Twin Brothers by comparing their Age and considering that their Genius shewed them to be of no servile extract had some recollecting thoughts of his Grandsons and by enquiring proceeded so far that he almost owned Remus to be one of them Thus was the King beset with Plots on every side for Romulus attack'd him not with a multitude of young Fellows as not being able to cope with him fairly had to hand but ordered the Shepherds to go several ways and meet at the Palace at such a time and Remus too got a company from Numitors house to assist in the Affair by which means they slew the King Numitor as soon as the Tumult began crying out That an Enemy had invaded the City and attack'd the Kings Palace when he had called together the youth of Alba into the Castle which he design'd to make himself Master of by force of Arms and when he say the young Men after the Murther was committed draw up towards him with gratulations in their mouths immediately called a Council and declared the injuries that his Brother had done him the extract of his Grandsons how they were born and bred and how they were discovered together with the death of the Tyrant and that he himself was the Author of it The young men marching through the midst of the Assembly with a great number attending on them when they had saluted their Grandfather by the name of King an unanimous consent of all the Company confirmed that name and established him in the Empire Thus the Government of Alba being setled upon Numitor Romulus and Remus had a mind to build a City in that place where they were exposed and educated for there were a great many Albans and Latines alive besides Shepherds who all gave them great hopes that Alba and Lavinium would be but inconsiderable places to that City which should be there built But whilst they were deliberating of this matter the old misfortune intervened that is an immoderate desire of Dominion and thence arose a fatal difference between them though from a small cause For they being Twins and so not distinguished in point of Age or precedence would needs have the Gods under whose protection those places were declare who should give the name to their new City and when it was built who should Reign over it Romulus chose the Mount Palatine and Remus the Aventine for their several quarters to view the Augury The Augury they say came first to Remus and that was six Vultures which when it was interpreted and after that a double number had shewn themselves to Romulus their parties and followers saluted both of them as King at the same time the former pretending to the Kingdom as precedent in time and the latter upon the account of the double number of Birds Thereupon at first they wrangled but fell at last from words to blows and in the Crowd Remus was slain The more vulgar report is that Remus in derision of his Brother leapt over his new Walls and for that was kill'd by Romulus who was vex'd at it and said in his fury so shall every one be served that leaps over my Walls Thus Romulus made himself sole Governour buit the City and call'd it by a name derived from his own He first of all fortified the Palatine where he was bred and offered Sacrifice to other Gods after the Albane manner bult to Hercules the Greek Heroe he did it as Evander had formerly ordered They tell you that Hercules when he had kill'd Geryon brought thither an Herd of very beautiful Oxen and Cowes and that near the River Tiber over which he swam and drove the Cattel before him he being tired with his journey lay down upon the grass to refresh himself and them with rest and convenient Food But having eaten and drank so much Wine as that he fell asleep a certain Shepherd that lived there hard by called Cacus a very strong fellow being taken with the beauty of the Beasts and having a great desire to rob him of them because he knew that if he drove them into his Cave their very foot-tracts would lead their Owner that way to seek for them he took the lovely brutes each one by the tail and drew them backwards into his Den. Hercules awaking early in the Morning servey'd his Herd and finding part of them missing went to the next Cave to see if perchance the tracts of them went that way where when he saw they were all turn'd as if they came out from thence and did not go any other way he was amazed and did not know what to do but began to drive his Cattel forward out of that unlucky place But afterward when some of the Cows that he was driving along low'd as they use to do for lack of their fellows which were left behind the lowing of thsoe that were shut up in the Cave by way of answer brought Hercules back again Whom when Cacus endeavoured to hinder from going to the Cave he received a blow with his Club of which though he call'd upon the Shepherds to assist him he immediately Died. Evander at that time who was banished Peloponnesus govern'd those parts more by his Authority than any regal Power for he was a Man that deserved a great deal of reverence upon the score of his wonderful Learning which was a thing wholly new to those People who understood not the Arts but much more venerable for the supposed divinity of his Mother Carmenta whom those Nations admir'd as a Prophetess before the coming of Sibylla into Italy And this same Evander being at that time startled at the concourse of the Shepherds who trembled to tell of a strangers being guilty of a palpable Murther when he heard the relation of the Fact and the reason of it and saw the habit and shape of the Man which was somewhat larger and more august than that of ordinary mankind he demanded of him Who he was And when he new his name who was his Father and what his Country accosted him saying Hail Hercules Son of Jupiter my Mother who was a true Prophetess told me that thou shouldest augment the number of those that dwell in Heaven and that an Altar should here be erected to thee which the most wealthy Nation in the World in time to come should call Maxima the Greatest and Sacrifice upon it according to thy command Hercules gave him his right hand and told him he received the Omen and would fulfil the Prophesie by building and dedicating an Altar And that was the first time that Sacrifice was made there when he taking a choice Heifer out of his Herd slew it calling the Potitij and the Pinarij Priests of Hercules who then were a very noble Family in those parts to assist him in performing of the ceremonies and to partake of the feast It so fell out that the Potitij were then present and that the Entrals were set before them but the Pinarij came to the
likewise the beginning of the Censorship a thing which though it sprang from a small original yet afterward increased to such a degree that the regulation of Manners and Discipline among the Romans was subject to it the Senate and the Centuries of Knights the Power distinguishing between decency and undecency was within the jurisdiction of that Magistrate yea the ordering of all places both publick and private and the Customs or Tribute of the Roman People were at the disposal and in the hands of that Officer Now the first reason why Censors were made was because the People having been Unpolled or Rated for so many Years that business could neither be deferred nor had the Consuls leisure to mind it they had so many Wars to provide against Thereupon the Senate said It being a troublesome business and unbefitting the Dignity of a Consul it ought to have a Magistrate peculiar to it who should have Clerks under him together with the keeping and making the Tables of Rates as well as power to prescribe the form of every particular Mans Pole The Senators gladly received the proposal though it was a small matter because it increased the number of Patrician Magistrates in the Commonwealth supposing also I suppose what afterward came to pass that in a short time the riches of those that should bear that Office would make an addition of State and Majesty to the honour it self The Tribunes also considering the present circumstances look'd upon it to be necessary rather than a specious piece of service and therefore lest they should seem to thwart the Senate in such small things were willing to comply Since therefore this dignity was slighted by the chief of the City the People Voted that Papirius and Sempronius whose Consulate occasioned some dispute should make up their Year in that Office of Censorship being called Censores à censendo i. e. from Taxing the People c. Whilst these things were transacted at Rome Embassadors came from Ardea desiring the Romans for old Alliance-sake and the late League renewed between them to send aid to their City which was almost ruined for they could not enjoy that Peace which they had wisely preserved with the Roman People for their intestine broils the original of which is said to be the difference between several Factions which always have been and still will prove more fatal to many People than Foreign Wars than Famin or Diseases or any other thing that men ascribe to the wrath of Heaven as the most deplorable of all publick calamities Two young Men made love to a Damsel of the Plebeian rank who was very beautiful the one of them being of the same quality with her and relying upon his Guardians who themselves also were of the same condition the other being a Nobleman was taken with nothing but her beauty only Him therefore the Nobility assisted so far that both the Rivals came a Wooing to her at the same time But the Noble Youth prevailed upon the judgment of her Mother who had a mind to have her Daughter married into a great Family whilst the Guardians stickled all they could for their Pupil being in that also mindful of their priviledges as Plebeians At length seeing the matter could not be determined within those Walls they went to Law about it where when the Mother and the Guardians had been heard the Magistrates gave it as their opinions that the Mother might dispose of her Daughter in Marriage as she pleased But force was above Law for the Guardians complaining openly in the Market-place among People of their own Quality and Party of the injustice of the Decree got a Band together and forced the Maid out of her Mothers House against whom a stronger company of Noble Youths rising up in Arms followed the young Man who was much concerned at the indignity and occasioned a fierce encounter In which the populace having the worst on it went nothing like the Roman Commonalty out of the City Armed and having possessed themselves of a certain Hill made excursions into the Lands belonging to the Nobility with Fire and Sword yea they prepared to Besiege the City also and the rich Citizens that had been concerned on neither side calling out all the Mechanicks in hopes of Plunder to assist them And now the face of War and Slaughter appeared in all its shapes the City being as it were infected with the madness of two young fellows that contended for a fatal Marriage through the ruin of their Country Each Party had but a small force either at home or abroad wherefore the Noble Men sent to the Romans to come and relieve their Besieged City whilst the Commonalty instigated the Volsci to help them in the taking of Ardea The Volsci came first under the Conduct of Cluilius and made a Rampire against the Enemies Walls Which being told at Rome immediately M. Geganius the Consul marching forth with an Army pitched his Camp three thousand paces from the Enemy and being it was late in the day bid his Soldiers refresh themselves After which about the fourth Watch he marched forth and the Work which he began was carried on with such speed that at Sun-rising the Volsci saw themselves enclosed by the Romans with a stronger Bulwark than that which they had made against the City the Consul having also made a Line of Communication up to the Wall of Ardea whereby his friends might come to him out of the Town The Volscian General who had to that day maintained his Men not with Provisions prepared before-hand but with Forage and Plunder that he took out of the Country for his present occasion seeing himself encompassed on a sudden with such a Mound and being unprovided of all necessaries desired the Consul to let him speak with him and told him That if the Romans came to raise that Siege he would draw the Volscians off from thence to which the Consul answered That those who were Conquered ought to take not to make Conditions of Peace nor should the Volscians go away as they came to oppose the Allies of Rome at their own pleasure but he commanded them to surrender their General lay down their Arms confess themselves Conquered and obey his Commands otherwise both those that went away and those that stayed there too should find him such an Enemy as would rather carry back to Rome a Victory over the Volsci than an unfaithful Peace The Volscians therefore put little trust in their Arms and having found that all other means were quite cut off engaged besides other inconveniencies in a place which was very incommodious to fight in and worse to run away from by which means being killed on every side they turned from fighting to praying and having delivered up their General together with their Arms underwent the disgraceful ceremony of being made Captives of War by going under a Gallows made of three Javelins and then with one Garment on their backs were dismissed after they had suffered so
