them then to giue them encouragement But besides the foresaid vncertaintie into what dangers and difficulties they plunged themselues Animus meminisse horret I tremble to recount For first they were to expose themselues vnto the rigour of the sterne and vncoâ—th Northren seas and to make triall of the swelling waues and boistrous winds which there commonly do surge and blow then were they to saile by the ragged and perilous coast of Norway to frequent the vnhaunted shoares of Finmark to double the dreadfull and misty North cape to beare with Willoughbies land to râ—n along within kenning of the Countreys of Lapland and Corelia and as it were to open and vnlocke the seuen-fold mouth of Duina Moreouer in their Northeasterly Nauigations vpon the seas and by the coasts of Condora Colgoieue Petzora Ioughoria Samoedia Noua Zembla c. and their passing and returne through the streits of Vaigatz vnto what drifts of snow and mountaines of yee euen in Iune Iuly and August vnto what hideous ouerfals vncertaine currents darke mistes and fogs and diuers other fearefull inconueniences they were subiect and in danger of I wish you rather to learne out of the voyages of sir Hugh Willoughbie Stephen Burrough Arthur Pet and the rest then to expect in this place an endlesse cataloque thereof And here by the way I cannot but highly commend the great industry and magnanimity of the Hollanders who within these few yeeres haue discouered to 78. yea as themselues affirme to â—1 degrees of Northerly latitude yet with this prouiso that our English nation led them the dance brake the yee before them and gaue them good leaue to light their candle at our â—orch But nowe it is high time for vs to weigh our ancre to hoise vp our sailes to get cleare of these boistrous frosty and misty seas and with all speede to direct our course for the milde lightsome temperate and warme Atlantick Ocean ouer which the Spaniards and Portugales haue made so many pleasant prosperous and golden voyages And albeit I cannot deny that both of them in their East and West Indian Nauigations haue indured many tempests dangers and shipwracks yet this dare I boldly affirme first that a great number of them haue satisfied their fame-thirsty and gold-thirsty mindes with that reputation and wealth which made all perils and misaduentures seeme tolerable vnto them and secondly that their first attempts which in this comparison I doe onely stand vpon were no whit more difficult and dangerous then ours to the Northeast For admit that the way was much longer yet was it neuer barred with yee miâ—â— or darknes but was at all seasons of the yeere open and Nauigable yea and that for the most part with fortunate and fit gales of winde Moreouer they had no forren prince to intercept or molest them but their owne Townes Islands and maine lands to succour them The Spaniards had the Canary Isles and so had the Portugales the Isles of the Açores of Porto santo of Madera of Cape veâ—d the castle of Mina the fruitfull and profitable Isle of S. Thomas being all of them conueniently situated and well fraught with commodities And had they not continuall and yerely trade in some one part or other of Africa for getting of slaues for sugar for Elephants teeth graines siluer gold and other precious wares which serued as allurements to draw them on by little and litle and as proppes to stay them from giuing ouer their attempts But nowe let vs leaue them and returne home vnto our selues In this first Volume friendly Reader besides our Northeasterne Discoueries by sea and the memorable voyage of M. Christopher Hodson and M. William Burrough Anno 1570. to the Narue wherein with merchants ships onely they tooke fiue strong and warrelike ships of the Freebooters which lay within the sound of Denmark of purpose to intercept our English Fleete besides all these I say thou maiest find here recorded to the lasting honor of our nation all their long and dangerous voyages for the aduauncing of traffique by riuer and by land to all parts of the huge and wide Empire of Russia as namely Richard Chanceler his first fortunate arriuall at Newnox his passing vp the riuer of Dwina to the citie of Vologda for the space of 1100. versts and from thence to Yaruslaue Rostoue Peraslaue and so to the famous citie of Mosco being 1500. versts trauell in all Moreouer here thou hast his voiage penned by himselfe which I hold to be very authentical for the which I do acknowledge my selfe beholding vnto the excellent Librarie of the right honorable my lord Lumley wherein he describeth in part the state of Russia the maners of the people and their religion the magnificence of the Court the maiestie power and riches of the Emperour and the gracious entertainment of himselfe But if he being the first man and not hauing so perfect intelligence as they that came after him doeth not fullie satisfie your expectation in describing the foresayd countrey and people I then referre you to Clement Adams his relation next following to M. Ienkinsons discourse as touching that argument to the smooth verses of M. George Turberuile and to a learned and excellent discourse set downe pag. 475. of this volume and the pages following Vnto all which if you please you may adde Richard Iohnsons strange report of the Samoeds pag. 283. But to returne to our voyages performed within the bounds of Russia I suppose among the rest that difficult iourney of Southam and Sparke from Colmogro and S. Nicholas Baie vp the great riuer of Onega and so by other riuers and lakes to the citie of Nouogrod velica vpon the West frontier of Russia to be right woorthy of obseruation as likewise that of Thomas Alcock from Mosco to Smolensko and thence to Tirwill in Polonia pag. 304. that also of M. Hierome Horsey from Mosco to Vobsko and so through Liefland to Riga thence by the chiefe townes of Prussia and Pomerland to Rostok and so to Hamburg Breme Emden c. Neither hath our nation bene contented onely throughly to search into all parts of the Inland and to view the Northren Southerne and Westerne frontiers but also by the riuers of Moscua Occa and Volga to visite Cazan and Astracan the farthest Easterne and Southeasterne bounds of that huge Empire
quem vt credo iam obsederunt per duodecem annos qui viriliter restiterunt multos Tartaros nobiles occiderunt Alia autem castra ciuitates quae talem siâ—um non habent debent fortiter vallari foueiâ— profundis munitis muris bene praeparatis arcus sagittas sufficientes lapides ac fundas debent habere Et debent diligenter cauere quod non permittant Tartaros ponere machinas suas suis machinis debent eos repellere Et si forte aliquo ingenio vel arte eâ—igunt Tartari machinas suas debent eas destruere machinis suâ—s si posâ—unt Balistis etiam fundis machinis debentre sistere ne ciuitati appropinquent Alià s etiam debent esse parati vt superius dictum est De castris ciuitatibus quae sunt in fluminibus positae diligenter debent videre ne possint submergiâ— Sed ad hoc scienduÌ„ est quod Tartari plus diligunt quod homines claudant se in ciuitatibus quà m quod pugnent cuÌ„ eis in campo Dicunt enim eos esse suos porcellos in hara conclusoâ— Vnde ponunt eis custodes vt supradictuÌ„ est Si auteÌ„ aliqui Tartari de equis suis in bello proijciuntur statim sunt capiendi quia cum sunt in terra fortiter sagittant equos homines vulnerant occidunt Et si seruantur tales potest esse quod habeatur pro eis pax perpetua aut pecunia magna redimantur quoniaÌ„â—e adinuicem satis diligunt Sed quomodo Tartari cognoscantur superius dictum est vbi forma eorum fuit expressa Tamen quando capiuntur si debent seruari ne fugiant diligens est custodia adhibenda Sunt etiaÌ„ aliae mulâ—e gentes cuÌ„ eis quae per formaÌ„ superius annotataÌ„ possunt ab ipsis cognosci Est etiam hoc sciendum quod multi in exercitu eorum sunt qui si viderent tempus habereÌ„t fiduciam quod nostri non occiderent eos ex omni parte exercitus sicut ipsimet nobis dixerunt pugnarent cuÌ„ eis plura mala facerent ipsis quà m alij qui sunt eorum aduersarij manifesti THe long and wonderful voyage of Frier Iohn de Plano Carpini sent ambassadour by Pope Innocentius the iiii An. Do. 1246. to the great CAN of Tartaria wherin he passed through Bohemia Polonia Russia and so to the citie of Kiow vpon Boristhenes and from thence rode continually post for the space of siâ—e moneths through Comania ouer the mighty and famous riuers of Tanais Volga and Iaic through the countries of the people called Kangittae Bisermini Kara-Kitay Naimani so to the natiue countrie of the Mongals or Tartars situate in the extreme Northeasterne partes of all Asia and thence backe againe the same way to Russia and Polonia and so to Rome spending in the whole voyage among the sayd Tartars one whole yeere aboue foure moneths Taken out of the 32. booke of Vincentius Beluacensis his Speculum historiale LIBRI XXXII De prima missione Fratrum Praedicatorum Minorum ad Tartaros Cap. 2. HOc etiam teÌ„pore misit Innocentius IIII. Papa Fr. AscelinuÌ„ de ordine PraedicatoruÌ„ cuÌ„ tribus alijs Fratribus auctoritate qua fungebantur de diuersis ordinis sui conuentibus sibi associatis cum literis Apostolicis ad exercituÌ„ TartaroruÌ„ in quibus hortabatur eos vt ab hominuÌ„ strage desisterent fidei veritateÌ„ reciperent Et ego quideÌ„ ab vno Fratrum PraedicatoruÌ„ videlicet à Fr. Simone de S. Quintino iam ab illo itinere regresso gesta TartaroruÌ„ accepi illa duntaxat quae superius per diuersa loca iuxta congruentiaÌ„ temporuÌ„ huic opeâ—i inserui SiquideÌ„ eo tempore quidaÌ„ Frater ordinis MinoruÌ„ videlicet Fr. Iohannes de Plano carpini cum quibusdam alijs missus fuit ad Tartaros qui etiam vt ipse testatur per annum quatuor menses amplius cum eis mansit inter eos ambulauit A summo namque Pontifice mandatuÌ„ vt omnia quae apud eos erant diligenter scrutaretur acceperat tam ipse quà m Fr. Benedictus Polonus eiusdem ordinis qui suae tribulationis particeps socius erat Et hic ergo Fr. Ioannes de â—is quae apud Tartaros vel oculis proprijs vidit vel à Christianis fide dignis qui inter illos captiui erant audiuit libellum historialem conscripsit qui ipse ad manus nostras peruenit De quo etiam hîc quasi per epilogum inserere libet aliqua videlicet ad supplementum eorum quae de sunt in praedicta Fr. Simonis historia De situ qualitate terrae Tartarorum Cap. 3. Iohannes de Plano Carpini ESt in partibus Orientis terra quae Mongal siue Tartaria dicitur in ea scilicet parte sita in qua Oriens Aquiloni coniungi creditur Ab Oriente quidem habet terram Kythaorum etiam Solangorum à meridie verò terraÌ„ Sarracenorum Inter OrienteÌ„ meridiem terram Huynorum ab Occidente prouinciam Naymanorum ab Aquilone verò circundatur Oceano In parte aliqua nimium est montuosa in aliqua campestris sed tota ferè admixta glarea plurimum arenosa nec est in centesima parte fructuosa Nec enim potest fructum poâ—tare nisi aquis fluuialibus irrigetur que ibi sunt raâ—issime Vnde nec ville nec alique ciuitates ibideÌ„â—eperiuntur excepta vna quae Cracuâ—m appellatur satis bona esse dicitur Nos quidem illam non vidimus sed ad dimidiam dietam prope fuimus cùm apud Syram ordam quae curia maior Imperatoris eorum est essemus Licet autem aliâs infructifera sit illa terra tamen alendis peâ—oribus est apta In aliqua eius parte sunt alique syluae modicae alia verò sine lignis est omninò Itaque tam Imperator quà m Principes omnes alij sedent cibaria sua decoquunt ad focum de boum equorum stercoribus factum Ipse quoque aer inordinatus est ebidem mirabiliter In media siquidem aestate ibi tonitrua magna fulgura fiunt ex quibus plurimi occiduntur homines eodem quoque tempore cadunt ibidem maxime niues Sunt ibi ventorum frigidissimorum tam maxime tempestates quòd aliquando vix posâ—unâ— equitare homines Vnde cùm ante ordam essemus sic enim apud eos stationes Imperatoris Principum appellantur prae ventimagnitudine interra prostrati iacebamus videre propter pulueris magnitudineÌ„ minimè poteramus Nunquam ibi pluit in hyeme sed frequenter in aestate tam modicum vt vix posset aliquando puluerem radicem graminum madefacere Ibi quoque maxima grando cadit saepè Vnde cùm Imperator electus in sede regni debuit poni
Neither doth Bathy at any time drinke nor any other of the Tartarian princes especially being in a publique place but they haue singing and minstrilsie before them And alwaies when hee rides there is a canopie or small tent caried ouer his head vpon the point of a iaueline And so doe all the great princes of the Tartars their wiues also The sayd Bathy is courteous euough vnto his owne men and yet is hee had in great awe by them he is most cruel in fight he is exceedingly prudent and politique in warre because he hath now continued a long time in martiall affaires How departing from Bathy they passed through the land of Comania and of the Kangittae Chap. 23. MOreouer vpon Easter euen we were called vnto the tent and there came forth to meete vs the foresaid agent of Bathy saying on his masters behalfe that we should go into their land vnto the Emperor Cuyne deteining certaine of our company with this pretence that they would send them backe vnto the Pope to whom we gaue letters of al our affaires to deliuer vnto him But being come as farre as duke Montij aforesaid there they were kept vntill our returne Upon Easter day hauing said our praiers and taken a slender breakfast in the company of two Tartars which were assigned vnto vs by Corensa we departed with many teares not knowing whether we went to death or to life And we were so feeble in bodie that we were scarce able to ride For all that Lent through our meat was Millet onely with a little water and salte And so likewise vpon other fasting dayes Neither had we ought to drinke but snowe melted in a skillet And passing through Comania we rode most earnestly hauing change of horses fiue times or oftener in a day except when we went through deserts for then we were allowed better and stronger horses which could vndergoe the whole labour And thus farre had we trauailed from the beginning of Lent vntill eight dayes after Easter The land of Comania on the North side immediately after Russia hath the people called Morduyni Byleri that is Bulgaria magna the Bastarci that is Hungaria magna next vnto the Bastarci the Parositae and the Samogetae Next vnto the Samogetae are those people which are sayd to haue dogges faces inhabiting vpon the desert shores of the Ocean On the South side it hath the Alani the Circassi the Gazari Greece and Constantinople also the land of Iberia the Cathes the Brutaches who are said to be Iewes shauing their heads all ouer the landes also of Scythia of Georgia of Armenia of Turkie On the West side it hath Hungaria and Russia Also Comania is a most large and long countrey The inhabitantes whereof called Comani the Tartars slewe some notwithstanding fled from them and the rest were subdued vnder their bondage But most of them that fled are returned againe Afterward wee entred the lande of the Kangitâ—ae which in many places hath great scarcetie of waters wherin there are but fewe inhabitants by reason of the foresayd defect of water For this cause diuers of the seruants of Ieroslaus duke of Russia as they were traueiling towards him into the land of Tartaria died for thirst in that desert As before in Comania so likewise in this countrey wee found many skulles and bones of dead men lying vpon the earth like a dunghill Through this countrey we were traueiling from the eight day after Easter vntill Ascension day The inhabitants therof were Pagans and neither they nor the Comanians vsed to till the ground but liued onely vpon cattell neither built they any houses but dwelled in tents These men also haue the Tartars rooted out and doe possesse and inhabite their countrey howbeit those that remained are reduced into their bondage How they came vnto the first court of the new Emperour Chap. 24. MOreouer out of the land of the Kangittae we entered into the countrey of y e Bisermini who speake the language of Comania but obserue the law of the Saracens In this countrey we found innumerable cities with castles ruined many towns left desolate The lord of this country was called Soldan Altâ— who with al his progenie was destroyed by the Tartars This country hath most huge mountains On the South side it hath Ierusalem and Baldach and all the whole countrey of the Saracens In the next territories adioyning doe inhabite two carnall brothers dukes of the Tartars namely Burin and Cadan the sonnes of Thyaday who was the sonne of Chingis Can. On the North side thereof it hath the land of the blacke Kythayans and the Ocean In the same countrie Syban the brother of Bathy remaineth Through this countrie we were traueiling from the feast of Ascension vntil eight daies before the feast of S. Iohn Baptist. And then we entred into the land of the blacke Kythayans in which the Emperour built an house where we were called in to drinke Also the Emperours deputy in that place caused the chiefe men of the citie and his two sonnes to daunce before vs. Departing from hence wee founde a certaine small sea vpon the shore whereof stands a little mountaine In which mountaine is reported to be a hole from whence in winter time such vehement tempests of winds doe issue that traueilers can scarcely and with great danger passe by the same way In summer time the noise in deede of the winde is heard there but it proceedeth gently out of the hole Along the shores of the foresaid sea we trauailed for the space of many dayes which although it bee not very great yet hath it many islandes and wee passed by leauing it on our left hande In this lande dwelleth Ordu whome wee sayde to bee auncient vnto all the Tartarian dukes And it is the Orda or court of his faher which hee inhabiteth and one of his wiues beareth rule there For it is a custome among the Tartars that the Courts oâ— Princes or oâ— noble men are not dissolued but alwayes some women are appointed to keepe and gouerne them vpon whom certain gifts are bestowed in like sort as they are giuen vnto their Lords And so at length we arriued at the first court of the Emperour wherein one of his wiues dwelt Howe they came vnto Cuyne himselfe who was forthwith to be chosen Emperour Chap. 25. BUt because we had not as yet seene the Emperour they would not inuite vs nor admit vs into his Orda but caused good attendance and entertainement after the Tartars fashion to be giuen vnto vs in our owne tent and they caused vs to stay there and to refresh our selues with them one day Departing thence vpon the euen of Saint Peter and Saint Paul wee entered into the land of the Naymani who are Pagans But vpon the very feast day of the saide Apostles there fel a mightie snowe in that place and wee
Giuen in our castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our Lord 1398 and vpon the 22. day of February Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital at Ierusalem A briefe relation of VVilliam Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their ambassages into Prussia and the Hans-townes IN primis that in the moueth of Iuly and in the yeare of our Lord 1403 and the fift yeare of the reigne of our souereigne Lord the king that nowe is there came into England the ambassadours of the mighty lord Fr Conradus de lungingen being then Master general of Prussia with his letters directed vnto our foresayd souereigne lord the king requiring amends and recompense for certaine iniuries vniustly offered by English men vnto the subiects of the sayd Master generall written in 20. articles which amounted vnto the summe of 19120. nobles and a halfe c. Item that the third day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our Lord aboue written and in the fift yere of the reigne of our soueraigne lord the king between the reuerend father in God Henrie then bishop of Lincolne lord chancelor and William lord de Roos high treasurer of England on the one party and the sayd ambassadours on the other party it was according to their petition amongst other things ordayned namely that the liege people of our soueraigne lord the king should freely he permitted vntill the feast of Easter then next after ensuing to remaine in the land of Prussia and from thence with their goods marchandises to returne vnto their own home and also that the subiects of the sayd Master generall in the kingdome of England should haue licence and liberty to doe the like Prouided alwayes that after the time aboue limitted neither the English marchants in the land of Prussia nor the Prussian marchaÌ„ts in the realme of England should vse any traffique of marchandise at all vnlesse in the meane space it were otherwise agreed and concluded by the sayd king and the sayd Master general Item immediately after our sayd soueraigne lord the king sent his letters by Iohn Browne marchant of Lin vnto the foresayd Master generall for to haue mutuall conuersation and intercourse of dealing to continue some certain space betweene the marchants of England and of Prussia promising in the same letters that he would in the meane season send vnto the foresayd Master his ambassadors to intreat about the pretended iniuries aforesaid which letters the foresayd Master for diuers causes refused to yeelde vnto as in his letters sent vnto our lord the king bearing date the 16. day of the moneth of Iuly in the yeare of our lord 1404. more plainely appeareth Item that after the receit of the letters of the Master aforesaid which are next aboue mentioned our sayd king according to his promise sent William Esturmy knight M. Iohn Kington câ—erke and William Brampton citizen of London from his court of parliament holden at Couentrie very slightly informed as his ambassadours into Prussia Item before the arriuall of the sayd ambassadours in Prussia all intercourse of traffique betweene the English and the Prussians in the realme of England and in the land of Prussia was altogether restrained and prohibited and in the same land it was ordayned and put in practise that in whatsoeuer porte of the land of Prussia any English marchant had arriued with his goods he was not permitted to conueigh the sayd goods out of that porte vnto any other place of the land of Prussia either by water or by lande vnder the payne of the forfeiting of the same but was enioyned to sell them in the very same porte vnto the Prussians onely and to none other to the great preiudice of our English marchants Item that after the arriuall of the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia it was ordayned that from the eight day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our lord 1405 all English marchants whatsoeuer should haue free liberty to arriue with all kindes of their marchandise in whatsoeuer port of the land of Prussia and to make sale of them in the said land as hath heretofore from auncient times bene accustomed Also sundry other commodious priuiledges vnto the realme of England were then ordayned and established as in the indentures made for this purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item the said English ambassadours being arriued in the land of Prussia demanded of the â—aid Master generall a reformation and amends for the damages and iniuries offered by the Prussians vnto the liege people of our souereigne lord and king written in fifteene articles which losses amounted vnto the summe of 4535. nobles Item the said Master generall besides the articles exhibited vnto our soueraigne lord the king as it is aboue mentioned deliuered vnto the sayd ambassadours diuers other articles of certaine iniuries offered as he â—ayth vniustly by English men vnto his subiects which amounted vnto the summe of 5100. nobles Item it was afterward concluded that vpon the first of May next then insuing namely in the yeere of our Lord 1406 or within the space of one yeare immediatly following there should bee made a conuenâ—ent iust and reasonable satisfaction for all molestatious vniustly ofâ—â—red on both partes as well on the behalfe of our soueraigne lord the king as of the foresayd Master general Which satisfaction not being performed the Prussians with their goods marchandises within three moneths after the end of the sayd yere next following were without molestation or impediment enioined to depart out of the realme of England with their ships and goods and the English men likewise out of the territories and dominions of the said Master general both of them without any further admonition to abstaine separate themselues from both the countreis aforesayd For the performance of which premisses the ambassadors on both parts being sufficiently instructed were appointed to meete the first day of May at the towne of Dordract in Holland Item that the sayd William Esturmy and Iohn Kington in their returne homewards from Prussia towards England passed through the chiefe cities of the Hans and treated in such sorte with the Burgomasters of them that there were sent messengers and agents in the behalfe of the common society of the Hans marchants vnto the towne of Dordract to conferre with the ambassadors of England about the redressing of iniuries attempted on both parts where diuers agreements were set downe betweene the sayd ambassadors and messengers as in the indentures made for the same purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item that the meeting appointed at the towne of Dordract vpon the first of May was by the letters of the foresayd ambassadors proroged vnto the first of August then next ensuing and afterward by vertue of the kings letters vnto the first day of March next following and there was another day of prorogation also Item that after the prorogations aforesayd
Liuonia doe demaund restitution namely waxe and furres redounded vnto the vse and commoditie of our soueraigne lord the king And also our said soueraigne lord the king gaue commandement by his letters that some of the sayd goods should be deliuered vnto others And a great part of them is as yet reserued in the towne of Newcastle One Benteld also hath the best of the sayd three ships in possession Also it is reported and thought to be true that certaine Furriers of London which will be detected in the end haue had a great part of the sayd goods namely of the Furres Now as concerning the cities of the Hans IN primis the Hamburgers exhibited nine articles wherein they demaunded restitution for certaine damages offered as they sayd by the English men the value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 9117. nobles 20. pence For the which after due examination there was promised restitution to the summe of 416. nobles 5. shillings Besides the two articles propounded against theÌ„ of Scardeburg the summe wherof was 231. pounds 15. s. 8. d. coÌ„cerning the which there was sentence giuen in England by the coÌ„missioners of our lord the king the execution wherof was promised vnto the said Hamburgers by the ambassadors of England leaue and licence being reserued vnto the sayd Hamburgers of declaring or explaning certaine obscure articles by them exhibited which declaration was to be made at the feast of Easter then next to come or within one yeare next ensuing the said feast vnto the chancelor of England for the time being and of proouing the sayd articles and others also which haue not as yet sufficiently bene proued Which being done they are to haue full complement and execution of iustice Also by the Hamburgers there are demaunded 445. nobles from certaine of the inhabitants of Linne in England Which summe if it shal be prooued to be due vnto any English men the Hamburgers are to rest contented with those goods which they haue already in their possessions Item they of Breme propounded â—â—xe articles wherein the summe conteined amounteth vnto 4414. nobles And there was no satisfaction promised vnto them But the same libertie and licence was reserued vnto them in like maner as before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Stralessund propounded 23. articles wherof the summe amounted vnto 7415. nobles 20. d. for the which there was promised satisfaction of 253. nobles 3. q. Also here is a caueat to be obserued that they of Stralessund had of English mens goods a great summe particularly to be declared which will peraduenture suffice for a recompense And some of their articles are concerning iniuries offered before 20,22,23,24 yeres past Also their articles are so obscure that they will neuer or very hardly be able to declare or proue them Howbeit there is reserued the very same liberty vnto them that was before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Lubec propounded 23. articles the summe whereof extended vnto 8690. nobles and an halfe whereupon it was agreed that they should haue paied vnto them 550. nobles There was reserued the same libertie vnto them which was vnto the men of Stralessund Item they of Gripeswold exhibited 5. articles the summe whereof amounted vnto 2092. nobles and an halfe For the which there was promised satisfaction of 153. nobles and an half And the said men of Gripeswold haue of the goods of English men in possession to the value of 22015. nobles 18. s as it is reported by them of Linne And the same libertie is reserued vnto them that was vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Campen propounded ten articles the summe whereof extended vnto 1405. nobles There is no satisfaction promised vnto them but the same liberty is reserued vnto them which was vnto the other abouementioned Item the ambassadors of England demanded of the citizens of Rostok Wismer for damages iniuries by them committed against the subiects of the foresayd souereigne king 32407. nobles 2. s. 10. d. And albeit euery of the foresayd cities sent one of their burgomasters vnto the towne of Hage in Holland to treat with the English ambassadours it was in the end found out that they had not any authority of negotiating or concluding ought at al. And therfore they made their faithfull promises that euery of the said cities should send vnto our soueraigne Lord the king one or two procurator or procurators sufficiently instructed to treat conclude with our said souereigne lord the king about the damages and iniuries aforesaid at the feast of the nauitie of Saint Iohn the Baptist. Compositions and ordinances concluded between the messengers of Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia and the chancelor and treasurer of the realme of England 1403. IN the yere of our Lord 1403 vpon the feast of S. Michael the Archangel the right hono Henrie bishop of Lincoln chancelor of England and the lord de Roos high treasurer of England the ambassadors of Prussia Iohn Godek of Dantzik Henry Monek of Elbing masters of the same cities haue at Westminster treated in maner of composition about the articles vnderwritten between the most souereigne lord the king of England and the right reuerend honorable Conradus de Iungingen Master general of Prussia as concerning the iniuries offered vnto the people of Prussia and Liuonia vpon the sea by the English First that all ships with their appurtenances the commodities of the mariners according vnto the condition of the things and all other goods taken away by the English which are actually vndiuided whole are incontinently with al speed to bee restored And if there bee any defect in ought the value of the said defect is to be accounted with other losses of goods to be restored at the terme of the restitution to be made and deliuered Item that all ships damages and goods as they are conteined in our bill of accusation which are not now immediately restored are to be restored and payd in the land of Prussia between this and the terme appointed with full execution and complement of iustice Item concerning the persons throwen ouer boord or slaine in the sea it shall remayne to bee determined at the will and pleasure of the most mighty prince the king of England and of the right reuerend the Master of Prussia Item betwene this and the terme appointed for the restoring of the goods taken away vntill there be due payment restitution of the said goods performed the marchants of England and of Prussia are in no wise to exercise any traffique of marchandise at all in the foresaid lands Memorandum that the third day of the moneth of October in the yere of our Lord 1403. and in the fift yere of the reigne of the most mighty prince and lord king Henrie the fourth by the grace of God king of England and France c. betweene the reuerend father Henrie bishop of Lincolâ— chancelor and the
statutes ordinations and prohibitions al English marchants whatsoeuer resorting vnto the land of Prussia must be firmely bounden and subiect Also it is ordained that whatsoeuer sale-clothes are already transported or at any time hereafter to bee transported out of England into Prussia by the English marchants and shall there be offered to bee solde whether they be whole cloathes or halfe cloathes they must containe both their endes Lastly that the matters aboue-mentioned fall not short and voyde of their wished effect the treaty and conference about all and singular damages and grieuances whereof there is not as yet done but there must be by the vertue of these presents performed a reformation and amendment must be continued and proroged vntill the first of May next ensuing as by these presents they are continued and proroged with the continuation of the dayes then immediately following at the towne of Dordract aforesaide at the which time and place or at other times and places in the meane space as occasion shall serue by both parties to be limited and assigned or else within oue yeere after the said first day of the moneth of May next ensuing bee expired the hurt and damaged parties generally before-mentioned shall haue performed vuto them a conuenient iust and reasonable reformation on both partes Prouided alwayes if within the terme of the saide yeere some conuenient iust and reasonable reformation bee not performed vnto the parties iniuried and endamaged which are generally aboue mentioned that then within three whole moneths after the foresaid yere shall expired the Prussians shall depart out of the realmes and dominions of the saide Soueraigne Lorde the king of England together with their marchandize and with other goods which they shal haue gotten or bought within the space of the foresaide three moneths and that the English men also are likewise in all respects bounden to auoid and no lawfull impediment hindering them to withdrawe themselues and to depart out of the territories and dominions of the saide Master generall without all molestation◠perturbation and impediment whatsoeuer none other intimation or admonition being necessarie in this regard Howbeit least that by the robberies and piracies of some insolent and peruerse people matter should be ministred vnto the said lord the Master generall of swaruing from the faithfull obseruation of the foresaide agreements or which God forbid any occasion bee giuen him of not obseruing them it is also decreed by the often aboue mentioned Ambassadours and messengers that if the goods and marchandize of any of the saide lorde Master generall his subiectes whatsoeuer shall be from hencefoorth vniustly taken vpon the Sea by any English Pirates and shal be caried into the realme of England and there receiued that the Gouernours and keepers of portes and of other places with whatsoeuer names they be called at the which portes and places such marchandises and goods shall chaunce to arriue beeing onely informed of the saide goods and marchandises by sole report or other proofes wanting by probable suspition are bound to arrest and to keep them in safe custodie fauourably to be restored vnto the owners therof whensoeuer they shall be lawfully demaunded which if they shall omit or deny to performe from thenceforth the saide gouernours and keepers are bound to make vnto the parties endamaged a recompease of their losses And for fault of iustice to be executed by the said gouernours and keepers our soueraign lord the king aboue named after he shall conueniently be requested by the parties damnified is bound within three moneths next ensuing all lawfull impediments being excepted to make correspondent iust and reasonable satisfaction vnto the saide parties endamaged Otherwise that it shal be right lawfull for the saide lorde the Master generall to arrest and after the arrest to keepe in safe custodie the goods of the English marchants being in the land of Prussia to the condigne satisfaction of such iniuries as haue bene offered vnto his subiects vntill his said subiects be iustly and reasonably contented Likewise also in all respects the same iustice is to be done vnto the English by the said Lord the Master generall and his subiects in Prussia euen as it hath bene enacted and decreed in the aboue written clause beginning Caeterum ne per c. In English Howbeit least that c. for the said Master general and his subiects by the foresaide ambassadors of England and the commissioners of the said lord the Master generall that in like cases iustice ought to be administred on the behalfe of himselfe and of his subiects in the realme of England And that all and singular the couenants aboue written may in time to come by the parties whom they concerne firmly and inuiolably be obserued the forenamed ambassadors messengers and commissioners all and euery of them for the full credite probation and testimonie of all the premisses haue vnto these present Indentures made for the same purpose caused euerie one of their seales with their owne hands to be put One part of the which indentures remaineth in the custodie of the English ambassadors and the other part in the hands of the commissioners of Prussia Giuen at the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia in the yeere of our Lorde 1405. vpon the 8. day of the moneth of October An agreement made betweene King Henrie the fourth and the common societie of the Marchants of the Hans THis Indenture made betweene the honourable Sir William Esturmy knight and Iohn Kington clearke procurators messengers and commissioners sufficiently deputed and authorized by the most mighty Prince Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland for the performation of y e things vnder written on the one part the hon personages M. Henry Vredeland M. Riman Salum chief notaries Thederic Knesuolt secretary M. Simō Clouesten chief notary and Iohn Zotebotter citizen being sufficiently made and ordained procurators and messengers on the behalfe of the cities of Lubec Bremen Hamburg Sund and Gripeswold for the demanding obtaining seuerally of due reformation and recompense at the hands of our saide souereigne lord the king and of his messengers and commissioners aforesayde for all iniuries damages grieuances and manslaughters any wayes vniustly done and offred seuerally by the liege people and subiects of our soueraigne lord the king vnto the common societie of the marchants of the Hans and vnto any of the Citizens people and inhabitants of the cities aforesaide whatsoeuer on the other part Witnesseth That betweene all and euery of the saide Procurators messengers and Commissioners by vertue of the authoritie committed vnto them it hath bene and is appointed concluded and decreed that the liege marchants and subiects of our said soueraigne lord the king and the marchants of the common societie of the Dutch Hans aforesaide from hencefoorth for one whole yeere and seuen moneths immediately next ensuing and following shal be permitted and licenced friendly freely and securely to exercise mutual traffike
and like marchants to buy sell together one of and vnto another euen as in times past namely in the yeere 1400. and before that time also they haue bin accustomed to exercise mutuall traffike and marchandiseâ— and to buy and sell. Also the saide William and Iohn agreed and consented that they themselues or some other perhaps to be appointed in this behalfe by their saide lord the king in their stead shall vpon the first day of the moneth of May next to come with the continuation of the dayes following at the towne of Dordract in Holland or vpon any other terme or termes then perhaps to bee limited competently satisfie and performe conuenient recompence vnto the saide common societie citizens people and inhabitants of the cities aforesaide and also of other cities townes and villages of theâ— Hans of and for all iniuries damages grieuances and drownings or manslaughters done and committed as they alleage against them deliuered and exhibited in written articles vnto the aboue named William and Iohn or els heereafter to bee deliuered and exhibited either by the same procurators or by some others which shall perhaps be authorized in their stead or by the messengers procurators and commissioners of other cities townes and places of the Hans in equall and like maner and forme euen as at the saide terme limited or then perhaps to be proroged there is appointed by the said William and Iohn reparation reformation and recompence vnto the inhabitants of Prussia and Liuonia for the iniuries damages and grieuances uniustly done and committed against them by the liege people and subiects of the saide soueraigne lord the king in the presence of the mightie lord the Master general of Prussia in his land of Prussia as in certain letters indented bearing date in the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia the eight day of the moneth of October in the yeere of our lord 1405. and being made and written about the reparation reformation and recompence of such like iniuries c. the tenour whereof ought here to be vnderstood as if it were inserted it is more manifestly contained It was furthermore promised by the said William and Iohn that they should not inforce nor compell the citizens people or inhabitants of the common society of the Hans or of the aboue named cities or of any other cities of the Hans aforesaid hauing receiued sufficient information of their dwelling and place of abode to more difficult or district proofes of their Articles of complaints alreadie exhibited and in the foresaide termes to come to bee exhibited then vnto the inhabitants of the lands of Prussia and Liuonia according to the forme of the Indentures aboue mentioned Moreouer the saide William and Iohn doe promise that so soone as they shall come into the kingdome of England and before the presence of their king they shall prouide that all and singular the priuiledges graunted vnto the marchants of the saide Hans by the renowmed kings of England and confirmed by the said Soueraigne lord the king that now is must according to al their contents be inuiolably obserued by the said soueraigne king and his subiects and also that from henceforth nothing is vniustly to be attempted vpon any occasion pretense or colour by the saide Soueraigne Prince and the inhabitants of the realme of England to the preiudice of the sayde priuiledges They shall prouide also that all things heretofore attempted and practised against the saide priuiledges shall by reasonable amendement and iust reformation vtterly be abolished But if after the date of these presents which God forfend within the space of the said one yere and seuen moneths prescribed any damages iniuries or grieuances in ships goods or persons should either by the English and the inhabitants of England be vniustly inflicted vpon the cities and marchants of the cities townes and places of the Hans aforesaid or by any marchants or others of the cities or townes of the saide Hans either vnto the English or vnto any of the inhabitants of that Realme vpon any fained pretense whatsoeuer all and singular the foresaide messengers commissioners ambassadours and procurators haue promised that all such damages iniuries and molestations so inflicted by them who shall offer and commit them must bee reformed and amended after the very same forme and manner that in the like case reformation reparation and amends of iniuries damages and molestations committed by the English against them of Prussia is to be performed according vnto a certaine clause contained in the letters aboue mentioned which beginneth Ceterum ne per c. In English Howbeit least that c. continuing vnto that clause Et vt praescripta omnia c. In English And that all the couenants aboue written c. It was also concluded betweene the foresaide messengers commissioners and procurators and with one generall consent agreed vpon that if from the first day of the moneth of May next to come within one whole yeere following some conuenient iust and reasonable reformation be not performed vnto the parties iniuried and damnified generally aboue mentioned in regard of their damages molestations and iniuries then within three moneths after the saide yeere bee expired the marchants of the Hans cities aforesaid are bound without any molestation perturbation and impediment whatsoeuer none other intimation or admonition being necessarie in this behalfe to auoyde and if no lawfull impediment shall hinder them to abstaine and depart from the Realmes and dominions of the said Soueraigne king of England with their marchandize and other goods bought or gotten within the space of the saide three moneths and also the English likewise in all respects shall auoide abstaine and depart from the territories and dominions of the Hans cities aforesaide Also it was promised by the saide William and Iohn that at the terme appointed namely vpon the first of May next following or at some other terme or termes then limited or to bee limited there must be made a due recompense and a proportionall satisfaction for all those persons of the land of Prussia Liuonia and of the cities townes and other places of the Hans who haue vniustly bene drowned and slaine by the English and that according to the tenour of a certain schedule written concerning a recompense to be had in regarde of the saide persons drowned and slaine and presented vnto them by Albertus Rode consul of the citie of Thoren and by the forenamed procurators and messengers of the cities aforesaid they must faithfully and effectually to the vtâ—ost of their abilitie indeuour for the obtaining of the saide recompense and amends In witnesse whereof these letters of Indenture remaining in the possession of the saide William and Iohn the messengers procurators commissioners of England aforesaid and left in their custodie by the aboue named procurators and messengers Henrie Rimarus Thedericus Simon and Iohn Sotebotter of their certaine knowledge and assurance and for the full confirmation and testimonie of al the premisses the foresaid procurators