rest of the entertainment when the Entrals were eaten and thence it became a rule as long as the race of the Pinarij continued that they should not eat of the holy Entrals The Potitij taught by Evander were the chief Priests in that Solemnity for many Ages till all the whole stock of the Potitij was decaied and the ministerial function of their Family conferr'd upon publick Servants And these holy foreign rites above all others did Romulus then undertake to perform being even at that time a great admirer of Immortality gained by Vertue and Courage to which his very Destiny led him Having performed the holy Rites according to order and called the multitude to council who could not be united into one body by any means except Laws he made several which he supposed would be the better observed if he made himself venerable by some ensigns or badges of Kingly power and therefore as he appear'd more agust in his other habit so also and most especially he did in that he chose twelve Lictors or Sergeants to go with rods and axes before him Some say he made use of that number from the number of birds that in the Augury had portended his being King But I am willing to be of their opinion who say that Apparitors or Serjeants and that sort of officers came from the Etrurians that were a neighbouring Nation from whence also they derive the Sella Curulis or Chair of State the Toga praetexta a white Gown that Children wore guarded with purple and this very number and that the Etrurians had just so many because their King being chosen out of twelve several sorts of People each of them chose one Lictor or Sergeant In the mean time the City increased in fortifications in that they went still farther and farther with their works more out of hopes of a multitude to come than for the safeguard of those men they then had And then lest the City should have been made so big to no purpose He according to the ancient rule of all those that ever built Cities who when they had gathered into their walls an obscure and mean rabble of People pretended their inhabitants were born out of the Earth set open the Asylum a place which is now hedg'd in with thick brambles between two Groves and into that from the neighbouring Nations all the rabble ran as being greedy of novelties without distinction or being questioned whether they were Free-men or Slaves And that was the first step towards the greatness of his strength When he thought himself strong enough he prepared a Council to manage that strength to which end he makes an hundred Senators either because that number was sufficient or because there were but one hundred only that could be created Patres i. e. Fathers or grave Senators Now they no question were called Patres i. e. Fathers out of respect and honour and their descendants Patricij i. e. such as were of a Senatorian Family By this time Rome was grown so strong that it was able to cope with any of the neighbouring Cities but for want of Women its Grandeur was like to continue no longer than a Mans age because they neither had hopes of Children at home nor intermarried with their Neighbours Then by advice of the Senate Romulus sent Embassadours to the adjacent Countries to desire an Alliance and Nuptial Engagements between his and their People and to tell them That Cities like other things rose from small beginnings and then that such as their own Virtue and the Gods advance gain to themselves great power and renown as also that they knew very well not only that the Gods were assistant in the production of Rome but likewise that no Virtue would be wanting in that Nation wherefore they should not think it any degradation to them as Men to mingle bloud and contract an intimate relation with those who were Men as well as themselves But this Embassy was no where kindly received so much they all despised and fear'd so great a power that was then growing up among them not only in respect to themselves but their posterity Many dismissed them with this question Whether they had opened any Asylum for Women too for that would make their Marriages just and equal The Roman youth took that in great dudgeon and had a great inclination to use violence for which that Romulus might give a good opportunity he counterfeited himself out of humor and ordered Games to be solemnly kept in honour of Neptunus Equestris purposely i. e. The God of Horsemanship which he call'd Consualia Whereupon he commanded that the adjacent Countries should have notice given them of a Show that was to be made and with as much preparation as they possibly could they set things out that they might do something that was extraordinary and answer Peoples expectations A great many people met together not only upon that account but likewise out of curiosity to see the new City especially all the neighbouring People as the Caeninenses the Crustumini and the Antemnates Thither also came all the Sabines with their Wives and Children who being invited very hospitably from house to house and seeing the situation the walls and all the City so full of houses admir'd that Rome was grown so great in so short a time When the time for the Show was come and their minds and eyes were all intent upon it then by consent they made the attack and giving the signal the Roman youth ran up and down to ravish or seize their Virgins of whom great part were forced away at a venture as each man litt upon them though some great beauties design'd for the Chiefs of the Senate were carried to their houses by inferior persons imployed for that purpose They tell you that one much handsomer than all the rest was carried away by the retinue of one Talassius of whom when many people enquired to whom they were carrying her the parties that had her in custody cried out by way of answer lest any one should take her from them she is going to Talassius from whence that became a Nuptial word The sport being all spoiled by the fear that people conceived the sad parents of the Maids ran away as fast as they could accusing the Romans for violating the laws of Hospitality and calling upon that God to whose Solemnity and Games they came and were deceived even after a religious promise of the contrary Nor had the Maids that were taken any better hopes of themselves or less indignation within them but Romulus went all about and told them that what they suffered was for the pride of their Fathers who had denied to contract any Marriage with their neighbours but that however they should be Married and bear a part not only in all their fortunes but be free of their City and than which nothing is more dear to Mankind share in the procreation of Children That they would do well to remit their fury
I then made use of to the end that neither you who knew nothing of your being deserted might be discouraged from fighting and the Enemy supposing themselves to be circumvented in their reer might be terrrified and tempted to fly But that fault which I now find is not to be charged upon all the Albans they followed their leader as you also would have done if I had been to have drawn you off to any other Post That same Metius was the Ring-Leader in that Treachery That Metius who was the contriver of this War That Metius who broke the League betwixt the Romans and the Albans Let some other hereafter dare to do the like if I do not make him a signal example to all mankind The Centurions stood about him while the King went on as he began I have a design O ye Albans which I hope will prove an happiness not only to the Romans in general but to me and you also that is to translate all the People of Alba to Rome to make the Commonalty free of the City and to chuse the Noblemen into the Senate to make them one City and one Commonwealth to the end that as the Alban State was heretofore divided into two People so now it may revert into one again At that the Alban youth being themselves unarmed but surrounded with Soldiers all in Arms were in twenty minds though common fear compelled them to hold their tongues Then Tullus went on Metius Suffetius said he If thou couldest learn to keep thy word and not to break Leagues thou shouldest live and I would teach thee how to do so But now seeing thy disposition is incurable do thou by thy punishment instruct mankind to believe those things sacred which thou hast violated As therefore thou didst lately shew thy self a Neuter and that thy mind was divided between the Fidenate and the Roman interest so now shall thy body be Having so said he caused two Wagons to be placed near each other and tyed Metius with his body distended to the bodies of them which being done the Horses were driven contrary ways and carried his torn body upon each Wagon to which his limbs were fastened The Company all turned away their eyes from such a cruel sight That was the first and last Punishment among the Romans that was an instance of Inhumanity for in all others they may very well boast that no Nation was ever satisfied with easier penalties At this time there was a party of Horse already sent to Alba to bring the multitude over to Rome and after them the Legions were carried thither to demolish the City who when they entered the City there was not that tumult nor consternation as usually is in Cities that are taken when the Gates are broken open the Walls battered down or a Castle stormed and when the noise of the Enemy and the fury of the Soldiers over all the Town mingles every thing with Fire and Sword but a sad silence and a dumb sorrow put all their minds into such a malancholy posture that they through fear forgetting what they left behind and what they carried with them not knowing what to do and enquiring of one another stood sometimes at their doors and other whiles ran distractedly about their Houses which that was the last time they ever were like to see But when the clamour of the Soldiers who bid them be gone was very urgent upon them they heard the crash of the Houses that were pulling down in the remotest parts of the City and the dust that arose from places distant covered all the Air as with a Cloud each man in hast took what he could away being he was to march off and leave his Native home his houshold-Gods and that habitation where he was born and bred And now the whole troop of these departing Inhabitants having filled the streets the sight of each other renewed their tears out of mutual commiseration besides the lamentable cries that werre heard especially of the Women when they passed by the stately Temples which were encompassed with Soldiers and left their Gods as it were in captivity The Albans having quitted their City the Romans made all buildings both publick and private even with the ground and one hour ruined and destroyed the work of those four hundred years that Alba had been standing But they with-held their hands from the Temples of the Gods because the King had so commanded In the mean time Rome grew out of the Ruines of Alba and the number of the Citizens was doubled The Mount called Coelius was added to the City and to draw the more Inhabitants thither Tullus had a Palace there and dwelt upon it from that time forward He chose the Nobility of the Albans into the Senate that that part also of the Commonwealth might be augmented that is to say the Tullij Servitij Quintij Geganei Curiatij and the Claelij and made a Temple to the Court for that order which he himself had augmented which was called Hostilia even to our Fathers days And that he might make some addition out of this new People to the strength of every order of men he chose ten Troops of Horse out of the Albans He also supplied the old Legions with the same number and likewise raised new ones In confidence of this his strength Tullus declared War against the Sabines a Nation at that time more opulent than any other except the Etrurians both for Men and Arms. There were injuries done on both sides and Goods in vain demanded back Tullus complained that the Roman Merchants were seized on at a great Fair kept near the Temple of Feronia the Sabines that theirs fled first into the Grove and were detained at Rome which actions are said to be the cause of the War The Sabines well remembring not only that part of their strength was carried to Rome by Tatius but likewise that of late also the Roman State was augmented by the addition of the Albans began themselves to look out for foreign assistance Etruria was near them and next to the Etrurians the Veians from whence through their remaining animosities which very much inclined them to a revolt they had a great many Voluntiers besides that their pay also prevailed upon some Vagrants among the poor People They had no publick assistance for the Veians amongst whom it was a greater wonder than for any of the rest to do so kept the Truce which they had made with Romulus When they had made very great preparations for the War on both sides and the whole stress of the business seemed to lie in this which of them should make the first onset Tullus marched first into the Sabines Territories They had a bloudy Battel hard by a Wood called Sylva Malitiosa where the Roman Army was very successful not only through the strength of their Foot but of their Horse too which was so lately augmented For by the Horse which rushed in suddenly upon them the Sabine ranks