and messengers haue put to their seales Giuen in the towne of Dordract the 15. day of December in the yere of our Lord 1405. William Esturmy knight and Iohn Kington canon of Lincolne being in this behalfe sufficiently authorized and deputed as Ambassadours procurators messengers and commissioners by our said soueraigne lord the king namely in regard of the molestations iniuries and damages vniustly done and committed against the liege people and subiectes of the foresaide most excellent Prince and lord Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England France and Lord of Ireland by the commumalties of the cities of Wismer and Rostok vnderwritten their common couÌ„sel being assembled for the same purpose authorized also and as well closely as expresly maintained and ratified by the whole companie of the common society of the marchants of the Dutch Hans doe in this present diet at the towne of Hage situate in the countrey of Holland being appointed for the very same occasion demaund of you Syr Iohn de Aa knight and Hermannus Meyer deputies for the cities of Wismer and Rostok and sufficiently ordeined by authority requisite in this behalfe to be the procurators and messengers of the said cities that conuenient iust and reasonable satisfaction and recompense may certainely and effectually be done vnto the iniuried and endamaged parties who are specified in the articles vnder written Imprimis that about the feast of Easter in the yeere of our Lord 1394. Henry van Pomeren Godekin Michael Clays Sheld Hans Howfoote Peter Hawfoote Clays Boniface Rainbek and many others with them of Wismer and of Rostok being of the societie of the Hans tooke by maine force a ship of Newcastle vpon Tine called Godezere sailing vpon the Sea towards Prussia being of the burthen of two hundred tunnes and belonging vnto Roger de Thorneton Robert Gabiford Iohn Paulin and Thomas de Chester which ship together with the furnâ—ture thereof amounteth vnto the value of foure hundred pounds also the woollen cloth the red wine the golde and the summes of money contained in the said ship amounted vnto the value of 200. marks of English money moreouer they vniustly slew Iohn Patanson and Iohn Russell in the surprising of the shippe and goods aforesaide and there they imprisoned the sayde parties taken and to their vtter vndoing detayned them in prison for the space of three whole yeeres Item that in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine persons of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans their confederates robbed one Richard Horuse of Hull of diuers goods anyâ— marchandizes in a ship called the Shipper Berline of Prussia beeing then valued at 160. nobles Item that in the yeere of our Lorde 1395. Hans van Wethemonkule Clays Scheld Godekin Mighel and one called Strotbeker by force of armes and by the assistance of the men of Wismer and Rostok and others of the Hans did vpon the Sea neere vnto Norway wickedly and vniustly take from Iohn Tutteburie fiue pieces of ware foure hundred of werke and halfe a last of osmundes and other goods to the value of foure hundred seuentie sixe nobles Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1396. one Iohn van Derlowe Hans van Gelder and other their complices of the Hans villainously and vniustly tooke a shippe of William Terry of Hul called the Cogge with thirtie wollen broad clothes and a thousand narrow clothes to the value of 200. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1398. one Iohn van Derlowe Wilmer Hans van Gelder Clays Scheld Euerade Pilgrimson and diuers others of the Hans did vpon the Sea neere vnto Norway villainously and vniustly take a shippe of Iohn Wisedome of Hull called the Trinitie with diuers goods and marchandizes namely oyle waxe and werke to the value of 300. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lord 1399. one Clays Scheld and others aboue written of Wismer and Rostok with certaine others of the Hans their confederates wickedly and vniustly took from one William Pound marâ—hant of Hull two cakes of waxe to the value of 18. poundes out of the ship called the Hawkin Derlin of Dantzik Item in the yeere of our Lord 1394. one Goddekin Mighel Clays Scheld Storbiker and diuers others of Wismer and Rostok and of the Hans wickedly and vniustly tooke out of a ship of Elbing the master whereof was called Henry Puys of the goods and marchandizes of Henrie Wyman Iohn Topeliffe aud Henry Lakenswither of Yorke namely in werke waxe osmunds and bowstaues to the value of 1060. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans their confederats wickedly vniustly took out of a ship of Holland the master whereof was called Hinkensman 140. woollen clothes the price of one of the which clothes was eight nobles from Thomas Thester of Yorke and a chest with armour siluer and golde of the foresaid Thomas to the value of 9. pounds Item in the yere of our Lord 1393. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok and others their complices of the Hans wickedly and vniustly tooke from one Richard Abel of London woollen cloth greene cloth meale and fishes to the value of 133. li.6.s. Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1405. about the feast of S. Michael one Nicholas Femeer of Wismer marchant of the Hans with the assistance of other his complices of the Hans aforesaide wickedly and vniustly tooke from one Richard Morley citizen of London fiue lasts of herrings besides 32. pounds in the sea called Northsound Item in the yeere of our Lord 1398. about the moneth of September one Godekin Wisle and Gerard Sleyre of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans their confederats wickedly and vniustly took out of a ship of Prussia wherof the master was named Rorebek from Iohn Seburgh marchant of Colchester two packs of woollen cloth to the value of an 100. markes from Stephan Flispe and Iohn Plumer marchants of the same town two packs of woollen cloth to the value of 60. pounds from Robert Wight marchant of the same towne two packes of woollen cloth to the value of an 100. marks from William Munde marchant of the same town two fardels of woollen cloth worth 40 li from Iohn Dawe and Thomas Cornwaile marchants of the same towne three packs of woollen cloth worth 200. marks Moreouer they tooke and imprisoned certaine English men which were in the said ship namely William Fubborne seruant vnto Iohn Diere Thomas Mersh seruant vnto Robert Wight which Thomas paid for this ransome 20. nobles of English money William Munde marchant of the towne aforesaide which William by reason of the extremity of that imprisonment lost the sight of his eyes and Thomas Cornwaile marchant of the foresaide Towne which Thomas paide for his raunsome twentie nobles Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok vpon the coastes of Denmarke and Norway
goods be customed By meanes of the which sealing the foresaide parties doe compell the marchants aboue-named vpon an vse and custome whereof themselues haue bene the authors to paye a certaine summe of money to the great hinderance of the sayde marchants and coâ—trarie to iustice and to their charter Moreouer the saide customers haue ordained betweene themselues that the saide marchants shall put or make vp no cloâ—h iâ—to fardels to transport out of the realme vnlesse certaine mâ—n appointed by them for the same purpose bee there present to see what maner of clothes they bee vnder paine of the forfâ—iture of the saide goods Also of late when the sayde marchants would haue made vp such fardels the foresayde parties assigned to be ouerseers refused to come vnlesse they might haue for their comming some certaine summe of money delaying and procrastinating from day to day so long as themselues listed to the great losse and vndoing of the foresaide marchants and contrarie to their liberties because the foresaide customers are bound by their office to doe this without any contribution therefore to bee paide vnto them by the saide marchants for that they doe enioy from our soueraigne Lorde the King their fees and commodities to the ende that they may serue him and euery marchant iustly and faithfully without any contribution by them to be imposed anewe vpon the sayde marchants of custome Item the said marchants doe alleage that the customers bailifs of the town of Southhampton do compel them to pay for euery last of herrings pitch sope ashes brought thither by theÌ„ 2 s more then the kings custome and for ech hundreth of bowstaues boords called Waghenscot 2. d. for euery hundreth of boords called Richolt 4.d for al other marchandize brought by the foresaid marchants vnto the same towne which contributions they neuer paid at any time heeretofore being greatly to their hinderance and contrary to the tâ—nour of their Charter Item the foresaid marchants do alleage that one of their company called Albert Redewish of Prussia bringing diuers goods marchandizes vnto Newcastle vpon Tine there paying the vsual custom of 3.d in the pound for al his wares the bailifs of the saide towne against all reason exacted 7. pound sterling at his hands more then the custome whereupon the foresaide marchant got a briefe from the kings maiesty for the recouery of the said 7 li according to equity reason howbeit that at the comming of the said briefe the foresaid bailifes would do nothing on his behalfe but would haue slaine their foresaid associate contrary to their charter and priuiledges William Esturmy knight Iohn Kington canon of Lincolne being by y e most mighty prince lord L. Henry by Gods grace â— of England France lord of Ireland sufficiently deputed and appointed to parle treate agree w t the common society of y e marchants of the Hans of Dutchland or Almain concerning about the redressing reformation of vniust atteÌ„pts happening between our said soueraign L. the king his liege people subiects on the one part between the coÌ„mon society aforesaid the cities towns particular persons therof on the other part do for the behalf of our said souraign L. the king with a mind intention to haue al singular y e things vnderwritten to come to the knowledge of the said common society intimate declare make known vnto you hono sirs Henr. Westhoff citizen deputy of the city of Lubec Henry Fredelaw Ioh. van Berk citizen of Colen Mainard Buxtehude citizen deputy of the city of Hamburgh M. SimoÌ„ Clawsten clerk sir Iohn de Aa knight deputie of the citie of Rostok Herman Meyer deputy of the citie of Wismar being as the procuratorsâ— messengers commissioners of the foresaid cities assembled together at the town of Hage in Holland with y e forenamed Willâ— Iohn in regard of the foresaid redres reformation that euen as our said soueraign L. the king his meaning is not to disturb or hinder such priuiledges as haue bin heretofore granted vouchsafed vnto the coÌ„mon society of the marchaÌ„ts aforesaid by the renoumed kings of England the worthy progenitors of our L. the K. that now is by himself also vnder a certain form confirmed euen so he is determined without y e preiudice of forren lawes vpon iust mature and sober deliberation by his royall authoritie to withstand such priuiledges as by reason of the abuse thereofâ— haue bene infinitely preâ—â—diciall vnto himselfe and his subiects Inprimis the said ambassadours doe affirme as afore that whereas all and euery the Marchants of the said company as often as they would were both in the Realme of England and in other territories dominions subiect vnto our soueraigne lord the king admitted and suffered according to the tenor of the forenamed priuiledges granted vnto them freely friendly and securely to traffique and conuerse with any of his Maiesties liege people and subiects whatsoeuer or with other people of whatsoeuer nation liuing in the realme of England or in the dominions aforesaid the said common society of marchants by their publike deliberate common counsel did appoint ordain y t no society in any cities townes or places neither yet any particular man of any such society there being no lawfull or reasonable cause why shoulde in any wise admit any marchants of the realm of England resorting vnto their cities or other places for marchandise to enioy intercourse of traffike but that the saide English marchants should bee altogether excluded from all traffike and mutuall conuersation among them by denouncing and inflicting grieuous penalties of money as well vpon cities as other places and vpon particular marchants also of the foresaid societie practising the contrary Item that immediatly after the foresaid parties enacting and ordaining published their sayde statute and ordinance in all kingdomes prouinces partes cities and townes wherin any marchants of the said societie were conuersant Item that after that publication the statute and ordinance aforesaid by euery of the marchants of the forenamed society were inuiolably obserued Item that the said statute and ordinance hath bene so rigorously put in execution that whereas immediatly after certaine English marchants with their ships mariners and marchandize beeing in a cerâ—aine part of one of the principall cities of the foresaide societie vtterly destitute of meate drinke and money publikely offred to sell their wollen clothes of England onely to prouide themselues of necessary victuals yet the marchants of the saide citie sâ—outely persisting in their statute and ordinance aforesaid straightly prohibited the buying of such clothes vnchristianly denying meate and drinke vnto the said English marchants Item the foresaid society decreed and ordained that no marchant of the saide company should in any place or countrey whatsoeuer buy any woollen clothes of the realme or dominion of England albeit offered by others and not by English men or hauing bought any should after
probations vnder paine of perpetuall exclusion from the petition of those things which are contayned in the articles aboue mentioned Prouided alwayes that if at the last it shall be by lawfull proofes made manifest concerning the summes aboue written or any part or parcell thereof that due satisfaction hath beene made to him or them vnto whom it was due or that those goods of and for the which complaint hath bene made on the behalfe of your subiects haue pertained or doe appertaine vnto others or any other iust true and reasonable cause may lawfully bee alleaged why the payment of all the foresayd summes or any of them ought not to be performed that then so much only is to be cut off or deducted from the sayd summes as shall be found to be already payd or to pertaine vnto others or else vpon some true iust and reasonable cause as is aforesayd not to be due We therefore considering that the sayd friendly conference and the finall agreement ensuing thereupon are agreeable vnto reason and equitie doe for our part ratiâ—ie and willingly accept the very same conference and agreement And forasmuch as it hath bene alwayes our desire and is as yet our intention that the league of amity and the integritie of loue which hath of olde time bene obserued betweene our and your subiects may in times to come perpetually remaine inuiolable and that your and our people may hereafter not onely for the good of our common weale but also for the commodity and peace of both parts according to their woonted maner assemble themselues and enioy the faithfull and mutuall conuersation one of another we will cause in our citie of London with the summe of 8957. nobles satisfaction to bee made vnto the Prussians and with the summe of 22496. nobles sixe pence halfe peny farthing recompense to be performed vnto the Liuonians in regard of the damages and iniuries which in very deede proceeded not of our consent by our subiects offered vnto them as it is aforesayd and within three yeares after the feast of Easter next ensuing the sayd summes of money to bee payed at three payments and by three equall portions Conditionally that vnto our subiects which be endamaged correspondent satisfaction be likewise on your part within the terme of the foresayd three yeeres performed with paying the summes of 766. nobles and of 4535. nobles demaunded on our behalfe and also with the payment of such summes as within one yeere immediately ensuing the feast of Easter aforesayd shal be found by sufficient delarations and proofes to be made on the behalfe of our subiects as is aforesayd to be due Euen as we in like maner will make satisfaction vnto your subiects within our citie aforesayd Now as touching the request of your ambassadors and of the Liuonians whereby we were required to procure some holesome remedy for the soules of certaine drowned persons as conscience and religion seemeth to chalenge in regard of whom we are moued with compassion and do for their sakes heartily condole their mishaps you are our entier friend of a certaintie to vnderstand that after we shall be by your letters aduertized of the number state and condition of the sayd parties drowned we will cause suffrages of prayers and diuers other holesome remedies profitable for the soules of the deceased and acceptable to God and men religiously to be ordained and prouided vpon condition that for the soules of our drowned countrey men there be the like remedie prouided by you The almighty grant vnto your selfe and vnto your whole Order that you may prosperously triumph ouer the enemies of Christ his crosse Giuen vnder our priuie seale at our palace of Westminster the 26. of March in the yere of our Lord 1408. and in the ninth yere of our reigne The letters of Fr Vlricus Master of Prussia directed vnto the king of England signifying that he is contented with the agreements concluded by his messengers at Hage To the most renowmed prince and mighty lord L Henrie king of England and France and lord of Ireland our most gracious lord VNto your highnes pleasure at all assaies humbly recommending my voluntarie seruice c. Most reuowmed king mighty prince and gracious lord we receiued of late with great reuerence as it be commeth vs by our welbeloued Arnold de Dassel the bearer of of these presents your Maiesties letters of late directed vnto vs making mention amongst other matters of certaine appointments first made and concluded between the noble and worthy personages William Esturmy knight Iohn Kington clerke and William Brampton citizen of London your ambassadours and messengers on the one parâ—e and our houorable and religious brethren namely Conradus Lichtensten great coÌ„mander Warnherus de Tettingen chiefe hospitalary commander in Elbing and Arnold de Hacken treasurer being the procuratours and commissioners of Fra. Conradus de Iungingen our last predecessour of famous memory on the other parte concerning the redressing reformation and amendement of vniust attempts committed on both sides at our castle of Marienburgh and also very lately at the towne of Hage in Holland namely the twenty eight of the moneth August in the yeare immediately past betweene your foresayde ambassadours William Esturmy knight and Iohn Kington clerke for your part and our trusty and welbeloued commissioners and procurators namely Arnold Hecht burgomaster of our citie of Dantzik and Iohn Crolow citizen of the same citie for our parte And for our more perfect knowlege in this behalfe our sayd commissioners made relation vnto vs and vnto our whole counsell that associating vnto themselues our messengers of Liuonia namely Tidman Myeul and Iohn Epenshâ—id together with your foresaid ambassadours and messengers they there finally appoynted and concluded of and about the aboue mentioned summes of money due on both partes of the which mention is made in your letters aforesayd With this speciall prouiso that in like manner satisfaction be made in all points both vnto other of our damnisâ—ed subiects of Prussia namely such whose goods or the true value thereof haue bene finally adiudged by the iudges or professors of our lawes and vnto such who hauing brought their articles of complaints vnto the audience of the most dread and mighty prince and lorde our lord Rupertus king of the Romans alwayes most soueraigne were in conclusion to haue the estimations of their goods to be adiudged by the sentence of the sayd lord with the aduise of two of his counsellers and also vnto other of our subiects who haue brought in sufficient proofe of damages vniustly inflicted vpon them by your subiects ouer and besides the premisses So that in like maner satisfaction be made vnto the common societie of the Hans marchants and by the arbitrament set downe in the conferences had at Marienburgh of the which it was aboue prouided and enacted on their behalfe namely if they will rest contented with our subiects in the courses and meanes then concluded If not we intend not
England receiued and conducted there intertained vsed honoured and finally in good safetie towards his returne and repaire furnished and with much liberalitie and franke handling friendly dismissed to the intent that the trueth of the premisses may bee to the most mightie Emperour of Russia sincerely signified in eschewment of all euents and misfortunes that may chance in this voyage which God defend to the Ambassadours person traine and goods this present memoriall is written and autentikely made and by the sayde Ambassadour his seruants whose names be vnderwritten and traine in presence of the Notarie and witnesses vndernamed recognized and acknowledged Giuen the day moneth and yeere vnderwritten of which instrument into euery of the sayde Shippes one testimoniall is deliuered and the first remaineth with the sayde Companie in London Giftes sent to the King and Queenes Maiesties of England by the Emperour of Russia by the report of the Ambassadour and spoyled by the Scots after the Shipwracke 1 First sixe timber of Sables rich in colour and haire 2 Item twentie entire Sables exceeding beautifull with teeth eares and clawes 3 Item foure liuing Sables with chaines and collars 4 Item thirtie Lusarnes large and beautifull 5 Item sixe large and great skinnes very rich and rare worne onely by the Emperour for woorthinesse 6 Item a large and faire white Ierfawcon for the wilde Swanne Crane Goose and other great Fowles together with a drumme of siluer the hoopes gilt vsed for a lure to call the sayd Hawke Giftes sent to the Emperour of Russia by the King and Queenes Maiesties of England 1 First two rich pieces of cloth of Tissue 2 Item one fine piece of Scarlet 3 Item one fine Uiolet in graine 4 Item one fine Azur cloth 5 Item a notable paire of Brigandines with a Murrian couered with Crimson veluet and gilt nailes 6 Item a Male and Female Lions Giftes giuen to the Ambassadour at his departure ouer and aboue such as were deliuered vnto him at his first arriuall 1 First a chaine of golde of one hundred pound 2 Item a large Bason and Ewer siluer and gilt 3 Item a paire of pottle pots gilt 4 Item a paire of flaggons gift The names of all such Russies as were attendant vpon the Ambassadour at and before his departure out of England Isaak Fwesschencke Demetre Gorbolones Symonde Yeroffia Stephen Lowca Andria Foma Memorandum the day and yeere of our Lord aboue mentioned in the house of the worshipfull Iohn Dimmocke Citizen and Draper of London situate within the famous Citie of London in the Realme of England the aboue named honourable Osep Gregorywich Napea Ambassadour and Orator aboue mentioned personally constituted and present hauing declared vnto him by the mouth of the right worshipfull master Anthonie Hussie Esquire the effect of the causes and contents of and in this booke at the interpretation of Robert Best his interpreter sworne recognized and knowledged in presence of me the Notarie personages vnder written the contents of this booke to be true aswell for his owne person as for his seruants aboue named who did not subscribe their names as is aboue mentioned but onely recognized the same In witnesse whereof I Iohn Incent Notarie Publike at the request of the said Master Anthonie Hussie and other of the Marchants haue to these presents vnderwritten set my accustomed signe with the Subscription of my name the day and yeere aboue written being present the right Worshipfull Aldermen of London Knights Andrew Iudde George Barne William Chester Rafe Greeneaway Iohn Mersh Esquier Iohn Dimmock Blase Sanders Hubert Hussie and Robert Best aboue mentioned The voyage of the foresaid M. Stephen Burrough An. 1557. from Colmogro to Wardhouse which was sent to seeke the Bona Esperanza the Bona Confidentia and the Philip and Mary which were not heard of the yeere before May. VPon Sunday the 23. of May I departed with the Searchthrift from Colmogro the latitude whereof is 64. degrees 25. minutes and the variation of the compasse 5. degrees 10. minutes from the North to the East Wednesday we came to the Island called Pozanka which Island is within foure leagues of the barre Berozoua It floweth here at an East and by South Moone full sea Saturday in the morning we departed from Pozanka and plied to the barre of Berôzoua Gooba whereupon wee came to anker at a lowe water and sounded the said Barre with our two Skiffes and found in the best vpon the shoaldest of the barre 13. foote water by the rule It highâ—th vpon this barre in spring streames 3. foote water and an East Moone maketh a full sea vpon this barre Sunday in the morning wee departed from the barre of Berozoua and plied along by the shoalds in fiue fadome vntill I had sight of S. Nicholas roade and then wee cast about to the Northwards and went with a hommocke which is halfe a mile to the Eastwards of Coya Reca which hommocke and S. Nicholas abbey lye Southsouthwest and Northnortheast and betweene them are 11. leagues Coia Reca is halfe a mile to the Eastwards of Coscaynos Coscaynos the middes of the Island called Mondeustoua ostroue which is thwart of the barre of Berozoua lieth South and by East North and by West and betweene them are 4. leagues or as you may say from the Seaboord part of the barre to Coscaynos are 3. leagues and a halfe Munday at a Northeast and by East sunne we were thwart of Coscaynos Dogs nose lieth from Coscaynos Northnorthwest and betweene them are eight leagues and Dogs nose sheweth like a Gurnerds head if you be inwardly on both sides of it on the lowe point of Dogs nose there standeth a crosse alone Iune FRom Dogs nose to Foxenose are three leagues North and by West The 2. day of Iune I went on shoare 2. miles to the Northwards of Dogs nose and had the latitude of that place in 65. degrees 47. minutes It floweth a shoare at this place at an East Moone full sea and the shippe lay thwart to wende a floodâ— in the off at a Southsoutheast moone So that it is to be vnderstoode that when it is a full sea on the shoare it is two points to ebbe before it be a lowe water in the off The variation of the Compasse at this place is 4. degrees from the North to the East This day the Northnorthwest winde put vs backe againe with Dogs nose where a ship may ride thwart of a salt house in 4. fadome or 4. fadome and a halfe of water and haue Landfange for a North and by West winde which Salt house is halfe a mile to the Southwards of Dogs nose Friday at a Southsouthwest Sunne wee departed from this Salt house It is to be noted that foure miles to the Northwards of Dogs nose there growe no trees on the banke by the water side and the bankes consist of fullers earth Ouer the cliffes there growe some trees so that Dogs nose is the better to be
in length is so imploied and as much in breadth this is vpon a flat soile The hempe groweth about Smolensko vpon the Polish border 300. miles in compasse much of the soile is so imploied Of this hempe they bring in Winter to Vologda and Colmogro and we set in worke in making of cables aboue 100. men The Russians do spin and hachell it and the English tarre it in threed and lay the cable And one table of those is woorth two of Danzick because the Danzickers put in old cable and rottâ—n stuffe which in fowle weather is found of no strength Sosnoua a tree that cureth the wolfe with the shauings of the wood groweth in these parts and of the barks they make ropes as big as a mans arme for their boats The Samoeds lacking linnen make handkerchiefs and towels of the very wood of this tree The wood of this tree is as heauie as hollie and the shauings tough Rose Island in S. Nicholas Baie is full of Roses damaske and red of violets and wild Rosemarie This Island is neere 7. or 8. miles about and good pasture and hath the name of the roses The snow here about the midst of May is cleared hauing bin two moneths in melting then the ground is made dry within 14. dayes after and then the grasse is knee high within a moneth TheÌ„ after September the frost commeth in the snow is a yard deepe vpon plaine ground The Island hath Firre and Birch and a faire fresh spring neere the house built there by the English The way discouered by water by vs Thomas Southam Iohn Sparke from the towne of Colmogro by the Westerne bottome of the Baie of S. Nicholas vnto the citie of Nouogrod in Russia containing many particulars of the way and distance of miles as hereafter foloweth Anno 1566. WE departed from Colmogro about 10â— of the clocke afore noone iu a Lodia or Barke which we hired to bring vs along the coast to a place called Soroka in the sayd barke we hired 6. mariners and a boy to conduct vs to the place before rehearsed The Lodia or barke was of the burden of 25. tunnes or thereabout wherewith we valed downe the riuer of Dwina the winde being then calme vnto a monasterie called S. Michael where we were constrained to anker because of a contrary wind which there met vs. From Colmogro to this monasterie are 50. versts or miles of Russia at which place we caried till the 21. day in the morning and then hauing the wind some what faire we set saile and departed thence 21 We departed from the monasterie of S. Michael hauing the wind somwhat faire and arriued at Rose Island ouer and against the monasterie of S. Nicholas the 22. day at 2. of the clocke in the morning which is 35. miles distant from the monasterie of S. Michael By reason of contrary wind and tide we were constrained to tary there all that day 23 We departed from the monasterie of S. Nicholas at 7. of the clocke in the euening came to an anker at the Beacons continued there vntil halfe an houre past 10. of the clocke and then set from thence the wind being South our course was West vntil 5. of the clock in the morning when as we came to an anker against Newnox towne where we continued vntil the 25. day The sayd towne of Newnox is from the monasterie of S. Nicholas 35. miles 25 We departed froÌ„ Newnox hauen at one of the clocke in the after noone the wind at South and Southeast and our course Northwest and by West The point of Tolstick which is the headland before the entrance of Newnox hauen and the headland of Seusemski lie next Southeast and by South Northwest and by North. We came to an anker there this day at 4. of the clock in y e afternoone being from Newnox hauen 15. miles where we continued in harbour til the 27. day of the moneth by reason of contrary winds 27 We departed from Seusemski in the morning at 5. of the clocke the wind next at East and by North and our course Northwest and by West The said land of Seusemski the headland going into Owna riuer lieth East and by South west and by North and between them is 25. miles This day at Sunne set we came to an Island called Sogisney passing betwixt it the maine with the wind at South and by East our course was West and by South being 85. miles from Owna riuer Being past the said Island 10. miles the wind came contrary whereupon we returned to the Island of Sogisney where we remained vntil the 29. day 29 The 29. day we departed from Sogisney aforesayd at 5. of the clocke in the afternoone the wind at East northeast our course was Southwest by west passing by an Island called Anger being 30. miles from Sogisney and keeping on our course we came by the headland of an Island called Abdon being from the Island of Anger 15. miles where we found many rocks and if the great prouidence of God had not preserued vs wee had there perished being fallen amongst them in the night time and our pilot none of the perfectest which was contrary to his profession as we found it But whosoeuer will trauell that way must either keepe hard aboord the shore for that there is a chanell which goeth along the coast within the rocks or els giue the headland a birth of 6. miles at the least and so goe a seaboord all for there are ledges of rocks that lie fiue miles from the headland We gaue the headland a birth of 3. miles notwithstanding there lay two rockes two miles to sea boord of vs so that we were inclosed with them and sate vpon the highest of them but it pleased God to make it calme and giue vs the day also or els we had miscaried 30 We departed from the headland of the Island of Abdon at 4. of the clocke in the morning directing our course West and at 10. of the clocke before noone we arriued at a monasterie named Solosky which is 15. miles from Abdon At this monasterie we continued vntâ—ll the 31. day of this moneth We had here deliuered vs by the chiefe monkes of the monasterie their letter and house seale and a seruant of theirs to conduct vs safely through the dangerous riuer of Owiga The people of all those parts are wild and speake another kind of language are for the most part all tenants to the monasterie The effect of the letter was that they should be ready to helpe and assist vs in all dangerous places and carie our boats and goods ouer land in places needfull as in deed they did as hereafter shall appeare Note that at our being at the monasterie there was no Abbot for the place as then chosen for 15. dayes before our arriual there the Abbot was sent for by the Emperour and made Metropolitane of the realme as he
said Peraslaue the 3. of February where I remained vnder the charge of a gentleman hauing then a house appointed me allowance of victuals but so straitly kept that none of our nation or other might come or sende vnto me nor I to them And the 14. of March fâ—lowing I was sent for to the Court and being within three miles of the same a poste was sent to the Gentleman which had charge of me to returne backe againe with mee to the said Peraslaue and to remaine there vntill his Maiesties further pleasure wherewith I was much dismayed and marueiled what that sudden change ment and the rather because it was a troublesome time and his Maiestie much disquieted through the ill successe of his affaires as I did vnderstand And the twentieth of the same I was sent for againe to the Court and the 23. I came before his Maiestie who caused mee to kisse his hande and gaue gratious audience vnto my Oration gratefully receiuing and accepting the Queenes Maiesties princely letters and her present in the presence of all his nobilitie After I had finished my Oration too long here to rehearse and deliuered her highnesse letters and present as aforesaid the Emperour sitting in royall estate stood vp and said How doth Queene Elizabeth my sister is she in health to whom I answered God doth blesse her Maiestie with health and peace and doeth wish the like vnto thee Lord her louing brother Then his Maiestie sitting downe againe commaunded all his nobilitie and others to depart and auoyde the chamber sauing the chiefe Secretarie and one other of the Counsell and willing me to approch neere vnto him with my Interpretor said vnto me these words Anthony the last time thou wast with vs heere wee did commit vnto thee our trustie and secret Message to be declared vnto the Queenes Maiestie herselfe thy Mistresse at thy comming home and did expect thy comming vnto vs againe at the time wee appointed with a full answere of the same from her highnesse And in the meane time there came vnto vs at seuerall times three messengers the one called Manly the other George Middleton and Edward Goodman by the way of the Narue about the Merchants affaires to whom wee sent our messenger to know whether thou Anthony were returned home in safetie and when thou shouldest returne vnto vs againe but those messengers could tell vs nothing and did miscall and abuse with euil words both our messenger and thee wherewith wee were much offended And vnderstanding that the said Goodman had letters about him we caused him to be searched with whom were found many letters wherein was written much against our Princely estate and that in our Empire were many vnlawfull things done whereat we were much grieued would suffer none of those rude messengers to haue accesse vnto vs and shortly after wee were infourmed that one Thomas Randolfe was come into our Dominions by the way of Dwina Ambassadour from the Queene and we sent a Gentleman to meete and conduct him to our Citie of Mosco at which time we looked that thou shouldest haue returned vnto vs againe And the said Thomas being arriued at our said Citie wee sent vnto him diuers times that hee should come and conferre with our Counsell whereby we might vnderstand the cause of his comming looking for answere of those our princely affaires committed vnto thee But hee refused to come to â—ur said Counsell wherefore and for that our saide Citie was visited with plague the saide Thomas was the longer kept from our presence Which being ceased foorthwith wee gaue him accesse and audience but all his talke with vs was about Merchants affaires and nothing touching ours Wee knowe that Merchants matters are to bee heard for that they are the stay of our Princely treasures But first Princes affaires are to be established and then Merchants After this the said Thomas Randolfe was with vs at our Citie of Vologda and wee dealt with him about our Princely affaires whereby amitie betwixt the Queenes Maiestie and vs might bee established for euer and matters were agreed and concluded betwixt your Ambassadour and vs and thereupon wee sent our Ambassadour into England with him to ende the same but our Ambassadour returned vnto vs againe without finishing our said affaires contrary to our expectation and the agreement betwixt vs and your said Ambassadour Thus when his Maiestie had made a long discourse I humbly beseeched his highnesse to heare me graciouâ—ly and to giue me leaue to speake without offence and to beleeue those wordes to be true which I should speake Which he graunted and these were my words Most noble and famous Prince the message which thy highnesse did sende by mee vnto the Queene her most excellent Maiestie touching thy Princely and secret affaires immediatly and so soone as I came home I did declare both secretly and truely vnto the Queenes Maiestie her selfe word for word as thou Lord diddest commaund mee Which her highnesse did willingly heare and accept and being mindefull thereof and willing to answere the same the next shipping after her Maiestie did sende vnto thee Lord her highnesse Ambassadour Thomas Randolfe whose approoued wisedome and fidelitie was vnto her Maiestie well knowen and therefore thought meete to bee sent to so worthy a Prince who had Commission not onely to treate with thy Maiestie of Merchants affaires but also of those thy Princely and secret affaires committed vnto mee And the cause most gracious Prince that I was not sent againe was for that I was imployed in seruice vpon the Seas against the Queenes Maiesties enemies and was not returned home at such time as Master Thomas Randolfe departed with the Shippes to come into thy Maiesties Countrey otherwise I had bene sent And whereas thy Maiestie saith that Thomas Randolfe would not treate with thy Counsell of the matters of his Legation hee did Lord therein according to his Commission which was First to deale with thy Maiestie thy selfe which order is commonly vsed among all Princes when they send their Ambassadours about matters of great waight And whereas the saide Thomas is charged that hee agreed and concluded vpon matters at the same time and promised the same should bee perfourmed by the Queene her Maiestie Whereupon Lord thou diddest send thy Ambassadour with him into England for answere thereof It may please thy Maiestie to vnderstand that as the saide Thomas Randolfe doeth confesse that in deede hee had talke with thy Highnesse and counsell diuers times about princely affaires euen so hee denieth that euer hee did agree conclude or make any promise in any condition or order as is alleaged otherwise then it should please the Queene her Maiestie to like of at his returne home which hee did iustifie to thy Highnes Ambassador his face in England Wherefore most mighty Prince it doth well appeare that either thy Ambassador did vntruly enforme thy Maiestie or els thy princely minde and the true meaning of the Queenes highnes her
for the ayding helping and protecting of her Maiesties merchants by the order and commaundement of our Lord and king his Maiestie And to that ende I haue giuen order to all our authorised people to bee carefull ouerthem and to defende them in all causes and to giue them free libertie to trafficke at their owne willes and pleasures It may bee that your merchants doe not certifie you the trueth of all things nor make knowen vnto your honour my readinesse to protect them And howe my Letters and Commissions are sent to all authorised people for them that they shoulde ayde and assist them according to the tenour of my Letters to all others that bee in authoritie vnder the said Officers or otherwise Also your honour writeth of the debarring of your merchants at the Sea port from their accustomed libertie of enterchangeable trafficke and bartar Touching which complaint search and inquisition hath bene made and commaundement giuen that your Queenes Maiesties merchants at the Seaside and in all places where the trade is doe not sustaine any domage or hinderance hereafter but that they shal be at libertie without any hindering or letting either in the Mosco the Treasurehouse or else where by any of our authorised people but absolutely to bee at free libertie at their owne will and pleasure And also I will continue to be their protectour and defendour in all causes by our Lorde and kings Maiesties order and commaundement as it shal be knowen and certified you by your people resident here in the Mosco Written in our Kings Maiesties royall citie of Mosco from the beginning of the world 7101â— yeere in the moneth of Ianuary A most gracious Letter giuen to the English Merchants Sir Iohn Hart and his company by Theodore Iuanowich the King Lord and great duke of all Russia the onely vpholder thereof THe onely God omnipotent before all eternitie his will be done without ende the Father Sonne and holy Ghost we glorifie in Trinitie Our onely God the maker of all things and worker of all in all euery where with plentifull increase for which cause he hath giuen life to man to loue him and to trust in him Our onely God which inspireth euery one of vs his holy children with his word to discerne good through our Lord Iesus Christ and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times establish vs to keepe the right sâ—epter and suffer vs to reigne of our selues to the good profit of the land and to the subduing of the people together with the enemies and to the mainteinance of vertue We the great Lord king and great duke Theodore Iuanouich of all Russia the onely vpholder of Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Casan and king of Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great duke of Smolensko of Otuer Vghorie Permia Viatski Bulgari and other regions great duke also of Nouogrod in the lowe Countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotski Rostoue Yaruslaue Bealozero and of Liefland of Vdorski Obdorski Condenski and commaunâ—er of all the Countrey of Siberi and of the North parts and Lord ouer the Countrey of Iuerski Grusinski and King ouer the Countrey of Igorski and ruler ouer many other kingdomes and Lordships more Our princely Maiestie at the request of our brother in lawe Boâ—is Feodorowich Godenoua our seruant and Master of our horses generall Comptroller of our house and gouernour of the Lordships and kingdomes of Casan and Astracan vnto the English merchants Sir Iohn Hart knight sir William Webbe knight Richard Salkenstow Alderman Nicholas Moseley alderman Robert Doue Wilâ— Garrowe Iohn Harbey Robert Chamberlaine Henry Anderson Iohn Woodworth FraÌ„cis Cherry Iohn Merrick Christopher Holmes hath graciously giuen leaue to come go with their ships into our kingdome territories of Duina with all kind of commodities at their pleasures to trafficke froÌ„ the seaside to our roial city of Mosco in al other cities townes countries and territories of our whole kingdom of Mosco vpon the humble petition and sute of the saide English merchants sir Iohn Hart and his company wee haue giuen them leaue to passe and trafficke into all parts of our dominions and territories of Mosco and to our inheritance of Nouogrod and Plesco with their wares and commodities without paying any custome or dueties We the great Lord king and great duke Theodore Iuanowich of all Russia haue firmely giuen and graunted vnto the aforesaide English merchants sir Iohn Hart and his company for the loue we beare to our deare sister Queene Elizabeth we I say of our gracious goodnes haue giuen leaue to trauel and passe to our royal seat of Mosco and to all the parts of our kingdome with all kinde of commodities and to trafficke with all kinde of wares at their owne pleasure without paying any custome of their said wares To you our Customers we wil and command not to take any maner of custome of the said merchants and their company neither for entering weying nor passing by or through any place of our territories nor for custome of iudgement by Lawe or for their person or persons nor any duties ouer bridges or for certificats or processes or for conducting ouer any streames or waters or for any other customes or dueties that may be named we wil and straitly commaund you not to take any of them in any wise Prouided alwayes that the saide merchants shall not colour any strangers wares nor bring them into our countrey nor fauour them colourably nor sel for any stranger To you our subiects also we coÌ„mand not to meddle or deale with any wares of strangers colourably nor to haue them by you in keeping nor to offer to sel their coÌ„modities but themselues to sel their owne coÌ„modities in change or otherwise as they may or can And in al townes cities countreys or any part of our dominions and territories it shal be lawful for the foresaid merchants and their company to sell or barter away their owne commodities in change or otherwise for or at their pleasure as they will And whensoeuer the said merchants or any of them come into our territories of great Nouogrod or Plesco or to any other parts of our kingdome with their wares by vertue of these our Maiesties letters we straitly charge and command you our Captaines generals and all other that be authorised or in office to suffer the aforesaid merchants to passe and repasse and to take no kinde of custome or dutie of them or any of their goods howsoeuer it may haue name nor in no place else where they shal come in all our kingdome Likewise if they sell not nor buy no wares you shall take no custome but suffer them quietly to passe where they will with their goods Of our gratious goodnes and meere goodwill we haue giuen the said merchants leaue to trafficke throughout all our kingdomes and in all townes and cities with all maner of wares and commodities without paying any custome or dutie Wheresoeuer they shal
proofe cast lots who shall take his oath for the more ready triall of the cause And in no wise to take any fee or duetie of the aforesaid English merchants for the said iudgement in Lawe We wil and commaund all this to be obserued and kept in all parts of our dominions by all our subiects and authorised people by vertue of these our royal letters patents And the said letters not to be diminished in any part or parsell thereof by any persons howsoeuer they be named And whosoeuer shall withstand not regard these our gracious letters shal be in our high displeasure and shal incurre the losse of his life This our gracious letter was giuen in our kingdom and royal City of Mosco in the yere from the beginning of the world 7104. in the moneth of May. Subscribed by the Emperours Chancellour and Secretarie Vasili Shalcan The contents of M. Garlands Commission vnto Thomas Simkinson for the bringing of M. Iohn Dee to the Emperour of Russia his Court. FRiend Thomas Simkinson I pray you goe to Brounswik or Cassil and inquire if Master Iohn d ee be there or where he is and when you finde him certifie him howe that I haue sent you purposely to knowe where hee doeth remaine and at your returne I will come and speake with him my selfe Also you may certefie him that the Emperour of Russeland hauing certaine knowledge of his great learning and wisdome is marueilous desirous of him to come into his Countrey And hath giuen me his letter with his hand and golden seale at it for to bring him into the Countrey with mee if it be possible and for his liuing shewe him that he shall be sure of 2000. pound yeerely and also all prouision for his table out of the Emperours kitching free and if he thinke this too little I will assure him that if he aske asmuch more hee shall haue it and for his charges into the Countrey I haue sufficient of the Emperours allowance to bring him and all his royally into the Countrey And because hee may doubt of these proffers hee shall remaine at the borders vntill the Emperour be certified of him and of his requests which he would haue And I am sure he shall be conueyed through the land with fiue hundred horses and hee shal be accompted as one of the chiefest in the land next the Emperour Also shew him howe that my Lord Protectour at my comming away did take me in his armes and desired me as hee should be my friend to bring him with me and he would giue him of his owne purse yeerely 1000. rubbles besides the Emperours allowance All these foresaide grauntes and demaunds doe I Thomas Simkinson acknowledge to be spoken by Edward Garland to mee and to be sent to declare the same vnto Master Iohn Dee◠And in witnesse that this is of a trueth I haue written the same with my owne hand and thereunto set my name in Wittingaw otherwise called Trebona the 18. of September Anno 1586. By me Thomas Sinkinson of Hull A letter to the right worshipfull M. Iohn Dee Esquire conteyning the summe and effect of M. Edward Garland his message deliuered to Master Dee himselfe Letterwise for a more perfect memoriall thereof Anno 1586. RIght worshipfull it may please you to vnderstand that I was sen◠vnto you from the most mightie Prince Feodor Iuanowich Lord Emperour and great duke of Russia c. As also from the most excellent prince Boris Feodorowich Lord Protector of Russia to giue your worship to vnderstand the great good will and heartie desire they beare vnto you for that of long time they haue had great good report of your learning wisedom as also of your good counsel vnto Princes whereupon his Maiesties most earnest desire and request is vnto you that you would take the paines to come vnto his citie of Mosco to visite his Maiesties Court for that hee is desirous of your company and also of your good counsell in diuers matters that his Maiestie shall thinke needfull And for the great goodwill that his Maiestie beareth vnto you he will giue you yeerely toward your mainteinance 2000. pound starling and the Lord Protectour will giue you a thousand rubbles as also your prouision for your table you shall haue free out of his Maiesties kitchin And further whatsoeuer you shall thinke needefull or conuenient for you in any part or parts of his dominion it shall be at your worships commaundement And this is the summe and effect of my message and commandement giuen me by his Maiestie and the Lord Protectour In witnesse whereof I haue written this with my owne hand the 17. of December 1586. By me Edward Garland In Trebona Castel otherwise called Wittingaw in Boëmia to which place this M. Edward Garland came to M. d ee with two Moscouites to serue him c. He had sixe more which by M. Dees counsell were sent backe Witnesse M. Edward Kelley and M. Francis Garland brother to foresaid Edward and diuers others IT seemeth that this princely offer of the Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich and of the L. Boris Pheodorowich Protectour to his Maiestie was made vnto the learned and famous Mathematitian M. Iohn Dee partly to vse his counsell direction about certaine discoueries to the Northeast and partly for some other weighty occasions but because their conquest to Siberia was not as then fully settled for diuers other secret reasons it was for y e time with al thankfulnes refused A branch of a letter from M. Iohn Merick Agent vnto the Moscouie company in Russia closed vp in the Mosco the 14. of March Anno 1597. touching the death of Pheodor Iuanowich late Emperour of all Russia c. HAuing thus farre proceeded with this my answere vnto the chiefest points of your worships letters receiued my desire was to haue sent one vnto you long since as you may perceiue by the first date but by reason I could not get leaue I haue deferred it of till this instant for that there was none suffered to passe out of the land The causes may be iudged for that it pleased God to call out of this world the Emperour his Maiestie who departed about the 7. of Ianuary and euer since hath bene a mourning time no suites for any matter could be heard But it hath bene a very dead season Yet thankes be to God through the wise gouernment of Lord Boris Pheodorowich the Lord Protector vnto the saide late Emperour since his death all things haue bene very quiet without any dissention as the like in such a great kingdome I haue not heard of And now through the prouidence of Almightie God and by surrender of the late Empresse Irenia Feodoruna and the common consent of the Patriarch Nobles Bishops and the whole Cleargie with the whole Commons besides choise is made of none other but of the said Lord Protector L. Boris Pheodorowich to be Emperour and great duke of all
English knight against the Moores of Alger to Barbary and to Spaine 67 40 The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derby after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England with an army of Englishmen to Tunis in Barbary 69 41 The trauailes and memorable victories of Iohn Hawkwood Englishman in diuerse places of Italy in the reigne of Richard the second 70 42 The voyage of Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mother to K. Richard the second to Ierusalem and S. Katherins mount Anno 1394. 70 43 The voyage of Thomas Lord Mowbrey duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. 70 44 The voyage of the bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1417. 71 45 A voyage intended by king Henry the fourth to the holy land against the Saracens and Infidels Anno 1413. 71. 72 46 A voyage made with two ships called The holy Crosse and The Matthew Gunson to the Isles of Candia and Chio about the yeere 1534. 98 47 Another voyage vnto Candia and Chio made by the foresayd ship called The Matthewâ— Gunson Anno 1535. 98 48 The voyage of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read to Tunis in Barbarie 1538 recorded in his Epitaph 99 49 The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with the Emperour Charles the fift Anno 1541. 99 50 The voyage of M. Roger Bodenâ—am with the great barke Aucher to Candia and Chio Anno 1550. 99 51 The voyage of M. Iohn Lok to Ierusalem Anno 1553. 101 52 The voyage of Iohn Foxe to the Streit of Gibraltar in a ship called The three halfe-moones Anno 1563. And his worthy enterprize in deliuering 266 Christians from the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria Anno 1577. 131.132 53 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Ierusalem and Tripolis in the yeere 1581. 150 54 The voyage of The Susan of London to Constantinople wherein M. William Hareborne was sent first Ambassadour vnto Zuldan Murad Can the great Turke Anno 1582. 165 55 The voyage of a ship called The Iesus to Tripolis in Barbary Anno 1583. 184 56 The voyage of M. Henry Austel by Venice to Ragusa and thence ouer-land to Constantinople and from thence through Moldauia Polonia Silesia and Germany into England Anno 1586. 194 57 The voyage of Master Cesar Frederick into the east India and beyonde the Indies Anno 1563. 213 58 The long dangerous and memorable voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London by the way of Tripolis in Syria to Ormuz to Goa in the East India to Cambaia to the riuer of Ganges to Bengala to Bacola to Chonderi to Pegu to Siam c. begunne in the yeere 1583 and ended in the yeere 1591. 250 59 The voyage of M. Iohn Eldred to Tripolis in Syria by sea and from thence by land and riuer to Babylon and Balsara Anno 1583. 268 60 The voyage of M. Iohn Euesham by sea into AEgypt Anno 1586. 281 61 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Alexandria and Cairo in Aegypt Anno 1586. 282 62 The voyage of fiue marchants ships of London into Turkie and their valiant fight in their returne with 11 gallies and two frigats of the king of Spaine at Pantalarea within the Streits of Gibraltar Anno 1586. 285 63 The voyage of Master William Hareborne ouer-land from Constantinople to London Anno 1588. 289 64 A description of a voyage to Constantinople and Syria begun the 21 of March 1593 and ended the ninth of August 1595 wherein is shewed the manner of deliuering the second present by M. Edward Barton her Maiesties ambassadour which was sent from her Maiestie to Sultan Murad Can the Emperour of Turkie 33 The Ambassages Letters Priuileges Discourses Aduertisements and other obseruations depending vpon the Voyages contayned in the first part of this second Volume 1 A Testimony that the Britons were in Italy and Greece with the Cimbrians and Gauls before the incarnation of Christ. pag. 1 2 A testimony that certain Englishmen were of the guard of the Emperour of Constantinople in the time of Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus 17 3 A great supply of money sent to the Holy land by King Henry the second 18 4 A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople vnto Henry the second King of England Ann. 1177 wherein mention is made that certaine of king Henries noblemen and subiects were present with the sayd Emperour in a battel against the Soldan of Iconium 18 5 A note drawen out of a very auncient booke in the custodie of the right Wor. M. Thomas Tilney Esquire touching Sir Fredericke Tilney his ancester knighted for his valour at Acon in the Holyland by king Richard the first 29 6 A large contribution to the succour of the holy land made by king Iohn king of England Anno 1201. 30 7 The comming of Baldwin the Emperour of Constantinople into England An. 1247. 31 8 A testimony concerning Anthony Beck bishop of Duresme that he was elected Patriarke of Ierusalem and confirmed by Clement the 5 bishop of Rome Anno 1305. 39 9 The comming of Lyon king of Armenia into England Anno 1â—86 to make a treaty of peace betweene Richard the second king of England and the French king 67 10 The comming of the Emperour of Constantinople into England to desire the ayde of king Henry the fourth against the Turkes Anno 1400. 70 11 A relation of the siege and taking of the citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke Wherein honorable mention is made of diuers valiant English knights Anno 1522. 72 12 An ambassage from Don Ferdinando brother to the Emperour Charles the fift vnto King Henry the eight crauing his ayde against Soliman the great Turke An. 1527. 95 13 The antiquitie of the trade of English marchants vnto the remote parts of the Leuant seas Anno 1511 1512 c. 96 14 A letter of Henry the eight king of England to Iohn the third king of Portugale for a Portugale ship fraighted at Chio with the goods of Iohn Gresham William Lok and others and wrongfully vnladen in Portugale Anno 1531. 96 15 The maner of the entring of Soliman the great Turke with his army into Alepo in Syria as hee was marching toward Persia agaiâ—st the great Sophi Anno 1553. 112 16 A note of the presents that were giuen at the same time in Alepo to the Grand Signor and the names of the presenters 113 17 The safe conduct granted by Sultan Soliman the great Turke to M. Anthony Ienkinson at Alepo in Syria Anno 1553. 114 18 A discourse of the trade to Chio written by Gaspar Campion in the yeere 1569. 114 19 A letter of the sayd Gaspar Campion to M. William Winter in the yeare 1569. 116 20 A briefe description of the Isle of Cyprus 119 21 A report of the siege and taking of Famagusta the strongest citie in al Cyprus by Mustafa Bassa Generall of the great Turkes army Anno 1571. 121 22 The
commodities 3 5 The commodities and wares that are most desired in Guinea betwixt Sierra Leona and the furthest place of the Mina 52 6 Certaine articles of remembrance deliuered to M. Iohn Lok touching a voyage to Guinea Anno 1561. 52 7 A letter of M. Iohn Lok to the worshipfull company of marchants aduenturers of Guinea Anno 1561. 53 8 The relation of one William Rutter concerning a voyage set out to Guinea Anno 1562. Described also in verse by Robert Baker 54 9 A meeting at Sir William Gerards house for the setting foorth of a voyage to Guinea with the Minion of the Queenes The Iohn Baptist of London and the Merline of M. Gorson Anno 1564. 55 10 A relation of the successe of the same voyage taken out of a voyage of Sir Iohn Haukins to the West Indies 56 11 Certaine reports of the mighty kingdome of China deliuered by Portugales which were there imprisoned 68 12 A discourse of the Isle of Iapan and of other Isles in the East Ocean c. 80 13 An excellent description of the kingdome of China and of the estate and gouernement thereof pag. 88 14 A briefe relation of the great magnificence and rich trafficke of the kingdom of Pegu beyond the East India 102 15 Certaine remembrances of a voyage intended to Brasil and to the riuer of Plate but miserably ouer throwen neere Rio grande in Guinea in the yeere 1583. 110,111 16 The escape of the Primrose a ship of London from before the towne of Bilbao in Biscay and the taking of the Corrigidor Anno 1585. 112 17 The king of Spaines Commission for the generall imbargment or arrest of the English c. Anno 1585. 114 18 The Letters patents granted by her Maiestie to certaine noblemen and merchants of London for a trade to Barbary Anno 1585. 114 19 An edict from the Emperour of Maâ—occo in fauour of all Englishmen trading throughout his dominions Anno 1587. 118 20 A letter of the sayd emperour written to the Erle of Leicester in the yeare 1587. 118 21 A letter of the Queenes Maiestie written to the emperour of Marocco in the yere 1587. 119 22 A patent graunted to certaine merchants of Exceter and others of the VVest parts and of London for a trade to the riuers of Senega and Gambra in Guinea Anno 1588. 123 23 A relation concerning a voyage set foorth by M. Iohn Newton and M. Iohn Bird merchants of London to the kingdome and citie of Benin written by Antony Ingram An. 1588. 129 24 An aduertisement to king Philip the 2. of Spaine from Angola touching the state of the same countrey An. 1591. 133 25 A particular note of the VVest Indian fleete expected to haue arriued in Spaine An. 1592 with the number of ships of the same fleete that perished and suffered shipshrack c. 175 26 A large testimony of Iohn Huighen van Linâ—choten concerning the worthy exploits atchieued by the right hon the erle of Cumberland by Sir Martin Frobisher Sir Richard Grinuile and diuers other English Captains about the Isles of the Açores and vpon the coastes of Spaine and Portugale in the yeares 1589,1590,1591 178 27 A relation concerning the estate of the Island and Castle of Arguin and touching the rich and secret trade from the inland of Africa thither written in the yere 1491. 188 28 Two briefe relations concerning the Cities and Prouinces of Tombuto and Gago and concerning the exceeding great riches of the sayd Prouinces and the conquest thereof by the king of Marocco and of the huge masse of gold which he yerely receiueth thence for tribute VVritten Anno 1594. 192 29 A briefe extract of a patent granted to M. Thomas Gregory of Tanton and others for traffick betweene the riuer of Nonnia and the riuers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona on the coast of Guinea An. 1592. 193 30 A report of the casting away of the Tobie a ship of London neere Cape Espartel on the coast of Barbary without the Streight of Gibraltar in the yere of our Lord 1593. 201 31 The letters of the Queens Maiestie sent by Laurence Aldersey vnto the Emperour of Ethiopia Anno 1597. 203 THE SECOND VOLVME OF THE principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoueries of the English nation made to the South and Southeast quarters of the world within the Straight of Gibraltar with the Directions Letters Priuiledges Discourses and Obseruations incident to the same That the Brittons were in Italie and Greece with the Cimbrians and Gaules before the incarnation of Christ. M. Wil. Camden pag. 33. BRitannos autem cum Cimbris Gallis permistos fuisse in expeditionibus illis in Italiam Graeciam videtur Nam praeter nomen commune in Britannico Triadum libro vetustissimo vbi tres maximi exercitus qui è Britannis conscripti erant memorantur proditum est exterum quendam ducem longè maximum exercitum hinc contraxisse qui populata magna Europae parte tandem ad Graecum mare forsitan Gallatiam innuit confederit Britomarum item ducem inter illos militarem cuius meminit Florus Appianus Britonem fuisse nomeÌ„ euincit quod Britonem magnum significat Nec torquebo illud Strabonis qui Brennum natione Praâ—sum fuisse scribit vt natione Britonem faciam The same in English IT is not vnlike that the Britons accompanied the Cimbrians and Gaules in those expeditions to Italy and Greece For besides the common name it is recorded in that most ancient British booke called Liber Triadum wherein also mention is made of three huge armies that were leuied out of Britaine that a certaine outlandish Captaine gathered from hence a mightie armie who hauing wasted a great part of Europe at length tooke vp his abode perhaps the Author meaneth in Gallatia neere vnto the sea of Greece Likewise that the warrelike captaine Britomarus of whom Florus and Appian doe make report was himselfe a Briton his very name doeth testifie which signiâ—ieth A great Briton Neither will I wrest that testimonie of Strabo who reporteth Brennus to haue bene a Prause by birth that I may prooue him also to haue bene a Briton borne ¶ The trauaile of Helena HElena Flauia Augusta serenissimi Coelâ— Britannici Regis Haeres vnica filia Magni Constantini Caesaris mater incomparabili decôre fide religione bonitate ac magnificentiâ piâ Eusebio etiam teste per totum resplenduit orbem Inter omnes aetatis suae soeminas nulla inueniebatur eà in liberalibus artibus doctior nulla in instrumentis musicis peritior aut in linguis nationum copiosior Innatam habebat ingenij clariâ—udinem oris facundiam ac morum ornatissimam compositionem Hebraicè Graecè Latinè erudita Caruerat pater alia sobole inquit Virumnius quae Regni solio potiretur Illam propterea his instrui fecit per optimos preceptores vt eò commodius Regni tractaret negotia Vnde ob incredibilem eius pulchritudinem atque alias eximias animi
English HVbert Walter bishop of Sarisburie a vertuous man and famous for his good wit and piety was one of the chiefest of them that followed king Richard into Syria going against the Saracens As he returned from Palaestina and came in his iourney into Sicilia he there heard of the ill fortune of the king being fallen into his enemies handes and thereupon leauing his iourney homewards he went presently and in all haste to the place where the king was captiued whom the king immediatly vpon his comming sent into England that by the authority of the councell a tribute might be collected for his redemption which this Hubert performed with great diligâ—nce and deliuered the king After this he was made Archbishop of Canterburie and after the death of king Richard he shewed the like dueties of fidelitie and trust to his brother Iohn that succeeded him For by a long oration he perswaded the whole nation of the English men that he was a very circumspect man vertuous valiant borne of noble parentage and most woorthy of the crowne Whereupon he was so receiued of all the people and crowned king He wrote certaine books and died at the last with very great griefe of minde in the yeere 1205 hauing beene archbishop the space of 11 yeres 8 moneths and sixe dayes by reason of the ciuil discords abroad whereby all things went topsie turuy and in the reigne of king Iohn The trauailes of Robert Curson RObertus Curson ex nobili quodam Anglorum ortus genere disciplinis tum prophanis tum sacris studiosus incubuit idque quantum ex coniecturis colligo in celebratissima Oxonij Academia Praestantissimis illic institutoribus vsus ex summa circa ingenuas artes industria assiduo literarum labore famam sibi inter suos celeberrimam comparauit Ampliora deinde meditatus Parisiorum Lutetiam aâ—que Romam ipsam perijt illic Theologus Doctor hic verò Cardinalis effectus Vnde vterque Matthaeus Parisius ae Westmonasterius hoc de ipso testimonium adferunt hic libro 2. ille 8. suoâ—um Chronicorum Anno Domini 1218 inquiunt in captione Damiatae AEgypti vrbis sub Ioanne Brenno Hierosolymorum rege fuit cum Pelagio Albanensi Magister Robertus de Curson Anglus Clericus celebertimus genere nobilis ac Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalis c Bostonus Buriensis in suo Catalogo Cursonum aliquos libros composuisle narrat Claruit anno superius numerato per praedictos testes in Anglia regnante Henrico tertio Ioannis regis filio fuÃtque hic diebus Honorij tertij Romani pontificis in Angliam Bostono teste legatus The same in English RObert Curson descended of a noble family of England vsed great diligence aswell in prophane as in diuine studies in the famous Uniuersity of Oxford as I coniecture He had there the best scholemasters that were to be gotten and was most industrious in the arts and continual exercises of learning by meanes whereof he grew to be of great renowne where he liued Afterward thinking of greater matters he went to Paris and thence to Rome it selfe and at Paris he proceeded doctor of Diuinity at Rome he was made cardinall whereupon both Matthew Paris Matthew of Westminster produce this testimony of him the one in his second booke the other in his eight booke of Chronicles In the yere of our Lord say they 1218 at the taking of Damiata a city of Egypt vnder Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem M. Robert Curson an English man a most famous clearke of noble parentage and cardinall of the church of Rome was there with Pelagius Albanensis c. Boston of Burie in Suffolke in his catalogue reporteth that he wrote diuers books He flourished in the yeere aforesayd by the witnesses aforesayd Henry the third sonne of king Iohn being then king of England and by the further testimony of Boston this Curson was legate into England in the dayes of Honorius the third bishop of Rome The voyage of Ranulph earle of Chester of Saer Quincy earle of VVinchester William de Albanie earle of Arundel with diuers other noble men to the Holy land in the second yere of K. Henry the third Matth. Paris Holensh pag. 202. IN the yeere 1218 Ranulph earle of Chester was sent into the Holy land by king Henry the third with a goodly company of souldiers and men of warre to ayde the Christians there against the Infidels which at the same time had besieged the city of Damiata in Egypt In which enterprise the valiancy of the same earle after his comming thither was to his great praise most apparant There went with him in that iourney Saer de Quincy earle of Winchester William de Albanie earle of Arundel besides diuers barons as the lord Robert fitz Walter Iohn constable of Chester William de Harecourt and Oliuer fitz Roy sonne to the king of England and diuers others The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the Holy land THis yere being the sixt yere of Henry the third deceased Henry de Bohun earle of Hereford and Saer de Quincy earle of Winchester in their iourney which they made to the Holy land Matth. Paris Holensh pag. 202. colâ— 2. The trauailes of Ranulph Glanuile earle of Chester RAnulphus Glanuile Cestriae Comes vir nobilissimi generis vâ—roque iure eruditus in albo illustâ—ium virorum à me meritò ponendus venit Ita probè omnes adolescentiae suae annos legibus tum humanis tum diuinis consecrauit vt non prius in hominem per aetatem euaserit quà m nomen decúsque ab insigni eruditione sibi comparauerit Cum profecti essent Francorum Heroes Ptolemaidem inito cum Ioanne Brenâ—o Hierosolymorum rege concilio Damiatam AEgypti vrbem obsidendam constituebant aâ—no salutis humanae 1218. Misitillùe Henricus rex ab Honorio 3 Rom. Pontifice rogatus cum magna armatorum manu Ranulphum ad rem Christian am iuuandam Cuius viâ—tus Polydoro teste in eo bello mitis omnium laudibus celebrata â—uit Quo confecto negotio Ranulphus in patriam reuersus scripfit De legibus Angliae librum vnum Fertur praeterea alia quaedam scripsisse sed tempus edax rerum ea nobis abstulit Claruit anno à Seruatoris nostri natiuitate 1230 confectus senio dum Henricus terâ—ius sub Antichristi tyrannide in Anglia regnaret The same in English RAnulph Glanuile earle of Chester a man of a very noble house and learned in both the Lawes deserues of duetie to be here placed by me in the catalogue of woorthy and notable men He applied so well all the yeeres of his youth to the study of humane and diuine Lawes that he came not so soone to the age of a man as he had purchased to himselfe by reason of his singular learning renowme and honour When the noble men of France went to Ptolomais vpon the counsell of Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem they resolued to besiege Damiata a city
countrey dogs and therefore they are hunted with dogs because cats are not able to incounter them Moreouer in the same countrey euery man hath a bundle of great boughs standing in a water-pot before his doore which bundle is as great as a piller and it will not wither so long as water is applied thereunto with many other nouelties and strange things the relation whereof would breed great delight How peper is had and where it groweth MOreouer that it may be manifest how peper is had it is to be vnderstood that it groweth in a certaine kingdome whereat I my selfe arriued being called Minibar and it is not so plentifull in any other part of the worlde as it is there For the wood wherein it growes conceineth in circuit 18. dayes iourney And in the said wood or forrest there are two cities one called Flandrina and the other Cyncilim In Flandrina both Iewes and Christians doe inhabite betweene whom there is often contention and warre howbeit the Christians ouercome the Iewes at all times In the foresaid wood pepper is had after this maner first it groweth in leaues like vnto pot-hearbs which they plant neere vnto great trees as we do our vines and they bring forth pepper in clusters as our vines doe yeeld grapes but being ripe they are of a greene colour and are gathered as we gather grapes and then the graines are layed in the Sunne to be dried and being dried are put into earthen vessels and thus is pepper made and kept Now in the same wood there be many riuers wherein are great store of Crocodiles and of other serpents which the inhabitants thereabout do burne vp with straw and with other dry fewel and so they go to gather their pepper without danger At the South end of the said forrest stands the city of Polumbrum which aboundeth with marchandize of all kinds All the inhabitants of that countrey do worship a liuing ore as their god whom they put to labour for sixe yeres and in the seuenth yere they cause him to rest from al his worke placing him in a solemne and publique place and calling him an holy beast Moreouer they vse this foolish ceremonie Euery morning they take two basons either of siluer or of gold and with one they receiue the vrine of the ore and with the other his dung With the vrine they wash their face their eyes and all their fiue senses Of the dung they put into both their eyes then they annoint the bals of their checks therewith and thirdly their breast and then thâ—y say that they are sanctified for all that day And as the people doe euen so doe their King and Queene This people worshippeth also a dead idole which from the nauel vpward resembleth a man and from the nauel downeward an oxe The very same Idol deliuers oracles vnto them and sometimes requireth the blood of fourtie virgins for his hire And therefore the men of that region do consecrate their daughters and their sonnes vnto their idols euen as Christians do their children vnto some Religion or Saint in heauen Likewise they sacrifice their sonnes and their daughters and so much people is put to death before the said Idol by reason of that accursed ceremony Also many other hainous and abominable villanies doeth that brutish beastly people commit and I sawe many moe strange things among them which I meane not here to insert Another most vile custome the foresaide nation doeth reâ—aine for when any man dieth they burne his dead corps to ashes and if his wife suruiueth him her they burne quicke because say they she shall accompany her husband in his tilthe and husbandry when he is come into a new world Howbeit the said wife hauing children by her husband may if she will remaine still aliue with them without shame or reproch notwithstanding for the most part they all of them make choice to be burnt w t their husbands Now albeit the wife dieth before her husband that law bindeth not the husband to any such incoÌ„uenience but he may mary another wife also Likewise y e said nation hath another strange custome in that their women drink wine but their men do not Also the women haue the lids brows of their eyes beards shauen but the men haue not with many other base filthy fashions which the said women do vse contrary to the nature of their â—exe FroÌ„ that kingdom I traueiled 10. daies iourney vnto another kingdom called Mobar which containeth many cities Within a certaine church of the same countrâ—y the body of S. Thomas the Apostle is interred the very same church being full of idols and in 15. houses round about the said Church there dwell certaine priests who are Nestorians that is to say false and bad Christians and schismatiques Of a strange and vncouth idole and of certaine customes and ceremonies IN the said kingdome of Mobar there is a wonderfull strang idole being made after the shape and resemblance of a man as big as the image of our Christopher consisting all of most pure and glittering gold And about the neck thereof hangeth a silke riband ful of most rich precious stones some one of which is of more value then a whole kingdome The house of this idol is all of beaten gold namely the roofe the pauement and the sieling of the wall within and wâ—thout Unto this idol the Indians go on pilgrimage as we do vnto S. Peter Some go with halters about their necks some with their hands bound behind them some other with kniues sticking on their armes or legs and if after their peregrination the flesh of their wounded arme festereth or corrupteth they esteeme that limme to be holy thinke that their God is wel pleased with them Neare vnto the temple of that idol is a lake made by the hands of men in an open common place whereinto the pilgrimes cast gold siluer precious stones for the honour of the idol and the repairing of his temple And therfore when any thing is to be adorned or mended they go vnto this lake taking vp the treasure which was cast in Moreouer at euery yerely feast of the making or repairing of the said idol the king and queene with the whole multitude of the people all the pilgrimes assemble themselues placing the said idol in a most stately rich chariot they cary him out of their temple with songs with all kind of musical harmonie a great company of virgins go procession-wise two and two in a rank singing before him Many pilgrims also put themselues vnder the chariot wheeles to the end that their false god may go ouer them and al they ouer whom the chariot runneth are crushed in pieces diuided asunder in the midst and slaine right out Yea in doing this they think themselues to die most holily securely in the seruice of their god And by this meanes euery yere there
I was testifieth those things which I saw to be true Many other things I haue omitted because I beheld them not with mine owne eyes Howbeit from day to day I purpose with my selfe to trauell countreyes or lands in which action I dispose my selfe to die or to liue as it shall please my God Of the death of frier Odoricus IN the yeere therefore of our Lord 1331 the foresayd frier Odoricus preparing himselfe for the performance of his intended iourney that his trauell and labour might be to greater purpose he determined to present himselfe vnto pope Iohn the two and twentieth whose benediction and obedience being receiued he with a certaine number of friers willing to beare him company might conuey himselfe vnto all the countreyes of infidels And as he was trauelling towards the pope and not farre distant from the city of Pisa there meets him by the way a certaine olde man in the habit and attire of a pilgrime saluting him by name and saying All haile frier Odoricus And when the frier demaunded how he had knowledge of him he answered Whilest you were in India I knew you full well yea and I knew your holy purpose also but see that you returne immediatly vnto the couen from whence you came for tenne dayes hence you shall depart out of this present world Wherefore being astonished and amazed at these wordes especially the olde man vanishing out of his sight presently after he had spoken them he determined to returne And so he returned in perfect health feeling no crazednesse nor infirmity of body And being in his rouen at Vdene in the prouince of Padua the tenth day after the foresayd vision hauing receiued the Communion and preparing himselfe vnto God yea being strong and sound of body hee happily rested in the Lord whose sacred departure was signified vnto the Pope aforesaid vnder the hand of the publique notary in these words following In the yeere of our Lord 1331 the 14. day of Ianuarie Beatus Odoricus a Frier minorite deceased in Christ at whose prayers God shewed many and sundry miracles which I Guetelus publique notarie of Vtina sonne of M. Damianus de Porto Gruaro at the commandement and direction of the honorable Conradus of the Borough of Gastaldion and one of the Councell of Vtina haue written as faithfully as I could and haue deliuered a copie thereof vnto the Friers minorites howbeit not of all because they are innumerable and too difficult for me to write The voyage of Matthew Gourney a most valiant English Knight against the Moores of Algier in Barbarie and Spaine M. Camden pag. 159. NEctacendum Matthaeum Gourney in oppido quodam vulgarilingua Stoke vnder Hamden in comitatu Somersetensi appellato sepultum esâ—e virum bellico sissimum regnante Edwardo tertio qui 96. aetatis anno diem obiuit cum vt ex inscriptione videre licuit obsidioni d'Algizer contra Saracenos praelijs Benamazin Sclusensi Cressiaco Ingenos Pictauiensi Nazarano in Hispania dimicasset The same in English IT is by no meanes to be passed ouer in silence that Matthew Gourney being a most valiant warriour in the reigne of Edward the third lyeth buried at a certaine towne in the countie of Somerset commonly called Stoke vnder Hamden who deceased in the 96. yeare of his age and that as it is manifest by the inscription of his monument after he had valiantly behaued himselfe at the siege of Algizer against the Sarazens and at the battailes of Benamazin of Sluce of Cressie of Ingenos of Poictou and of Nazaran in Spaine The comming of Lyon King of Armenia into England in the yeere 1386 and in the ninth yeere of Richard the second in trust to finde some meanes of peace or good agreement betweene the King of England and the French king Iohn Froyssart lib. 3. cap. 56. THus in abiding for the Duke of Berrie and for the â—â—â—stable who were behind then king Lyon of Armenia who was in Franâ—â— and had assigned him by the king sixe thousande frankes by the yeare to maintaine his estate tooke vpon him for a good intent to goe into England to speake with the king there and his Councell to see if he might finde any matter of peace to be had betweene the two Reaâ—mes England and France And so he departed from his lodging of Saint Albeyne beside Saint Denice alonely with his owne company and with no great apparell So he rode to Boloine and there he tooke a shippe and so sayled foorth till he came to Douer and there he found the Earle of Cambridge and the Earle of Buckingham and moe then a hundreth men of armes and a two thousand Archers who lay there to keepe that passage for the brute ran that the Frenchmen should lande there or at Sandwich and the king lay at London and part of his Councell with him and daily heard tydings from all the Portes of England When the king of Armenia was arriued at Douer he had there good cheere because he was a stranger and so he came to the kings Uncles there who sweetly receiued him and at a time conuenient they demaunded of him from whence he came and whither he would The king answered and sayd that in trust of goodnesse he was come thither to see the king of England and his Councell to treate of peace betweene England and France for he saide that he thought the warre was not meete for he sayd by reason of warre betweene these two Realmes which hath indured so long the Saracens Iewes Turkes are waxed proude for there is none that make them any warre and by occasion thereof I haue lost my land and Realme and am not like to recouer them againe without there were firme peace in all Christendome I would gladly shew the matter that toucheth all Christendome to the king of England and to his Councell as I haue done to the French king Then the kings Uncles demaunded of him if the French king sent him thither or no he answered and sayd no there is no man that sent mee but I am come hither by mine owne motion to see if the king of England his Councel would any thing leane to any treaty of peace then was he demaunded where the French king was he answered I beleeue he be at Sluce I sawe not him sithence I tooke my leaue of him at Senlize Then he was demaunded howe he could make any treatie of peace and had no charge so to doe and Sir if yee be conueyed to the King our Nephew and to his Counsell and the French king in the meane season enter with his puissance into England yee may happe thereby to receiue great blame and your person to be in great ieoperdy with them of the Countrey Then the King answered and said I am in suretie of the French king for I haue sent to him desiring him till I returne againe not to remoue from Sluce and I repute him so noble and so well aduised that he