business in Then again they were of opinion that they deferred their resolutions till night that their coming might be more dreadful Last of all when they came not then they thought 't was deferred till the next day that they might search all places more narrowly Thus their calamity was mingled with perpetual fear which was much augmented when they saw their Enemies Colours advance to the Gates of the City However the City was not that whole night nor the day following in such a consternation as they were in when they fled from Allia For when they had no hopes of defending the City with so small a company as was left they thought fit that the Youth of the Town with their Wives and Children and also that the strongest of the Senators should betake themselves into the Tower and Capitol and having got Arms and Provision together from thence to defend their Gods and Men and maintain the Roman Name there to preserve their Flamen those of the Vestal Priest-hood and whatever was sacred from fire and common ruin and not to leave off worshiping them as long as there were Men alive to Worship If the Tower and Capitol those receptacles of their Gods if the Senate the Head of their publick Council if their Military Youth did but survive the imminent ruin of their City they thought the loss of their old Men and the Mobile that was left behind them to perish in the City not very considerable And that the Multitude might take it more patiently at the hands of the Commons the old Men of Triumphal and Consular Dignity declared openly they would die with them and not be a burthen to the small Company that were fit to bear Arms with those Bodies which were not able to bear Arms or defend their Country Thus the Seniors though appointed to die comforted one another then they encouraged the company of young Men following them even to the Capitol and Tower and commending to their Youth and Valour the remaining Fortune of that City that had conquered in all Wars for 360 Years together The sad departure of those who were their only hopes and help from those who were resolved not to out-live the destruction of the City the howlings and cries of Women running after sometimes one and sometimes another and asking their Husbands and Children What death they would die The cloudy face and dismal appearance of all things were without all question the highest aggravation of calamity that can befall humane nature Yet a great many of them followed their Mistresses into the Tower being not invited thereunto nor forbidden by any because 't was not manly to have Women with them though they were useful to their Children in the Siege Another Company of the Commons whom so small a Hill could not hold nor feed in such a scarcity of Provision break as it were in Army out of the City and go to Janiculum From thence they are scattered some of them over the Fields others go to the neighbouring Cities without any Conduct or Advice every Man following his own Counsel and comforting himself with his own hope at the same time that they bewailed the Publick In the mean time the Flamen Quirinalis or Romulus's Priest and the Vestal Virgins taking no care of their own concerns consult what Gods they should carry with them and what because they were not able to carry off all they should leave behind and which was the safest place to put them in and at last think it the best way to dig a hole in the Chapel next to the Flamen Q's House where they thought it a sin to spit and they lay them up in Vessels The rest they divided among them and carry over the great Timber-bridg that leads to Janiculum And when Q. Albinus one of the Roman Commons who was carrying his Wife and Children and the rest of their unwarlike gang in a Cart out of the City saw them upon the Hill he made a difference between Divine and Humane things supposing it a piece of irreligion to let Priests and Vestal Virgins Persons of publick Office carry their Gods on Foot whilst he and his were carried in a Cart he therefore ordered his Wife and Children to come down and helped them up and carried them to Caere where they determined to go In the mean time all things being as well settled at Rome as their circumstances would permit for the defence of the Tower the old Men return into their Houses and being fully resolved to die they wait for the coming of their Enemies Those Magistrates among them that had been carried in their Chairs of State to the Senate-house that they might die attended with all the Ensigns of their former Fortune Honour or Valour put on their August Robes wherein they had either triumphed or devoutly waited upon the Chariots that carried Images and in the middle of their Houses sate in their Ivory Chairs There are some that report that repeating their Vow which M. Fabius the Pontifex recited to them they Devoted and gave up themselves for their Country and the Roman Citizens The Gauls in regard they had now enjoyed a whole nights respite from fighting and indeed because they were never engaged in any doubtful Battel neither did they at that time take the City by force and violence entred with minds not discomposed with heat or anger at the Collins Gate the day after and when they came into the Forum they cast their eyes upon the Temples of the Gods and the Tower which was the only Specimen of War then leaving a small Garrison lest any out of the Tower or Capitol should assault them when they were dispersed they betake themselves to Plunder not meeting so much as a Man in the streets some of them rush in throngs into the Houses next them others into those farthest off concluding them yet unpillaged and consequently stuffed with Prey but when they saw no body they were frighted thence upon supposition the Enemy would by some trick set upon them as they were scattered and so they returned in Companies to the Forum and places near the Forum And there seeing the Commons Houses locked and the Palaces of the Nobility open they lingred more in entring the open Houses than the shut But when they beheld them sitting in such State and Habits far beyond any thing that is Humane when they beheld the Majesty and Gravity they carried in their looks they approach them with such reverence as if they had been Gods And when they had for a time stood by them as if they had been so many Images 't is reported that one of the Gauls stroaked down M. Papyrius his Beard which they then wore very long and thereupon the old Man shook his Ivory staff at him Then began the slaughter The rest were murthered in their Chairs When they had killed the Nobles they gave no Quarter to any but killed and plundered their Houses and then set them on fire But the
a War As for you T. Quintius howsoever you came there whether with or against your will if there he no remedy but we must come to Blows I would advise thee to retire into the Rear and shrowd thy self amongst the hindermost nay 't will be far more Honorable for thee fairly to run away than to fight against thy Country But at present thou standest well and opportunely in the Front as ready to accommodate all Differences and be the Interpreter of this Friendly Conference for the good of us all Demand any reasonable Conditions and you shall have them though in truth we were better yield even to unequal Terms than impiously to Murther one another T. Quintius with Tears in his Eyes turning about to those that followed him I also O Soldiers quoth he if in any thing I can do you Service am like to prove a far better Leader of you towards Peace than to War The Words you heard but now proceeded not from a Samnite or a Volscian but were spoken by a Roman your Consul Gentlemen and your own General be not so mad as to desire to try his successful Conduct against your selves and to your destruction which you have so often experienc'd and admired in your Preservation The Senate had other Commanders who might have attacked you with more rancour and fierceness but they chose rather to imploy him who would be most favorable to and sparing of you his Soldiers and in whom as being your General you might repose most confidence Thus you see They that can easily vanquish you do yet seek for Peace Is it not then high time for us to desire it too Why then do we not lay aside our peevish Anger and fantastick Hopes which are both treacherous Counsellors and wholly refer our selves and all our Concerns to a Person of such approved Faith and Integrity A General shout approv'd this Speech and T. Quintius advancing before the Standards in the Front declared the whole Army to be under the Command and Power of the Dictator beseeching him that he would undertake the Cause of poor and wretched Citizens and having taken the same into his care to manage and protect the same with the same Justice and Uprightness as he was wont to administer the Affairs of the Commonwealth That for his own particular part he would make no Conditions nor build his Hopes on any thing but Innocency But the Soldiers desired they might be secured to have the same favour as the Senate had once before granted to the Commons and a second time to the Legions viz. That this their Revolt might not be charged upon them hereafter to their prejudice The Dictator gave Quintius thanks and commendations for his prudent Conduct and bid all the rest be of good cheer and immediatly rode Post back to the City where with the approbation of the Senate he preferr'd to the People in the Petiline Grove a Bill of Indemnity That no Soldier should be called in question for that Insurrection He also prevail'd further To have it Enacted That no man should either in jest or earnest be upbraided or reproached therewith At the same time pass'd a sacred Military Law That no Soldiers name once entred in the Muster-masters Book should be razed out against his Will with a Clause annexed That none that had been a Tribune or Colonel should afterwards have the leading of Bands or be a Centurion This was required by the Mutineers out of a particular pique to P. Salonius who almost every other Year was a Tribune and a Prime Centurion whom they now call Primipili Leaders of the Vanguard against him they had a spight because he had always opposed their Seditious Projects and would not joyn with them in their Revolt at Lantulae This Branch therefore the Senate in favour to Salonius refused to grant whereupon he himself Petition'd them not to regard his Honor more than the Concord and Unity of the whole City and so got it allow'd Another outragious Demand they made was to have the Horse-mens Pay which then was three times as much as that of the Foot Retrench'd for that they also had withstood the Conspiracy Moreover I find in some Authors That L. Genucius Tribune of the Commons preferr'd a Law To make Usury altogether unlawful And that by another Ordinance of the Commons It was provided That none should be capable of bearing the same Office twice in ten Years space nor any hold two Offices in the same year As also That it might be lawful to Create both the Consuls out of the Commons which if they were all granted shews to what an height this Insurrection was grown In other Annals it is Recorded That neither Valerius was made Dictator but that the whole Affair was manag'd by the Consuls nor yet that they broke out into Rebellion before they came to Rome but there took Arms. As also That their coming by Night was not into the Country Farm of T. Quintius but into the House of C. Manlius and that he was seiz'd by the Conspirators to be their General And that thence they went and Encamped but four Miles off the City That the Treaty for Peace was not first motion'd by the Captains but that when both Armies came to face each other in Battalia the Soldiers lovingly saluted one another and began to shake hands and mutually embrace with Tears and therefore the Consuls seeing them so averse from Engaging were forced to move the Senate for an Accommodation so that amongst antient Writers there is little certainty save only that a Sedition there was and the same happily compos'd However the noise of these Disturbances together with the fierce War undertaken with the Samnites occasion'd some Nations to withdraw from their Alliances with the Romans for besides the wavering of the Latines whose Friendship had a long time been doubtful and not to be trusted the Privernates with suddain Incursions invaded and plundered Norba and Setia two Neighboring Colonies of the Romans DECADE I. BOOK VIII EPITOME 4 5. THe Latines with the Campanians Revolt and by Ambassadors to the Senate demand to have one of the Consuls chosen from amongst the Latines 6. Annius their Praetor going from his Audience catches a fall from the Capitol whereof he dies 7. T. Manlius causes his own Son to be Beheaded for Fighting though successfully against the Latines contrary to Orders 9. The Romans being shrewdly put to 't P. Decius Devotes himself for the Army and setting spurs to his Horse Charges into the midst of the Enemy and is slain and the Romans get the day 11. The Latines submit themselves 12. T. Manlius returning to the City none of the Youth would go out to meet him 15. Minucia a Vestal Virgin condemn'd for Incest 16. The Ausonians overcome and a Colony planted at Cales 18. Divers Roman Matrons convicted of Poisoning and forced to drink off their own Preparations whereof they dyed A Law then first made touching Poisoning 21. The Privernates after