honorable presents And a litle afterward Upon the hearing of these newes the emperor departed with great ioy out of England whom the king honoured with many precious gifts The Voiage of the bishop of VVinchester to Ierusalem in the sixe yeere of the reigne of Henry the fift which was the yeere of our Lord 1417. Thomas Walsing VLtimo die mensis Octobris episcopus Wintoniensis accessit ad concilium Constanciense peregrinaturus Hierosolymam post electioneÌ„ summi pontificis celebratam vbi tantum valuit elus facunda persuasio vâ— excitaret dominos Cardinales ad concordiam ad electionem summi pontificis se ocyâ—s praepararent The same in English THe last day of October the bishop of Winchester came to the Councell of Constance which after the chusing of the Pope determined to take his iourney to Ierusalem where his eloquent perswasion so much preuailed that he both perswaded my lords the Cardinals to vnity and concord and also moued them to proceed more speedily to the election of the Pope A preparation of a voyage of King Henrie the fourth to the Holy land against the infidels in the yere 1413 being the last yere of his reigne wherein he was preuented by death written by Walsingham Fabian Polydore Virgile and Holenshed IN this foureteenth and last yere of king Henries reigne a councell was holden in the White friets in London at the which among other things order was taken for ships and gallies to be builded and made ready and all other things necessary to be prouided for a voyage which he meant to make into the Holy land there to recouer the city of Ierusalem from the infidels for it grieued him to consider the great malice of Christian princes that were bent vpon a mischieuous purpose to destroy one another to the perill of their owne soules rather then to make warre against the enemies of the Christian faith as in conscience it seemed to him they were bound We finde sayeth Fabian in his Chronicle that he was taken with his last sickenesse while he was making his prayers at Saint Edwards shrine there as it were to take his leaue and so to proceede foorth on his iourney He was so suddenly and grieuously taken that such as were about him feared least he would haue died presently wherefore to relieâ—e him if it were possible they bare him into a chamber that was next at hand belonging to the Abbot of Westminster where they layd him on a pallet before the fire and vsed all remedies to reuiue him At length he recouered his speech and perceiuing himselfe in a strange place which he knew not he willed to knowe if the chamber had any particular name whereunto answere was made that it was called Ierusalem Then sayde the king Laâ—des be giuen to the father of heauen for now I knowe that I shall die here in this chamber according to the prophesie of mee declared that I should depart this life in Ierusalem Of this intended voyage Polydore Virgile writeth in manner following POst haec Henricus Rex memor nihil homini debere esse entiquius quà m ad officium iustiâ—iae quae ad hominum vellitatem perâ—inet omne suum studium conferre protinùs omisso ciuili bello quo pudebat videre Christianos omni tempore turpitèr occupari de republica Anglica benè gubernanda de bello in hostes communes sumendo de Hierosolymis tandem aliquando recipiendis plura destinabat classemque iam parabat cum ei talia agenti atque meditanti casus mortem attulit subito enim morbo tentatus nulla medicina subleuari potuit Mortuus est apud Westmonasterium annum agens quadragesimum sextum qui fuit annus salutis humanae 1413. The same in English AFterward King Henry calling to minde that nothing ought to be more highly esteemed by any man then to doe the vtmost of his indâ—uour for the performance of iustice which â—endeth to the good and benefite of mankinde altogether abandoning ciuill warre wherewith he was ashamed to see how Christians at all times were dishonourably busied cutered into a more derye consideration of well gouerning his Realme of England of waging warre against the common enemie and of recouering in processe of time the citie of Ierusalem yea and was prouiding a nauie for the same purpose whenas in the very midst of this his heroâ—call action and enterprise he was surprised with death for falling into a sudden disease he could not be cured by any kinde of phisicke He deceased at Westminster in the 46 yeare of his age which was in the yeere of our Lord 1413. A briefe relation of the siege and taking of the Citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke translated out of French into English at the motion of the Reuerend Lord Thomas Dockwray great Prior of the order of Ierusalem in England in the yeere 1524. WIlling faithfully to write and reduce in veritie Historiall the great siege cruel oppugnation and piteous taking of the noble and renowmed citie of Rhodes the key of Christendome the hope of many poore Christian men withholden in Turkie to saue and keepe them in their faith the rest and yeerely solace of noble pilgrimes of the holy supulchre of Iesu Christ and other holy places the refuge and refreshing of all Christian people hauing course of marchandise in the parties of Leuant I promise to all estates that shall see this present booke that I haue left nothing for feare of any person nor preferred it for fauour And first I shall shewe the occasions that mooued this cruell bloodshedder enemie of our holy Christian faith Sultan Soliman now being great Turke to come with a great hoste by sea and by lande to besiege and assayle the space of sixe moneths night and day the noble and mightie citie of Rhodes The yere of the incarnation of our Lord Iesu Christ 1522. The occasions why the great Turke came to besiege the Citie of Rhodes THe first and principall cause was that he did consider and sawe by experience that there was none other Towne nor place in Leuant that warred against him nor kept him in doubt but this poore rocke of Rhodes And hearing the continuall complaintes of his subiectes aswell of Syria as of Turkie for the domages and prises dayly done of their bodies and goods by Christian men of warre receiued into Rhodes And also of the shippes and gallies of the religion he tooke conclusion in himselfe that if he might put the sayde Towne in his power and subiection that then he should be peaceable lord of all the parties of Leuant and that his subiects should complaine no more to him The second that he might followe the doings of his noble predecessouâ—s and shewe himselfe very heire of the mightie and victorious lord Sultan Selim his father willing to put in execution the enterprise by him left the yeere one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The which Selim the great Turke put in all
ships as gallies galliasses and fusts and passed one after another before the towne and hauen of Rhodes three miles off and came to shore in a place nigh to land called Perambolin sixe miles from the towne In the which place the sayd hoste abode from that time to the end of that vnhappy siege The number and names of the vessels that came to besiege Rhodes THe number of the ships were these 30 galliasses 103 gallies aswell bastards as subtill mahonnets 15 taffours 20 fusts 64 great ships sixe or seuen gallions 30 galleres beside the nauy that waited for Christian men if any came to succour vs. These were the vessels that came at the first to lay the siege And sith that the sayd host came out of Perambolin there came from Syria 20 other sailes aswell gallies as fusts And many other ships came sith and ioyned with the sayd army in the time of the sayd siege And it was sayd that there were 400 sailes and moe The same day that part of the host came to the sayd place the reuerend lord great master ordeined a great brigandine to send into the West to certifie our holy father the pope and the Christian princes how the Turks army was afore Rhodes And in the sayd vessell he sent two knights one a French man named Sir Claude dansoyuille called Villiers and Sir Loys de Sidonia a Spaniard and they went to the pope and to the emperour After the comming of the Turks nauy into the sayd place it was 14 or 15 dayes or they set any ordinance on land great or small or any quantity of men came on shore whereof we marueiled And it was tolde vs by some that came out of the campe and also by the spies that the lord great master had sent abroad arayed as Turks that they abode the commandement of their great lord vntill the hoste by land were come into the campe Howbeit there came some number for to view the towne but they went pâ—iuily for the ordinance of the towne shot without cease All this while the gallies and galliasses went and came to land bringing vitaile and people At the which ships passing nigh the town were shot many strokes with bombards which made some slaughter of our enemies and when the most part of them was past they began to set ordinance on the land with great diligence Then the lord great master departed from his palace and lodged him nigh a church called The victory because that place was most to be doubted and also that at the other siege the great businesse and assault was there How the lord great master made his petition before the image of S. Iohn and offered him the keyes of the towne THe day before were made many predications and sermons and the last was in the church of S. Iohn Baptist. When the sermon was done a pontificall Masse was celebrate with all solemnities and all the reliques taken downe and the lord great master and all his knights with great deuotions and reuerence heard it And when the Masse was ended the lord great master made a pitious oration or prayer before Saint Iohn Baptist his protectour and aboue all other words which were too long to tell he besought him meekly that it would please him to take the keyes of that miserable city The which keyes he presented and layed vpon the altar before the image beseeching S. Iohn to take the keeping and protection thereof and of all the religion as by his grace he had giuen to him vnworthy the gouerning vnto that day and by his holy grace to defend them from the great power of the enemies that had besieged them How the women slaues would haue set fire in the towne THe eight day of Iuly it was knowen that the Turkish women being slaues and seruaunts in many houses of the towne had appointed to set fire in their masters houses at the first assault that should be made to the end that the men should leaue their posterns defenses to go and saue their houses and goods And it was found that a woman of Marchopora being a slaue was first moouer thereof the which was taken and put to execution The same day some of our men went out for to skirmish with the Turkes and many of them were slaine with shot of our artillerie and of our men but one How the Turkes layd their artillerie about the towne and of the maner and quantitie of their pieces and gunshot THe 18. day of Iuly for the beginning and first day they set vp a mantellet vnder the which they put three or foure meane pieces as sacres wherâ—with they shot against the posterns of England and Prouence But the mantellet was soone broken and cast downe and their pieces destroyed with the shot of the wall and they that shot them were most part slaine As this first mantellet was broken by the great and innumerable people that they had they set all their ordinance on land and caried it to the places where it should be bent or nigh thereby And the 29. day of the same moneth they set vp two other mantellets One beside a church of saine Cosme and Damian and another toward the West And from these mantellets they shot great pieces as Culuerings double gunnes and great bombards agaynst the wals of England and Spaine to the which mantellets the ordinance of the towne gaue many great strokes and often brake them And the more to grieue the towne and to feare vs they set vp many other mantellets in diuers places almost round about the towne and they were reckoned foure score the which number was well lessened by the great quantitie of strokes of artillerie shot out of the towne from many places The artillerie of the Turkes was such as followeth FIrst there were sixe great gunnes cannons perriers of brasse that shot a stone of three foote and a halfe also there were 15. pieces of iron that shot stones of fiue or sixe spannes about Also there were 14. great bombards that shot stones of eleuen spans about Also there were twelue basiliskes whereof they shot but with 8. that is to weet foure shot agaynst the posterns of England and Spaine and two against the gate of Italy the other two shot sometime against Saint Nicholas tower Also there were 15. double gunnes casting bullets as basiliskes The meane shot as sacres and pasuolans were in great number The handgunshot was innumerable and incredible Also there were twelue potgunnes of brasse that shot vpward where of eight were set behind the church of S. Cosme and Damian and two at saint Iohn de la Fonâ—aine toward the port of Italy and the other two afore the gate of Auuergne the which were shot night and day and there were three sorts of them whereof the greatest were of sixe or seuen spannes about And the sayd stones were cast into the towne to make murder of people which is a thing very inhumane and fearefull which
Giambelat Bey the Sangiaccho of Tripolis the Begliarbei of Greece the Bassa of Sciuassi and of Marasco Ferca Framburaro the Sangiaccho of Antipo Soliman Bey three Sangiacchos of Arabia Mustafa Bey generall of the Uenturers Fergat gouernour of Malathia the Framburaro of Diuerie the Sangiaccho of Arabia and other Sangiacchos of lesser credite with the number of fourescore thousand persons besides as by the muster made by his Commission might well appeare The Framburaro which was at Rhodes was appointed and left gouernour at Famagusta and the report was that there should bee left in all the Island of Cyprus twentie thousand persons with two thousand horses many of the which I saw being very leane and euill appoynted for seruice It seemeth also a thing not impertinent to the matter to signifie to you how I by the especiall grace of God was deliuered out of their cruel hands I hauing paied within two fortie dayes all the which time I was slaue fiue hundred Zechins for my ransome to him whose prisoner I was by the meanes of the Consul for the French merchants a ligier then at Tripolis who a litle before came from Tripolis in Syria vnto Cyprus into the Turkes campe Yet for all that I had paied this summe of money to him hee would not so set me at libertie but fed mee vp still with faire wordes and promised mee that hee would first bring mee vnto his gouernement which abutted vpon a piece of the famous riuer of Euphrates and afterward dismisse me The which malice and falsehood of his I perceiuing determined with my selfe to giue him the slip and to flee so I waiting my time and repairing often to the Citie at length met with a small Fisher boate of the which a poore Grecian was Owner and master with whom in one night with two onely dares and a small saile made of two shirts I passed ouer from Cyprus vnto Tripolis being a very great danger of drowning whereas I remained in couert in the house of certaine Christians vntill the fiue and twentie of September at what time I departed from thence in a little French shippe called Santa Victor which came into these partes and as wee rode wee touched at a part of Cyprus Westward called Capo delle Garte where as I came on land and talking with certaine of the inhabitants of the Uillages who were then by chaunce a Hauking demaunded of them how they were intreated of the Turkes and after what sort the Island was tilled to the which they answered that they could not possiblie bee in worse pickle then they were at that present not enioying that quietly which was their owne being made villaines and slaues and almost alwayes carying away the Bastonados so that now they sayd they knew by triall too perfectly the pleasant and peaceable gouernment of the Christians wishing and praying God that they might shortly returne And concerning the tillage of the Island they made answere moreouer that no part of it was plowed or laboured sauing onely that mountaine which was towards the West and that because they were litle troubled with the crueltie of the Turkes but as for the plaine and East part of the Island there was small seede sowen therein but became in a maner desert there being left but few inhabitants and lesse store of cattell there Afterward wee departing from thence arriued in Candia I for my part being clothed in sackecloth whereas soone after by the great curtesie of the right honourable Signior Latino Orsino I was new apparelled accordingly friendly welcommed and my necessitie relieued From whence I shortly after sayling in a Cypriottes ship thankes be to almightie God arriued in this Citie in health and â—m safely come home now at the honorable feete of your highnesse The Captains of the Christians slaine in Famagusta THe lord Estor Baglione The lord Aluigi Martinengo The lord Federico Baglione The knight of Asta Uicegouernor The capitaine Dauid Noce Master of the Campe. The capitaine Meani of Perugia Serieant Maior The earle Sigismond of Casoldo The earle Francesco of Lobi of Cremona The captaine Francesco Troncauilla The captaine Hannibal Adamo of Fermo The captaine Scipio of the citie of Castello The captaine Charles Ragonasco of Cremona The captaine Francesco Siraco The captaine Roberto Maluezzo The captaine Caesar of Aduersa The captaine Bernardin of Agubio The captaine Francesco Bugon of Verona The captaine Iames of Fabiano The captaine Sebastian del Sole of Florence The captaine Hector of Brescia the successour to the captaine Caesar of Aduersa The captaine Flaminio of Florence successor vnto Sebastian del Sole The captaine Erasmus of Fermo successor to the captaine of Cernole The captaine Bartholomew of Cernole The captaine Iohn Battista of Riuarole The captaine Iohn Francesco of Venice The names of Christians made slaues THe Earle Herocles Martinengo with Iulius Caesar Ghelfo a Souldiour of Bressa The earle Nestor Martinengo which fled The captaine Marco Criuellatore The lord Herocles Malatesta The captaine Peter Conte of Montalberto The captaine Horatio of Veletri The captaine Aluigi Pezano The Conte Iames of Corbara The captaine Iohn of Istria The captaine Soldatelli of Agubio The captaine Iohn of Ascoli The captaine Antonie of the same towne The captaine Sebastian of the same towne The captaine Salgano of the citie of Castello The captaine Marcheso of Fermo The captaine Iohn Antonio of Piacenza The captaine Carletto Naldo The captaine Lorenzo Fornaretti The captaine Barnardo of Brescia The captaine Barnardino Coco The captaine Simon Bagnese successour to the captaine Dauid Noce The captaine Tiberio Ceruto successor vnto Conte Sigismond The captaine Ioseph of Lanciano successour vnto captaine Francesco Troncauilla The captaine Morgante successor to captain Hannibal The Lieutenant successour vnto the captaine Scipio The Standerdbearer successour to captaine Roberto The captaine Ottauio of Rimini successour to the captaine Francesco Bugon The captaine Mario de Fabiano successour to captaine Iacomo The captaine Francesco of Venice successour vnto captaine Antonio The captaine Matteo of Capua The captaine Iohn Maria of Verona The captaine Mancino The Fortifiers Iohn Marmori slaine The knight Maggio slaue Turkish Captaines at Famagusta MVstafa Generall The Bassa of Aleppo The Bassa of Natolia slaine Musafer Bassa of Nicosia The Bassa of Caramania The Aga of the Giannizers Giambelat Bey The Sangiaccho of Tripolis slaine The Begliarbei of Greece The Bassa of Sciuassi and Marasco Ferca Framburaro The Sangiaccho of Antipo slaine Soliman Bey slaine Three Sangiacchos of Arabia slaine Mustafa Bey General of the Venturers slain Fergat ruler of Malathia slaine The Framburaro of Diuerie slaine The woorthy enterprise of Iohn Foxe an English man in deliuering 266. Christians out of the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria the 3. of Ianuarie 1577. AMong our merchants here in England it is a common voiage to traffike into Spaine whereunto a ship being called The three halfe Moones manned with 38. men and well fensed with munitions
and durst doe nothing which was to our cost Being come within sight of Ierusalem the maner is to kneele downe and giue God thankes that it hath pleased him to bring vs to that holy place where he himselfe had beene and there we leaue our horses and go on foote to the towne and being come to the gates there they tooke our names and our fathers names and so we were permitted to go to our lodgings The gouernor of the house met vs a mile out of the towne and very curteously bade vs all welcome and brought vs to the monasterie The gates of the citie are all couered with yron the entrance into the house of the Christians is a very low narrow doore barred or plated with yron and then come we into a very darke entry the place is a monastery there we lay dieted of free cost we fared reasonable well the bread and wine was excellent good the chambers cleane all the meat well serued in with cleane linnen We lay at the monasterie two dayes friday and saturday and then we went to Bethlem with two or three of the friers of the house with vs in the way thither we saw many monuments as The mountaine where the Angell tooke vp Abacuck by the haire and brought him to Daniel in the Lions denne The fountaine of the prophet Ieremie The place where the wise men met that went to Bethlem to worship Christ where is a fountaine of stone Being come to Bethlem we sawe the place where Christ was borne which is now a chappell with two altars whereupon they say masse the place is built with gray marble and hath bene beautifull but now it is partly decayed Neere thereto is the sepulchre of the innocents slaine by Herod the sepulchres of Paul of Ierome and of Eusebius Also a litle from this monasterie is a place vnder the ground where the virgine Mary abode with Christ when Herod sought him to destroy him We stayed at Bethlem that night and the next day we went from thence to the mountaines of Iudea which are about eight miles from Ierusalem where are the ruines of an olde monasterie In the mid way from the monasterie to Ierusalem is the place where Iohn Baptist was borne being now an olde monasterie and cattell kept in it Also a mile from Ierusalem is a place called Inuentio sanctae crucis where the wood was found that made the crosse In the citie of Ierusalem we saw the hall where Pilat sate in iudgement when Christ was condemned the staires whereof are at Rome as they told vs. A litle from thence is the house where the virgin Mary was borne There is also the piscina or fishpoole where the sicke folkes were healed which is by the wals of Ierusalem But the poole is now dry The mount of Caluaria is a great church and within the doore therof which is litle and barred with yron and fiue great holes in it to looke in like the holes of tauerne doores in London they sit that are appointed to receiue our money with a carpet vnder them vpon a banke of stone their legs a crosse like tailors hauing paid our money we are permitted to go into the church right against the church doore is the graue where Christ was buried with a great long stone of white marble ouer it and rayled about the outside of the sepulchre is very foule by meanes that euery man scrapes his name and marke vpon it and is ill kept Within the sepulchre is a partition in the further part thereof is a place like an altar where they say masse and at the doore thereof is the stone whereupon the Angell sate when he sayde to Marie He is risen which stone was also rowled to the doore of the sepulchre The altar stone within the sepulchre is of white marble the place able to conteine but foure persons right ouer the sepulchre is a deuise or lanterne for light and ouer that a great louer such as are in England in ancient houses There is also the chappell of the sepulchre and in the mids thereof is a canopie as it were of a bed with a great sort of Estridge egges hanging at it with tassels of silke and lampes Behinde the sepulchre is a litle chappell for the Chaldeans and Syrians Upon the right hand comming into the church is the tombe of Baldwine king of France and of his sonne and in the same place the tombe of Melchisedech There is a chappell also in the same church erected to S. Helen through which we go vp to the place where Christ was crucified the stayres are fiftie steps high there are two altars in it before the high altar is the place where the crosse stood the hole whereof is trimmed about with siluer and the depth of it is halfe a mans arme deepe the rent also of the mountaine is there to be seene in the creuis wherein a man may put his arme Upon the other side of the mount of Caluarie is the place where Abraham would haue sacrificed his sonne Where also is a chapell and the place paued with stones of diuers colours There is also the house of Annas the high Priest and the Oliue tree whereunto Christ was bound when he was whipt Also the house of Caiphas and by it the prison where Christ was kept which is but the roome of one man and hath no light but the opening of the doore Without Ierusalem in the vally of Iosaphat is a church vnder the ground like to the shrouds in Pauls where the sepulchre of the virgin Mary is the staires be very broad and vpon the staires going downe are two sepulchres vpon the left hand lieth Iosaphat and vpon the right hand lieth Ioachim and Anna the father and mother of the virgin Mary Going out of the valley of Iosaphat we came to mount Oliuet where Christ praied vnto his father before his death and there is to be seene as they tolde me the water blood that fell from the eyes of Christ. A litle higher vpon the same mount is the place where the Apostles â—ept and watched not At the foot of the mount is the place where Christ was imprisoned Upon the mountaine also is the place where Christ stood when he wept ouer Ierusalem and where he ascended into heauen Now hauing seene all these monuments I with my company set from Ierusalem the 20 day of August and came againe to Ioppa the 22 of the same moneth where wee tooke shipping presently for Tripolis and in foure dayes we came to Mecina the place where the ships lie that come for Tripolis The citie of Tripolis is a mile and a halfe within the land so that no ship can come further then Mecina so that night I came thither where I lay nine daies for passage and at last we imbarked our selues in a good ship of Venice called the new Naue Ragasona We entred the ship the second of September the
pidimos a Dios omnipotente prospere y accrescente con toda felicitad y honra De la ciudad de Londres a los veynte dias de Iulio del mil y quinientos y ochenta y quatro annos Al seruitio de vuestra Alteza per y en nombre de todos les tratantes en Turquia Io el Mayor de Londres Edward Osborne The same in English RIght high and mightie king May it please your highnesse to vnderstand that the most high and most mightie maiestie of the Grand Signor hath confirmed certaine articles of priuileges with the most excellent maiestie of our Queene of England that her subiects may freely go and come and traffike by sea and land in the dominions of his most mighty maiesty as appeareth more at large by y e said articles whereof we haue sent the copy vnto M. Ioh. Tipton our Commissarie to shew the same vnto your highnes Against the tenor of which articles one of our ships which came from Patras which is in Morea laden with corants and other merchandizes which were bought in those parts was sunke by 2. gallies of your citie of Alger and the greatest number of the men thereof were slain and drowned in the sea the residue being detained as slaues An acte very contrary to the meaning of the aforesaid articles and priuileges which is the occasiō that by these presents we beseech your highnesse very humbly that since it hath pleased the most mightie maiestie of the Grand Signor to fauour vs with the sayd priuileges it would please your Highnesse in like maner to assist vs in the same graunting vs by your authoritie your ayde and fauour according as our hope is that these poore men so detained in captiuitie as is aforesaid may be set at libertie returne into their countrey And likewise that your highnesse would send to giue order to the captaines masters and people of your gallies that from hencefoorth they would suffer vs to vse our traffique with sixe ships yerely into Turkie vnto the dominions of the Grand Signor in peace and safetie that they do not withstand those our said priuileges euery one of our foresaid ships carying with them a passeport of his most high and most mightie maiestie to be knowen by And for that your so singular fauour and curtesie which in so doing we shall receiue we on our part with all bounden duetie vnto your highnesse will seeke to honour you in that behalfe according as the sayd master Iohn Tipton to whom wee referre our selues touching all other circumstances shall more at large enforme your highnesse whose most excellent person and estate we pray and beseech almightie God to prosper and increase with all felicitie and honour From the Citie of London the 20. of Iuly 1584. At the seruice of your highnesse for and in the name of our whole company trading into Turkie I Maior of London Edward Osburne Notes concerning the trade of Alger THe money that is coined in Alger is a piece of gold called Asiano Doublaes and two Doublaes make an Asiano but the Doubla is most vsed for all things be sold by Doublaes which Doubla is fiftie of their Aspers there The Asper there is not so good by halfe more as that in Constantinople for the Chekin of gold of the Turkes made at Constantinople is at Alger worth an 150. Aspers and at Constantinople it is but 66. Aspers The pistolet and roials of plate are most currant there The said pistolet goeth for 130. Aspers there the piece of 4. roials goeth for 40. Aspers but oftentimes is sold for more as men need them to cary vp into Turkie Their Asianos and Doublaes are pieces of course gold worth here but 40. s. the ounce so the same is currant in no place of Turkie out of the kingdom of Alger neither the Aspers for that they be lesse then others be for they coine them in Alger The custome to the king is inward 10. per centum to the Turke to be paid of the commoditie it selfe or as it shall be rated There is another custome to the Ermine of one an halfe per centum which is to the Iustice of the Christians the goods for this custome are rated as they are for the kings custome Hauing paid custome inwards you pay none outwards for any commoditie that you doe lade more then a reward to the gate keepers The waight there is called a Cantare for fine wares as mettals refined and spices c. which is here 120. li. subtil Mettall not refined as lead iron and such grosse wares are sold by a great Cantare which is halfe as big againe so it is 180. li. subtil of ours here The measure of corne is by a measure called a Curtia which is about 4. bushels of our measure and corne is plentiful there and good cheape except when there hapneth a very dry yeere The surest lodging for a Christian there is in a Iewes house for if he haue any hurt the Iew and his goods shall make it good so the Iew taketh great care of the Christian and his goods that lieth in his house for feare of punishment An Englishman called Thomas Williams which is M. Iohn Tiptons man lieth about trade of merchandize in the streete called The Soca of the Iewes Notes concerning the trade in Alexandria ALexandria in Egypt is a free port and when a man commeth within the castles presently the Ermyn sends aboord to haue one come and speake with him to know what goods are aboord and then hee will set guards aboord the ship to see all the goods discharged And then from the Ermin you goe to the Bye onely for that he will inquire newes of you and so from thence to the Consuls house where you lie The Uenetians haue a Consul themselues But all other nations goe to the French nations Consul who will giue you a chamber for your selues apart if you will so haue it The customs inward of all commodities are ten in the hundred the custome is paid in wares also that you buy for the same wares in barter you pay also ten in the hundred at the lading of the wares But if you sell for mony you pay no more custome but the ten aforesaid and one and a half in the hundred which is for the custome of the goods you lade for the sayd mony for more custome you pay not But for all the money you bring thither you pay nothing for the custome of the same And if you sell your wares for mony and with the same money buy wares you pay but two in the hundred for the custome thereof And if you steale any custome if it be taken you pay double custome for that you steale The weight of Alexandria is called Pois Forforeine which is a kintal in that place which maketh at Marseils 109. li. of Marseils waight at 15 ounces the pound which is
We found it here very hote The winter beginneth here about the last of May. In these partes is a porte or hauen called Masulipatan which standeth eight dayes iourney from hence toward the gulfe of Bengala whether come many shippes out of India Pegu and Sumatra very richly laden with Pepper spices and other commodities The countrie is very good and fruitfull From thence I went to Seruidore which is a fine countrey and the king is called the king of Bread The houses here bee all thâ—tched and made of lome Here be many Moores and Gentiles but there is small religion among them From thence I went to Bellapore and so to Barrampore which is in the country of Zelabdim Echebar In this place their money is made of a kind of siluer round and thicke to the value of twentie pence which is very good siluer It is marueilous great and a populous countrey In their winter which is in Iune Iuly and August there is no passing in the streetes but with horses the waters be so high The houses are made of lome and thatched Here is great store of cotton cloth made and painted clothes of cotton wooll here groweth great store of corne and Rice We found mariages great store both in townes and villages in many places where wee passed of boyes of eight or ten yeeres and girles of fiue or six yeeres old They both do ride vpon one horse very trimly decked and are caried through the towne with great piping and playing and so returne home and eate of a banket made of Rice and fruits and there they daunce the most part of the night and so make an ende of the marriage They lie not together vntill they be ten yeeres old They say they marry their children so yoong because it is an order that when the man dieth the woman must be burned with him so that if the father die yet they may haue a father in lawe to helpe to bring vp the children which bee maried and also that they will not leaue their sonnes without wiues nor their daughters without husbands From thence we went to Mandoway which is a very strong towne It was besieged twelue yeeres by Zelabdim Echebar before hee could winne it It standeth vpon a very great high rocke as the most part of of their castles doe and was of a very great circuite From hence wee went to Vgini and Serringe where wee ouertooke the ambassadour of Zelabdim Echebar with a marueilous great company of men elephants and camels Here is great trade of cotton and cloth made of cotton and great store of drugs From thence we went to Agra passing many riuers which by reason of the raine were so swollen that wee waded and swamme oftentimes for our liues Agra is a very great citie and populous built with stone hauing faire and large streetes with a faire riuer running by it which falleth into the gulfe of Bengala It hath a faire castle and a strong with a very faire ditch Here bee many Moores and Gentiles the king is called Zelabdim Echebar the people for the most part call him The great Mogor From thence wee went for Fatepore which is the place where the king kept his court The towne is greater then Agra but the houses and streetes be not so faire Here dwell many people both Moores and Gentiles The king hath in Agra and Fatepore as they doe crâ—dibly report 1000. elephants thirtie thousand horses 1400. tame Deere 800. concubines such store of Ounces Tigera Buffles Cocks Haukes that is very strange to see He keepeth a great court which they call Dericcan Agra and Fatepore are two very great cities either of them much greater then London and very populous Betweene Agra and Fatepore are 12. miles and all the way is a market of victuals other things as full as though a man were still in a towne and so many people as if a man were in a market They haue many fine cartes and many of them carued and gilded with gold with two wheeles which be drawen with two litle Buls about the bignesse of our great dogs in England and they will runne with any horse and carie two or three men in one of these cartes they are couerâ—d with silke or very fine cloth and be vsed here as our Coches be in England Hither is great resort of marchants from Persia and out of India and very much marchandise of silke and cloth and of precious stones both Rubies Diamants and Pearles The king is apparelled in a white Cabie made like a shirt tied with strings on the one side and a litle cloth on his head coloured oftentimes with red or yealow None come into his house but his eunuches â—hich keepe his women Here in Fatepore we staied all three vntill the 28. of September 1585. and then master Iohn Newberie tooke his iourney toward the citie of Lahor determining from thence to goe for Persia and then for Aleppo or Constantinople whether hee could get soonest passage vnto and directed me to goe for Bengala and for Pegu and did promise me if it pleased God to meete me in Bengala within two yeeres with a shippe out of England I left William Leades the ieweller in seruice with the king Zelabdim Echebar in Fatepore who did entertaine him very well and gaue him an house and fiue slaues an horse and euery day sixe S. S. in money I went from Agra to Satagam in Bengala in the companie of one hundred and fourescore boates laden with Salt Opium Hinge Lead Carpets and diuers other commodities downe the riuer Iemena The chiefe marchants are Moores and Gentiles In these countries they haue many strange ceremonies The Bramanes which are their priests come to the water and haue a string about their necks made with great ceremonies and lade vp water with both their hands and turne the string first with both their hands within and then one arme after the other out Though it be neuer so cold they will wash themselues in cold water or in warme These Gentiles will eate no flesh nor kill any thing They liue with rice butter milke and fruits They pray in the water naked and dresse their meat eate it naked and for their penance they lie flat vpon the earth and rise vp and turne themselues about 30. or 40. times and vse to heaue vp their hands to the sunne to kisse the earth with their armes and legs stretched along out and their right leg alwayes before the left Euery time they lie downe they make a score on the ground with their finger to know when their stint is finished The Bramanes marke themselues in the foreheads eares and throates with a kind of yellow geare which they grind euery morning they do it And they haue some old men which go in the streetes with a boxe of yellow pouder and marke men on their heads necks as they meet them And
as bigge as salmons like barbils We landed at Felugia the eight and twentieth of Iune where we made our abode seuen dayes for lacke of camels to cary our goods to Babylon the heat at that time of the yere is such in those parts that men are â—â—ch to let out their camels to trauell This Felugia is a village of some hundred houses and a place appointed for discharging of such goods as come downe the riuer the inhabitants are Arabians Not finding camels here we were constrained to vnlade our goods and hired an hundred asses to cary our English marchandises onely to New Babylon ouer a short desert in crossing whereof we spent eighteene houres trauelling by night and part of the morning to auoid the great heat In this place which we crossed ouer stood the olde mighty city of Babylon many olde ruines wherof are easily to be seene by day-light which I Iohn Eldred haue often beheld at my good leasure hauing made three voyages betweene the new city of Babylon and Aleppo ouer this desert Here also are yet standing the ruines of the olde tower of Babel which being vpon a plaine grouÌ„d seemeth a farre off very great but the nerer you come to it the lesser and lesser it appeareth sundry times I haue gone thither to see it and found the remnants yet standing aboue a quarter of a mile in compasse and almost as high as the stone-worke of Pauls steeple in London but it sheweth much bigger The bricks remaining in this most ancient monument be halfe a yard thicke and three quarters of a yard long being dried in the Sunne onely and betweene euery course of bricks there lieth a course of mattes made of canes which remaine sound and not perished as though they had beene layed within one yeere The city of New Babylon ioyneth vpon the aforsayd small desert where the Olde city was and the riuer of Tigris runneth close vnder the wall and they may if they will open a sâ—uce and let the water of the same runne round about the towne It is aboue two English miles in compasse and the inhabitants generally speake three languages to wit the Persian Arabian and Turkish tongues the people are of the Spaniards complexion and the women generally weare in one of the grisâ—les of their noses a ring like a wedding ring but somewhat greater with a pearle and a Turkish stone set therein and this they do be they neuer so poore This is a place of very great traffique and a very great thorowfare from the East Indies to Aleppo The towne is very well furnished with victuals which come downe the riuer of Tigris from Mosul which was called Niniue in olde time They bring these victuals and diuers sorts of marchandises vpon rafts borne vpon goats skins blowen vp ful of wind in maner of bladders And when they haue discharged their goods they sel the rafts for sixe and let the wind out of their goats skins and cary them home againe vpon their asses by land to make other voyages downe the riuer The building here is most of bricke dried in the Sun and very litle or no stone is to be found their houses are all flat-roofed and low They haue no raine for eight moneths together nor almost any clouds in the skie night nor day Their Winter is in Nouember December Ianuary and February which is as warme as our Summer in England in a maner This I know by good experience because my abode at seuerall times in this city of Babylon hath bene at the least the space of two yeres As we come to the city we passe ouer the riuer of Tigris on a great bridge made with boats chained together with two mighty chaines of yron From thence we departed in flat bottomed barks more strong greater then those of Euphrates and were eight and twenty dayes also in passing downe this riuer to Balsara but we might haue done it in eighteene or lesse if the water had bene higher Upon the waters side stand by the way diuers townes resembling much the names of the olde prophets the first towne they call Ozeah another Zecchiah Before we come to Balsara by one dayes iourney the two riuers of Tigris and Euphrates meet and there standeth a castle called Cuma kept by the Turks where all marchants pay a small custome Here the two riuers ioyned together begin to be eight or nine miles broad here also it beginneth to ebbe and flow and the water ouerflowing maketh the countrey all about very fertile of corne rice pulse and dates The towne of Balsara is a mile and an halfe in circuit all the buildings castle and wals are made of bricke dried in the Sun The Turke hath here fiue hundred Ianisaries besides other souldiers continually in garison and pay but his chiefe strength is of gallies which are about fiue and twenty or thirty very faire and furnished with goodly ordinance To this port of Balsara come monethly diuers ships from Ormuz laden with all sorts of Indian marchandise as spices drugs Indico and Calecut cloth These ships are vsually from forty to threescore tunnes hauing their planks sowed together with corde made of the barke of Date trees and in stead of Occam they vse the shiuerings of the barke of the sayd trees and of the same they also make their tackling They haue no kinde of yron worke belonging to these vessels saue only their ankers From this place six dayes sailing downe the gulfe they go to a place called Baharem in the mid way to Ormus there they fish for pearles foure moneths in the yere to wit in Iune Iuly August and September My abode in Balsara was iust sixe moneths during which time I receiued diuers letters from M. Iohn Newbery from Ormus who as he passed that way with her Maiesties letters to Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia vnto the mighty emperour of China was traiterously there arrested and all his company by the Portugals and afterward sent prisoner to Goa where after a long and cruell imprisonment he and his companions were deliuered vpon sureties not to depart the towne without leaue at the sute of one father Thomas Steuens an English religious man which they found there but shortly after three of them escaped whereof one to wit M. Ralph Fitch is since come into England The fourth which was a painter called Iohn Story became religious in the college of S. Paul in Goa as we vnderstood by their letters I and my companion William Shales hauing dispatched our businesse at Balsara imbarked our selues in company of seuenty barks all laden with marchandise hauing euery barke 14 men to draw them like our Westerne bargemen on the Thames and we were forty foure dayes comming vp against the streame to Babylon where arriuing and paying our custome we with all other sorts of marchants bought vs camels hired vs men to lade and driue them furnished