went to Annibal and concluded a Peace with him on the Conditions following That no Carthaginian General or Magistrate should have jurisdiction over any Campanian Citizen nor should any Campanian be compell'd to take Arms or serve any Office without his consent That Capua should enjoy its old Laws and Magistrates that Annibal should bestow on them three hundred of the Roman Prisoners such as they should chuse to the end they might exchange them for the three hundred Campanian Horse that were in the Romans Service in Sicily These were the terms agreed on but the Campanians beyond their Agreement committed several Outrages particularly the rabble seiz'd upon the Captains of several associate Troops and other Roman Citizens residing there either in some military imployment or concern'd in other private affairs of their own and under pretence of securing them clapt them into the Hot-Houses where with the heat and noxious vapours they were stisted to death in an inhumane manner To prevent both this Cruelty and their making any Overtures at all to Annibal one Decius Magius used his utmost endeavours a man that well deserv'd the highest Authority and would have had it too if he had liv'd amongst people of judgment and discretion but when notwithstanding all his Remonstrances he heard a Garison was to be sent thither from Annibal he laid before them the insolent Tyranny of Pyrrhus and the wretched condition of the Tarentines as Precedents sufficient to give them warning He ceased not to cry out aloud in all places and Companies First That they should not admit any such Garison within their Walls and afterwards when they had received them was as urgent to have them turn'd out again or rather he told them if they would by a brave and memorable exploit at one for the baseness of revolting from their most ancient Allies and Kinsfolks they should fall upon these Carthaginian Troops and cut every man of them off and so restore themselves to the Romans protection These Discourses of his being related to Annibal for they were not spoken in hugger mugger he first summon'd Magius to appear before him in the Camp but when he stoutly denied to go alledging that even by their late Articles it was expresly capitulated That Annibal should have no jurisdiction over any Citizen of Capua the Punick was so enrag'd that he commanded him to be seiz'd and dragg'd unto him in Chains but upon cooler thoughts lest by offering such violence a tumult should arise and in heat of blood some mischief happen he resolv'd to be present in person and sending notice to Marius Blosius the Praetor of Capua that he would be there next day sets forwards from his Camp with a small guard Marius having assembled the people made Proclamation that they should be all ready with their Wives and Children in a full body and solemn Order to meet Annibal upon the way and welcome him to their City which was not only obediently but zealously perform'd by them all both for the fancy the common people always love to be busy and especially for the desire they had to see that famous Warriour of whom they had heard so much only Marius for his part would not stir a foot to meet him nor on the other side would he keep himself private lest he might seem to be afraid or conscious of guilt but with his Son and a few of his Friends and Dependents walkt up and down the Market place as unconcern'd whilst the whole Town was in an hurry to entertain and gaze at this strange Guest Annibal as soon as he came into the City desired the Senate might forthwith be Assembled but the principal Capuans beseeching his Excellency not to trouble himself that day with any serious affairs but that as by his presence he had made it an Holy Day so he would be pleased to celebrate it as such and partake with them in their universal Joys he was prevail'd with contrary to his natural hasty temper to defer it because he would not at his first coming seem to deny them any thing and accordingly spent most of that day in viewing the City He and his whole Train were entertain'd and lodged by the Manii Celeres and at the House of Stenius Pacuvius two of the most eminent Families both for Nobility and Riches in the City Pacuvius Calavius whom we mentioned of late being the chief of that Faction which brought over the people to the Carthaginian Interest going to the Generals Quarters carried with him his Son a young Gentleman whom he was forc'd almost by violence to pluck away from Decius's Company for he was always of his Party and most stifly opposed the League with Annibal nor could the inclinations of the whole City running the other way or the reverence he had for his Father alter his resolutions therein The Father by begging pardon for this youth rather than by excusing him endeavour'd to reconcile him to Annibal's favour and with his intreaties and tears prevail'd so far that he order'd him to be invited together with his Father to Supper at which he admitted none but they and his Landlord that gave the Entertainment and one Jubellius Jaurea a man renowned for his services in War They began their Banquet by Day-light and were treated not after the niggardly Punick mode or with the strict diet of a Camp but as magnificently regal'd as could be expected in a City and a Family long inur'd to the choicest varieties of dainty Dishes and abundance of voluptuous superfluity Only Perolla Pacuvius's Son alone was melancholly and could not be prevail'd with to be brisk and jocund though the Masters of the Feast and sometimes Annibal himself invited him to be merry and when his Father inquir'd the cause of these strange dumps and trouble of mind he excus'd it by alledging he was not well but about Sun-set Calavius going out of the room where they supp'd his Son followed him and when they were come to a place of privacy a Garden it was on the backside of the House I have says he a contrivance in my head whereby we may not only obtain the Romans Pardon for our offence in revolting to Annibal but the same will render us Campanians in greater honour and favour with them than ever we were The Father with Admiration demanding what this contrivance might be the young man slinging back his Gown shows him a Sword by his side This quoth he is it I will seal and ratify our League with the Romans with Annibals Blood But I was willing to let you know it first that if you had rather be absent whilst the brave act is doing you may take your opportunity The old man as if he had already been present at the Tragedy was almost out of his Wits For Heavens sake my Son and by all those sacred Tyes that oblige Children to their Parents I beg and conjure you That you will not before your Fathers Eyes do or suffer such an execrable piece of
Enemies flank But it was an addition to their fear to see the Ensigns which were left in the Garrison move out of their Camp Thus the Fidenates strook with manifold dread before Romulus and they that were with him could turn their Horses turned their backs and with more speed for this was a real flight than they followed the Romans who a little before pretended to fly made to the Town again yet they did not save themselves from the Enemy for the Romans stuck close to their back and before they could shut their Gates broke all together into the Town At the calamity of this War with the Fidenates the minds of the Veientes were likewise highly provoked as well as upon the score of Consanguinity for both they and the Fidenates were Etrurians besides that the nearness of the place if the Roman Arms must needs be so uneasie to all their Neighbors was a sufficient instigation wherefore they made an excursion into the Roman Dominions committing more havock than consisted with the rules of a just War To which end they pitch'd no Tents nor expected the Enemy but carrying away what Forage they found in the Fields returned to Veii their City The Roman on the other hand finding no Enemy in the Field but being prepar'd and resolv'd to fight it out to the last Man passed the Tiber. Whom when the Veientes heard of that he had pitch'd his Camp and was drawing up toward their City they marched out to meet him as choosing rather to make a Field-battel of it than be shut up and fight from the tops of their Houses and Walls But though they had strength they had no Art and therefore the Roman King overcame them with the declining strength of his old Soldiers and pursuing them as they ran away even to their Walls he retired from the City because it was strong both in its fortifications and very situation too But as he came back he wasted the Country more out of revenge than desire of prey The Veientes were tamed by that slaughter which was then made among them as much as if they had fought a set Battel and therefore sent Orators to Rome to desire a Peace Whereupon they were sentenced to lose part of their Country but had a Truce granted them for 100 years These things were transacted in the Reign of Romulus at home and in the Wars of which there is nothing that contradicts the belief of his divine Original or that divinity which 't is thought he after his death attained to not his zeal for the recovery of his Grandfathers Kingdom not his design in building the City nor his strengthning of it by the arts of Peace and War for from that glorious beginning when he came to have strength enough he was so powerful and prudent that he preserved a Peace entire for forty years after But he was more beloved by the common People than the Senators and the Soldiers admired him far beyond any other of whom he had 300 called Celeres Light-Horsemen in his Life-guard not only in War but in Peace also After he had done all these immortal Exploits as he was mustering his Army in the Field next to the Fen called Caprae palus the Goat-Fen there rose such a sudden storm with claps of Thunder and covered the King with such a thick veil of tempestuous Darkness that the Assembly could not see him nor was he ever seen upon Earth any more The Roman youth when the fright at last was over and the troubled Sky clearing up grew calm and serene again seeing the Kings seat empty though they were sufficiently perswaded by the Senators that stood next him that he was carried up from them in the Storm yet being strucken as it were with the fear of losing a Father for some time continued in doleful silence though soon after a few of them began who were seconded by all the rest and cryed out All hail to Romulus a God born of a God the King and Father of Rome we all pray to him for Peace and that he would always be ready propitiously to protect and preserve his own Progeny There were also I suppose some persons at that time who privately reported that the King was torn in pieces by the Senators for such a rumor went abroad though it were but a blind story But the other is made creditable by the admiration which they shew'd for the Man and their present consternation And this they say was confirmed by the contrivance of one person for Proculus Julius when the City was all in great concern for the loss of their King and angry with the Senate came into a publick Assembly and was they say the Author of a heinous lie though a matter of great consequence Romulus says he O ye Romans the Father of this City came down from Heaven on a sudden this morning at break of day and stood in my way at which I was astonished and stood trembling before him but begged of him that I might see his face no says he get you gone and tell the Romans the Gods have so ordained it that my Rome shall be the Head of the World wherefore let them study Miâ—â—â—ary Discipline and let them know and deliver the same to their Posterity that no human â—ower can withstand the Roman Arms Having said this says he he fled up 'T is strange to tell you what credit they gave to this mans relation and how the grief both of the People and the Army for the loss of Romulus was mitigated when they were once induced to believe that lie was grown Immortal In the mean time the Senate had great differences among them and were each of them mighty ambitious of being King but no single person could make a party because no one among that new People was much more eminent than another but the controversie lay between the several ranks of men Those that were descended from the Sabines lest they because since Tatius's death had none of them govern'd in equal dignity with Romulus should lose the possession of the Empire desired to have a King chosen out of their Body The old Romans on the other side contemned and slighted the name of a Foreign King but though they were divided in their Opinions yet all of them were for having a King having not yet had experience how sweet Liberty was Then the Senate was afraid lest any external force should invade the City now that it was without a Governor the Army without a General and many Cities round about their incensed Enemies wherefore they thought it fit to make some body Head but no one of them could endure the thoughts of submitting to another The Senate therefore made up the matter among themselves by making of ten Decuriae or Precincts and setting one Senator over each of them to manage all Affairs So ten bore Rule of which one had the Ensigns of Empire and Lictors Serjeants before him Their Dominion lasted but five days
demand Justice he desires that all the calamities of this War may fall upon them Which answer of his the Albans related to their King Upon this thre were very great preparations made for a War on both sides which looked much like a Civil War as being a quarrel almost between Fathers and their Children for they both came of the Trojan Race Lavinium from Troy Alba from Lavinium and the Romans from the Albans But the event of the War made the quarrel less considerable because they did not fight in the open field and besides that the houses of one City being lately destroyed those two People were united into one The Albans first with a great Army made an incursion into the Roman Dominions pitching their Camp not above five thousand paces from the City and enclosing it with a ditch which from the name of their General was called Cluilius's Ditch for some ages till by tract of time the name was lost together with the thing it self In this Camp Cluilius the Alban King died in whose stead the Albans created a Dictator Metius Suffetius In the mean time Tullus grew very insolent especially upon the death of the King and saying That the Gods having begun at the head would punish the whole body of the Albans for the unjust War which they had made he passed by the Enemies Camp in the Night-time and with a dreadful Army marched into the Alban Territories This removed Metius from his Camp who drew his men up as near to the Enemy as he could and thence sent an Embassadour before him to tell Tullus That it was convenient before they began the Fight for them to have a parley and that if he would meet him he was well assured that he could tell him something no less advantageous to the Roman than to the Alban State which prosser Tullus did not slight though it was but frivolous and therefore led his men forth into the field where the Albans met him When the two Armies stood in Battalia on both sides the two Generals marched up into the midway between them with some few of the Nobility attending him Then the Alban thus began I understand that certain injuries and the not restoring what was demanded back has made our King Cluilius to seem the cause of this War nor do I doubt O Tullus but you pretend the same thing but if we may speak truth rather than what seems specious and plausible only it is desire of Empire which at present sets two people who are allyed and Neighbours at variance Nor do I pretend to say whether it be well or ill done on either side let him look to that who undertakes the War the Albans have chosen me their General in it But this O Tullus I must needs tell you you have more reason to know how strong the Etrurians are who border very near upon us but are much nearer to you They are very powerful by land but much more by Sea and therefore pray take notice that when you joyn Battel these two Armies will be in their sight only like a show or spectacle so that when we have tired and ruined one another they will set upon the Conquerour as well as on the conquered Wherefore if the Gods have any favour for us or we any care of our selves at this juncture when not content with certain liberty we run the hazard of Empire or Slavery let us take some course to decide the question which of us shall govern the other without any slaughter or bloudshed on either side This proposal did not much displease Tullus though he were heated both by his natural inclination and the hopes of victory They therefore fell to consultation in the affair and fortune herself found out an expedient There happened to be at that time three Brothers in each Army whose age and strength was equal and those were the Horatij and the Curiatij than whose engagement against each other there is scarce any thing more famous in all antiquity but yet even concerning a thing of that moment men are at a loss nor can any body certainly tell which side the Horatij were on or which side the Curiatij Authors are divided in their opinions but I find most make the Horatij to be Romans and I am very much inclined to believe they were so The two Kings treated with these two ternaries of Brethren that they would each fight a combat for their Country and that that side should enjoy the Empire that got the victory They did not at all decline it but agreed upon the time and place Before they fought there was a compact made between the Romans and the Albans upon these conditions that That People whose Citizens won the day should govern the other in peace and quietness Some leagues are made with different Articles but all in the same nature At that time this we hear was thus made nor is there any record of any league more ancient The Herald asked King Tullus this question Does your Majesty command me to strike a league with the Herald of the Albans To which the King complying the Herald made answer and said I demand Vervain of your Majesty The King replyed Take it up clean Whereupon the Herald brought from the Castle some clean leaves of that Plant and then asked the King Sir do you make me the Royal Messenger of the Roman Peâ—ple with all my carriages and retinue The King answered I do all that may be done witâ— Justice to my self and the Roman People The Herald's name was M. Valerius and he made Spurius Fufius the Pater Patratus or Chief Herald by touching his head and his hair with Vervain the Pater Patratus was made to confirm and strengthen their Oath and men he perfected the league in many words and those in verse too which are too long â—o relate After that having recited the conditions he said Hear O Jupiter Hear thou O Herald of the Albans and all ye People of Alba How that all those words which I speaâ— both first and last here in publick frrom these waxed tables without any fraud or design are to be understood according to the plain sense of them and that the Roman People will not first revolt from these conditions by any deceitful dealing though they have gone contrary to publick advice No in that day do thou O Jupiter so smite the Roman People as I this day shall smite this hog nay do it as much more fatally as thy omnipotence is able Having so said he smote an hog with a flint-stone and then the Albans by their Dictator and their Priests repeated their verses and their Oath When the league was thus made the three Brothers on each side according to the agreement took up their Arms and having admonished each other that the Gods of their Country their Country and their Parents and all their fellow Citizens whether at home or in the Army had their eyes fixed upon their Arms and their hands being
the Spoils of the Curiatij set up in that place which is now called Pila Horatia or Horatius's Trophies Can you said he O Romans endure to see this youth whom you so lately beheld adorned with Victory and march triumphantly before you bound whipped and tortured under a Gallows when even the eyes of the Albans could hardly bear so horrid a spectacle Go Officer bind those hands which not long since were armed to gain an Empire for the Roman People Go veil the head of him that freed this City Hang him up drub him even within the Walls so it be near those Trophies and Spoils he took from the Enemy or without the City so it be within view of those Sepulchres where the Curiatij lie buried For whither can you lead this youth where his own brave Actions will not rescue him from the Dishonour of such a base kind of Punishment the People were sorry to see his Fathers tears and that he himself should shew so little concern in all that danger wherefore they acquitted him more out of admiration of his Courage than for the justice of his cause But that the manifest Murther might be attoned for by some means or other 't was ordered that his Father should expiate his Sons guilt by a publick expence He therefore having performed some propitiatory Sacrifices which were afterwards transmitted to the Family of the Horatij made a Gallows cross the way and ordered his Son to pass under it as Soldiers do when they are sold for Slaves And that Gallows is still kept in repair at the publick charge even to this day being called Sororium Tigillum or the Gallows set up on the account of a Sister The Sepulchre of the Maid that was killed was built in the place where she fell of square Stone But the Peace with Alba did not long continue for the Envy of the Common People who took it ill that the publick fortune of their Country should be committed to three Soldiers only corrupted the vain disposition of their Dictators and seeing that good Counsels had not succeeded well he endeavoured to reconcile the minds of his Country-men by ill means To which end as before in time of War he had desired Peace so now in time of Peace he desired War But because he saw their City had much more courage than strength to declare and wage an open War he instigated other people thereunto reserving the treacherous part to be acted by his own Country-men under a shew of alliance and friendship The People of Fidenae who were a Roman Colony having taken advice with the Veientes were moved to make War and take up Arms upon condition that the Albans would revolt to their party When Fidenae was in open Rebellion Tullus sent for Metius and his Army from Alba whom he led against the Enemy and having past the River Anien he pitched his Camp at the meeting of the two Rivers Between that place and Fidenae the Army of the Veientes got over the Tiber and were posted in the right wing near the River whilest those of Fidenae stood in the left more near to the Mountains Tullus led his men against the Veian Enemy and planted the Albans over against the Legion of the Fidenates The Albans had no more courage than honesty and therefore not daring either to stand or move with any confidence crept by degrees to the Mountains Where when they thought themselves safe enough they set their whole Army in array but being in doubt what to do and willing to delay time they took a great deal of pains to range their men Their design was which way soever Fortune should incline that way to bend their forces The Romans who stood next to them began to wonder at first when they saw themselves deserted by the going off of their Allies and immediatly a Trooper galloping away went and told the King that the Albans were gone At which Tullus was put into such a consternation that he made twelve Salij or Priests of Mars and dedicated Temples to Pallor and Pavor i. e. to Paleness and Fear wherewithal he chid the Trooper so loud that the Enemy might hear him and bid him return into the Battel telling him They had no need to fear in that the Alban Army had wheeled about by his order to surprize the Fidenates in their unguarded Reer He likewise commanded the same Person to bid all the Horse advance their Javelins which Action of theirs intercepted the sight of the Alban Army marching off from a great part of the Roman Foot but those who saw them supposing it to be as they had heard the King say fell on the more eagerly The Enemies were terrified for they heard what the King so loudly said and many of the Fidenates as being a Colony belonging to the Romans understood Latin Wherefore last on a sudden they should have been blocked up by the descent of the Albans from the Hills and hindered of regaining the Town they turned their backs Tullus pursued them and having routed the wing of the Fidenates he returned more fiercely upon the Veians who were struck with a strange dread Nor could they endure the shock but running hastily away were driven to a River that was behind them to which when they were come some of them shamefully threw away their Arms and ran headlong into the water the rest staying on the banks and doubting whether they should sly or fight were all slain nor was there ever before that time a bloudier Battel fought by the Romans Then the Alban Army who had been Spectators of the Fight was led down into the plains and Metius congratulated Tullus his conquest over his Enemies in answer whereunto Tullus spoke very kindly to Metius and told him He hoped it would be for both their advantages if the Alban and the Roman Camp were both united into one wherefore he gave order it should be so and against the next day prepared a Sacrifice to purifie the Army Next morning as soon as it was day when all things were ready He as the custom is commanded both Armies to meet in one Assembly The criers began at the end and cited the Albans first who being concerned at the novelty of the thing as much as at any thing else that they might hear what the Roman King said stood next to him A Roman Legion all in Arms was ordered to enclose them and the Centurions were imployed to put their orders in execution without any delay Then Tullus thus began Romans If ever you had reason in any Battel before this time first to thank the immortal Gods and then congratulate your own valour it was for yesterdays atchievement For you fought not with Enemies more than which is the most difficult and dangerous engagement with the treachery and perfidiousness of your Allies For to undeceive you the Albans went into the Mountains without my knowledg nor was it my command but my stratagem and only the pretence of a command which