the Queenes Maiestie my Mistresse and that hee had sent them to attend vpon me it being his pleasure that I should tarie there on shoare fiue or sixe dayes for my refreshing So being mounted vpon the Iennet they conducted mee through the Towne into a faire fielde vpon the Sea-side where was a tent prouided for mee and all the ground spread wâ—th Turkie carpets and the Castle discharged a peale of ordinance and all things necessarie were brought into my tent where I both tooâ—e my table and lodging and had other conuenient tents for my seruants The souldiers enuironed the tents and watched about vs day and night as long as I lay there although I sought my speedier dispatch On the Wednesday towards night I tooke my horse and traueiled ten miles to the first place of water that we could finde and there pitched our tents till the next morning and so traueiled till ten of the clocke and then pitched our tents till foure and so traueiled as long as day light would suffer about 26 miles that day The next day being Friday I traueiled in like order but eight and twentie miles at the most and by a Riuer being about sixe miles within sight of the Citie of Marocco we pitched our tents Immediatly after came all our English marchants and the French on horsebacke to meete me and before night there came an Alcayde from the king with fiftie men diuers mules laden with victuall and banker for my supperâ— declaring vnto me how glad the king shewed himsâ—lfe to heare of the Queenes Maiestie and that his pleasure was I should be receiued into his countrey as neuer any Christian the like and desired to knowe what time the next day I would come into his citie because he would that all the Christians as also his nobilitie should meete me and willed Iohn Bampton to be with him early in the morning which he did About seuen of the clocke being accompanied with the French and English marchants and a great number of souldiers I passâ—d towards the citie and by that time I had traueiled 2 miles there met me all the Christians of the Spaniards and Portugals to receiue me which I knowe was more by the kings commandement then of any good wils of themselues for some of them although they speake me faire hung downe their heads like dogs and especially the Portugales and I countenanced them accordingly So I passed on till I came within two English miles of the Citie and then Iohn Bampton returned shewing me that the king was so glad of my comming that hee could not deuise to doe too much to shewe the good will that hee did owe to the Queenes Maiestie and her Realme His counsellers met me without the gates and at the entrie of the gates his footmen guard were placed on both sides of my horse and so brought me to the kings palace The king sate in his chaire with his Counsell about him as well the Moores as the Elchies and according to his order giuen vnto me before I there declared my message in Spanish and made deliuerie of the Queenes Maiesties letters and all that I spake at that present in Spanish hee caused one of his Elâ—hies to declare the same to the Moores present in the Larbe tongue Which done he answered me againe in Spanish yeelding to the Queenes Maiestie great thankes and offering himselfe and his countrey to bee at her Graces commaundâ—ment and then commaunded certaine of his Counsellers to conduct mee to my lodging not being farre from the Court. The house was faire after the fashion of that countrey being daily well furnished with al kind of victuall at the kings charge The same night he sent for mee to the Court and I had conference with him about the space of two houres where I throughly declared the charge committed vnto mee from her Maiestie finding him conformable willing to pleasure and not to vrge her Maiestie with any demaundes more then conueniently shee might willingly consent vnto hee knowing that out of his countrey the Realme of England might be better serued with lackes then hee in comparison from vs. Further he gaue me to vnderstand that the king of Spaine had sent vnto him for a licence that an Ambassadour of his might come into his countrey and had made great meanes that if the Queenes maiesty of England sent any vnto him that he would not giue him any credit or intertainment albeit said he I know what the king of Spaine is and what the Queene of England and her Realme is for I neither like of him nor of his religion being so gouerned by the Inquisition that he can doe nothing of himselfe Therefore when he commeth vpon the licence which I haue granted he shall well see how litle account I will make of him and Spaine and how greatly I will extoll you for the Queenes maiestie of England He shall not come to my presence as you haue done and shall dayly for I minde to accept of you as my companion and one of my house whereas he shall attend twentie dayes after he hath done his message After the end of this speech I deliuered Sir Thomas Greshams letters when as he tooke me by the hand and led me downe a long court to a palace where there ranne a faire fountaine of water and there sitting himselfe in a chaire he commanded me to sit downe in another and there called for such simple Musicians as he had Then I presented him with a great base Lute which he most thankfully accepted and then he was desirous to heare of the Musicians and I tolde him that there was great care had to prouide them and that I did not doubt but vpon my returne they should come with the first ship He is willing to giue them good intertainment with prouision of victuall and to let them liue according to their law and conscience wherein he vrgeth none to the contrary I finde him to be one that liâ—eth greatly in the feare of God being well exercised in the Scriptures as well in the olde Testament as also in the New and he beareth a greater affection to our Nation then to others because of our religion which forbiddeth worship of Idols and the Moores called him the Christian king The same night being the first of Iune I continued with him till twelue of the clocke and he seemed to haue so good liking of me that he tooke from his girdle a short dagger being set with 200 stones rubies and turkies and did bestow it vpon me and so I being conducted returned to my lodging for that time The next day because he knew it to be Sunday our Sabboth day he did let me rest But on the munday in the afternoone he sent for me and I had conference with him againe and musicke Likewise on the tuesday by three of the clocke he sent for me into his garden finding him layd vpon a
contemners of other nations and most constant obseruers of their owne lawes and customes in all which respects it came to passe that there was woonderfull labour and diligence employed aboue thirty yeeres together onely to get an entrance vntill in the yeere one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and three two fathers of the foresayd society that had pretty skill in the letters and language of China vtterly despairing of mans helpe and depending vpon the prouidence of almighty God obtained licence of the Tutan or Uice-roy to build them an house and a Church in the City of Xaâ—quin which by reason of the commodiousnesse thereof is the seat of the Uice-roy himselfe This worke being begunne the sayd fathers of the society for the nouelty thereof were a few yeeres right well entreated by the Magistrates insomuch that two others out of India had free and easie accesse vnto them one couple remaining still in their foresayd house at Xauquin and the other two taking their iourney for the inner prouinces to conuert more people vnto the faith who notwithstanding afterward other Magistrates not approouing of their attempts were constrained to retire Nowe all the time wherein the foresayd fathers abode at Xauquin being more then fiue yeeres certaine of the common people were restrained from false superstition to Christian religion and seuenty persons were baptized But the enemy of mankinde who omitteth none opportunity for the hinderance of Christian religion suggested into the mindes of the Chinians being as I sayd of their owne nature a people estranged from the traffique and acquaintance of other nations and alwayes being too too suspicious of strangers that they should exhibite letters of supplication vnto the Caien and the Tutan their principall Magistrates to haue the fathers expelled out of Xauquin which Magistrates repairing vnto their foresayd house and Church entered consultation how they might bannish them out of the sayd City of Xauquin in which thing verily they vsed great moderation not any way offending or exasperating the mindes of the fathers but onely signifying that they had regard vnto the estate of their Common-wealth For the Tutan or Uice-roy calling the fathers vnto him and to let passe other accidents vsing courteous and familiar conference with them declared by many arguments that their habitation in the City of Xauquin was not conuenient especially sithens so many Magistrates resorted vnto that City who would take great offence at the presence of strangers For the which cause he perswaded them to accept some part of the money which they had bestowed in the building of their house and so to returne either home into their owne countrey or vnto the port of Macao Howbeit such was the instant supplication of the fathers and so woorthy of compassion that the Tutan or Uice-roy in the extreame and mediterrane borders of the prouince of Coantum assigned vnto them a new habitation at the city called Xaucheo commending them also to a certaine Magistrate who was come from the same place to salute him Thither therefore the sayd fathers not without great sorrow and griefe of the Christians hied themselues and as we are informed by their last letters they haue euen now layed the foundation of their first building and haue also written that they are like to liue much more peaceably and conueniently for the propagating of Christian religion These be the first beginnings of Christianity in China where euen as in other places of the Christian Common-wealth the seed is to be sowen with great labour and teares that acceptable fruits may be reaped with gladnesse Leo. It is euen as you haue sayd Michael and nowe for this your pleasant and eloquent discourse we do acknowledge ourselues much bounden vnto you A Letter written from Goa the principall City of all the East Indies by one Thomas Steuens an English man and sent to his father M. Thomas Steuens Anno 1579. AFter most humble commendations These shall be to craue your dayly blessing with like commendations vnto my mother and withall to certifie you of my being according to your will and my duety I wrote vnto you taking my iourney from Italy to Portugall which letters I thinke are come to your hands so that presuming thereupon I thinke I haue the lesse need at this time to tell you the cause of my departing which neuerthelesse in one word I may conclude if I do but name obedience I came to Lisbon toward the end of March eight dayes before the departure of the shippes so late that if they had not bene stayed about some weighty matters they had bene long gone before our comming insomuch that there were others ordained to goe in our places that the kings prouision and ours also might not be in vaine Neuerthelesse our sudden comming tooke place and the fourth of Aprill fiue ships departed for Goa wherein besides shipmen and souldiers there were a great number of children which in the seas beare out better their men and no maruell when that many women also passe very well The setting foorth from the port I need not to tell how solemne it is with trumpets and shooting of ordinance you may easily imagine it considering that they go in the maner of warre The tenth of the foresayd moneth we came to the sight of Porto Santo neere vnto Madera where an English shippe set vpon ours which was then also alone with a few shots which did no harme but after that our ship had layed out her greatest ordinance they straight departed as they came The English shippe was very faire and great which I was sory to see so ill occupied for she went rouing about so that we saw her againe at the Canarian Iles vnto the which we came the thirteenth of the sayd moneth and good leisure we had to woonder at the high mountaine of the Iland Tenerif for we wandred betweene that and great Canaria foure dayes by reason of contrary windes and briefly such euill weather we had vntill the foureteenth of May that they despaired to compasse the Cape of Good hope that yeere Neuerthelesse taking our voyage betweene Guinea and the Ilands of Capo Verde without seeing of any land at all we arriued at length vnto the coast of Guinie which the Portugals so call chiefly that part of the burning zone which is from the sixt degree vnto the Equinoctiall in which parts they suffered so many inconueniences of heats and lacke of windes that they thinke themselues happy when they haue passed it for sometimes the ship standeth there almost by the space of many dayes sometime she goeth but in such order that it were almost as good to stand still And the greatest part of this coast not cleare but thicke and cloudy full of thunder and lightening and raine so vnholesome that if the water stand a little while all is full of wormes and falling on the meat which is hanged vp it maketh it straight full of wormes Along all that coast we often times saw a thing
Colthirst Edward Holmden Iohn Swinnerton Robert Walkaden Simon Lawrence Nicholas Stile Oliuer Stile William Bond Henry Farrington Iohn Tedcastle Walter Williams William Brune Iohn Suzan Iohn Newton Thomas Owen Roger Afild Robert Washborne Rainold Guie Thomas Hitchcocke George Lidiate Iohn Cartwright Henry Payton Iohn Baldroe Robert Bowyer Anthony Dassell Augustine Lane Robert Lion and Thomas Dod that they and euery of them by themselues or by their factors or seruants and none others shall and may for and during the space of 12. yeeres haue and enioy the whole freedome and libertie in the saide trafique or trade vnto or from the said countrey of Barbary or to or from any part thereof for the buying and selling of all maner of wares and marchandizes whatsoeuer that now or accustomably heretofore haue bene brought or transported froÌ„ or to the said country of Barbary or froÌ„ or to any of the cities townes places ports roades hauens harbors or creeks of the said country of Barbary any law statute graunt matter customes or priuileges to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding And for the better establishing ordering and gouerning of the said Erles of Warwike and Leicester Thomas Starkie c. abouesaid their factors seruants and assignes in the trade aforesaid we for vs our heires and successors doe by these presents giue and graunt full licence to the saide Thomas Starkie Ierard Gore the elder and the rest aforesaide and to euery of them from time to time during the said terme of twelue yeres at their pleasures to assemble and meete together in any place or places conuenient within our citie of London or elsewhere to consult of and for the said trade and with the consent of the said Erle of Leicester to make and establish good and necessary orders and ordinances for and touching the same and al such orders and ordinances so made to put in vre and execute and them or any of them with the consent of the said Erle of Leicester to alter change and make voyde and if need be to make new as at any time during the saide terme they or the most part of them then liuing and trading shall finde conuenient Prouided alwayes that the ordinances or any of them bee not contrary or repugnant to the lawes statutes or customes of this our Realme of England And to the intent that they onely to whom the said libertie of trafique is graunted by these our Letters patents and none other our Subiects whatsoeuer without their special consent and licence before had should during the said terme haue trade or trafique for any maner of Marchandizes to or from the said countrey of Barbary or to or from any Citie towne place port harbor or creeke within the said countrey of Barbary to or out of our said Realmes and dominions wee doe by these presents straightly charge commaund and prohibite all and euery our Subiects whatsoeuer other then only the said Erles of Warwike and Leicester Thomas Starkie and the rest abouesaid and euery of them by themselues or by their Factors or seruants during the â—aide terme to trade or trafique for or with any marchandize to or from the saide Countrey of Barbary or to or from any the dominions of the same as they tender our fauour and will auoyde our high displeasure and vpon paine of imprisonment of his and their bodies at our will and pleasure and of forfeiting all the marchandizes or the full value thereof wherewith they or any of them during the saide terme shall trade or trafique to or from the said countrey of Barbary or to or from the dominions of the same contrary to this our priuilege and prohibition vnlesse it be by and with the expresse licence consent and agreement of the saide Erles of Warwike and Leicester Thomas Starkie Ierard Gore the elder and all his sonnes Thomas Gore the elder Arthur Atie gentleman Alexander Auenon Richard Straper William Iennings Arthur Dawbnie William Sherington Thomas Bramlie Anthonie Gerrard Robert Howe Henry Colthirst Edward Holmden Iohn Swinnerton Robert Walkaden Simon Lawrence Nicholas Stile Oliuer Stile William Bond Henry Farington John Tedcastle Walter Williams William Brune Iohn Suzan Iohn Newton Thomas Owen Roger Afield Robert Washborne Rainold Guy Thomas Hitchcock George Lidiate c. or by and with the expresse licence and consent of the more part of them then liuing and trading first had and obtained so alwayes that the sayd Earle of Leicester be one if hee bee liuing And we further for vs our heires and successors of our speciall grace meere motion and certaine knowledge do graunt to the said Erles of Warwike and Leicester Thomas Starkie and the rest abouesaid and to euery of them that nothing shall be done to be of force or validitie touching the said trade or trafique or the exercise thereof without or against the consent of the saide Erles Thomas Starkie and the others before named during the time of these our Letters patents for 12. yeeres as aforesaid And for that the said Erles Thomas Starkie c. and euery of them aforesaid should not be preuented or interrupted in this their said trade we do by these presents for vs our heires and successours straightly prohibite and forbid all maner of person or persons as well strangers of what nation or countrey soeuer as our owne Subiects other then onely the said Erles Thomas Starkie c. and euery of them as aforesaid that they nor any of them from hencefoorth during the said terme of 12. yeeres do or shall bring or cause to be brought into this our Realme of England or to any the dominions thereof any maner of marchandizes whatsoeuer growing or being made within the said Countrey of Barbary or within any the dominions thereof vnlesse it be by and with the license consent and agreement of the said Erles Thomas Starkie c. or with the consent and licence of the more part of them then liuing first had and obtained so alwayes y t the sayd Erle of Leicester if hee be liuing be one vnder the paine that euery one that shall offend or doe against this our present prohibition here last aboue mentioned in these presents shall forfeite and lose all and singular the said marchandizes to be landed in any our realmes and dominions coÌ„trary to the tenor and true meaning of this our prohibition in that behalfe prouided the one moitie of all and euery which said forfaitures whatsoeuer mentioned or specified in these our present Letters patents shal be to vs our heires successors And the other moity of al and euery the said forfaitures we doe by these presents of our certaine knowledge and meere motion clearely and wholy for vs our heires and successors giue and graunt vnto the said Erles Thomas Starkie c. And these our Letters patents vpon the onely sight thereof without any further warrant shal bee sufficient authoritie to our Treasurer of England for the time being to our Barons of the Exchequer and to
de monte The 17 a darke drowsie day this was the first night that I tooke the North starre The 26 a temperate day with litle winde and we were in 12 degrees and 13 minutes of latitude The 30 we met a great sea out of the Northwest The 6 of Iune we found it as temperate as if we had beene in England yet we were within the height of the sunne for it was declined 23 degrees and 26 minuts to the Northward and we had 15 degrees of latitude The 8 faire and temperate as in England here we met with a counter sea out of the Southborde The 15 a faire temperate day the winde variable here we had 18 degrees and fiftie nine minutes The 12 of Iuly in 30 degrees of latitude we met with great store of rockweed which did stick together like clusters of grapes and this continued with vs vntill the 17 of the said moneth and then we saw no more at which 17 day we were in two and thirtie degrees sixe and fortie minutes of latitude The 25 at sixe of the clocke in the morning we had sight of the Isle of Pike it bare North and by East from vs we being 15 leagues off The 27 we spake with the poste of London and she told vs good newes of England The nine and twentieth we had sight of the Island of Cueruo and the 30 we saw the Island of Flores The 27 of August in 41 degrees of latitude we saw 9 saile of Britons and three of them followed vs vntill noone and then gaue vs ouer The 30 we had sight of Cape â—inisterre The eight of September at night wee put into Plimouth sound and road in Causon bay all night The 9 we put into Catwater and there stayed vntill the 28 of September by reason of want of men and sicknesse The nine and twentieth we set sayle from Plimouth and arriued at London the second of October 1589. The commodities that we caried in this voyage were cloth both linnen wollen yron worke of sundry sorts Manillios or bracelets of copper glasse beades and corrall The commodities that we brought home were pepper and Elephants teeth oyle of palme cloth made of Cotton wooll very curiously wouen and cloth made of the barke of palme trees Their money is pretie white shels for golde and siluer we saw none They haue also great store of cotton growing their bread is a kind of roots they call it Inamia and when it is well sodden I would leaue our bread to eat of it it is pleasant in eating and light of digestion the roote thereof is as bigge as a mans arme Our men vpon fish-dayes had rather eate the rootes with oyle and vineger then to eate good stockfish There are great store of palme trees out of the which they gather great store of wine which wine is white and very pleasant we should buy two gallons of it for 20 shels They haue good store of sope and it smelleth like beaten violets Also many pretie fine mats and baskets that they make and spoones of Elephants teeth very curiously wrought with diuers proportions of foules and beasts made vpon them There is vpon the coast wonderfull great lightning and thunder in so much as I neuer hard the like in no Countrey for it would make the decke or hatches tremble vnder our feete and before we were well acquainted with it we were fearefull but God be thanked we had no harme The people are very gentle and louing and they goe naked both men and women vntill they be married and then they goe couered from the middle downe to the knees They would bring our men earthen pottes of the quantitie of two gallons full of hony and hony combes for 100 shelles They would also bring great store of Oranges and Plantans which is a fruit that groweth vpon a tree and is very like vnto a Cucumber but very pleasant in eating It hath pleased God of his merceifull goodnesse to giue me the knowledge how to preserue fresh water with little cost which did serue vs sixe moneths at the sea when we came into Plimmouth it was much wondered at of the principal men of the towne who said that there was not sweeter water in any spring in Plimouth Thus both God prouide for his creatures vnto whom be praise now and for euermore Amen The voiage set forth by M. Iohn Newton and M. Iohn Bird marchants of London to the kindome and Citie of Benin in Africa with a ship called the Richard of Arundell and a pinnesse in the yere 1588. briefely set downe in this letter following written by the chiefe Factor in the voyage to the foresaid Marchants at the time of the ships first arriuall at Plimouth WOrshipful Sirs the discourse of our whole proceeding in this voyage wil aske more time and a person in better health then I am at this present so that I trust you will pardon me till my comming vp to you in the meane time let this suffice Whereas we departed in the moneth of December from the coast of England with your good ship the Richard of Arundell and the pinnesse we held on our direct course towards our appointed port and the 14 day of Februarie following we arriued in the hauen of Benin where we found not water enough to carry the ship ouer the barre so that we left her without in the road and with the pinnesse ship boat into which we had put the chiefest of our marchaÌ„dise we went vp the riuer to a place called Goto where we arriued the 20 of February the foresaid Goto being the neerest place that we could come to by water to go for Benin From thence we presently sent Negroes to the king to certifie him of our arriuall and of the cause of our comming thither who returned to vs againe the 22 day with a noble man in their company to bring vs vp to the Citie and with 200 Negroes to carrie out commodities hereupon the 23 day we deliuered our marchandize to the kings Factor the 25 day we came to the great Citie of Benin where we were well intertained The sixe twenty day we went to the Court to haue spoken with the king which by reason of a solemne feast then kept amongst them we could not doe but yet we spake with his Veadore or chiefe man that hath the dealing with the Christians and we conferred with him concerning our trading who answered vs that we should haue all things to our desire both in pepper and Elephants teeth The first of March we were admitted to the kings presence and he made vs the like courteous answere for our traffike the next day we went againe to the Court where the foresaid Veadore shewed vs one basket of greene pepper and another of dry in the stalkes wee desired to haue it plucked from the stalks and made cleane who answered that it would aske time but yet in
the men in the said shippe the one of them being the Masters mate Ten other persons were hurt by meanes of splinters which the Spaniards shotte yea in the ende when their prouision was almost spent they were constrained to shoote at them hammers and the chaines from their slaues and yet God bee thanked they receiued no more domage but by spoyling and ouerwearying of the Spaniards the Englishmen constrained them to vngrapple themselues and get them going and sure if there had bene any other fresh shippe or succour to haue relieued and assisted the Centurion they had slaine suncke or taken all those Gallies and their Souldiers The Dolphin lay a loofe off and durst not come neere while the other two small shippes fledde away so that one of the Gallies went from the Centurion and set vpon the Dolphin which shippe immediatly was set on fire with their owne powder whereby both men and shippe perished but whether it was with their good wills or no that was not knowen vnto the Centurion but sure if it had come forward and bene an aide vnto the Centurion it is to bee supposed that it had not perished Fiue houres and a halfe this fight continued in which time both were glad to depart onely to breath themselues but when the Spaniards were gone they neuer durst returne to fight yet the next day sixe other Gallies came and looked at them but durst not at any hand meddle with them Thus God deliuered them from the handes of their enemies and gaue them the victory for which they heartily praised him and not long after safely arriued in London ☞ There were present at this fight Master Iohn Hawes Marchant and sundry other of good accompt A report of the trueth of the fight about the Isles of Açores the last of August 1591. betwixt the Reuenge one of her Maiesties shippes and an Armada of the king of Spaine Penned by the honourable Sir Water Ralegh knight BEcause the rumours are diuersly spred as well in England as in the Lowe countreis and elsewhere of this late encounter betweene her Maiesties ships and the Armada of Spaine and that the Spaniards according to their vsuall maner fill the world with their vaine-glorious vaunts making great appâ—rance of victories when on the contrary themselues are most commonly and shamefully beaten and dishonoured thereby hoping to possesse the ignorant multitude by anticipating forerunning false reports It is agreeable with all good reason for manifestation of the truth to ouercome falshood and vntrueth that the beginning continuance and successe of this late honourable encounter of Sir Richard Greenuil and other her Maiesties Captaines with the Armada of Spaine should be truely set downe and published without partialitie or false imaginations And it is no marueâ—le that the Spaniard should seeke by false and slanderous pamphlets aduisoes and Letters to couer their owne losse and to derogate from others their due honors especially in this fight being performed far off seeing they were not ashamed in the yeere 1588. when they purposed the inuasion of this land to publish in sundry languages in print great victories in wordes which they pleaded to haue obteined against this Realme and spred the same in a most false sort ouer all parts of France Italy and elsewhere When shortly after it was happily manifested in very deed to al Nations how their Nauy which they termed inuincible consisting of 140. saile of shippes not onely of their owne kingdome but strengthened with the greatest Argosies Portugal Caracks Florentines and huge huâ—ks of other Countreis were by 30. of her Maiesties owne ships of war and a few of our owne Marchants by the wise valiant and aduantagious conduct of the L. Charles Howard high Admirall of England beaten and shuffled together euen from the Lizard in Cornwall first to Portland where they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes with his mighty ship from Portland to Cales where they lost Hugo de Moncado with the Gallias of which he was Captaine and from Cales driuen with squibs from their anchors where thased out of the sight of England round about Scotland and Ireland Where for the sympathie of their barbarous religion hoping to finde succour and assistance a great part of them were crusht against the rocks and those other that landed being very many in number were notwithstanding broken slaine and taken and so sent from village to village coupled in halters to be shipped into England Where her Maiestie of her Princely and inuincible disposition disdaining to put them to death and scorning either to retaine or entertaine them they were all sent backe againe to their countreys to witnes and recount the worthy achieuements of their inuincible and dreadfull Nauy Of which the number of Souldiers the fearefull burthen of their shippes the commanders names of euery squadron with all other their magasines of prouisions were put in print as an Army and Nauy vnresistable and disdaining preuention With all which so great and terrible an ostentation they did not in all their sailing round about England so much as sinke or take one shippe Barke Pinnesse or Cockbote of ours or euer burnt so much as one sheepecote of this land Whenas on the contrarie Sir Francis Drake with onely 800. souldiers not long before landed in their Indies and forced Sant-Iago Santo Domingo Cartagena and the forts of Florida And after that Sir Iohn Norris marched from Peniche in Portugall with a handfull of souldiers to the gates of Lisbone being aboue 40 English miles Where the Earle of Essex himselfe and other valiant Gentlemen braued the Citie of Lisbone encamped at the very gates from whence after many dayes abode finding neither promised partie nor prouision to batter they made retrait by land in despight of all their Garrisons both of horse foote In this sort I haue a little digressed from my first purpose onely by the necessarie comparison of theirs and our actions the one couetous of honour without vaunt of ostentation the other so greedy to purchase the opinion of their owne affaires and by false rumors to resist the blasts of their owne dishonours as they will not onely not blush to spread all manner of vntruthes but euen for the least aduantage be it but for the taking of one poore aduenturer of the English will celebrate the victory with bonefires in euery towne alwayes spending more in faggots then the purchase was worth they obtained When as we neuer thought it worth the consumption of two billets when we haue taken eight or ten of their Indian shippes at one time and twentie of the Brasill fleete Such is the difference betweene true valure and ostentation and betweene honorable actions and friuolous vaine glorious vaunts But now to returne to my purpose The L. Thomas Howard with sixe of her Maiesties shippes sixe victualers of London the Barke Ralegh two or three other Pinnases riding at anker neere vnto Flores one of the Westerly Ilands of the Azores the last
himselfe taken and beheaded by a souldier of his owne nation and his land giuen by a Parliament to her Maiestie and possessed by the English His other cosen Sir Iohn of Desmond taken by Master Iohn Zouch and his body hanged ouer the gates of his natiue Citie to be deuoured by rauens the thirde brother Sir Iames hanged drawne and quartered in the same place If hee had withall vaunted of his successe of his owne house no doubt the argument would haue mooued much and wrought great effect which because hee for that present forgot I thought it good to remember in his behalfe For matter of Religion it would require a particuler volume if I should set downe how irreligiously they couer their greedy and ambicious pretenses with that veile of pietie But sure I am that there is no kingdome or common-wealth in all Europe but if they be reformed they then inuade it for religion sake if it bee as they terme Catholique they pretend title as if the Kings of Castile were the naturall heires of all the world and so betweene both no kingdome is vnsought Where they dare not with their owne forces to inuade they basely entertaine the traitours and vacabonds of all Nations seeking by those and by their runnagate Iesuits to winne parts and haue by that meane ruined many Noble houses and others in this lande and haue extinguished both their liues and families What good honour or fortune euer man yet by them atchieued is yet vnheard of or vnwritten And if our English Papists doe but looke into Portugall against which they haue no pretence of Religion how the Nobilitie are put to death imprisoned their rich men made a praye and all sorts of people captiued they shall finde that the obedience euen of the Turke is easie and a libertie in respect of the slauerie and tyrannie of Spaine What haue they done in Sicill in Naples Millaine and in the Low countreis who hath there bene spared for Religion at all And it commeth to my remembrance of a certaine Burger of Antwerpe whose house being entred by a company of Spanish souldiers when they first sacked the Citie hee besought them to spare him and his goods being a good Catholique and one of their owne partie and faction The Spaniards answered that they knew him to be of a good conscience for himselfe but his money plate iewels and goods were all hereticall and therefore good prize So they abused and tormented the foolish Fleming who hoped that an Agnus Dei had bene a sufficient target against all force of that holy and charitable nation Neither haue they at any time as they protest inuaded the kingdomes of the Indies and Peru and elsewhere but onely led thereunto rather to reduce the people to Christianitie then for either gold or Emperie When as in one onely Island called Hispaniola they haue wasted thirtie hundred thousand of the naturall people besides many millions else in other places of the Indies a poore and harmelesse people created of God and might haue bene wonne to his knowledge as many of them were and almost as many as euer were perswaded thereunto The storie whereof is at large written by a Bishop of their owne nation called Bartholomew de las Casas and translated into English and many other languages intituled The Spanish cruelties Who would therefore repose trust in such a nation of rauenous strangers and especially in those Spaniards which more greedily thirst after English blood then after the liues of any other people of Europe for the many ouerthrowes and dishonours they haue receiued at our hands whose weakenesse wee haue discouered to the world and whose forces at home abroad in Europe in India by sea and land wee haue euen with handfulles of men and shippes ouerthrowen and dishonoured Let not therefore any English man of what religion soeuer haue other opnion of the Spaniards but that those whom hee seeketh to winne of our Nation he esteemeth base and trayterous vnworthy persons or vnconstant fooles and that he vseth his pretence of religion for no other purpose but to bewitch vs from the obedience of our naturall Prince thereby hoping in time to bring vs to slauery and subiection and then none shall be vnto them so odious and disdayned as the traitours themselues who haue solde their Countrey to a stranger and forsaken their faith and obediâ—nce contrarie to nature religion and contrarie to that humane and generall honour not onely of Christians but of heathen and irreligious nations who haue alwayes sustayned what labour soeuer and embraced euen death it selfe for their countrey Prince or common-wealth To conclude it hath euer to this day pleased God to prosper and defend her Maiestie to breake the purposes of malicious enemies of forsworne traytors and of iniust practises and inuasions She hath euer beene honoured of the worthiest kings serued by faithfull subiects and shall by the fauour of God resist repell and confound all whatsoeuer attempts against her sacred person or kingdome In the meane time let the Spaniard and traytour vaunt of their successe and wee her true and obedient vassals guided by the shining light of her vertues shall alwayes loue her serue her and obey her to the end of our liues A particular note of the Indian fleet expected to haue come into Spaine this present yeere of 1591. with the number of shippes that are perished of the same according to the examination of certaine Spaniards lately taken and brought into England by the ships of London THe fleete of Noua Hispania at their first gathering together and setting foorth were two and fiftie sailes The Admirall was of sixe hundred tunnes and the Uice Admirall of the same burthen Foure or fiue of the shippes were of nine hundred and 1000 tunnes a peece some fiue hundred and some foure hundred and the least of two hundred tuns Of this fleet 19 were cast away and in them 2600 men by estimation which was done along the coast of Noua Hispania so that of the same fleet there came to the Hauana but 33 sailes The fleete of Terra Firma were at their first departure from Spaine fiftie sailes which were bound for Nombre de Dios where they did discharge their lading and thence returned to Cartagena for their healths sake vntill the time the treasure was readie they should take in at the said Nombre de Dios. But before this fleete departed some were gone by one or two at a time so that onely 23 sayles of this fleete arriued in the Hauana At the Hauana there met 33 sailes of Noua Hispania 23 sailes of Terra Firma 12 sailes of San Domingo 9 sailes of the Hunduras The whole 77 shippes ioyned and set sailes all together at the Hauana the 17 of Iuly according to our account and kept together vntill they came into the height of thirtie fiue degrees which was about the tenth of August where they found the winde at Southwest chaunged suddenly to the North so that
that they brought with them and this was the cause of the kings displeasure towards them So now there remaineth in Gago Alcaide Hamode and Alcaide Iawdara and Alcaide Bucthare And here are in a readinesse to depart in the end of this next September Alcaide Monsor Ben Abdrahaman Allies Monsor Rico with fiue thousand men most of the feâ—tilase that is to say of fier-mach muskets There is gone good sâ—ore of reds yellowes and this yere here was want of the same commodity but I trust the next yere wil be no want But in fine the king doth prosper wel in those parts and here are many pledges come hither and namely three of the kings sonnes of Gago and the Iustice I saw them come in with the treasure Now when Alcaide Monsor commeth to Gago the which will be in Ianuary next then returneth hither Alcaide Hamode with all the treasure and Alcaide Monsor is to keepe Gago vntill the king take further order And thus much for Gago Thus not hauing any other thing to write at this present I commend you to the mercifull tuition of the almighty From Marocco the first of August 1594 Your assured friend Laurence Madoc Another briefe relation concerning the late conquest and the exceeding great riches of the cities and prouinces of Tombuto and Gago written from Marocco the 30 August 1594. to M. Anthony Dassel marchant of London aforesayd LOuing friend M. Dassel two of your letters I haue receiued one by the shippe called The Amity the other by The Concord the chiefest matter therein was to be satisfied of the king of Marocco his proceedings in Guinea Therefore these are to let you vnderstand that there went with Alcaide Hamode for those parts seuenteene hundred men who passing ouer the sands for want of war perished one third part of them and at their comming to the city of Tombuto the Negros made some resistance but to small purpose for that they had no defence but with their asagaies or iauelings poisoned So they tooke it and proceeded to the city of Gago where the Negros were in number infinâ—te and meant to stand to the vttermost for their countrey but the Moores slew them so fast that they were faine to yeeld and do pay tribute by the yere The rent of Tombuto is 60 quintals of golde by the yeere the goodnesse whereof you know What rent Gago will yeeld you shall know at the Spring for then Alcaide Hamode commeth home The rent of Tombuto is come by the cafelow or carouan which is as aboue is mentioned 60 quintals The report is that Mahomed bringeth with him such an infinite treasure as I neuer heard of it doth appeare that they haue more golde then any other part of the world beside The Alcaide winneth all the countrey where he goeth without fighting and is going downe towards the sea coast This king of Marocco is like to be the greatest prince in the world for money if he keepe this countrey But I make account assoone as the king of Spaine hath quietnesse in Christendome he wil thrust him out for that the kings force is not great as yet but he meaneth to be stronger There is a campe ready to go now with a viceroy the speech is with 3000 men but I thinke they will be hardly 2000 for by report 3000 men are enough to conquer all the countrey for they haue no defence of importance against an enemy I thinke Hamode will be returned home in Ianuary or thereabout for he stayeth but for the comming of the viceroy Mulley Balasen the kings sonne of Marocco was slaine in Guinea by his owne men and they were presently killed because they should tell â—o tales And thus leauing to trouble you I commit you to God who prosper you in all your proceedings From Marocco the first of August 1594. Yours to command for euer Laurence Madoc Of these two rich cities and kingdomes of Tombuto and Gago Leo Africanus writeth at large in the beginning of his seuenth booke of the description of Africa which worthy worke is to be annexed vnto the end of this second volume A briefe extract of a patent granted to M. Thomas Gregory of Tanton and others for traffique betweene the riuer of Nonnia and the riuers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona on the coast of Guinea in the yeere 1592. IN May the 34 yeere of our gracious soueraigne Queene Elizabeth a patent of speciall licence was granted to Thomas Gregory of Tanton in the county of Somerset and to Thomas Pope and certaine other marchants to traffique into Guinea from the Northermost part of the riuer of Nonnia to the Southermost parts of the riuers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona and to other parts aswell to the Southeast as to the Northwest for a certaine number of leagues therein specified which amount to an hundred or thereabout Which patent was granted for the terme of ten yeres as appeareth at large in the sayd patent recorded in the Rolles in her Maiesties Chancery The maner of the taking of two Spanish ships laden with quicksiluer the Popes bulles bound for the West Indies by M. Thomas White in the Amity of London 1592. THe 26 of Iuly 1592 in my returning out of Barbary in the ship called the Amity of London being in the height of 36 degrees or thereabout at foure of the clocke in the morning we had sight of two shippes being distant from vs about three or foure leagues by seuen of the clocke we fetched them vp and were with in gunshot whose boldnesse hauing the king of Spaines armes displayed did make vs iudge them rather ships of warre then laden with marchandise And as it appeared by their owne speeches they made full account to haue taken vs it being a question among them whether it were best to cary vs to S. Lucar or to Lisbon We waued ech other a maine They hauing placed themselues in warlike order one a cables length before another we began the fight In the which we continued so fast as we were able to charge and discharge the space of fiue houres being neuer a cables length distant either of vs from other In which time we receiued diuers shot both in the hull of our ship masts and sailes to the number of 32 great besides 500 musket shot and harquebuzes a crocke at the least which we tolde after the fight And because we perceiued them to be stout we thought good to boord the Biscaine which was on head the other where lying aboord about an houre and plying our ordinance and small shot in the end we stowed all his men Now the other in the slieboat thinking we had entred our men in their fellow bare roome with vs meaning to haue layed vs aboord and so to haue intrapped vs betwixt them both which we perceiuing fitted our ordinance so for him as we quitted our selues of him and he boorded his fellow by which meanes they both fell from vs. Then presently we