were broken so that they from that time could neither fight nor run away without confusion and great slaughter The Sabines being conquered and Tullus together with all the State of Rome being in great glory and advanced to great opulency there was news brought to the King and the Senate that upon the Mount Albanus it rained Stones which being hard to be believed there were certain persons sent to see that Prodigy in whose sight there fell a shower of Stones from Heaven in the same manner as when the winds drive heaps of Hail together upon the Earth They likewise thought they heard a shrill voice from the top of the Grove which bad the Albans do Sacrifice after the fashion of their own Countrey which they had forgotten as much as if they had forsaken their Gods as well as their native soil and either had taken up with the Roman Rites or being angry with Fortune as men in their circumstances generally are had quitted the Worship of their Gods The Romans also were moved by the same Prodigy to appoint a publick Sacrifice of nine days continuance whether by a voice from Heaven conveyed from the Mount Albanus for that also is part of the tradition or by the advice of the Soothsayers is uncertain but this we know that the same solemnity continued so that whenever they were told of the same prodigy they sacrificed for nine days together Not long after there was a Plague among them which though it indisposed them to Military imployments yet their Warlike King would not permit them to lay down their Arms because he thought the young mens bodies were more healthy even in the Camp than at home till he himself also languished under a lingering Distemper Then was his furious Spirit so far tamed as well as his body that he who before thought nothing less becoming a King than to give his mind to sacred things became on a sudden a very Bigot to all Superstitious both great and small and filled even the People also with his religious notions And now the Commonalty desiring to see that state of things renewed which they had enjoyed in the Reign of Numa believed that the only remedy that was left to recover their distempered bodies was to make their peace and beg pardon of the Gods They say that the King himself having looked into the Commentaries of Numa and there found some secret though solemn Sacrifices made to Jupiter Elicius performed them privately by himself but that that Sacrifice was neither rightly prepared nor carefully offered and that he had not only no sign of favour shewn him from Heaven but that Jupiter also was enraged at his mock-Religion and with Lightning burned Him and his House Tullus Reigned and gained great glory in War two and thirty years When Tullus was dead the Government as it had been customary from the foundation of the City revolved into the Senate and they nominated an Inter-Rex or one that should rule between the Death of a former and the Inauguration of a succeeding King who called an Assembly in which the People chose Ancus Martius their King and the Senate confirmed it Ancus Martius was the Grandson of Numa Pompilius being the Son of his Daughter who as soon as he began his Reign being mindful of his Grandfathers glory and because the last Kings Reign though it was very remarkable for other things yet was deficient in one paâ—t and that was either the neglect of Religion in general or the disgrace he did it even by his pretence to it and supposing it would be much the best way to perform the publick holy Rites in the same manner that Numa had ordained them he commanded the chief Priest fairly to transcribe them out of the King's Commentaries and make them publick by which means the Citizens who were desirous of Peace and the neighbouring Cities too were put in good hopes that the King would prove of a temper and inclination much like his Grandfather Wherefore the Latines with whom King Tullus had made a League grew very insolent and when the Romans demanded satisfaction for an incursion which that People had made into their Territories they gave them a sawcy answer supposing that the King of Rome would lead a slothful life and reign only in Temples and before the Altars Ancus was of a middling disposition as being mindful as well of Romulus as Numa and besides that he thought Peace more necessary in the Reign of his Grandfather when the Romans were not only a new but a fierce kind of People He also thought that the leisure and ease which Numa had himself should hardly enjoy without some inconvenience that his patience was tried and being tried contemned and that the time of Tullus's Reign was much more sutable to his affairs than that of Numa's But yet seeing Numa had instituted religious Worship in time of Peace that he might set forth the due Ceremonies of War and that Hostility might not only be maintained but proclaimed too with some formality he promulgated the Laws which he received from the ancient People called Aequicoli and are now in the hands of the Heralds by virtue whereof such things as are unlawfully taken away are redemanded The Embassadour when he comes to the confines of their Country from whom the reprisal is designed has his head covered the covering is a woollen Shash and saies Hear O Jupiter Hear O yee Confines and names the Countrey whose borders those are and let Justice hear me I am the publick Messenger of the Roman People who come upon a just and a righteous account and therefore desire I may be credited Then he repeats his demands and calls Jove to witness in this manner If I require those men or those things to be delivered up to me who am the Messenger of the Roman People unjustly and without reason then mayst thou never suffer me to see my own Country again These words he repeats when he passes the bounds of any Country to whomsoever he first meets as he enters in at a Gate and when he is come into the Forum or Market-place though with some little alteration in the form and manner of them If those persons whom he demands are not surrendered in three and thirty days for that is the usual time given he proclaims War in this manner Hear O Jupiter and thou O Juno Romulus All the Coelestial Terrestial and Infernal Gods give ear to what I say I call you all to witness that that People and names the People who ever they be is unjust and does not do righteous things But of these things we will consult the ancient men in our own Country to know how we may gain our right Having so done the Messenger returns to Rome to advise in the Affair Whereupon immediately the King in words to this purpose consulted the Senate concerning controversies or causes wherein the Herald of the Roman People demanded satisfaction from the Herald of the ancient Latins and the
Banishment Proclaimed whilest the rejoycing Camp received Brutus as the Deliverer of the City expelling thence the Kings Children of whom two followed their Father and went into Banishment to Caere a Town in Etruria Sextus Tarquinius going to Gabii as into his own Kingdom was killed by certain men who had a mind to revenge the ancient quarrels which he himself by Slaughter and Rapine had been the Author of L. Tarquinius Superbus Reigned five and twenty years and the Reign of Kings of Rome from the time the City was built to the deliverance of it continued two hundred and forty four years at which time two Consuls were Created in the Assembly called Comitia Centuriata or an Assembly wherein every man gave his suffrage vivâ voce in the Century that he belonged to by the Prefect of the City according to the method that Servius Tullius had prescribed whose names were L. Junius Brutus and L. Tarquinius Collatinus DECADE I. BOOK II. EPITOME 1. Brutus obliged the People by an Oath not to suffer any of the Tarquins to Reign at Rome 2. He suspected his Colleague Collatinus by reason of the Affinity that was between him and the Tarquins and therefore compelled him not only to lay down his Consulship but quit the City too 5. He ordered the Kings Family to be plundered and Consecrated that Field to Mars which was called Campus Martius or the Field of Mars He Beheaded several Noble Youth among which were some even of his own and his Sisters Sons for Conspiring to bring in Kings again giving his Slave whose Name was Vindicius his Liberty for Discovering it from whose Name the word Vindicta made use of in the manumission or frecing of a Slave was derived 6. Having led an Army against the Royal Party who had raised the Veians and the Tarquinians to make a War he died in the Field at the same time with Aruns the Son of Superbus and the Matrons mourned for him a whole year 7 8. P. Valerius being Consul he made a Law concerning an Appeal to the People The Capital was Dedicated 9 10. Porsena King of Clusium having undertaken a War in the Defence of the Tarquinii and come as far as Janiculum the Southwark of Rome was hindered from passing the Tiber by the Valour of Horatius Cocles who whilest others cut down the Wooden Bridg alone endured the shock of the Etrurians and when the Bridg was broken throwing himself all Armed into the River swam over to his Party 12. There was another example of great constancy shewn by Mucius who having entered the Enemies Camp with a Design to kill Porsena but murthering a Secretary whom he mistook for the King and being laid hold on laid his hand upon an Altar where they had just sacrificed and held it there 'till 't was burnt off saying that there were three hundred Conspirators in a Design to murther the King At which Porsena was so amazed that his fear forced him to make conditions of Peace to lay down his Arms and receive Hostages 13. Amongst whom one Cloelia a Virgin having stollen from her Keepers swam over the Tiber to the Romans and being brought back again to Porsena was honourably sent home and graced with a Statue of her self on Horseback 16. Ap. Claudius fled from the Sabines to Rome and thence came the Tribe called Tribus Claudia The number of the Tribes was enlarged so as to make them one and twenty 19 20. A. Postumius the Dictator sought with success near the Lake called Lacus Regillus against Tarquinius Superbus who made War with an Army of the Latins 23 c. The Common People who had separated themselves into the Mount called Mons Sacer for the sake of some who were in Prison for Debt were recalled from their Sedition by the Counsel of Menenius Agrippa The same Agrippa when he died was by reason of his poverty buried at the publick Charge 33. Five Tribunes of the People were Created A Town belonging to the Volsci called Corioli was taken by the Valour and Conduct of C. Marcius who for that reason was called Coriolanus 36. Tib Atinias a mean man having been admonished by an Apparition to advise the Senate concerning certain Religious Duties but neglected the same lost his Son and grew a Cripple but being carried to the Senate in a Litter and having told them what he had to say recovered the use of his feet and walked home 39 40. When C. Marcius Corâ—olanus who had been Banished was made General of the Volsci and had brought an Army of the Enemies near to the City of Rome there were Embassadors first sent to him after whom when the Priests had in vain desired of him not to make War against his Country Veturia his Mother and Volumnia his Wife obtained the favour of him to retire 41. The Law called Lex Agraria i. e. concerning the Division of Lands was first made Sp Cassiùs a Consuls fellow was Condemned for Treason and put to Death 42. Oppia a Vestal Virgin was buried alive for Incest 46 c. When their Neighbouring Foes the Veians became more troublesome than intolerable the Family of the Fabii desired to have the management of that War and sent to it three hundred and six Soldiers who were every one of them killed by the Enemy at Cremera having left at home only one Lad who was not then of Age. 58. Ap. Claudius being Consul and having through the Contumacy of his Army lost a Battel against Volsci knocked every tenth Man of his own Soldiers on the head with a Club. 60 c. Shews the Transactions against the Volsci the Aequi and the Veians together with the Seditions between the Senate and the People I Come now to shew you what the Roman People who from this time were at Liberty did both in Peace and War together with their Annual Magistrates and the force of their Laws which were more powerful than any strength of Men. Which Liberty of theirs grew the more pleasant by their reflection on the pride of their last King For the former Kings governed so that they deserved successively to be reckoned as Founders of the several parts of that new City which they themselves added by way of augmentation to it for their encreasing Multitude to dwell in nor is it to be doubted but that same Brutus who won so much Glory by expelling King Superbus would have done the Publick the greatest mischief imaginable if through a too hasty desire of Liberty he had extorted the Scepter from any of the former Kings For what was like to come of it if that crowd of Shepherds and Strangers that came thither from their own Countries having gained either their Liberty or at least impunity under the refuge of an inviolable Sanctuary and being freed from the fear of Kings had then been moved and instigated by the Seditious Tribunes of the People and in a strange City had begun to sow strife between the People and the Senate before the endearments
instant the crash of the falling Bridg and the noise that the Romans made for joy that the work was done struck such a sudden terror into the Enemies that it restrained their violence Then Cocles cryed out Great Father Tiberinus I beseech thy Deity propitiously to receive these Arms and this Soldier into thy River With that being all in Armour he leaped into the Tiber through which though many Darts were thrown upon him he swam very safe over to his Party having done an Exploit that will be more talked of than believed by all Posterity The City was very grateful to him for so great an Atchievement and therefore his Statue was set up near the Comitium or place of publick Assembly and he had as much Land given him as he could mark round with a Plough in one day The Affections also of private men were very eminent amidst his publick honours for when he was in great necessity there was no body but gave him something towards House-keeping though they wanted it themselves Porsena being repulsed in his first Attempt and therefore changing all his measures from a design of Storming to besieging the City when he had placed a Guard in Janiculum himself pitched his Camp in the Plain and upon the Banks of Tiber. He likewise sent for Ships from all parts both as a Guard to hinder any Corn from being carried to Rome and for the convenience of passing his Soldiers over the River in several places to forage as occasion should serve By which means in a short time he so infested all the Country about Rome that not only other things but even all their Sheep too were driven out of the Fields into the City neither durst any one drive them without the Gates But this so great liberty was granted to the Etrurians not so much of fear as policy For Valerius the Consul being intent on the opportunity of surprizing a great many straglers at once seemed negligent to revenge small injuries because he kept himself for some greater Action He therefore to draw in the Foragers commands his Soldiers that the next day they should drive out a great many Sheep at the Gate called Porta Esquelina which was most remote from the Enemy supposing that the Enemy would come to know of it because in that time of Siege and Famin several faithless Slaves had fled the City And so indeed they did by the Information of a Renegado upon which a great many more of them in hopes to have all the Prey pass'd the River In the mean time P. Valerius ordered Herminius with a small Party to make an Ambuscade at the second Stone i. e. two Miles off in the way that leads to Gabii and Sp. Lartius to stand with the nimble young men at the Gate called Porta Collina till the Enemy came by and then to block them up that they might not return to the River The other Consul Titus Lucretius marched out at the Gate called Porta Naevia with some few Companies whilest Valerius himself led a choice Party down from the Mount called Mons Coelius who were the first that appeared to the Enemy Herminius when he heard the tumult made haste from his Ambuscade and fell upon the Etrurians Rere whilest their Van was engaged with Valerius There was a shout set up and returned both from the right hand and the left that is to say from the Gate called Porta Collina on the one side and that called Naevia on the other So the Foragers were slain in the middle of the Romans being neither strong enough to cope with them nor having any way to escape and that was the last time that the Etrurians stragled so disorderly into the Roman Territories But nevertheless the Siege continued Corn being very scarce and very dear and Porsena had some hopes that by continuing there he should at last take the City 'till Caius Mucius a Noble Youth who thought it a disgrace that the Roman People who though they were Slaves while they lived under Kingly Government yet were never Besieged in any War nor by any Enemy that the same People now they were free should be Besieged by those very Etrurians whose Armies they had so often Routed he was incensed and thinking that he ought to revenge that indignity by some great and bold exploit he first resolved of his own accord to force his way into the Enemies Camp but fearing lest if he should go without the consent of the Consuls or the knowledg of any body else he might possibly be taken by the Roman Centinels and be brought back as a Run-away in which case the present state of the City would make his Accusation the more probable wherefore he went to the Senate Fathers said he I have a mind to pass the Tiber and get if I can into the Enemies Camp not as a Robber nor to revenge that havock which they have made amongst us but if the Gods will give me leave I design to do a greater exploit The Senators approved of his proposal and therefore with a Sword hidden under his Garment he went upon his Enterprize When he came thither he stood in a great crowd near to the Kings Tribunal where seeing the Souldiers came to receive their Pay and that the Secretary who sate by the King in an habit very like him was mighty busie with the Soldiers thronging about him he fearing to ask which was Porsena lest by not knowing the King he might discover who he was as fortune unluckily would have it he stabbed the Secretary instead of the King Then walking off as far as he could make way through the affrighted Crowd with his Bloody Weapon in his hand the People flocked together upon the noise of it and the Kings Guards laying hold on him brought him back Then being placed before the Kings Tribunal he even at that time amidst so many menaces of fortune like one to be feared rather than fearing any thing himself cryed out I am a Roman Citizen and they call me Caius Mucius wherefore as an Enemy I had a mind to kill my Enemy nor do I desire to avoid my own death any more than I did to miss killing him 'T is like a Roman both to do and to suffer great things Nor was I the only Person that bore that spleen to thee I have a long Train behind me of such who desire to do the same glorious Act. Wherefore prepare thy self if thou pleasest against this danger that thou mayest be ready every hour to fight for thy life and see thou have both Arms and Men continually at the entrance of thy Palace We the Roman Youth declare this War against thee Thou needest not fear any formed Army nor any pitched Battel for we shall engage with thee only and that hand to hand At which the King being at once enraged and frighted at the danger commanded in his fury that a Fire should be made round about him unless he would declare presently what snares those were
and pains to provide all necessaries for the Belly whilest that lay idle in the middle of the Body and did nothing but enjoy its pleasure Wherefore they conspired that the hands should not lift the meat to the mouth nor the mouth receive it when offered nor the teeth chew it By which envious method whilest they endeavoured to famish the Belly the members themselves at the same time and the whole Body were starved Whence it appeared that the Belly was instrumental in the service of the whole nor did it receive more nourishment than it supplied in that it distributed and equally divided into the Veins that Blood made out of well digested food whereby wâ— live and enjoy our health Then comparing the Intestine Sedition of the Body to the Animosity of the People against the Senate he thereby reconciled them Thereupon they began to Treat of Peace and agreed upon Terms That the People should have certain peculiar and inviolable Magistrates to assist them against the Consuls and that no Senator should be capable of that Office So there were two Officers Created by the Title of Tribuni Plebis or the Tribunes of the People whose Names were Cains Licinius and L. Albinus and they chose themselves three Collegues of which Sicinius the Author of the Sedition was one but who the other two were is uncertain Some Authors say that there were only two Tribunes Created in the Mons Sacer i. e. the Holy Mount and that there also those Laws were made called Leges Sacratae i. e. Sacred Laws During this Sucession of the People Sp. Cassius and Postumus Cominius began their Consulship in whose time there was a League made with the Latins for the Ratifying whereof one Consul stayed at Rome and the other was sent to the War against the Volsci in which he Defeated and Routed those of Antium a City of the Volsci and driving them into a Town called Longula he made himself Master of it Then he took Polusca another Town of the Volsci from whence he marched and Stormed Corioli There was at that time in the Camp among the rest of the young Nobility one Caius Marcius a young man very witty and active who was afterwards Surnamed Coriolanus When therefore the Volscian Legions coming from Antium had set upon the Roman Army which then sate down before Carioli being intent upon the Townsmen which they had blocked up and free from any fear of a War without and at the same time the Enemies had made a Sally out of the Town this Marcius was by chance upon the Guard and he with a choice Party of men did not only repel the violence of those that Sallied forth but bravely forced his way through the open Gate and having killed all he met in the adjacent parts of the City he took the next Fore that came to his hands and threw it into the Houses next the Wall Thereupon the noise of the Townsmen mixed with the cries of Women and Children which was at first designed as it usually is for terror encouraged the Romans and disheartened the Volsci to hear that their City was taken which they came to Relieve Thus the Volsci of Antium were Routed and the Town of Corioli taken in which Actions Marcius so much obscured the Consuls Fame by his Honourable Atchievements that unless the League made with the Latins by Sp. Cassius alone in the absence of his Collegue and graven upon a Pillar of Brass had been a Monument of it Posterity would never have known that Postumus Cominius ever waged War with the Volsci The same Year Agrippa Menenius died a man all his life-time beloved both by the Senate and the People but after his death became more dear to the People yet he who was the Mediator and the Umpire for Concord between his fellow Citizens as being Embassador from the Senate to the People and the man who brought back the Roman Commonalty into the City wanted Mony to defray his Funeral Charges wherefore the People buried him at their expence Contributing every one three Farthings Then T. Geganius and P. Minucius were made Consuls in whose time though all things were quiet abroad and the Discord composed at home another misfortune much worse than all the rest befell the City and that was first a Dearth of Provisions for want of having had their Land Manured at the time of the Peoples Secession after which succeeded a Famin like that which Towns besieged are wont to suffer In which Calamity the Slaves especially and the meaner sort of People had all died if the Consuls had not taken care to send into all parts to buy Corn not only into Etruria all along the Coasts on the right hand of Ostia but on the left hand too through the Country of the Volsci and down by Sea as far as Cumae yea they went even into Sicily also so far did the hatred which their Neighbours bore to them compel them to go for supplies When they had bought Corn at Cumae their Ships had an Embargo laid upon them by Aristodemus the King of that place to make amends for the Goods of the Tarquins to whom he was Heir In the Country of the Volsci and about Pometia there was none to be bought nor only so but the Merchants themselves were also in danger of their lives they had Corn out of Etruria by way of the Tiber wherewith the People were susteined Amidst this scarcity they had been harrassed with very unseasonable War had it not been for a raging Pestilence which seized upon the Volsci whilest they were now taking up Arms. At that destructive calamity the minds of their Enemies were so dismayed that even when that was abated they were possessed with some terror while the Romans augmented their Colony at Viletrae and sent a new one into the Mountains to Norba which is a Castle near Pometia After that when M. Minucius and A. Sempronius were Consuls there was a great quantity of Corn brought out of Sicily and 't was Debated in the Senate at what rate the People should have it Amongst whom many were of Opinion that then the time was come to make the People submit and to recover those Priviledges which by their Secession and Violence had been extorted from the Senate but M. Coriolanus more than any other being an Enemy to the Tribunes Power If they said he will have their old allowance and at the same rate that they had it before the Sedition let them give back to the Senate their ancient Priviledges Why should I see Magistrates made out of the People or Sicinius so great and powerful whilest I my self am a Slave and redeemed as it were out of the hands of Robbers Shall I endure these indignities any longer than I am forced to it Shall we endure Sicinius that could not brook King Tarquin Let him withdraw now and call the People after him the way is open to the Sacred Mount as well as the other Hills Let them steal
it by whose blood and sweat it was purchased The Senate slighted the proposal and some of them complained That through too much glory that once vivid Soul of Caeso was grown luxuriant and effeminate but after that time there were no more factions in the City In the mean while the Latins were teazed with the Incursions of the Aequi against whom Caeso was sent with an Army and plundered all their Country whilst they themselves fled into their Towns and were secured within the Walls nor was there any memorable Battel then fought But the Veians slew a great many Romans through the inadvertency of the other Consul and the whole Army had perished if Caeso Fabius had not come in time to relieve them From that time they had neither Peace nor War with the Veians but were to one another like so many Robbers The Veians one while gave ground before the Roman Legions and removed into their City but then again when they saw the Legions drawn off made incursions into the Roman Territories by which means War and Quietness did interchangeably succeed each other nor could the dispute be either omitted or made an end of Besides other Wars either at the present lay upon them as from the Aequi and the Volsci who were never quiet any longer than they smarted for some late Conflict or it was manifest that the Sabines who were always their Enemies would shortly rise against them together with the whole Country of Etruria But the Veians who were their more constant than vexatious Foes disturbed them more by contumely than any danger which they apprehended because they could not be either at any time neglected nor would they give them leave to turn their Arms upon any other People Whereupon the Fabian Family went to the Senate before whom the Consul spake in behalf of the rest The War said he grave Fathers against the Veians lacks a constant rather than a great supply as you your selves can tell Do you therefore take care of other Wars and commit this against them to the Conduct of the Fabii we 'll promise you the Roman honour shall be secure being resolved to carry on that War