the Patents Discourses and Aduertisements thereto belonging The Letters patents of King Henry the seuenth granted vnto Iohn Cabot and his three sonnes Lewis Sebastian and Sancius for the discouerie of new and vnknowen lands HEnricus Dei gratia rex Angliae Franciae Dominus Hiberniae omnibus ad quos praesentes literae nostrae peruenerint salutem Notum sit manifestum quod dedimus concessimus ac per praesentes damus concedimus pro nobis haeredibus nostris dilectis nobis Ioanni Caboto ciui Veneâ—iarum Lodouico Sebastiano Sancio filijs dicti Ioannis eorum ac cuiusâ— bet eorum haeredibus deputatis plenam ac liberam authoritatem facultatem potestatem nauigandi ad omnes partes regiones sinus maris orientalis occidentalis septentrionalis sub banneris vexillis insignijs nostris cum quinque nauibus siue nauigijs cuiuscúnque portiturae qualitatis existant cum tot tantis nautis hominibus quot quantos in dictis nauibus secum ducere voluetint suis eorum proprijs sumptibus expensis ad inueniendum discooperiendum inuestigandum quascun que insulas patrias regiones siue prouincias gentilium infidelium quorumcúnque in quacunque parte mundi positas quae Christianis omnibus ante haec tempora fuerint incognitae Concessimus etiam eisdem eorum cuilibet eorúmque cuiuslibet eorum haeredibus deputatis ac licentiam dedimus ad affigendum praedictas banneras nostras insignia in quacunque villa oppido castro insula seu terra firma à se nouiter inuentis Et quòd praenominatus Ioannes filij eiusdem seu haeredes eorum deputati quascunque huiusmodi villas castra oppida insulas à se inuentas quae fubiugari occupari possideri possint subiugare occupare possidere valeant tanquam vasalli nostri gubernatores locatenentes deputati eorundem dominium titulum iurisdictionem earundem villarum castrorum oppidorum insularum ac terrae firmae sic inuentorum nobis ac quirendo Ita tamen vt ex omnibus fructibus proficuis emolumentis commodis lucris obuentionibus ex huiusmodi nauigatione prouenientibus praeâ—atus Iohannes filij ac haeredes eorum deputati teneantur sint obligati nobis pro omni viagio suo toties quoties ad portum nostrum Bristolliae applicuerint ad quem omnino applicare teneantur sint astricti deductis omnibus sumptibus impensis necessarijs per eosdem factis quintam partem capitalis lucri facti siue in mercibus siue in pecunijs persoluere Dante 's nos concedentes eisdem suisque haeredibus deputatis vt ab omni solutione custumarum omnium singulorum bonorum mercium quas secum reportarint ab illis locis sic nouiter inuentis liberi sint immunes Et insuper dedimus concessimus eisdem ac suis haeredibus deputatis quòd terrae omnes firmae insulae villae oppida castra loca quaecunque a se inuenta quotquot ab eis inueniri contigem â—on possint ab alijs quibusuis nostris subditis frequentari seu visitari absque licentia praedictorum Ioannis eius filiorum suorúmque deputatorum sub poena amissioâ—s tam nauium quà m bonerum omnium quorumcun que ad ea locasic inuenta nauigare praesumentium Volentes strictissimè mandantes omnibus singulis nostris subditis tam in terra quà m in mari constitutis vâ— praesato Ioanni eius filijs ac deputatis bonam assistentiam faciant tam in armandis nauibus seâ— nauigijs quà m in prouisione commeatus victualium pro sua pecunia emendorum atque aliaâ—um omnium rerum sibi prouidendarum pro dicta nauigatione sumenda suos omnes fauores auxilia impertiant In ouius rei â—estimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium quinto die Martij anno regni nostri vndecimo The same in English HEnry by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland to all to whom these presents shall come Greeting Be it knowen that we haue giuen and granted and by these presents do giue and grant for vs and our heires to our wel beloued Iohn Cabot citizen of Venice to Lewis Sebastian and Santius sonnes of the sayd Iohn and to the heires of them and euery of them and their deputies full and free authority leaue and power to saile to all parts countreys and seas of the East of the West and of the North vnder our banners and ensignes with fiue ships of what burthen or quantity soeuer they be and as many mariners or men as they will haue with them in the sayd ships vpon their owne proper costs and charges to seeke out discouer and finde whatsoeuer isâ—es countreys regions or prouinces of the heathen and infidels whatsoeuer they be and in what part of the world soeuer they beâ— which before this time haue bene vnknowen to all Christians we haue granted to them and also to euery of them the heires of them and euery of them and their deputies and haue giuen them licence to set vp our banners and ensignes in euery village towne castle isle or maineland of them newly found And that the aforesayd Iohn and his sonnes or their heires and assignes may subdue occupy and possesse all such townes cities castles and isles of them found which they can subdue occupy and possesse as our vassals and lieutenants getting vnto vs the rule title and iurisdiction of the same villages townes castles firme land so found Yet so that the aforesayd Iohn and his sonnes and heires and their deputies be holden and bounden of all the fruits profits gaines and commodities growing of such nauigation for euery their voyage as often as they shall arriue at our port of Bristoll at the which port they shall be bound and holden onely to arriue all maner of necessary costs and charges by them made being deducted to pay vnto vs in wares or money the fift part of the capitall gaine so gotten We giuing and granting vnto them and to their heires and deputies that they shall be free from all paying of customes of all and singular such merchandize as they shall bring with them from those places so newly found And moreouer we haue giuen and granted to them their heires and deputies that all the firme lands isles villages townes castles and places whatsoeuer they be that they shall chance to finde may not of any other of our subiects be frequented or visited without the licence of the foresayd Iohn and his sonnes and their deputies vnder paine of forfeiture aswell of their shippes as of all and singuler goods of all them that shall presume to saile to those places so found Willing aud most straightly commanding all and singuler our subiects aswell on land as on sea to giue good
to thinke for that the first principle and chiefe ground in all Geographie as Ptolome saith is the history of trauell that is reports made by trauellers skilful in Geometrie and Astronomie of all such things in their iourney as to Geographie doe belong It onely then remaineth that we now answere to those arguments that seemed to make against this former conclusion The first obiection is of no force that generall table of the world set forth by Ortelius or Mercator for it greatly skilleth not being vnskilfully drowen for that point as manifestly it may appeare vnto any one that conferreth the same with Gemma Frisius his vniuersall Mappe with his round quartered carde with his globe with Sebastian Cabota his cable and Ortelius his generall mappe alone worthily preferred in this case before all Mercator Ortelius other doings for that Cabota was not onely a skilful Seamanâ— but a long traueller and such a one as entred personally that straight sent by king Henry the â—euenth to make this aforesayd Discouerie as in his owne discourse of nauigation you may reade in his carde drawen with his owne hand that the mouth of the Northwesterne straight lyeth neere the 318. Meridianâ— betweene 61. and 64. degrees in the eleuation continuing the â—ame bredth about 10. degrees West where it openeth Southerly more and more vntill it come vnder the tropicke of Cancer and so runneth into Mar del Zur at the least 18. degrees more in bredth there then it was where it first began otherwise I could as well imagine this passage to be more vnlikely then the voyage to Moscouia and more impossible then it for the farre situation and coâ—tinâ—â—nce thereof in the frostie clime as now I can affirme it to be very possible and most likely in comparison thereof for that it neither coasteth so farre North as the Moscouian passage doeth neither is this straight so long as that before it bow downe Southerly towardes the Sunne againe The second argument concludeth nothing Ptolome knew not what was aboue sixteene degrees South beyond the Equinoctiall line he was ignorant of all passages Northward from the eleuation of 63. degrees he knewe no Ocean sea beyond Asia yet haue the Portugals trended the cape of Good hope at the South point of Afrike and trauelled to Iapan an Island in the East Ocean betweene Asia America our merchants in the time of king Edward the sixt discouered the Moscouian passage farther North then Thyle shewed Groenland not to be continent with Lappeland Norway the like our Northwesterne trauellers haue done declaring by their nauigation that way the ignorance of all Cosmographers that either doe ioyne Groenland with America or continue the West Indies with that frosty region vnder the north pole As for Virgil he sang according to the knowledge of men in his time as an other Poet did of the hot zone Quarum quae media est non est habitabilis aestu Imagining as most men then did Zonam torridam the hot zone to be altogether dishabited for heat though presently wee know many famous and woorthy kingdomes and cities in that part of the earth and the Island of S. Thomas neere AEthiopia the wealthy Islands for the which chiefly all these voyages are taken in hand to be inhabited euen vnder the equinoctiall line To answere the third obiection besides Cabota and all other trauellers nauigations the onely credit of M. Frobisher may suffice who lately through all these Islands of ice and mountaines of snow passed that way euen beyond the gulfe that tumbleth downe from the North and in some places though he drewe one inch thicke ice as he returning in August did yet came he home safely againe The fourth argument is altogether friuolous vaine for neither is there any isthmos or strait of land betweene America and Asia ne can these two landes ioyntly be one continent The first part of my answere is manifestly allowed of by Homer whom that excellent Geographer Strabo followeth yeelding him in this facultie the price The authour of that booke likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Alexander attributed vnto Aristotle is of the same opinion that Homer and Strabo be of in two or three places Dionisius in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath this verse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So doth the Ocean Sea runne round about the worlde speaking onely of Europe Afrike and Asia as then Asia was trauelled and knowen With these Doctours may you ioyne Pomponius Mela. cap. 2. lib. 1. Plinius lib. 2. cap. 67. and Pius 2. cap. 2. in his description of Asia All the which writers doe no lesse confirme the whole Easterne side of Asia to be compassed about with the sea then Plato doeth affirme in Timaeo vnder the name Atlantis the West Indies to be an Island as in a special discourse thereof R. Eden writeth agreeable vnto the sentence of Proclus Marsilius Ficinus and others Out of Plato it is gathered that America is an Island Homer Strabo Aristotle Dionysius Mela Plinic Pius 2. affirme the continent of Asia Afrike Europe to be enuironed with the Ocean I may therfore boldly say though later intelligences therof had we none at all that Asia the West Indies be not tied together by any Isthmos or straight of land contrary to the opinion of some new Cosmographers by whom doubtfully this matter hath bin brought in controuersie And thus much for the first part of my answere vnto the fourth obiection The second part namely that America and Asia cannot be one continent may thus be proued 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The most Riuers take downe that way their course where the earth is most hollow and deepe writeth Aristotle and the Sea sayth he in the same place as it goeth further so is it found deeper Into what gulfe doe the Moscouian riuers Onega Duina Ob powre out their streames Northward out of Moscouia into the sea Which way doeth that sea strike The South is maine land the Easterne coast waxeth more and more shalow from the North either naturally because that part of the earth is higher Aristot. 2. Met. cap. 1. or of necessitie for that the forcible influence of some Northerne starres causeth the earth there to shake off the Sea as some Philosophers doe thinke or finally for the great store of waters engendred in that frostie and colde climate that the bankes are not able to holde them Alber in 2. Meteor cap. 6. From the North I say continually falleth downe great abundance of water So that this Northeasterne currant must at the length abruptly bow toward vs South on the West side of Finmarke and Norway or else strike downe Southwest aboue Groneland or betwixt Groneland and Iseland into the Northwest straight we speake of as of congruence it doeth if you marke the situation of that Region and by the report of M. Frobisher experience teacheth vs. And M. Frobisher the further he trauailed
but in very deede they are all firme land and if you come on the South and Southwest side you shall see a hill diuided into 2. parts which I called The three hillockes which is right within the hauen And for another better marke of the sayd harbour you shall see an Isle like vnto a Floure de lice distant from the sayd hauen 6. leagues at the least and this Isle and the sayd hauen lie Northeast and Southwest a quarter to the North and South And on the sayd Isle there is good pebble stone to drie fish vpon But to the West thereof there is a very faire countrey and there is a banke of sand which runneth the length of a cable hauing not past one fathom water vpon it From the sayde Isle along the firme land the coast lyeth East and West and you shall see as it were a great forrest running Eastwaâ—d and the Easterne Cape is called Cape du Chapt and is great and red toward the Sea And betweene the sayd lands you shall see as it were a small Island but it ioyneth to the firme land on the Southwest part and there is good shingle to drie fish on And you must coast the shore with boates and not with ships by reason of the shallowes of the sayd coast For I haue seene without Cape du Chapt in faire weather the ground in two fathoms water neere a league and an halfe from shore and I iudged by reason of the highnesse of the land that there had bene aboue thirtie fathoms water which was nothing so and I haue sounded comming neere the shore in more or lesse depth The coast stretcheth three leagues to the West from Lisle Blanch or the white Isle vnto the entrance of a riuer where we slewe and killed to the number of fifteene hundred Morses or Sea oxen accounting small and great where at full sea you may come on shoare with boates and within are two or three fathoms water From thence the coast trendeth foure leagues to the West ¼ to the Northwest vnto the Isle Hupp which is twentie leagues in circuit and is like the edge of a knife vpon it there is neither wood nor grasse there are Morses vpon it but they bee hard to be taken From thence the coast trendeth to the Northwest and Northnorthwest which is all that I haue seene to wit the two sides and one ende of the Isle And if I had had as good lucke as my Masters when I was on the Northwest side with my shippe I would haue aduenturâ—d to haue sayled South-southeast to haue discouered the Easterne shoare of the sayd Isle In your returne to the East as you come from the hauen of Cape du Chapt vnto the sayde hauen are sandes and sholds And three good leagues from Cape du Chapt there is a small Island conteining about a league of ground where there is an hauen toward the Southeast and as you enter into the sayd hauen on the starreboord side a dented Cape all of redde land And you cannot enter into the said hauen but with the flood because of a barre which lieth halfe a league without the poynts of the sayd hauen The tydes are there at Southeast and Northwest but when the wind is very great it bloweth much into the hauen at halfe flood But ordinarily it sloweth fiue foote and an halfe The markes to enter into the sayd hauen are to leaue the Isle Blanche or White Island at your comming in on the starreboord and the poynt of â—he hauen towarde the West hath a thick Island which you shall see on the other side and it hath a little round Buttresse which lyeth on the East side of the Island There are also two other buttresses more easie to bee seene then hidden these are not to the East but to the West and they haue markes on â—hem Here you shall not haue aboue two fathom and an halfe at a full sea vpon this barre And the sounding is stone and rough ground At your entring in when you shall finde white sand which lyeth next the Southeast of the Cape then you are vpon the barre and bee not afrayd to passe vp the chanell And for markes towarde the West athwart the barre when you haue brought an Island euen which lyeth to the westward without with the thicke part of the high land which lyeth most to the West you shall bee past the barre and the chanell runneth due North. And for your anchoring in the sayd hauen see that you carefully seeke the middest of the sayd Thicke landâ— which lyeth in the bottome of the sayd hauen for you must anchor betweene two bankes of sand where the passage is but narrow And you must anker surely for there goeth a great tyde for the Sea runneth there as swiftly and more then in There is good ground and ankorage here and you shall ride in three fathom water And within the sayde hauen there is nothing to hurt you for you are free from all winds And if by chance you should be driuen Westward of the sayd hauen you may seeke an entrance which is right ouer against the small Island named before which is called The Isle of Cormorants and you may enter in theâ—e as at the other hauen at a full sea And you must passe vp on the West side and you shall finde on the Barre at a full sea foureteene foote water and great depth when you are entred in for the Sea runneth very swiftly in that place and the entrie theâ—eof lyeth Southeast and Northwest Right ouer against you on the other side you may passe with boates at a full sea And all these entrances make all but one hauen which is good within I sayâ— his because I haue passed into the maine Sea by the one and the other passage And the said Isle is not past two leagues ouer in the middest It is but two bankes of sande whereof one is like to that of S. Malo which let the Sea from passing through the middest of all the Isle But the two endes are high mountaines with Islands altogether cut and separated with streames and riuers To anker in the sayd harbour you must not ride farthâ—r then fiue or sixe cables length from the sayd hauen A letter sent to the right Honorable Sir VVilliam Cecill Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. From M. Thomas Iames of Bristoll concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea dated the 14 of September 1591. RIght Honourable my humble duetie to your good Lordship done I thought good humbly to aduertise your honour of the discouery of an Island made by two smal shippes of Saint Malo the one 8 daies past being prised neare Silley by a ship of which I am part owner called the Pleasure sent by this citie to my Lord Thomas Howard for her Maiesties seruice Which prise is sent backe to this Port by those of the sayd
and that but at the latter ende thereof and vpon none of the aforesaide causes For all foure especially three were feeble weake and sickly persons before euer they came thither and those that knew them much marueled that they liued so long being in that case or had aduentured to trauaile Seeing therefore the aire there is so temperate and holsome the soyle so fertile and yeelding such commodities as I haue before mentioned the voyage also thither to and fro being sufficiently experimented to be perfourmed twise a yeere with ease and at any season thereof And the dealing of Sir Walter Ralegh so liberail in large giuing and granting lande there as is already knowen with many helpes and furâ—herances else The least that he hath granted hath bene fiue hundreth acres to a man onely for the aduenture of his person I hope there remaines no cause whereby the action should be misliked If that those which shall thither trauaile to inhabite and plant bee but reasonably prouided for the first yeere as those are which were transported the last and being there doe vse but that diligence and care that is requisit and as they may with ease There is no doubt but for the time following they may haue victuals that are excellent good and plentie ynough some more English sorts of cattell also hereafter as some haue bene before and are there yet remayning may and shall be God willing thither transported So likewise our kinde of fruites rootes and hearbes may be there planted and sowed as some haue bene already and proue well And in short time also they may raise so much of those sorts of commodities which I haue spoken of as shall both enrich themselues as also others that shall deale with them And this is all the fruit of our labours that I haue thought necessary to aduertise you of at this present What else concerneth the nature and maners of the inhabitants of Virginia the number with the particularities of the voyages thither made and of the actions of such as haue bene by Sir Walter Ralegh therein and there imployed many worthy to be remembred as of the first discouerers of the Countrey of our Generall for the time Sir Richard Grinuâ—l and after his departure of our Gouernour there Master Ralph Lane with diuers other direcâ—ed and imployed vnder their gouernment Of the Captaines and Masters of the voyages made since for transportation of the Gouernour and assistants of those already transported as of many persons accidents and things els I haue ready in a discourse by it selfe in maner of a Chronicle according to the course of times which when time shall be thought conuenient shall be also published Thus referring my relation to your fauourable constructions expecting good successe of the action from him which is to be acknowledged the authour and gouernour not onely of this but of all things els I take my leaue of you this moneth of February 1587. The fourth voyage made to Virginia with three ships in the yere 1587. Wherein was transported the second Colonie IN the yeere of our Lord 1587. Sir Walter Ralegh intending to perseuere in the planting of his Countrey of Virginia prepared a newe Colonie of one hundred and fiftie men to be sent thither vnder the charge of Iohn White whom hee appointed Gouernour and also appointed vnto him twelue Assistants vnto whom hee gaue a Charter and incorporated them by the name of Gouernour and Assistants of the Citie of Ralegh in Virginia April OUr Fleete being in number three saile viz. the Admirall a shippe of one hundred and twentie Tunnes a Flie-boate and a Pinnesse departed the sixe and twentieth of April from Portesmouth and the same day came to an ancker at the Cowes in the Isle of Wight where wee stayed eight dayes May. THe fift of May at nine of the clocke at night we came to Plimmouth where we remained the space of two dayes The 8 we weyed anker at Plimmouth and departed thence for Virginia The 16 Simon Ferdinando Master of our Admiral lewdly forsooke our Fly-boate leauing her distressed in the Bay of Portugal Iune THe 19 we fell with Dominica and the same eneâ—ing we sayled betweene it and Guadalupe the 21 the Fly-boat also fell with Dominica The 22 we came to an anker at an Island called Santa Cruz where all the planters were set on land staying there till the 25 of the same moneth At our first landing on this Island some of our women and men by eating a small fruit like greene Apples were fearefully troubled with a sudden burning in their mouthes and swelling of their tongues so bigge that some of them could not speake Also a child by sucking one of those womens breasts had at that instant his mouth set on such a burning that it was strange to see how the infant was tormented for the time but after 24 houres it ware away of it selfe Also the first night of our being on this Island we tooke fiue great Torteses some of them of such bignes that sixteene of our strongest men were tired with carying of one of them but from the sea side to our cabbins In this Island we found no watring place but a standing ponde the water whereof was so euill that many of our company fell sicke with drinking thereof and as many as did but wash their faces with that water in the morning before the Sunne had drawen away the corruption their faces did so burne and swell that their eyes were shut vp and could not see in fiue or sixe dayes or longer The second day of our abode there we sent forth some of our men to search the Island for fresh water three one way and two another way The Gouernour also with sixe others went vp to the top of an high hill to viewe the Island but could perceiue no signe of any men or beastes nor any goodnes but Parots and trees of Guiacum Returning backe to our cabbins another way he found in the discent of a hill certaine potsheards of sauage making made of the earth of that Island whereupon it was iudged that this Island was inhabited with Sauages though Fernando had told vs for certaine the contrary The same day at night the rest of our company very late returned to the Gouernour The one company affirmed that they had seene in a valley eleuen Sauages and diuers houses halfe a mile distant from the steepe or toppe of the hill where they stayed The other company had found running out of a high rocke a very fayre spring of water whereof they brâ—ught three bottels to the company for before that time wee drank the stâ—nking water of the pond The same second day at night Captaine Stafford with the Pinnesse departed from our fleete riding at Santa Cruz to an Island called Beake lying neere S. Iohn bring so directed by Ferdinando who assured him he should there find great plenty of sheepe The next day at night our planters left Santa Cruz and
way of an hundred and thirtie leagues being twentie leagues on the way we had the hauen of Natiuidad that is of the birth of the Uirgin Mary and other eight leagues further the hauen of Saint Iago or Saint Iames and sixe leagues further the sea Stâ—and called La Playa de Colima that is the Strand of Colima All this coast from California to the hauen of Acapulco is inhabited by people that haue peace and traffique with the Spaniards and are of condition and qualities like the people of the other places of new Spaine The conclusion of the Author of this last voyage ALl this description and nauigation haue I my selfe seene prooued and well noted in my voyage made ended in the yeere of our Lord 1584. from great China out of the hauen and riuer of Canton as I will more at large set it downe vnto your honour with the longitudes and latitudes thereof as God shall permit mee time and leysure whom I beseech to send you long and happie dayes And the same was truely translated out of Spanish into lowe Dutch verbatim out of the Originall copie wich was sent vnto the Uiceroy of the Portugall Indies by Iohn Huyghen Van Linschoten DIVERS VOYAGES MADE BY ENGLISHmen to the famous Citie of Mexico and to all or most part of the other principall prouinces cities townes and places throughout the great and large kingdom of New Spaine euen as farre as Nicaragua and Panama thence to Peru together with a description of the Spaniards forme of gouernment there and sundry pleasant relations of the maners and customes of the natural inhabitants and of the manifold rich commodities strange raricies found in those partes of the continent other matters most worthy the obseruation The voyage of Robert Tomson Marchant into Noua Hispania in the yeere 1555. with diuers obseruations concerning the state of the Countrey And certaine accidents touching himselfe RObert Tomson borne in the towne of Andouer in Hampshire began his trauaile out of Englaâ—d in An. 1553. in the moneth of March who depaâ—ting out of the citie of Bristoll in a good ship called The barkeyong in companie of other Marchants of the sayde citie within 8. dayes after arriued at Lisbone in Portugall where the sayd Robert Tomson remainedâ— 5. dayes at the end of which he shipped himselfe for Spaine in the sayd shippâ— and within 4. dayes arriued in the bay of Cadiz in Andalusiaâ— which is vnder the kingdom of Spaine from thence went vp to the citie of Siuil by land which is 20. leagues and there hee repaired to one Iohn Fieldâ— house an English Marchant who had dwelt in the said city of Siuil 18. or 20. yeres maried with wife and children In whose house the said Tomson remained by the space of one whole yeere or thereabout for two causes The one to learne the Castillian tongue the other to see the orders of the countrey and the customes of the people At the end of which time hauing seene the fleetes of shippes come out of the Indies to that citie with such great quantitie of gold siluer pearles precious stones suger hides ginger and diuers other rich commodities he did determine with himselfe to seeke meanes and opportunitie to passe ouer to see that rich countrey from whence such great quantitie of rich commodities came And it fell out that within short time after the sayd Iohn Field where the sayd Tomson was lodged did determine to passe ouer into the West Indies himselfe with his wife children and familie and at the request of the sayde Tomson he purchased a licence of the King of passe into the Indies for himselfe his wife and children and among them also for the sayde Tomson to passe with them so that presently they made preparation of victuall and other necessarie prouision for the voyage But the shippes which were prepared to perfourme the voyage being all ready to depart vpon certaine considerations by the kings commandement were stayed and arrested till further should bee knowen of the Kings pleasure Whereupon the said Iohn Field with Robert Tomson departed out of Siuil and came down to S. Lucar 15. leagues off and seeing the stay made vpon the ships of the said fleet being not assured when they would depart determined to ship themselues for the Iles of the Canaties which are 250. leagues from S. Lucar and there to stay till the said fleet should come thither for that is continually their port to make stay at 6. or 8. daies to take in fresh water bread flesh other necessaries So that in the moneth of February in An. 1555 the sayde Robert Tomson with the said Iohn Field and his companie shipped themselues out of the towne of S. Lucar in caruel of the citie of Cadiz and within 6. dayes they arriued at the port of the Grand Canaria where at our comming the ships that rode in the said port began to cry out of all measure with loud voyces in so much that the castle which stood fast by began to shoot at vs and shot 6. or 7. shot at vs and strooke downe our maine maste before we could hoise out our boat to goe on land to know what the cause of the shooting was seeing that we were Spanish ships and were comming into his countrey So that being on lande and complaining of the wrong and damage done vnto vs they answered that they had thought we had bene French rouers that had come into the said port to do some harme to the ships that were there For that 8. dayes past there went out of the said port a caruell much like vnto ours laden wit sugers and other marchandise for Spaine and on the other side of the point of the sayd Iland met with a Frenchman of warre who tooke the said caruell vnladed out of her into the said French ship both men goods And being demanded of the said Spaniards what other ships remained in the port whence they came they answered that there remained diuers other ships one laden with sugers as they were ready to depart for Spaine vpon the which newes the Frenchmen put 30. tall men of their ship well appointed into the said caruel which they had taken and sent her backe againe to the said port from whence she had departed the day before And somewhat late towards the euening came into the port not shewing past 3. or 4. men and so came to an anker hard by the other ships that were in the said port and being seene by the castle and by the said ships they made no reconing of her because they knew her thinking that she had found contrary windes at the sea or had forgot something behinde them they had returned backe againe for the same and so made no accompt of her but let her alone riding quietly among the other ships in the said port So that about midnight the said caruel with the Frenchmen in her went aboord the
other ship that lay hard by laden with sugers and droue the Spaniards that were in her vnder hatches presently let slip her cables and ankers and set saile carried her cleane away and after this sort deceiued them And they thinking or fearing that we were the like did shoote at vs as they did This being past the next day after our arriuall in the sayd port wee did vnbarke our selues and went on lande vp to the citie or head towne of the great Canaria where we remained 18. or 20. dayes and there found certaine Englishmen marchants seruants of one Anthony Hickman and Edward Castelin marchants of the citie of London that lay there in traffique of whom wee receiued great courtesie and much good cheere After the which 20. dayes being past in the which we had seene the countrey the people and the disposition thereof wee departed from thence and passed to the next I le of the Canaries 18. leagues off called Teneriffe and being come on land went vp to the citie called La Laguna where we remained 7. moneths attending the comming of the whole fleete which in the ende came and there hauing taken that which they had neede of wee shipped our selues in ship of Cadiz being one of the saide fleete which was belonging to an Englishman maried in the citie of Cadiz in Spaine whose name was Iohn Sweeting and there came in the sayd ship for captain also an Englishman maried in Cadiz and sonne in law to the sayde Iohn Sweeting whose name was Leonard Chilton there came also in the said ship another Englishman which had bene a marchant of the citie of Exeter one of 50. yeeres or thereabout whose name was Ralph Sarre So that wee departed from the sayd Ilands in the moneth of October the foresayd yeere 8. ships in our companie and so directed our course towards the bay of Mexico and by the way towardes the Iland of S. Domingo otherwise called Hispaniola So that within 32. dayes after we departed from the Iles of Canaries wee arriued with our ship at the port of S. Domingo and went in ouer the baâ—re where our ship knocked her keele at her entrie and there our ship rid before the towne where wee went on land refreshed our selues 16. dayes where we found no bread made of wheat but biscuit brought out of Spaine and out of the bay of Mexico for the countrey it selfe doeth yeelde no kinde of bread to make graine withall But the bread they make there is certaine cakes made of rootes called Cassaui which is something substantiall but it hath but an vnsauorie taste in the eating thereof Flesh of beefe and mutton they haue great store for there are men that haue 10000. head of cattell of oxen bulles and kine which they doe keepe onely for the hides for the quantitie of flesh is so great that they are not able to spend the hundreth part Hogs flesh is there good store very sweete and sauorie and so holsome that they giue it to sick folkes to eat in stead of hennes and capons although they haue good store of poultrie of that sort as also of Guinycocks Guinyhens At the time of our being there the citie of S. Domingo was not of aboue 500. housholds of Spaniards but of the Indians dwelling in the suburbs there were more The couÌ„try is most part of the yere very hot very ful of a kind of flies orgnats with long bils which do pricke moâ—est the people very much in the night when they are asleepe in pricking their faces and hands and other parts of their bodies that lie vncouered make them to swel wonderfully Also there is another kind of small worme which creepeth into the soles of mens feet especially of the black Moores and children which vse to go barefoot maketh their feet to grow as big as a mans head doth so â—ke that it would make one run mad They haue no remedy for the same but to open the flesh sometimes 3. or 4. inches so dig them out The countrey yeeldeth great store of suger hides of oxen buls and kine ginger Cana fistula Salsa perillia mines of siluer gold there are none but in some riuers there is found some smal quantitie of gold The principal coine that they do trafique withal in that place is blacke money made of copper brasse and this they say they do vse not for that they lacke money of gold and siluer to trade withall out of the other parts of India but because if they should haue good money the marchants that deale with them in trade would cary away their gold and siluer and let the countrey commodities lie still And thus much for S. Domingo So we were comming from the yles of Canaries to S. Domingo there staying vntil the moneth of December which was 3. moneths About the beginning of Ianuary we departed thence towards the bay of Mexico new Spaine toward which we set our course and so sailed 24. dayes till we came within 15. leagues of S. Iohn de Vllua which was the port of Mexico of our right discharge And being so neere our said port there rose a storme of Northerly windes which came off from Terra Florida which caused vs to cast about into the sea againe for feare least that night we should be cast vpon the shoare before day did breake and so put our selues in danger of casting away the winde and sea grew so foule and strong that within two houres after the storme began eight ships that were together were so dispersed that we could not see one another One of the ships of our company being of the burthen of 500. tun called the hulke of Carion would not cast about to sea as we did but went that night with the land thinking in the morning to purchase the port of S. Iohn de Vllua but missing the port went with the shoare and was cast away There were drowned of that ship 75. persons men women and children and 64. were saued that could swim and had meanes to saue themselues among those that perished in that ship was a gentleman who had bene present the yere before in S. Domingo his wife and 4. daughters with the rest of his seruants houshold We with the other 7. ships cast about into the sea the storme during 10. dayes with great might boisterous winds fogs raine our ship being old and weake was so tossed that she opened at the sterne a fadome vnder water and the best remedy we had was to stop it with beds and pilobiers and for feare of sinking we threw and lightned into the sea all the goods we had or could come by but that would not serue Then we cut our maine mast and threw all our Ordinance into the sea sauing one piece which early in a morning when wee thought wee should haue sunke we shot off and as pleased God there was one of the ships of our
company neere vnto vs which we saw not by meanes of the great fogge which hearing the sound of the piece vnderstanding some of the company to be in great extremitie began to make towards vs and when they came within hearing of vs we desired them for the loue of God to helpe to saue vs for that we were all like to perish They willed vs to hoise our foresaile as much as we could make towards them for they would do their best to saue vs and so we did And we had no sooner hoised our foresaile but there came a gale of winde a piece of a sea strooke in the foresaile and caried saile maste all ouerboord so that then we thought there was no hope of life And then we began to imbrace one another euery man his friend euery wife her husband and the children their fathers and mothers committing our soules to Almighty God thinking neuer to escape aliue yet it pleased God in the time of most need when all hope was past to aide vs with his helping hand and caused the winde a little to cease so that within two houres after the other ship was able to come aboord vs tooke into her with her boat man woman and child naked without hose or shoe vpon many of our fecte I do remember that the last person that came out of the ship into the boat was a woman blacke Moore who leaping out of the ship into the boat with a yong sucking child in her armes lept too short and fell into the sea and was a good while vnder the water before the boat could come to rescue her and with the spreading of her clothes rose aboue water againe and was caught by the coat pulled into the boate hauing still her childe vnder her arme both of them halfe drowned and yet her naturall loue towards her child would not let her let the childe goe And when she came aboord the boate she helde her childe so fast vnder her arme still that two men were scant able to get it out So we departed out of our ship left it in the sea it was worth foure hundreth thousand ducats ship goods when we left it And within three dayes after we arriued at our port of S. Iohn de Vllua in New Spaine I do remember that in the great and boysterous storme of this foule weather in the night there came vpon the toppe of our maine yarde and maine maste a certaine little light much like vnto the light of a little candle which the Spaniards called the Cuerpo santo and saide it was S. Elmo whom they take to bee the aduocate of Sailers At the which fight the Spaniards fell downe vpon their knees and worshipped it praying God and S. Elmo to cease the torment and saue them from the perill that they were in with promising him that at their comming on land they would repaire vnto his Chappell and there cause Masses to be saide and other ceremonies to be done The friers cast reliques into the sea to cause the sea to be still and likewise said Gospels with other crossings and ceremonies vpon the sea to make the storme to cease which as they said did much good to weaken the furie of the storme But I could not perceiue it nor gaue no credite to it till it pleased God to send vs the remedie deliuered vs from the rage of the â—ame His Name be praised therefore This light continued aboord our ship about three houres flying from maste to maste from top to top and sometime it would be in two or three places at once I informed my selfe of learned men afterward what that light should be and they said that it was but a congelation of the winde and vapours of the Sea congealed with the extremitie of the weather which flying in the winde many times doeth chance to hit on the masts and shrowds of the ships that are at sea in foule weather And in trueth I do take it to be so for that I haue seene the like in other ships at sea and in sundry ships at once By this men may see how the Papists are giuen to beleeue and worship such vaine things and toyes as God to whom all honour doth appertaine and in their neede and necessities do let to call vpon the liuing God who is the giuer of all good things The 16. of April in Anno 1556. we arriued at the port of S. Iohn de Vllua in new Spaine very naked and distressed of apparell and all other things by meanes of the losse of our foresaid ship and goods and from thence we went to the new Towne called Vera Cruzâ— fiue leagues from the said port of S. Iohn de Vllua marching still by the sea side where wee found lying vpon the sands great quantitie of mightie great trees with rootes and all some of them of foure fiue and sixe cart load by our estimation which as the people tolde vs were in the great stormy weather which we indured at sea rooted out of the ground in Terra Florida which is three hundreth leagues ouer by Sea and brought thither So we came to the saide Towne of Vera cruz where wee remained a moneth and there the said Iohn Field chanced to meete with an olde friend of his acquaintance in Spaine called Gonçalo Ruiz de Cordoua a very rich man of the saide Towne of Vera cruz Who hearing of his comming thither with his wife and family and of hiâ— misfortune by Sea came vnto him and receiued him and all his houshold into his house and kept vs there a whole moneth making vs very good cheere and giuing vs good intertainement and also gaue vs that were in all eight persons of the said Iohn Fields house double apparell new out of the shop of very good cloth coates cloakes hose shirts smocks gownes for the women hose shooes and al other necessary apparel and for our way vp to the Citie of Mexico horses moiles and men and money in our purses for the expences by the way which by our accompt might amount vnto the summe of 400. Crownes And after wee were entred two dayes iourney into the Countrey I the saide Robert Tomson fell so sicke of an ague that the next day I was not able to sit on my horse but was faine to be caried vpon Indians backes from thence to Mexico And when wee came within halfe a dayes iourney of the Citie of Mexico the saide Iohn Field also fell sicke and within three dayes after we arriued at the said Citie hee died And presently sickened one of his children and two more of his houshold people and within eight dayes died So that within tenne dayes after we arriued at the Citie of Mexico of eight persons that were of vs of the saide company there remained but foure aliue and I the said Tomson was at the point of death of the sicknes that I got vpon the way which
house as much as he will without the cost of any thing but of the letting in Also there is a great caue or ditch of water that commeth through the Citie euen vnto the high place where come euery morning at the break of the day twentie or thirtie Canoas or troughes of the Indians which bring in them all maner of prouision for the citie which is made and groweth in the Countrey which is a very good commoditie for the inhabitants of that place And as for victuals in the said Citie of beefe mutton and hennes capons quailes Guiny-cockes and such like all are very good cheape To say the whole quarter of an oxe as much as a slaue can carry away from the Butchers for fiue Tomynes that is fiue Royals of plate which is iust two shillings and sixe pence and a fat sheepe at the Butchers for three Royals which is 18. pence and no more Bread is as good cheape as in Spaine and all other kinde of fruites as apples peares pomegranats and quinces at a reasonable rate The Citie goeth wonderfully forwards in building of Frieries and Nunneries and Chappels and is like in time to come to be the most populous Citie in the world as it may be supposed The weather is there alwayes very temperate the day differeth but one houre of length all the yere long The fields and the woods are alwayes greene The woods full of popiniayes and many other kinde of birdes that make such an harmonie of singing and crying that any man will reioyce to heare it In the fields are such odoriferous smels of flowers and hearbs that it giueth great cement to the senses About the Citie of Mexico two three or foure leagues off are diuers townes of Indians some of 4000. or 6000. housholds which doe stand in such a goodly soyle that if Christians had the inhabitation thereof it would be put to a farther benefite In my time were dwelling and aliue in Mexico many ancient men that were of the conquerours at the first conquest with Hernando Cortes for then it was about 36. yeeres agoe that the said Countrey was conquered About Mexico there are diuers Mines of siluer and also in other places there about but the principall Mines that are in all New Spaine are in Sacatecas 80. leagues from Mexico and the Mines of S. Martin thirtie leagues both to the Northwestward of Mexico where is great store of gold and siluer Also there is a place called the Misteca fiftie leagues to the Northwest which doth yeeld great store of very good silke and Cochinilla Wine and oyle there is none growing in the Countrey but what commeth out of Spaine Also there are many goodly fruits in that Countrey whereof we haue none such as Plantanos Guyaues Sapotes Tunas and in the wildernes great store of blacke cheries and other wholsome fruites The Cochinilla is not a worme or a flye as some say it is but a berrie that groweth vpon certaine bushes in the wilde field which is gathered in time of the yeere when it is ripe Also the Indico that doeth come from thence to die blâ—w is a certaine heathe that groweth in the wilde fieldes and is gathered at one time of the yeere and burnt and of the ashes thereof with other confections put thereunto the saide Indico is made Balme Salsa perilla Cana fistula sugâ—r oxe hides and many other good and seruiceable things the Countrey doeth yeeld which are yeerely brought into Spaine and there solde and distributed to many nations ROBERT TOMSON A voyage made by M. Roger Bodenham to S. Iohn de Vllua in the bay of Mexico in the yeere 1564. I Roger Bodenham hauing a long time liued in the city of Siuil in Spaine being there married and by occasion thereof vsing trade and traffique to the parts of Barbary grew at length to great losse and hindrance by that new trade begun by me in the city of Fez whereupon being returned into Spaine I began to call my wits about mee and to consider with my selfe by what meanes I might recouer and renew my state and in conclusion by the ayde of my friends I procured a ship called The Barke Fox pertâ—ining to London of the burden of eight or nine score tunnes and with the same I made a voyage to the West India hauing obteined good fauour with the Spanish merchants by reason of my long abode and marriage in the countrey My voyage was in the company of the Generall Don Pedro Melendes for Noua Hispania who being himselfe appointed Generall for Terra Firma and Peru made his sonne Generall for New Spaine although Pedro Melendes himselfe was the principall man and directer in both fleets We all departed from Cadiz together the last day of May in the yere 1564 and I with my ship being vnder the conduct of the sonne of Don Pedro aforesayd arriued with him in Noua Hispania where immediatly I tooke order for the discharge of my merchandise at the port of Vera Cruz otherwise called Villa Rica to be transported theâ—ce to the city of Mexico which is sixty and odde leagues distant from the sayd port of Villa Rica In the way are many good townes as namely Pueblo de los Angeles and another called Tlaxcalan The city of Mexico hath three great causeyes to bring men to it compassed with a lake so that it needeth no walles being so defended by the water It is a city plentifull of all necessary things hauing many faire houses churches and monasteries I hauing continued in the countrey the space of nine moneths returned againe for Spaine with the Spanish fleet and deliuered the merchandise and siluer which I had in the ship into the Contractation house and there receiued my fraight which amounted outwards and homewards to the value of 13000 ducats and more I obserued many things in the time of my abode in Noua Hispania aswell touching the commodities of the countrey as the maners of the people both Spanâ—ards and Indians but because the Spanish histories are full of those obseruations I omit them and referre the readers to the same onely this I say that the commodity of Cochinilla groweth in greatest abundance about the towne of Pueblo de los Angeles and is not there woorth aboue forty pence the pound A notable discourse of M. Iohn Chilton touching the people maners mines cities riches forces and other memorable things of New Spaine and other prouinces in the West Indies seene and noted by himselfe in the time of his trauels continued in those parts the space of seuenteene or eighteene yeeres IN the yeere of our Lord 1561 in the moneth of Iuly I Iohn Chilton went out of this city of London into Spaine where I remained for the space of seuen yeres from thence I sailed into Noua Hispania and so trauelled there and by the South sea vnto Peru the space of seuenteene or eighteene yeeres and after that time expired I returned into Spaine and
Biscay where I solde my merchandise for exchange of siluer for there were there certaine rich mines discouered by the aforesayd Biskaine Going from Mexico I directed my voyage somewhat toward the Southwest to certaine mines called Tamascaltepec and so trauelled forward the space of twenty dayes thorow desert places vnhabited till I came to the valley of S. Bartholomew which ioyneth to the prouince of New Biscay In all these places the Indians for the most part go naked and are wilde people Their common armour is bowes and arrowes they vse to eate vp such Christians as they come by From hence departing I came to another prouince named Xalisco and from thence to the port of Nauidad which is 120 leagues from Mexico in which port arriue alwayes in the moneth of April all the ships that come out of the South sea from China and the Philippinas and there they lay their merchandise ashore The most part whereof is mantles made of Cotton wooll Waxe and fine platters gilded made of earth and much golde The next Summer following being in the yeere 1570 which was the first yeere that the Popes Buls were brought into the Indies I vndertooke another voyage towards the prouince of Sonsonate which is in the kingdome of Guatimala whither I caried diuers merchandize of Spaine all by land on mules backs The way thitherward from Mexico is to the city of the Angels and from thence to another city of Christians 80 leagues off called Guaxaca in which there dwelt about 50 Spanyards and many Indiaâ—s All the Indians of this prouince pay their tribute in mantles of Cotton wooll and Cochinilla whereof there groweth abundance thorowout this countrey Neere to this place there lieth a port in the South sea called Aguatulco in the which there dwell not aboue three or foure Spanyards with certaine Negroes which the king mainteineth there in which place Sir Francis Drake arriued in the yeere 1579 in the moneth of April where I lost with his being there aboue a thousand duckets which he tooke away with much other goods of other merchants of Mexico from one Francisco Gomes Rangifa factour there for all the Spanish merchants that then traded in the South sea for from this port they vse to imbarke all their goods that goe for Peru and to the kingdome of Honduras From Guaxaca I came to a towne named Nixapa which standeth vpon certaine very high hilles in the prouince of Sapotecas wherein inhabit about the number of twenty Spanyards by the King of Spaines commandement to keepe that country in peace for the Indians are very rebellious and for this purpose hee bestoweth on them the townes cities that be within that prouince From hence I went to a city called Tecoantepec which is the farthest towne to the Eastward in all Noua Hispania which sometime did belong to the Marques de Valle and because it is a very fit port standing in the South sea the king of Spaine vpon a rebellion made by the sayd Marques against him tooke it from him and doth now possesse it as his owne Heere in the yeere 1572 I saw a piece of ordinance of brasse called a Demy culuerin which came out of a ship called the Iesus of Lubec which captaine Hawkins left in S. Iohn de Vllua being in fight with the Spanyards in the yeere 1568 which piece they afterwards caried 100 leagues by land ouer mighty mountaines to the sayd city to be embarked there for the Philippinas Leauing Tecoantepec I went still along by the South sea about 150 leagues in the desolate prouince of Soconusco in which prouince there groweth cacao which the Christians cary from thence into Noua Hispania for that it will not grow in any colde countrey The Indians of this countrey pay the king their tribute in cacao giuing him foure hundred cargas and euery carga is 24000 almonds which carga is woorth in Mexico thirty pieces of reals of plate They are men of great riches and withall very proud and in all this prouince thorowout there dwell not twenty Christians I trauelled thorow another prouince called Suchetepec and thence to the prouince of Guasacapan in both which prouinces are very few people the biggest towne therein hauing not aboue two hundred Indians The chiefest merchandise there is cacao Hence I went to the city of Guatimala which is the chiefe city of all this kingdome in this city doe inhabit about 80 Spanyards and here the king hath his gouernors councell to whom all the people of the kingdome repaire for iustice This city standeth from the coast of the South sea 14 leagues within the land and is very rich by reason of the golde that they fetch out of the coast of Veragua From this city to the Eastward 60 leagues lieth the prouince Sonsonate where I solde the merchandize I caried out of Noua Hispania The chiefest city of this prouince is called S. Saluador which lieth 7 leagues from the coast of the South sea and hath a port lying by the sea coast called Acaxutla where the ships arriue with the merchandize they bring from Noua Hispania and from thence lade backe againe the cacao there dwell heere to the number of threescore Spanyards From Sonsonate I trauelled to Nicoia which is in the kingdome of Nicaragua in which port the king buildeth all the shipping that trauell out of the Indies to the Malucos I went forward from thence to Costa rica where the Indians both men and women go all naked and the land lieth betweene Panama and the kingdome of Guatimala and for that the Indians there liue as warriers I durst not passe by land so that here in a towne called S. Saluador I bestowed that which I caried in annile which is a kinde of thing to die blew withall which I caried with me to the port of Cauallos lying in the kingdome of Honduras which port is a mighty huge gulfe and at the comming in on the one side of it there lieth a towne of little force without ordinance or any other strength hauing in it houses of straw at which towne the Spanyards vse yeerely in the moneth of August to vnlade foure ships which come out of Spaine laden with rich merchandise and receiue in heere againe their lading of a kinde of merchandise called Annile and Cochinilla although it be not of such value as that of Noua Hispania and siluer of the mines of Tomaangua and golde of Nicaragua and hides and Salsa perilla the best in all the Indies all which merchandize they returne and depart from thence alwayes in the moneth of April following taking their course by the Island of Iamaica in which Island there dwell on the West side of it certeine Spanyards of no great number From this place they go to the cape of S. Anthony which is the vttermost part of the Westward of the Island of
or trafique nor yet suffer vs to take in fresh water by meanes whereof our Generall for the auoyding of famine and thirst about the beginning of Iune was enforced to land two hundreth of our men and so by maine force and strength to obtaine that which by no faire meanes hee could procure And so recouering the Towne with the losse of two of our men there was a secret and peaceable trade admitted and the Spaniards came in by night and bought of our Negroes to the number of 200. and vpwards and of our other marchandize also From thence we departed for Carthagena where the Gouernour was so straight that wee could not obteine any trafique there and so for that our trade was neere finished our Generall thought it best to depart from thence the rather for the auoyding of certaine dangerous stormes called the Huricanos which accustomed to begin there about that time of the yere so the 24. of Iuly 1568. we departed froÌ„ thence directing our course North and leauing the yland of Cuba vpon our right hand to the Castward of vs and so sayling toward Florida vpon the 12. of August an extreeme tempest arose which dured for the space of 8. dayes in which our ships were most dangerously tossed and beaten hither thither so that we were in continuall feare to be drowned by reason of the shallownes of the coast and in the end we were constrained to flee for succour to the port of S. Iohn de Vllua or Vera Cruz situated in 19. degrees of latitude and in 279. degrees of longitude which is the port that serueth for the Citie of Mexico in our seeking to recouer this port our Generall met by the way three small ships that caried passengers which hee tooke with him and so the sixtenth of September 1568. wee entered the saide port of S. Iohn de Vllua The Spaniards there supposing vs to haue bene the King of Spaines Fleete the chiefe officers of the Countrey thereabouts came presently aboord our Generall where perceiuing themselues to haue made an vnwise aduenture they were in great feare to haue bene taken and stayed howbeit our Generall did vse them all very courteously In the said port there were twelue ships which by report had in them in treasure to the value of two hundreth thousand pound all which being in our Generall his power and at his deuotion he did freely set at libertie as also the passengers which he had â—efore stayed not taking from any of them all the value of one groat onely hee stayed two men of credite and accompt the one named Don Laurenzo de Alua and the other Don Pedro de Riuera and presently our Generall sent to the Uiceroy to Mexico which was threescore leagues off certifying him of our arriuall there by force of weather desiâ—ing that for â—smuch as our Queene his Soueraigne was the kiâ—g of Spaine his louiâ—g sister and friend that thereforâ— hee would considering our necessities and wants furnish vs with victuals for our Nauie and quietly suffer vs to repaire and amend our ships And furthermore that at the arriual of â—he Spanish Fleet which was there dayly expected and looked for to the ende that there might no quarell arise betweene them and our Generall and his company for the breach of amitie he humbly requested of his exeâ—llencie that there mighâ— in thâ—â— 3 behalfe some special order be taken This message was sent away the 16. of September 1568. it being the very day of our arriuall there The next morning being the seuententh of the same moneth wee descried 13. saile of great shippes and after thâ—t â—ur Generall vnderstood that it was the king of Spâ—ines fleete thâ—n looked for he presently sent to aduertise the Generall hereof of our being in the said port and giuing him further to vndeâ—stand that before he should enter there into that harbour it was requisite that there should passe betweene the two Generals some orders and conditions to bee obseâ—ued on either part for the better contriuing of peace betweene them and theirs according to our Generals request made vnto the Uiceroy And at â—his instant our Generall was in a great perplexitie of minde considering wiâ—h himselfe that if hee should keepe out that Fleete from enâ—ring into the port a thing which hee was very weâ—ll able to doe with the helpe of God then should that Fleete be in danger of present ship wracke aâ—d losse of all their substance which amounted vnto the value of one million and eight hundreth thâ—â—sand pounds Againe he saw that if he suffered them to enter hee was assured that they would practise by all maner of meanes to betray hâ—m and his and on the other side the hauen was so little that the other Fleete entring the shippes were to ride one hard aboord of another Also hee saw that if their Fleete should perish by his keeping of them out as of â—ecessitie they must if he should haue done so then stood hee in great feare of the Queene our Soueraignes displeasure in so waightie a cause therefore did he choose the least euill which was to suffer them to enter vnder assurance and so to stand vpon his guard and to defend himselfe and his from their treasons which we were well assured they would practise and so the messenger being returned from Don Martin de Henriques the newe Uiceroy who came in the same Fleete and had sufficient authoritie to command in all cases both by Sea and by lande in this prouince of Mexico or new Spaine did certifie our Generall that for the better maintenance of amitie betweene the king of Spaine and our Soueraigne all our requests should bee both fauourably granted and faithfully perfourmed signifying further that he heard and vnderstood of the honest and friendly dealing of our Generall toward the king of Spaines subiects in all places where he had bene as also in the said port so that to bee briefe our requests were articled and sâ—t downe in writing Viz. 1 The first was that wee might haue victuals for our money and license to sell as much wares as might suffice to furnish our wants 2 The second that we might be suffered peaceably to repaire our ships 3 The thirde that the yland might bee in our possession during the time of our abode there In which yland our Generall for the better safetie of him and his had alreadie planted and placed certaine Ordinance which were eleuen pieces of brasse therefore he required that the same might so continue and that no Spaniards should come to lande in the saide yland hauing or wearing any kinde of weapon about him 4 The fourth and the last that for the better and more sure performance and maintenance of peace and of all the conditions there might twelue gentlemen of credite bee deliuered of either part of hostages These conditions were concluded and agreed vpon in writing by the Uiceroy and signed with his hand and sealed with his seale
into Italian by that excellent and famous man Baptista Ramusius Nel 1517. Vn Corsaro Inglese sotto colore di venire á discoprire se ne venne con vna gran naue alla volta del Brasil nella costiera di Terra ferma indi attrauerso á questa isola Spagnuola giunse presso la bocca del porto di questa città di S. Domenico mando in terra il suo battello pieno di gente chiese licentia dipotere qui entrare dicendo che venia con mercantie a negotiare Ma in in quello instante il castellano Francesco di Tapia fece tirare alla uaue vn â—iro d' artiglieria da questo castello perche ella se ne veniua diritta al porto Quando gli â—nglesâ— viddero questo si ritirarâ—no fuori quelli del battello tosto si raccolsero in naue Et nel vero il Castellan fece errore perche se ben fossenaue entrata nel porto non sar ebbono le genti potuto smontare à terra senza volontâ— della città del castello La naue adunque veggendo come vi era riceâ—â—ta â—â—â—ò la volta dell isola di San Gionanni entrata nel porto di San Germano parlarono gli Inglesi con quelli della terra dimandarono vettouaglie fornimenti per la naue si lamentarono di quelli di questa città dicendo che essi non veniuano per fare dispiacere maper contrattare negotiare con sâ—â—i danari mercantie Hora quiui hebbero alcune vettouaglie in compensa essi diedero pagarono in certi stagni lauorati altre cose Et poi si partirono alla volta d' Europa doue si crede che non gungessero perche non se ne seppe piu nuoua mai This extract importeth thus much in English to wit That in the yeere 1517. an English Rouer vnder the colour of trauelling to discouer came with a great shippe vnto the parts of Brasill on the coast of the firme land and from thence he crossed ouer vnto this Iland of Hispaniola and arriued neere vnto the mouth of the hauen of this citie of S. Domingo and sent his shipboate full of men on shoare and demaunded leaue to enter into this hauen saying that hee came with marchandise to traffique But at that very instant the gouernour of the castle Francis de Tapia caused a tire of ordinance to be shot from the castle at the ship for she bare in directly with the hauen When the Englishmen sawe this they withdrew themselues out and those that were in the shipboate got themselues with all speede on shipboord And in trueth the warden of the castle committed an ouersight for if the shippe had entred into the hauen the men thereof could not haue come on lande without leaue both of the citie and of the castle Therefore the people of the ship seeing how they were receiued sayled toward the Iland of S. Iohn and entring into the port of S. Germaine the English men parled with those of the towne requiring victuals and things needefull to furnish their ship and complained of the inhabitants of the city of S. Domingo saying that they came not to doe any harme but to trade and traffique for their money and merchandise In this place they had certaine victuals and for recompence they gaue and paid them with certain vessell of wrought tinne and other things And afterward they departed toward Europe where it is thought they arriued not for wee neuer heard any more newes of them Thus farre procâ—edeth Gonsaluo de Ouiedo who though it please him to call the captain of this great English ship a rouer yet it appeareth by the Englishmens owne words that they came to discouer and by their traffique for pewter vessell and other wares at the towne of S. Germaine in the Iland of S. Iohn de puerto rico it cannot bee denied but that they were furnished with wares for honest traffique and exchange But whosoeuer is conuersant in reading the Portugall and Spanish writers of the East and West Indies shall commonly finde that they account all other nations for pirats rouers and theeues which visite any heathen coast that they haue once sayled by or looked on Howbeit their passionate and ambitious reckoning ought not to bee preiudiciall to other mens chargeable and painefull enterprises and honourable trauels in discouerie A briefe note concerning a voyage of one Thomas Tiâ—on an English man made before the yeere 1526. to the West Indies of his abode there in maner of a secret factor for some English marchants which vnder hand had trade thither in those dayes taken out of an olde ligâ—er-booke of M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a worshipfull marchant of Bristol IT appeareth out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance in the custodie of mee Richard Hakluyr written 1526. by master Nicolas Thorne the elder a principall marchant of Bristol vnto his friend and factour Thomas Midnall and his seruant William Ballard at that time remaining at S. Lucar in Andaluzia that before the sayd yeere one Thomas Tison an Englishman had found the way to the West Indies and was there resident vnto whom the aforesayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd This Thomas Tison so farre as I can coniecture may seeme to haue bene some secret factour for M. Thorne and other English marchants in those remote partes wherereby it is probable that some of our marchants had a kinde of trade to the West Indies euen in those ancient times and before also neither doe I see any reason why the Spaniards should debarre vs from it at this present The first voyage of the right worshipfull and valiant knight sir Iohn Hawkins sometimes treasurer of her Maiesties nauie Roial made to the West Indies 1562. MAster Iohn Haukins hauing made diuers voyages to the Iles of the Canaries and there by his good and vpright dealing being growen in loue and fauour with the people informed himselfe amongst them by diligent inquisition of the state of the West India whereof hee had receiued some knowledge by the instructions of his father but increased the same by the aduertisments and reports of that people And being amongst other particulars asâ—ured that Negros were very good marchandise in Hispaniola and that store of Negros might easily bee had vpon the coast of Guinea resolued with himselfe to make â—riall thereof and communicated that deuise with his worshipfull friendes of London namely with Sir Lionell Ducket sir Thomas Lodge M. Gunson his father in law sir William Winter M. Bromfield and others All which persons liked so well of his intention that they became liberall contributers and aduenturers in the action For which purpose there were three good ships immediatly prouided The one called the Salomon of the burthen of 120. tunneâ— wherein M. Haukins himselfe went as Generall The second the
leuied a thousand mariners of Catalunna and Genoa to bee diuided among the Fleete and bee conducted as they were for the Fleete of Terçera furthermore that sixe thousande souldiers bee leuied giuing commaundement to presse a greater number to the ende that these may bee able men for seruice Moreouer it is needfull for this armie that 20. pataches be brought from Biscay and 20. Azabras from Castro That the pataches bee from 50. to 60. tunnes and that the Azabras bee like those which were in the expedition to Terçera That sufficient prouision be made of artillerie powder match and lead and harquebuzes muskets and chosen pikes for the keeping of the coast It is also meete to prouide another army of two ships of 400. tunnes apiece and other foure of 200. tunnes and foure pataches and a thousand souldiers besides mariners Hauing seene and considered that the Englishmen with their marchants ships onely that trauerse these seas haue made such hauocke in two moneths and that it is to bee thought that they will doe the like against the fleetes which goe and come from the Indies it is expedient that as by order in time of peace the fleete hath an Admirall and Uiceadmirall that now it should haue two more at the least in eche Fleete and neuerthelesse they are to bee wafted home with an armie In mine opinion all these prouisions ought to bee made onely in regard of the English army and the rest of the ships which haue bene set out of that kingdome But in case that Don Antonio should come with an armie and should seeke to inuade this kingdome these prouisions following would be needesull THat warning be giuen to the Conde de Beneuenta to the Marques de Soria to the Conde of Altamira to the Conde of Monterey to the Marquesse of Zerraluo and to the rest of the Lordes and Knights which are to haue order to bee in a readinesse against hee come vnto this kingdome That the people also be trained of the cities of Toro Zamora and Salamanca to bee ready to succour the countrey betweene the riuers of Doro and Minno and the people of Estremadura and Siuilla are likewise to bee trained to be ready to succour the citie of Lisbon and the countrey about the same Also that the castles of this citie riuer and territorie be victualled and prouided of gunpowder match and lead and all things else belonging to the artillerie as I haue requested in the relations which I sent vnto his maiestie the 7. of March of this present yeere 1585. That the gaâ—lies be furnished for foure moneths and that sixe more bee brought from Spaine to this riuer of Lisbon with an hundred and twentie souldiers for ech gallie that they may be deuided among the eight gallies which remaine here And in case it fall out that the armie of the English goe not for the Indies but occupie themselues vpon this kâ—ngdome for there may be English ships which may attend the one and the other we shal be enforced to make another armie besides that for the Indies of twelue ships foure pataches and a thousand fiue hundred souldiers In mine opinion all this is meet for his maiesties seruice to be foresâ—ene to be made ready with great diligence and care and to prouide money needfull for the same without neglecting the one or the other but that â—ll these things be done without delay Referring my selfe in all things to those of wisâ—r iudgement Written in Lisbon the 26 of October 1585. A summarie and true discourse of sir Francis Drakes West Indian voyage begun in the yeere 1585. Wherein were taken the cities of Saint Iago Santo Domingo Cartagena and the towne of Saint Augustine in Florida Published by M. Thomas Caâ—es THis worthy knight for the seruice of his Prince and countrey hauing prepared his whole fleete and gotten them downe to Plimmouth in Deuonâ—hire to the number of fiue and twenty saile of ships and pinnesses and hauing assemâ—led of souldiers and mariners to the number of 2300. in the whole embarked them and himselfe at Plimmouth aforesaid the 12. day of September 1585. being accompanied with these men of name and charge which hereafter follow Master Christopher Carleil Lieutenant general a man of long experience in the warres as well by sea as land who had formerly caried high offices in both kindes in many fights which he discharged alwaies very happily and with great good reputation Anthonie Powel Sergeant Maior Captaine Matthew Morgan and Captaine Iohn Sampson Corporals of the field These officers had commandement ouer the rest of the land-Captaines whose names hereafâ—er follow Captaine Anthony Plat. Captaine Edward Winter Captaine Iohn Goring Captaine Robert Pew Captaine George Barton Captaine Iohn Merchant Captaine William Cecill Captaine Walter Bigs Captaine Iohn Hannam Captaine Richard Stanton Captaine Martine Frobisher Uiceadmirall a man of great experience in sea-faring actions who had caried the chiefe charge of many ships himselfe in sundry voyages before being now shipped in the Primrose Captaine Francis Knolles Reere admirall in the Galeon Leicester Master Thomas Vennor Captaine in the Elizabeth Bonaduenture vnder the Generall Master Edward Winter Captaine in the Aide Master Christopher Carleil the Lieutenant generall Captaine of the Tygar Henry White Câ—ptaine of the sea Dragon Thomas Drake Captaine of the Thomas Thomas Scelie Captaine of the Minionâ— Baily Captaine of the Barke Talbot Robert Crosse Captaine of the Bark Bond. George Fortescue Captaine of the Barke Bonner Edward Carelesse Captaine of the Hope Iames Erizo Captaine of the White Lyon Thomas Moone Captaine of the Francis Iohn Riuers Captaine of the Vantage Iohn Vaugham Captaine of the Drake Iohn Varney Captaine of the George Iohn Martin Capâ—aine of the Beniamin Edward Gilman Captaine of the Skout Richard Hawkins Captaine of the Galiot called the Duckâ— Bitfield Captaine of the Swallow After our going hence which was the foureteenth of September in the yeere of our Lord 1585. and taking our course towards Spaine wee had the winde for a fewe dayes somewhaâ— skant and sometimes calme And being arriued neere that part of Spaine which is called thâ— Moores wee happened to espie diuers sailes which kept their course close by the shore the weather being farre and calme The Generall caused the Uiceadmirall to goe with the pinnesses well manned to see what they were who vpon sight of the said pinnesses approching neere vnto them abandoned for the most part all their ships being Frenchmen laden all with salt and bound homewards into France amongst which ships being all of small burthen there was one so wel liked which also had no man in her as being brought vnto y e general he thought good to makâ— stay of her for the seruice meaning to pay for her as also accordingly he performed at our returneâ— which â—arke was called the Drake The rest of these ships being eight or nine were dismisseâ— without any any thing at all taken from them Who
times with all their ships yet would they not set againe vpon vs and those of our men which were farthest off cryâ—d to them â—maine being both within shot of artillerie muskets and caliuers whereby they receiued euident hurt by vs They plyed their great ordinance according to their manner and especially their Uâ—ceadmirall and seeing our resolution how sharpe we were bent towards them they with all expedition and speedâ— possible prepared to flieâ— way hoysing sailes and leâ—uing their boates for haite in the sea but I followed them with nine ships all the night following and with foure more the next day till I made thâ—m double the Cape of S. Antonie and to take the course towards the Câ—anell of Bahama according to the instructions from his Maiestie It little auailed vs to be seene with lesse number of ships neither yet all the diligence we could vse could câ—use them to stay or come neere vs nor to shoot off one harquebuze or peece of artillerie for they fled away as fast as they could and their shippes wâ—re halfe diminished and that the best part of them the cost they repaired in Puerto Bello whereas they were about fortie dayes and so by that meanes they were all wâ—ll repayred and our shippes were very soule because the time would not peâ—mit vs to â—rim them I haue sayled 2 moneths and a halfe in the Admirall since we departed from Cartagena we haue not repaired their pumpes nor clensed them and the same day I departed tâ—enâ—e there câ—me vnto me a small Pinnesse in the like distresse our Uiceadmirall and the rest of our ships haue the like impediment but no great hinderance vnto vs for ought I could perceiue by our enemies It is manifest what aduantage they had of vs and by no meanes was it possible for vs to take them vnlesseâ— we could haue come to haue found them at an anker Neuerthelesse they left vs one good shippe behinde for our share well manned which tolde me that Drake died in Nombre de Dios and that they haue made for Generall of the English fleete the Colonel Quebraran and also by meanes of the small time being straightly followed by vs they had no opportunitie to take either water wood or flesh and they are also in such bad case that I know not how they will be able to arriue in England The number of men we haue taken are about an hundred and fortie and fifteene noble captaines of their best sort and some of them rich as well may appeare by their behauiour I haue no other thing to write at this time Our Lord keepe you who best can and as I desire From Hauaua the 30 of March 1596. DON BERNALDINO DELGADILLO DE AVELLANEDA THe Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa Lieutenant of the Assistants of the citie of Siuill and the Prouince thereof who doth supply the office of the Assistant in the absence of the Right honourable the Earle of Priego giueth licence to Roderigo de Cabriera to imprint the Relation of the death of Francis Drake which onely he may do for two moneths and no other to imprint the same within the said terme vpon paine of tenne thousand Marauedis for his Maiesties chamber Giuen in Siuill the 15 of May 1596. The Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa By his Assigne Gregorie Gutierez Notarie THis letter of the Generall Don Bernaldino sent into Spaine declaring the death of Sir Francis Drake and their supposed victorie was altogether receiued for an vndoubted trueth and so pleasing was this newes vnto the Spaniarde that there was present commandement giuen to publish the letter in print that all the people of Spaine might be pertakers of this common ioy the which letter printed in Siuill bearing date the 15 of May 1596 came to the hands of Henrie Sauile Esquire who being employed in that seruice for the West Indies and Captaine of her Maiesties good shippe the Aduenture vnder the conduct of sir Francis Drake and sir Iohn Hawkins hath caused the said printed letter to be translated into English And that the impudencie of the Spanish Generall may the more plainely appeare the sayde Henrie Sauile doth answere particularly to euery vntrueth in the same letter contayned as hereafter followeth The answere to the Spanish letter First the Generall doth say that Francis Drake died at Nombre de Dios as he had intelligence by an Indian THe Generall sent this newes into his countrey confirmed with his hand and seale of Armes It is the first newes in his letter and it was the best newes that he could send into Spaine For it did ease the stomackes of the timorous Spaniards greatly to heare of the death of him whose life was a scourge and continuall plague vnto them But it was a point of great simplicitie and scarcely befeeming a Generall to tie the credite of his report locally to any place vpon the report of a silly Indian slaue For it had bene sufficient to haue sayd that Francis Drake was certainly dead without publishing the lie in print by naming Nombre de Dios for it is most certaine sir Francis Drake died twixt the Iland of Escudo and Puerto Bello but the Generall being rauished with the suddaine ioy of this report as a man that hath escaped a great danger of the enemie doth breake out into an insolent kinde of bragging of his valour at Sea and heaping one lie vpon another doth not cease vntill he hath drawen them into sequences and so doth commende them vnto Peter the Doctor as censor of his learned worke Secondly The Generall doth write vnto the Doctor that Francis Drake died for very griefe that he had lost so many barkes and men A Thing very strange that the Generall or the Indian whom hee doth vouch for his lie should haue such speculation in the bodie of him whom they neuer saw as to deliuer for truth vnto his countrie the very cause or disease whereof hee died and this second report of his is more grosse then the first For admit the mistaking of the place might be tollerable notwithstanding this precise affirming the cause of his death doth manifestly prooue that the Generall doth make no conscience to lie And as concerning the losse of any Barkes or men in our Nauie by the valour of the Spaniard before Sir Francis Drake his death we had none one small Pinnesse excepted which we assuredly know was taken by chance falling single into a fleete of fiue Frigates of which was Generall Don Pedro Telio neere vnto the Iland of Dominica and not by the valour Don Bernaldino the which fiue Frigates of the kings afterwardes had but ill successe for one of them we burnt in the harbour of S. Iuan de Puerto rico and one other was sunke in the same harbour and the other three were burnt amongst many other shippes at the taking of Cadiz This I thinke in wise mens iudgements will seeme a silly cause to make
at sea which was feared would turne to the losse of the life of Martin Cockeram his pledge Neuerthelesse the Sauages being fully perswaded of the honest dealing of our men with thâ—ir prince restored againe the said pledge without any harme to him or any man of the company which pledge of theirs they brought home againe into England with their ship fraighted and furnished with the commodities of the countrey Which Martin Cockeram by the witnesse of Sir Iohn Hawkins being an officer in the towne of Plimmouth was liuing within these fewe yeeres An ancient voyage of M. Robert Reniger and M. Thomas Borey to Brasil in the yeere of our Lord 1540. I Haue bene certainly informed by M. Anthony Garrard an ancient and worshipfull marchant of the citie of London that this commondious and gainefull voyage to Brasil was ordinarily and vsually frequented by M. Robert Reniger M. Thomas Borey and diuers other substantial and wealthie marchants of Southampton about 60. yeeres past that is to say in the yeere 1540. A voyage of one Pudsey to Baya in Brasil anno 1542. ALso the worshipfull M. Edward Cotton of Southhampton Esquire gaue mee more particularly to vnderstand how that one Pudsey of Southampton a man of good skill and resolution in marine causes made a voyage in like maner 62. yeeres agoe to Baya de todos los Santos the principall towne of all Brasil and the seate of the Portugal vice-roy and of the bishop and that he built a fort not farre distant from that place in the foresaid yeere 1542. A letter written to M. Richard Staper by Iohn VVhithal from Santos in Brasil the 26. of Iune 1578. WOrshipfull sir and welbeloued friend M. Staper I haue me most heartily commended vnto you wishing your health euen as mine owne These few words may bee to let you vnderstand that whereas I wrote vnto you not many dayes past by the way of Lisbon howe that I determined to bee with you very shortly it is in this countrey offered mee to marry and to take my choice of three or foure so that I am about three dayes agoe conâ—orted with an Italian gentleman to marry with his daughter within these foure dayes This my friend and father in law Signor Ioffo Dore is borne in the citie of Genua in Italy his kindred is well knowen amongst the Italians in London also hee hath but onely this childe which is his daughter which hee hath thought better bestowed vpon mee then on any Portugal in all the countrey and doeth giue with her in marriage to me part of an Ingenio which he hath that doeth make euery yeere a thousand roues of sugar This my mariage will be worth to me two thousand duckets little more or lesse Also Signor Ioffo Dore my father in lawe doeth intende to put into my handes the whole Ingenio with sixtie or seuentie slaues and thereof to make me factor for vs both I giue my lining Lord thankes for placing me in such honour and plentifulnesse of all things Also certaine dayes past I talked with the Prouedor and the Captaine and they haue certified me that they haue discouered certaine Mines of siluer and gold and looke euery day for Masters to come to open the said Mines which when they be opened will inrich this countrey very much This place is called S. Vincent and is distant from you two thousand leagues and in 24. degrees of latitude on the South side of the Equinoctial line almost vnder the Tropike of Capricorne A countrey it is very healthfull without sicknesse Moreouer I haue talked with the Captaine and Prouedor and my father in law who rule all this countrey for to haue a ship with goods to come from London hither which haue promised mee to giue mee licence saying that nowe I am free dâ—nizen of this countrey To cause a ship to come hither with such commodities as would serue this countrey would come to great gaines God sending in safety the profite and gaines In such wares and commodities as you may ship hither from London is for euery one commoditie deliuered here three for one and then after the proceed may be imployed in white sugar at foure hundred reis the roue I meane also to haue a â—riend in London to sende mee a ship of 60. or 70. tunnes little more or lesse with such commodities as I shall giue aduise for This voyage is as good as any Peru-voyage If you and Master Osborne will deale here I will deale with you before any other because of our old friendly friendship in time past If you haue any stomacke thereto in the Name of God do you espie out a sine barke of seuentie or eightie tunnes and send her hither with a Portugal Pilot to this port of S. Vincent in Brasil bordering vpon the borders of Peru. Also I herewith write vnto you in what forme and maner you shall furnish this voyage both in commodities and otherwise First you must lade in the said ship certaine Hampshire and Deuonshire karsies for the which you must let her depart from London in October and to touch in the Canaries and there to make sale of the saide karsies and with the proceed thereof of lade fifteene tunnes of wines that be perfect and good and siâ—e dozen of Cordouan skinnes of these colours to wit orenge tawnie yellow red and very fine black I thinke you shall not finde such colours there Therefore you must cause them that shall go vpon this voyage to take saffron with them to cause the same skinnes to bee put into the saide colours Also I thinke you shall finde oyles there Three hogsheads of sweete oyle for this voyage are very necessary or a hundred fiftie iarres of oyle Also in London you may lade in the said ship these parcels of commodities or wares as followeth In primis Foure peeces of hollands of middle sort Item One peece of fine holland Foure hundred elles of osenbriges very fine Foure dozen of sizzors of all sorts Sixteene kintals of pitch of the Canaries Twentie dozen of great kniues which be made in fardles of a low price Foure dozen of a small sort Sixe peeces of bayes of the lowest sort One very fine peece of dayes Foure hundred elles of Manchester-cottons most blacke greene some yellow Eight or tenne dozen of hats the one halfe trimmed with taffata the other plaine with the bands od Cypresse Sixe dozen of course shirts Three dozen of doublets of canuas Three dozen of doublets of stitched canuas One peece of fine Millan-fustian barred Sixe dozen of locks for doores and chests Sixe thousand of all maner of fish hooks Foure dozen reames of paper Two dozen of glasses of diuers sorts Two dozen of Venice glasses the one halfe great the other middle sort Two dozen of mantles of frize of the lowest price that can be Three dozen of frize gownes Foure hundred pound of tinne of the vse of Portugall most smal dishes and trenchers Foure pound
and came dâ—wne the riuer Three dayes after I hired a ware-house by my selfe and landâ—d my commodities And now I am selling them as fast as I can and sell them very well and to great profit for I haue solde all our hats I would I had brought forty or fifty dozen by reason of the great vtterance of them vp into Peru and into the new kingdome of Granada by the way of the riuer of Plate For here is passage euery three or foure moneths with barks of thirty and forty tunnes a piece watch are laden with sugars rice taffataes hats and other kindes of commodities of this countâ—ey which are caried vp the sayd riuer of Plate in the sayd barks and thence are conueyed vp into Peru. And these barks are but tenne or twelue dayes going vp the sayd riuer to Peru. And within foure and fiue monâ—ths after the sayd barkes come downe this riuer againe laden with reals of plate and bring downe from those places no other commodities but treasure It is a woonderfull thing to beholde the great gaine and profit which is gotten in this riuer and in this countrey I am ashamed to write it fearing that I shall not be beleeâ—ed For the imployment of one hundred ducats in Spaine being brought hither will yeeld twâ—lue hundred and fifteene hunâ—red ducats profit This trade hath beene vsed but within tâ—is yeere For wee can goe vp to the mines of Potosi which are the best and the richâ—st mines in all Peru. If the merchants of Spaine and Portugall did know this trade they would not send nor venture so much merchandise to Cartagena as they doe For vp this riuer is a great deale the neerer way and the easier to go to Peru. For the Peruleâ—os or merchants of Peru which dwell there câ—me downe to this harbour and riuer of Ienero and bring with them fifteene thousand and twentie thousand ducats in reals of plate and gold and imploy it heere in this riuer in commodities and when heere are no commodities to be had for money in this place then these merchants of Peru are constrained to go to Baia and Fernambue and there to imploy thâ—ir money I would I had brought good store of silks and not these hinde of commodities which I did bring For heere is more profit to be had a great deale then in the voyage of Angola For heere with fiue hundred ducats in fiue moneths space a man may get siâ—e thousand ducats And this is no fable but most true and a great deale more then I can expresse For a rapier which doeth cost in Spaine foure and twenty and siâ—e and twenty reals is solde heere for forty and fifty ducats a bridle for a horse is solde for fifteene ducats a locke of â— doore and the key is solde for ten ducats a pound of beniamin is solde for fifteene ducats a yard of veluet is solde for twenty and fiue and twenty ducats taffataes are solde for sixe and seuen ducats the vare an ownce of muske is solde for forty ducatsâ— and all kinde of commodities after this rate So one thousand ducats of Spanish commodities will gaine tenne thousand ducats Thus I hope in God to make more profit and gaine this voyage then in two voyages to Angola for I haue solde most of my hats for two duckets and a halfe and for three ducats The rest I will cary to Angola to helpe to sell the rest of my commodities which I cannot sell in this riuer And I haue solde an hundred cubits of broad cloth for fiue hundred and fiue hundred and fifty and siâ—e hundred reys the cubit If I would haue solde all my cloth for ready money tolde downe for foure hundred and fifty and fiue hundred reyes the merchants would haue bought it all of me but I would sell no more because I meant to exchange it in Angola for Negros Howbeit with ready money in hand in Angola a man shall buy better Negros and better cheape The captaine of our ship solde all his cloth for ready money for foure hundred fifty reys the cubit and thought that he had made a good market but he hath deceiued himselfe I solde sir broad clothes for fiue hundred and fifty reys the cubit and I was offered thirty thousand reys for a cloth Uineger is solde for two and thirty and sixe and thirty and forty reals a tarre by reason theâ—e is great store of limmons and orenges in the countrey but in Angola it is more woorth Oliues are solde for halfe a reall a piece wherefore I hope to sell the hogâ—head for twenty thousand â—â—ys In taffataes and veluets there will be gotten two hundred and fifty and thrâ—e hundred for one hundred Iâ— I had brought great store I could haue solde it all at this rate I haue already gotten good store of reals of plate for it is tolde mee that money is a good commodity in Angola But I must imploy some in meale which is in the grinding All the rest of my money I will send you by biâ—les of exchange and some part I will imploy in sugars for I haue sent order to Baia for that purpose For from this place there is no shipping that doth go that way So these letters I do send by the way of Fernambuc and haue directed them to my cousin for I do determine to settle my selâ—e here in this countrey There is come downe from Peru by this riuer of Plate a merchant called Alonso Ramires and he hath brought downe with him ten or twelue thousand ducats in â—eals of plate and is come downe to this place to build him a ship to returne into Spaine and there is come in his company a bishop And thus Iesus Christ send you long health Your louing brother Francis Suares The well gouerned and prosperous voyage of M. Iames Lancaster begun with three ships and a galley-frigat from London in October 1594 and intended for Fernambuck the port-towne of Olinda in Brasil In which voyage besides the taking of nine and twenty ships and frigaâ—s he surprized the sayd poâ—t-towne being strongly fortified and mannâ—d and held possession thereof thiâ—ty dayes together notwithstanding many bolde assaults of â—he enemy both by land and water and also prouidently defeated their dangerous and almost ineuitable fire-works Heere he found the cargazon or freight of a â—ich East Indian carack which together with great abundance of sugars Brasil-wood and cotton he brought from thence lading therewith fifteene sailes of tall ships and barks IN September 1594 the worshipfull M. Iohn Wats alderman M. Paul Banning alderman others of worship in the city of London victualled three good ships to wit The Consent of the burthen of 240 tunnes or there about The Salomon of 170 tunnes and The Virgin of 60 tunnes and appointed or commanders in this voyage M. Iames Lancaster of London gentleman aâ—miralâ— of the fleet M. Edmund Barker of London viceadmirall
Sedgewick at Noâ—ogrode Masts of 30. yards An Arshine is 3. quarters of a yard or more A rope house â—râ—ted at Colmogro A tarre house Robert Austen 1558 Lampas a great mate for the Samoeds in the North. What quantitie of â—empe workmen will worke in a peere White hawks white beares prohibited without licence Master Grayes iourney to Lampas 1558 Doctor Standish the Emperours Phisition An attempt to hinder our trade to Moscouia by the Hans townes Easterlings 1559 Master Ienkensons voyage intended for Cathay The discouery of its Caspian sea Passage to and from Moscouia by Sweden This was a yong Tartar girle which he gaue to the Queene afterward Tallowe Waxe Traine oyles Sables Woluerings Luserns Lett es Ermines Squirels Flaxe Cables and ropes A proclamion against soâ—rnâ— Furres 3000. podes of Tallow a yere 500. Losh hides Note Hope of trade to be found by master Antonie Ienkinson Seale skinnes tawed Small cables best besidible Masts of all sorts to be prepared Astracan no great good marte Christopher Hodson and Thomas Glouer appointed Agents 1560. Stockholme Iohn Luck taken prisoner in Lieflando The Swallow The Philip and Marie The Iesus Nicholas Chancelour The salt of Russia is not so good as Bay salte Fore skinnes white blacke and russet vendible in England May 5. 1560. Triall by combat or loâ— Iune Heilick IslaÌ„ds in 66 degrees 40 minutes Rost Islands Malestrand a strange whirle poole Zenam Island Kettelwike Island Inger sound The North Cape Wardhouse Cattell fed with fish The Monastery of Pechinchow Arzina reca the riuer where sir Hugh Willoughbie was frozen The Lappians couered all sauing their eies The current at Cape Grace The entering of the Bay of S. Nicholas is seuen leagues broad at the least August Pinego riuer The towne of Yemps Vstiug The description of their Nassades Good counsell for trauellers December Presents vsed in Russia are all for the most part of victualâ— The citie of Boghar They arriued at Mosco M. Standish doctor of Phisicke Long dinners Ordinance in Russia A yerely triumph The hallowing of the riuer of Mosco The Russes Lent The Emperor leadeth y e Metropolitanâ— horse in procession Kissing vsed in the Greeke church With these letters M. Ienkinson tooke his voyage the same Apâ—il to Boghar The Emperours wardrobe “ Or Basilius Note The hospitalitie of their monasteries Want of preachers cause of great ignoâ—aÌ„ce and idolaâ—â—y Al their seruice to in their mother tonguâ— The women of Russia paint their faces Bâ—â—ad made of straw The vnmercifulnesse of the Russeâ— toward the poore Stooues 〈◊〉 baths vsuall with the Mascouites Reported by Thomas Bulley Cazan The Island of marchants The riuer of Cama Nagay Tartars Hords The Crimme Tartars The riuer of Samar Licoris in great plentie Astracan Store of Sturgions The length of the Island of Astracan They enter into the Caspian sea Baughleata being 74. leagues from Volga Iaic riuer Serachick The Countrie of Colmack The port of Manguslaue They goe on land The countrey of Manguslaue 20. dayes trauaile in the wildernesse with scarcitie of water Another gulfe of the Caspian sea Will de Rubricis describeth this riuer of Ardok cap. 4. Sellizure or Shayzure Letters of safe-conduct Vrgence The countrey of Turkeman The riuer of Ardock falleth into the lake of Kitay The castle of Kait Diutuation by forcerie Handguns very profitable Bussarmans Caphar The riuer of Oxus A wildernes of sande Boghar a citie of Bactria A strange worme in mens legs The coyne of Boghar Marchandise of India Marchandise of Persia. Marchandise of Russia Marchandise of Cathay Taskent Cascar He returneth the eight of March 1552. Vrgence The king of Baâ—ke oâ— Balgâ— The English flag in the Caspian sea A notable description of the Caspian sea His arriual at Mosco the 2. of September * â—râ— Vrgeâ—â—â— Angrim Mandeuille speaketh hereof Oâ—â—itay Small people Pechora but six dayes iourney by land or water from Ob. Trauelling on dogs harts 1559 The trade to Narue forbidden by the â—â— of Poland The ancient couenants of trafficke betweene England Prussia The olde libertie of trafficke The meanes of increase of the power of the Moscouite This letter was also written in Hebrew and Italian The passage of Noua Zembla Waights and drugs deliuered to M. Ienkinson The maine sea within thirtie dayes Eastward of Colmogro 1561 The Queâ—nes letters to the Emperour of Russia Request to passe into Persia thorow Moscouie Osep Napea Ambassadour from the Emperor of Russia to Q. Mary An ambassador of Persia. Astracan M. Ienkinsons voyage to Boghar He passeth the Caspian sea The countreâ— of Tumen The Island of Chatalet The land of Shiâ—uansha Derbent A mighty wall Or Tiphlis Fortie one degrees Shabran Alcan Murcy the gouernour King Obdolowcan The maiesty attire of king Obdolowcan The Queenes letters to the Sophy Casbin Multitude of concubines The description of Hircania Danger by diuersâ—tie in religion Barbarous crueltie The citie of Arrash or Erex The commodities of thiâ— countreâ— The strong castle of Gullistone defaced The towne of Yauate The city of Ardouil The city Tebâ—iâ— or Tauris M. Ienkinsons arriuall at the Sophies court 2. Nouember 1562. The Turkes Ambassadour to the Sophy The Turkes merchauntâ— withstand M. Ienkinson Shaw Thomas the Sophies name The Queeneâ— letters deliuered The Sophies questions The curtesâ—e of Shally Murzey Warres intended against the Portingalsâ— The king of Hircans sâ—cond letters in M. Ienkinsonâ— behalfe Conference with Indian Merchants M. Ienkinsons returne Priuiledges obtained of Obdolowcan which are hereafter annexed An Armenian sent to M. Ienkinson from the king of Georgia Teneruk king of Chircassi The description of Persia. The chiefe Cities of Persia. The difference of religion The 30. of May 1563. New priuileges obtained hereafter following 28. Sâ—ptemb 1564. A rubble is a marke English Casbin Leuuacta A Boserman to a Renegado Thomas Alcocke slaine in the way betweene Leuuacta and Shammaki Keselbash or Ieselbash Gillan in Persia 1565. Ieraslaue a towne vpon the riuer of Volga Richard Iohnson chiefe of the third voyage into Persia. A barke of 30. tunnes made at Ieraslaue 1564. to passe the Caspian seas 1566 They departed from Astracan the 30. of Iuly 1565. September Presents to the king Obdolowcan A hoâ—se giuen our men in Shamaki by the king The death of Abdollocan the 2. of October 1565. Mursay the new king of Media The death of Alexander Kitchin the 23. of October 1565. The Caspiaâ— sea very shoald in diuers places The murthering of Thomas Alcock Cozamomet a noble man that fauoured our nation The value of a tumen What a batman is Varas a great mart for silke Gilan 7. dayes sailing from Astracanâ— Alom Gilan 4. dayes iourney from Casbin From Casbin to Ormus a moneths trauel with camels The secret doings of the Moscouie company Orient reds of Venice die A shaugh is 6. d. English His arriual at Casbin the 25. of May. Conference demands of the Shaugh All sorts of cloth to be sent specially Westerne
These seeme to be the mountains of Imaus called by the people Cumao The apparel of the Tartarie marchants Cowe tailes in great request Bacolâ— Serrepore Sinâ—ergan Sundâ—ua Island Nâ—graiâ— Cosmin Ladders vsed to auoyd the danger of wild beasts Dwelling in boats Medon Dela Cirionâ— Maâ—â—o Coches caried on mens shoulders Pegu. Foure white elephants The king of the white elephants Odia a city â—â— Siam This maner of cariage on mens shoulders is vsed in Peru and in Florida Paper of the leaues of a tree An excellent colour with a root called Saia Woollen clotâ— and scarletâ— sâ—lde in Pegu. The money of Pegu. The seuerall merchandiseâ— of Pegu. The forme of their Temples or â—arellaes The Tallipoies or Priests of Pegu. The apparell of their priests Obseruation of new moones Iamahey fiâ—es twenty dayes iourny Northeastward from Pegu. They burne their dead Caplan in the place where the rubies and other precious stones are found Anthony Colâ—ano writeth of these baâ—s The people of Pegu we are no beards Malacca The voyage to Iapan Eight hundred thousand cruâ—adors in siluer imployed â—erely by the Portugals in Câ—ina The writinâ— of the people of China c. Laban Diamants Iambâ— Golde Bima He returneth from Malacca Bengala Ceylon Blacke people Caâ—e de Comori Coulam Cochin People with swâ—llâ—n legges menâ—ioned also by Ioh. â—idâ—gen â—ow pâ—pper groweth Blacke people ‖ Or Calicut or Cananor Goâ— Chaul Ormâ—s The pepper tree Ginger Cloues Nutmegs maces Camphora Lignum Aloeâ— Long peppeâ— Muske Amber Rubies saphires and spinels Diamants Spodium Basora Babylon Mosul Merdin Orfa Bir. Aleppo Tripolis Iohn Newbery had beene in Ormus before Anno. 1581. The Arabian tongue generall in the East The description of Tripolis in Syria Store of white silke The city of Hammah Cotton wooll Gall trees Aleppo Birrah Euphrates shallow Eight twenty dayes iourney by riuer Arabians vpon the riuer of Euphrates The Arabian women weare golde rings in their nostrels Euphrates described Felugia The ruines of olde Babylon New Babylon The riuer Tigris â—afts borne vpon bladders of goats skins Seldome rain Eight twenty dayes iourney more by riuer from Babylon to Balsara Cuma castle Balsara Ships made without yron in the Persian gulfe Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia He returneth from Balsara to Aleppo Their prouision of victuals A Carauan of foure thousand Camels William Barret Consul in Aleppo M. Wil. Barret Two voiages more made to Babylon What a rotilâ— is Note that 4 roâ—es make a quintall Muske of Tartaria by y â— way of China * Or by the Camels burden Note Marchandize good for Pegu. Note Note Note Tunis The description of Alexandria Cayro Carthage Argier Goleta Malta Zante Patras Striualia Candie May. The Islands of Milo in olde time called Sporades Sio Singonina â—ichiâ—ri The English house in Alexanâ—â—iâ— The monuments of Alexandria Rosâ—etto The Turkeâ— Lent Câ—yro The English Consul aâ— Aâ—gier A fight of fiue houres The second Spaniâ—h fleete lying in waite for the English The letters of the Prince of Moldauia to the Quâ—ene Letters of the Chanceler of Poland to the Queene The marchaÌ„ts aboue named be made a felâ—â—wship and coâ—panie â—or 12 â—â—â—res by 〈◊〉 naâ—e of tâ—e Gouâ—â—nor aâ—d â—ompanie of â—â—e marchants of the â—â—uant Sir Edward Osborne appointed the first Gouernour A priuiledge for the East Indies Candie The Ascension arriued at the 7 towers The ship saluteth the grand Signior The cause of staying the Present An Arz to the grand Signior The great hall of â—ustice Reconciliation with the Uizir â—ade The ambassador goeth to the court witâ— the present The Ambassâ— came to the Seraglio * All these are captaines of hundreds and of fifties The ambassador receiued by the Vizir with all kindnesse Diuer brought in Diner taken away Gownes of cloth of gold for the ambassador and his gentlemen The Present The Present viewed The ambassador kisseth the grand Signioâ— hanâ— The ambassadors demands granted The Sultanas present The Sultanas present to the Queene Letters sent for England The other Vizirs presented The Ascension departeth Great preparation for the Hungarian warres Santa Sophia Pompeys pillar Gallipoly Troy Zio Patmos Cos. Rhodes Sidon Ezek. 26.5 Antioch Aleppo Nicosia A great iudgement of God vpon the noble men of Cyprus Indians skilfull in Astronomy The seuen precepts of Baniâ—nes This Sultana is mother to Mehemet which now reigneth as Emperor Ann. Dom. 1594. Madera first discouered by one Macham an Englishman Macham made there a chapel naming it Iesus chapell | These writings are in the Tower The first cause of this ambassage The second cause The third cause The English had an ordinary trade to the Canaries 1526. English men at the first conquest of the Canaries Ciuitas Palmarum The planting and growth of sugar canes The making of sugar Wine Plantano Lime Orchel good for dying Santa Cruz. The only vineyard in Hierro planted by Ioh. Hill of Tauoton Asafi Santa Cruz. The English were at Santa Cruz the yeere before being 1551. Tunis Bugia Tripoli Numidia Ilands of Tunis Malta The desers of Lybia Barbarie Mauritania The kingdom of Fes Marocco Tremisen Oram Mersalquiber Sala Azamor The Ilands of Canaria Guinea Aethiopians Marocco Fes Tremisen Guinea Africa y e great Africa the lesse Carthage Prester Iohn Cape de Bona Speranza Alcair Amacaiz From whence the Queene of Saba came The earthly Paradise The trees of the Sunne and the Moone Pinteado Brasile Guinea The Ilands of Madera The castle of Mina The Ilands of Canarie The Iland of S. Nicholas The riuer of Sesto Graines The thirst of gold The castle of Mina The quantitie of gold Furie admitteth no counsel The Rossia Rotting heat Benin Francisco Nich. Lambart The king of Benin his court Reuerence toward the king The communication between the king of Benin and our men Pepper The kings gentlenes towards our men The death of Windam Pinteado euill vsed of the mariners This Lambert was a Londiner boâ—ne whose father had but Lord Maior of London The death of Pinteado Pinteado first perswaded our men to the voiage of Guinea Seuen hundred reis are ten shillings Alcayre is halfe a bushell Robert Gâ—inâ—h was master of the Iohâ— Euangelist The I le of Madera The I le of Palmes Teneriffaâ— The Canariesâ— From Madera to the Isle of Palmes Gran Canariâ— Foâ—teuentura The â—land of Gomera Teneriffa Snow The coast of Barbarie Cape Blanke The riuer del Oro. The croâ—sâ—ers or crosse stars Rio Grandeâ— Cape MeÌ„surado The riuer of Sesto The riuer of Sesto Rio Dulce Cape de Monte. Cape de las Palmas The land of Cakeado Shauo Croke S. Vincents harborow The riuer Dulce Cape de las Palmas The coast of Guinea The castle of Arra The towne of Samma The pledge was sir Iohn Yorke his Nephew Cape Corea The castle of Mina perteining to the king of Portugall Perecow Perecow grand Monte Rodondo The currants From Mina homeward Rio de los Potos Iuory Cabo de las Palmas
esperanza in 19 degrees Cabo del Enganno in 30 degrees a halfe The hauen of Saint Iago The hauen of Aguaiaual These shoalds are the bottoms of ma◠〈◊〉 or the Bay of California The bottom of the Bay of California Theâ— got vp thee 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 the 26. of August We carried an interpreter with him A very good course taken to appease vnknowen Sauages Good forâ—cast Indians besmoutched with cole Pipes and bagges of Tobacco Shels and beades A notable policie Swarmes oâ—â—eoplâ— An exceeding great current of the riuer A wisâ— deâ—ise Newes of bearded and white men The Sunne worshipped as God Certaine warlike people behind a mountaine These people are greatly incâ—ined to learne the Christian faith The riuer in diuers places full of shelfes Another olde man Their ancesters told them tâ—at there were bearded and white men in the world Another nation People of 23. languages dwelling along this riuer Acuco as Gomara writteth is on a strong mountaine Great houses of stone Round 〈◊〉 Dancing and singing at mariages of the Sauages They burne their dead Pipes to 〈◊〉 Tabacco with Maiz gourds Miâ—l Grindestones earthen pots good fish This riuer ouerfloweth his banks at certaine seasons Colde and raine Ceuola 40 days iourney from thence by the riuer Turqueses in Ceuola This was the Negro that went with Frier Marco de Niza Quicoma Coama Conies and yucas Cotton A mountaine Ceuola a goodly thing Gold and siluer in a mountainâ— neere Ceuola A mighty riuer This riuer seemeth to vâ—â— Noâ—thward by the colde The Negro that went with Frier Marco de Niâ—a sâ—aine The cause wherefore Stephan Dorantez the Negro was slaine They of Ceuola haue 14. or 15. lords their enemies An olde woâ—â— called Guâ—â—â—â—â—câ— in a lake greaâ—ly woâ—shipped Antonio d'Esâ—eâ—o spraketh of such a great lake 200 limâ—es oâ— people This might be the â—tooke â—aked oâ—â— o◠〈◊〉 The sea side The Sauageâ—â—â—easonâ— to â—e taken heede of Certaine newes of the Spanyardâ— at Ceuola Ceuola tenne dayes diâ—tant â—rom this place A desert of tâ—â—â— dayes iouâ—ney Oxen of Ceuola A desert Cumana He returneth in 2. dayes and an halfe to his ships Maâ—ke â—hat 〈◊〉 â—he Spaniardes caâ—â— with tâ—â—m in newe deâ—â—oueâ—iâ—s Rio de buena Guia. Parrats in these parâ—s Two moones to Ceuola Another booke wâ—itten of the particulars of that countrey Quicama Coama Cumana Treason of the sauages An Inchanter This Riuer ran â—â—ch farther vp than â—e had tâ—aâ—â—lled He sayled 85 leagues vp the Riuer The port of Colima The Portugal Pilote set on land Sir Francis Drake sayled on the backe â—â—de of America to 43 degrees of Northerly latitude 38 degrees A description of the people and Countrey of Noua Albion These are like chaines of â—surnâ—y in Canada and Hochelage The king resignes his crowne and kingdome to Sir Francis Drake Great riches in Noua Albion Great heards of Deere Abundance of strange conies Noua Albion Golde and siluer in the â—arâ—d of Noua Albion The Isle â—â— Masbate The Bay of Manilla in 14. degrees and one quarter Canton 22â— degrees The Iland of Macao Ilha Branca As Ilhas fermosasâ— Lequeosâ— Mines of gold Firando Other Ilands Eastward of Iapon Iapon 900. leagues distant from the coast of America in 37 degrees and an halfe Seuen and thirty deg and an halfe Read Francis Vllaâ— chap. 16. Cabo de San Lucas in 22. deg Hauens lately found out Acapulco English factors in the Grand Canaria Iohn Sweeting Englishman married in Cadiz sendeth a ship of his owne into the West Indies vnder the conduct of his sonne in laws Leonard Chilton Ralph Saâ—re Many of one men died of these wormes at the taking of Puerto rico Cuerpo Santo His arriuall at Vera Cruz. Florida 300. leagues from San Iuan de Vllua Mexico Sant Iuan de Vllua The way and distance from San Iuan de â—llua to Vera Cruz is fiuâ— leagues Venta de Riâ—conado Pueblo de los Angeles Mâ—â—iâ— Don Luis de Velasco This is to be vnderstood of his second comming into Spaine Mexico conquered Anno 1519. and 1520. Cochinilla is not a worme nor a flie but a berry A new trade begun in the city of Fez by Roger Bodenham The place where Cochinilla groweth and the pâ—â—â— thereof 1568. Cadiz San Iuan de Vllua Vera Cruz. Xalapa Sixteene leagues Perota seuen leagues Fuentes de Ozumba nine leagues Pueblo de los Angeles eight leagues Tlaxcalla foure leagues northward from los Angeles Vulcan is a hill that continually burneth with fire Cochinilla Pueblo de los Angeles 20 leagues from Mexico His voyage from Mexico to Nueua Biscaiâ— New Biscay The Siluer mines of Tamaâ—caltepec The valley of S. Bartholomew The hauen where y e shipe of China the Philippinas arriue Guaxaca Aguatulco Nixapa Sapotecas Tecoantepec Soconusco Suchetepec Guasacapan Guatimala Sonsonate San Saluador Acaxutla Nicoia a port where y e ships which goe to the Philippinas are diuided Pueâ—â—o de Câ—uallos a rich place The description of Hauana at large The smal force of Haâ—ana The commodities of Cuba Nombre de Dios. Panama Potossi Cusco Paitâ— Vera Paz. Chiapa 300 leagues from Mexico Ecatepec an hill nine leagues high Tecoaâ—tepecâ— His iourney to Panucâ— Mestitlan Clanchinoltepeâ— Guâ—xutlâ— Guastecâ—n Tancuylabo Salt a principall merchandize Tampice a port towne Panuco â—â—allapa Sant Iago de los â—alles Mighty mules Don Henrico Manriques viceroy of Mexico Rio de laâ— Palmas The mines of Sacatecas The valley of S. Michael Pueblo nueuo Mechuacan Copper mines Campeche Merida Rio de Tabasâ—o Iucatan The greatnesse of the king of Spaines tribute out of the West Indies The quintaâ— The marke of siluer is 64 reals of plate The reuenue of the kings buls and pardons came yerely to three millions Rebellions in Noua Hispania by too great exactions The reasons which mooue the kings of Spaine to forbid forren traffiâ—e in the West Indies Mâ—gueis S. Iohn de Villua Spirits 〈◊〉 Cruâ— Musquitâ— Popiniayâ— Monkeys Wheat twise in a yeere Tlaxcalla a free city Mexico A way to drowne Mexico Crocodiles Nauigation to China from Puerto de Acapulco The Northwest streight The more Northward the richer siluer mines Painting earth Golde mines Mesquiquez Seuen cities by witchcraft not found of the seckers Pedro Morales Nicolas Burgignon write the like of Copalla The strange oxen of Cibola Cibola abandoned A great riuer nere Cibolâ— Water congealed to salt Dogs of India described Cacao a fruit currant as money Fruits Hot springs Hares and conies Sea fish Burning mountaines Manna Wilde hogs lions and tigres Mines discouered not sound againe The authom fiue yeeres in Nueua Espanna Sugar conserues Description of the Indians person and maners The people of Nueua Espanna great cowarde The Indians ignorance froÌ„ whence they came The Sun and Moone honored Score of cotrâ— The wilde Indians Friers in reuerence Copper mines The pompe of owners of mines Things necessary to mines of siluer and golde The plenty of cattell Sheepe Wooll Cloth Woad Alum
thy sake bestowed vpon this first Volume which if thou shalt as thankefully accept as I haue willingly and freely imparted with thee I shall bee the better encouraged speedily to acquaint thee with those rare delightfull and profitable histories which I purpose God willing to publish concerning the Southerne and Westerne partes of the World ¶ Postscriptum Not knowing any other place so conuenient I am here to aduertise the friendly Reader of certaine faultes escaped in the printing of this booke and to request him that in the Page 54. and in the last line saue two hee would in stead of Kine read Swine and he shall thereby auoid a great contradiction likewise pag. 187. that hee would vnto the ende of the second verse of the Prologue to the English Policy make supply of the word Rest which is there wanting also pag. 221. lin 29. for woorthinesse read woorthies c. Other faults if there bee any are I doubt not easily corrigible ΕἸΣ ᾈΠΟΔΗΜΙΑΣ ΒΡΕΤΤΑÎΩΠΠΌÎΗΜΑ ΡΙΧî¿Î¡Î‘ΡΔΟΥ ΤΟΥ á¾ÎšÎ”ΥΙΥΟΥ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In nauales RICHARDI HAKLVYTI Commentarios ANglia magnarum foecunda puerpera rerum siue solum spectes nobile siue salum Quae quantum sumptis se nobilitauerit armis siue domi gessit praelia siue foris Multorum celebrant matura volumina tantae Insula materiem paruula landis alit At se in quot qualésque quando effuderit orâ—s qua fidit ignotum peruia classis iter Solius Hakluyti decus est praediuite penna ostendisse suis ciuibus ausa mari Quaecunque idcirco celeri gens Anglica naui Oceani tristes spernere doctaminas A prima generisque gentis origine gessit qua via per fluctus vlla patere potest Siue decus laudémque secuta vt hostibus alas demeret atque suis laeta pararet opes Hoc opus Hakluyti cui debet patria multum cui multum patriae quisquis amicus erit Qua re námque magis se nostra Britannia iactat quà m quòd sit praeter caetera classe potens Quam prius obsessam tenebris sic liberaâ— vt nunc quisque sciat quà m sit nobile classis opus Quaâ— si Daedalicè vtemur surgemus in altum sin autem â—earicè quod voret aequor habet RICH. MVLCASTER Eiusdem in eundem QVi graui primus cecinit camoena Aureum vellus procerésque Graecos quos sibi adiunxit comites IaÌ„son Vectus in Argo Naue quam primùm secuisse fluctus praedicant salsos sibi comparauit Inde non vnquam moritura magnae praemia famae Tanta si merces calamum secuta Vnicae nauis referentis acta Quanta Richardum manet Hakluytum gloria cuius Penna descripsit freta mille mille Insulae nostrae celeres carinas Quae per immensi loca peruolarunt omnia mundi Senties gratam patriam tuaeque Laudis aeternùm memorem laboris Quae tua cura calamóque totum ibit in orbem Quam doces omni studio fouere Naâ—ticum robur validámque classem Hac luet quisquis violentus Anglos vsserit hostis In eximium opus R. HAKLVYTI de Anglorum ad disiunctissimas regiones nauigationibus GVLIELMI CAMDâ—NI Hexastichon ANglia quae penitùs toto discluditur orbe Angulus orbis erat paruus orbis erat Nunc cùm sepositos alios detexerit orbes Maximus orbis honos Orbis orbis erit At quid Haklute tibi monstranti haec debeat orbis Laus tua crede mihi non erit orbe minor DI MARC ' ANTONIO PIGAfeta Gentilhuomo Vicentino IGnota mi starei con poto honore Sepolta nell ' oscure antiche carte S'alcun de figli mieicon spesa arte Non hauesse hor scoperto il mio splendore Ramusio pria pieno d'ardente amore Manifesto le mie piu riche parte Che son lá doue il Maragnon diparte E doue il Negro allaga e'l Gange scorre Hakluyto poi senza verunrisguardo Di fatica o di danno accolt ' hà insieme Ciò c'hà potuto hauer dâ— typhi Inglesi Onde veâ—rassie doue bella sguardo E la Dwina agghiaccia el'Obi freme Et altri membri mici non ben palesi ¶ A Catalogue of the Voyages of this first volume made to the North and Northeast quarters 1 THe voyage of Arthur K. of Britaine to Island and the most Northeaâ—tern parts of Europe Anno 517. pag. 1. 2 The voyage of Malgo king of Britaine to Island Gotland Orkney Denmark and Norway Anno 580. pag. 3. 3 The conquest of the Isles of Anglesey and Man by Edwin the Saxon king of Northumberland Anno 624. 3. 4 The voyage of Bertus into Ireland Anno 684. 4. 5 The voyage of Octher to the North parts beyond Norway about the yeere 890. 4. 6 The second voyage of Octher into the Sound of Denmarke 5. 7 Wolstans Nauigation into the East sea or the Sound of Denmarke 6. 8 The voyage of King Edgar with 4000. shippes round about his large Monarchie Anno 973. 6. 9 The voyage of Edmund and Edward the sonnes of King Edmund Ironside into Hungary Anno 1017. 9. 10 The mariage of the daughter of Harald vnto Ieruslaus duke of Russia in his owne Countrey Anno 1067. 16. 11 The voyage of a certaine Englishman into Tartaria and from thence into Poland and Hungary Anno 1243. â—0 12 The long and wonderfull voyage of Frier Iohn de Plano Carpini Anno 1246. 21,37,53 13 The iournall of Frier William de Rubricis Anno 1253. 71,93 14 The voyage of Nicolaus de Linna a Franciscan Frier and an excellent Mathematician of Oxford to all the Regions situate vnder the North-pole Anno 1360. 121. 15 The voyage of Henry Earle of Derby afterward King of England into Prussia and Letto Anno 1390. 122. 16 The voyage of Thomas of Woodstock duke of Glocester into Prussia Anno 1391. 123. 17 The voyage of sir Hugh Willoughby knight wherein he vnfortunately perished at Arzina Reca in Lapland Anno 1553. 232. 18 The voyage of Richard Chanceller Pilote maior the first discouerer by sea of the kingdome of Moscouia Anno 1553. 237,243 19 The voyage of Stephen Burrough toward the Riuer of Ob intending the discouery of the Northeast passage Anno 1556. 274. 20 The landing of Richard Iohnson among the Samoeds Anno 1556. 283. 21 The voyage of the aforesaide Stephen Burrough from Colmogro in Russia to Wardhouse in search of certaine English ships not heard-of the yeere before Anno 1557. 290. 22 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson into Russia wherein Osep Napea first Ambassadour from the Emperour of Moscouia to Queene Mary was transported into his Countrey Anno 1557. 310,314 23 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson from the Citie of Mosco in
fragrant sepulture all honour is performed He which is emperour of the seuen climats and of the foure parts of the world the inuincible king of Graecia Agiamia Hungaria Tartaria Valachia Rossia Turchia Arabia Bagdet Caramania Abessis Giouasir Siruan Barbaria Alger Franchia Coruacia Belgrade c. alwayes most happy and possessour of the crowne from twelue of his ancestours and of the seed of Adam at this present emperour the sonne of an emperour preserued by the diuine prouidence a king woorthy of all glory and honour Sultan Murad whose forces the Lord God alwayes increase and father of him to whom the imperiall crowne is to descend the paradise and woonderfull call cypresse worthy of the royall throne and true heire of the imperiall authority most woorthy Mehemet Can the sonne of Sultan Murad Can whose enterprises God vouchsafe to accomplish and to prolong his happy dayes on the behalfe of whose mother this present letter is written to the most gracious and most glorious the wisest among women and chosen among those which triumph vnder the standard of Iesus Christ the most mighty and most rich gouernour and most rare among womankinde in the world the most gracious Queene of England which follow the steps of the virgine Mary whose end be prosperous and perfect according to your hearts desire I send your Maiesty so honorable and sweet a salutation of peace that al the flocke of Nightingales with their melody cannot attaine to y e like much lesse this simple letter of mine The singular loue which we haue conceiued one toward the other is like to a garden of pleasant birds and the Lord God vouchsafe to saue and keepe you and send your Maiesty an happy end both in this world and in the world to come After the arriuall of your honourable presents from the Court of your Maiesty your Highnesse shall vnderstand that they came in such a season that euery minute ministred occasion of long coÌ„solation by reason of the comming of your Maiesties Ambassadour to the triumphant Court of the Emperour to our so great contentment as we could possibly wish who brought a letter from your Maiesty which with great honour was presented vnto vs by our eunuks the paper whereof did smell most fragrantly of camfor and ambargriese and the incke of perfect muske the contents whereof we haue heard very attentiuely from point to point I thinke it therefore expedient that according to our mutuall affection in any thing whatsoeuer may concerne the countreys which are subiect to your Maiesty I neuer faile hauing information giuen vnto me in whatsoeuer occasion shall be ministred to gratiue your Maiesty to my power in any reasonable and conuenient matter that all your subiects businesses and affaires may haue a wished and happy end For I will alwayes be a sollicitour to the most mighty Emperour for your Maiesties afaires that your Maiesty at all times may be fully satisfied Peace be to your Maiesty and to all such as follow rightly the way of God Written the first day of the Moone of Rabie Liuol in the yere of the Prophet 1002. THE SECOND PART OF THIS Second volume containing the principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoueries of the English nation made to the South and Southeast quarters of the world without the Straights of Gibraltar namely to the Ilands of Madera and of the Canaries to the kingdome of Barbarie to the Iles of Capo Verde to the riuer of Senega to the coast of Ghinea and Benin about the cape of Buona Esperansa and so to Goa in the East Indies and likewise beyond cape Comori to the Iles of Nicubar to Sumatra to the chanell of Sincapura ouer against the city of Malacca and to diuers other places The voyage of Macham an English man wherein he first of any man discouered the Iland of Madera recorded verbatim in the Portugall history written by Antonio Galuano IN the yeere 1344 King Peter the fourth of that name reigning in Aragon the Chronicles of his age write that about this time the Iland of Madera standing in 32 degrees was discouered by an English man which was named Macham who sailing out of England into Spaine with a woman that he had stollen arriued by tempest in that Iland and did cast anker in that hauen or bay which now is called Machico after the name of Macham And because his louer was sea-sicke he went on land with some of his company and the shippe with a good winde made saile away and the woman died for thought Macham which loued her dearely built a chapell or hermitage to bury her in calling it by the name of Iesus and caused his name and hers to be written or grauen vpon the stone of her tombe and the occasion of their arriuall there And afterward he ordeined a boat made of one tree for there be trees of a great compasse about and went to sea in it with those men that he had and were left behinde with him and came vpon the coast of Afrike without saile or oare And the Moores which saw it tooke it to be a maruellous thing and presented him vnto the king of that countrey for a woonder and that king also sent him and his companions for a miracle vnto the king of Castile In the yeere 1395 King Henry the third of that name reigning in Castile the information which Macham gaue of this Iland and also the ship of his company mooued many of France and Castile to go and discouer it and also the great Canaria c. In the yeere 1417 King Iohn the second reigning in Castile and his mother Lady Katherine being Regent one Monsieur Ruben of Bracamont which was Admirall of France demanding the conquest of the Ilands of the Canaries with the title of King for a kinsman of his named Monsieur Iohn Betancourt after that the Queene had giuen him them and holpen him he departed from Siuil with a good army And they affirme also that the principall cause which moued him to this was to discouer the Iland of Madera which Macham had found c. ibidem pag. 2. of Anthonio Galuano This note following concerning the ayde and assistance of the English Marchants giuen to King Iohn the first of Portugall for the winning of Ceuta in Barbarie which was the first occasion of all the Portugall discoueries is taken out of Thomas Walsingham his Latine Chronicle Anno 1415. HOc anno Ioannes primus Rex Portugalliae fretus auxilio Mercatorum Angliae quà m maximè Alemannorum vicit Agarenos in terra Regis Betinarinorum multis eorum millibus ad generum Cereris destinatis cepÃtque ciuitatem eorum quà m amplissimam supra mare sitam vocatam Ceut eorum lingua The same in English THis yere Iohn the first king of Portugall being principally assisted by the helpe of the English Marchants and Almaines ouercame the Moores in the dominion of the king of Barbary putting many thousands of them to the