at the peculiar cost and expence of our own Family Nor shall the Commonwealth be concerned either in raising or paying the Soldiers The Senate gave them hearty thanks and the Consul going out of the Court with a company of Fabii following him who stood at the door to hear what the Senate determined returned home and then the Souldiers being first ordered to come the next day to the Consuls House went to their several Houses This news ran through the whole City who extolled the Fabii up to the skies That one Family should undertake the burden of the whole City that the Veian War was become a private concern and menaged by private Arms that if there were two more Families in the City of the same strength let the Volsci and the Aequi demand what they would all the neighbouring Nations might be subdued whilst the Roman People were at ease The next day the Fabii armed themselves and met where they were ordered The Consul coming forth into his Portal in a Military habit saw all his Family in Battalia and being received into the midst of them commanded the Ensigns to move nor did there ever any Army either less in number or more renowned and admired march through the City For they were three hundred and six of them all Patricians and of the same Family each one of which was fit to make a General upon any occasion even in the opinion of the grave Senate and these men went with the united forces of their Family protesting they would be a plague to the Veians but after them there followed a great number which was made up partly of their friends and acquaintance who proposed to themselves no ordinary matters no hopes nor cares but the most glorious things imaginable and partly of such as were concerned for the publick good standing amazed to see them and bidding them go on with courage go on with success and make the issue of it equal to their enterprize then they might hope for Consulships and Triumphs with all other rewards and honours that were in their disposal As they passed by the Capitol the Castle and other Temples they made their supplications to all the gods that they either saw or thought of to prosper that Army with good success and bring them back to their Parents as well as to their Country with speed and safety But they prayed to no purpose for going out at that unlucky Gate called Porta Carmentalis near the Temple of Janus which stands on the right hand of it they came to the River Cremera where they thought fit to make a Garrison At that time L. Aemilius and C. Servilius were made Consuls U. C. 274 And as long as the Plunder lasted the Fabii were not only strong enough to defend their Garrison but also secured the whole Country that borders upon Etruria with ease to themselves but annoyance to the Enemy having free ingress into both Confines After that there was some respit between their Ravages in which time the Veians with an Army that they got out of Etruria attacked the Garrison of Cremera and the Roman Legions led by the Consul L. Aemilius fought hand to hand with the Etrurians in a pitched Battel though the Veians had scarce time enough to marshal their men by reason that upon the first motion whilst the Army advanced after the Ensigns and were setling their Body of Reserves a wing of Roman Horse came suddenly upon them and deprived them not only of conveniency to begin the Fight but even of ranging their Forces Whereupon being routed and driven back as far as the Saxa Rubra or red Rocks where their Camp was they humbly petitioned for Peace but repented of it through their innate levity before the Garrison of the Romans marched from Cremera The Veians had another Conflict with the Fabii without any greater preparations than before nor did they only make Incursions into the Country with sudden Inroads but several times fought in the Plains and at a small distance from each other in which Battels one Family of Romans won many Victories from the richest City in Etruria as things then stood That seemed at first very severe and dishonourable in the opinion of the Veians and thence arose their design of laying an Ambuscade for their proud Foes besides that they were very glad to see the Fabii grow so audacious and insolent by their success For which reason also they drove Sheep into their way sometimes as if it had been by chance when they were plundering the Country nor only so but the Country People ran away and let the Land lie waste whilst the supplies that were sent to hinder such Devastations fled back again more out of a pretended than any real fear By this time the Fabii so far conâ—emned the Enemy that
mixing with their Assemblies talked to them in such language as was at that time most seasonable admonishing them To take care what danger they brought the Commonwealth into and telling them the Controversie was not between the Senate and the People but that the Senate the People the Castle the Temples of their gods with all religious things both publick and private were betrayed and given up at once into the hands of the Enemy Whilst these things passed in the Forum in order to appease the Sedition the Câ—â—suls in the mean time lest the Sabine or the Veian Army should stir went and Posted themselves about the Gates and the Walls of the City The same night also there was news brought to Tusculum that the Castle was taken the Capitol seized and the City in a tumult L. Mamilius being then Dictator of that place He therefore calling a Senate and bringing in the Messengers was strongly of opinion That they ought not to stay 'till Embassadors came from Rome to desire assistance for that the danger it self the jeopardy that they were in who worshiped the same gods and the Religious Obligation of their Leagues required that from them nor would the gods ever give them the like opportunity of obliging so Puissant and so near and dear a City Whereupon they agreed to send Auxiliaries and forthwith put all their young Men in Arms who coming to Rome at break of day appeared a far off like Enemies as if the Aequi and the Volsci had been coming But when the vain fright was over they were received into the City in a full Body and marched down into the Forum where P. Valerius having left his Collegue to Guard the Gates was now a Marshalling his Army For the Authority of that Man had won the Commonalty forasmuch as he assured them When he had recovered the Capitol and quieted the City if they would let him learn what treachery the Tribunes palliated under the pretence of passing their Law that he should remember his forefathers his Surname whereby it appeared that he had the care of serving the People committed and derived down to him from his Ancestors and would not obstruct the Peoples designs Wheâ—efore they following him as their Captain though the Tribunes were much against it but all in vain drew up upon the side of the Capitol Hill To them also was added the Tusculan Legion and there between the Allies and the Citizens was a contest who should have the honour of regaining the Castle both Generals encouraging their Men as much as they could Then the Enemy began to tremble nor could they trust in any thing besides the strength of the place amidst whose fears the Romans fell upon them as the Allies also did And they had forced their way into the Porch of the Temple when P. Valerius standing in the Van and animating his Men to the Battel was slain P. Volumnius a Consuls fellow saw him fall and therefore commanding some of his Soldiers to cover the Body ran up to supply the Consuls place But the Army did not know so hot and intent they were upon the fight what great misfortune had befallen them yea they got the Victory before they were sensible that they fought without their General Many of the Banished Persons defiled the Temple with their Blood and many were taken alive but Herdonius was killed and so the Capitol was recovered The Captives were punished according to their quality as every one was either a Freeman or a Slave the Tusculans had thanks for their pains the Capitol was purged and lustrated or Consecrated by Sacrifices and the People 't is said threw Mony into the Consuls House in order to bury him with the greater Pomp and Solemnity They having by this means appeased the City the Tribunes being very urgent with the Senate to perform what P. Valerius had promised importuned Claudius to discharge the Ghost of his Collegue of all imputations of fraud and to suffer them to treat about their Law To which the Consul replyed He would not permit them to debate concerning the Law before he had chosen himself a new Câ—llegue Wherefore these contentions continued 'till the very time of that Assembly in which the new Consul was to be elected So in the Month December by the great endeavours of the Senate L. Quintius Cincinnatus the Father of Caeso was created Consul and to begin his Office immediately from that time At which the People were much disheartened being to have a Consul who was an angry Man very powerful in the favour of the Senate in his own Courage and three Sons that he had who were each one of them as stout as Caeso but far beyond him in Prudence and Conduct whenever the case required it He therefore when he entered upon the Office was as vehement in his reproofs the Senate as in his Invectives against the People saying That their sloth was the occasion why the Tribunes reigned so perpetually in their calumnies and other crimes not as in a Commonwealth of the Romans but as it sometimes happens in a dissolute Family That with his Son Caeso all virtue constancy and other glories that usually adorn young Men either in Peace or War were Banished and Expelled out of Rome whilst the Tribunes those prating seditious fellows who were the Seminaries of all Discord being twice or thrice together put into the same Office through their ill Acts lived with all the licentiousness of Kings Aulus Virginius said he for not being in the Capitol deserved as much punishment as Ap. Herdonius nay more indeed if we consider the thing aright For Herdonius if he did nothing else by confessing himself an Enemy did as good as give you notice and advice to Arm your selves but this Man by denying that there was any Enemy to fight withall deprived you of those Arms exposed you naked to your Slaves and Banished Persons and could you draw your Men up the Capitol Hill which deference I speak to C. Claudius and the memory of P. Valerius who is dead before you had removed that Enemy out of the Forum I am ashamed to appear before either gods or men when I consider that at the same time that the Foe was in the Castle and the Capitol so that the Leader of Slaves and Banditti having prophaned all things and places took up his Quarters in great Joves Temples the People of Tusculum should be Armed before those of Rome it being a question whether L. Mamilius the Tusculan General or P. Valerius and C. Claudius the Consuls delivered this City For we who heretofore would not suffer the Latins so much as to touch any Arms even in their own cause and when the Enemy was in your Country had now our selves if the Latins had not prevented it been taken and utterly destroyed Is this ye Tribunes to aid the People To expose them naked to the Enemies cruelty I 'll warrant you if any Man though the meanest of the People whom
was as ready for fighting as marching if occasion had been the Dictator himself led the Legions and the Master of the Horse his Horse Both Armies were encouraged according to the nature of their circumstances being desired to make haste for the affair required their speed that they might come to the Enemy in the night and being told that the Roman Consul and Army was Besieged having been so for these three days and that it was uncertain what each day or night might produce that the greatest and most momentous affairs depended many times upon a minute wherewithal they cryed out Make haste Ensign and march on Soldâ—ers which words the Army also in complaisance to their Commanders repeated So at midnight they came to Algidum and there perceiving the Enemy was pretty near set up their Standard Then the Dictator as well as he could see in the night time riding round to view the Situation and form of their Camp Commanded the Tribunes of the Soldiers To order all the Baggage to be carried into one place and then that the Soldiers should return with their Arms and Pallisadoes into their Ranks which was accordingly done And then in the same posture as he Travelled he drew all his Army in a long Train round the Enemies Camp commanding them all to hollow when he gave the signal which when they had done that each Man should make a Trench before himself and set up his Pallisado Whereupon when the Dictator gave the word the signal was given the Soldiers did as they were bidden and a great noise rung all round the Enemies nay going beyond the Enemies Camp it went as far as the Consuls in which it created not only great fear but as much joy also For the Romans thought it was the clamour of their Countrymen and congratulaâ—â—â—g each other that they had aid so near straight scared the Enemy from their Guards and Watches The Consul therefore told them They must not delay time for that noise signified not only the approach of their friends but that they had begun the attack and that it would be very strange if they were not then attempting the outside of the Enemies Camp wherefore he bad his Men stand to their Arms and fâ—llow him The Battel began in the night the Dictators Legions giving notice by their clamour that they on that side also put the Foe in great jeopardy By this time the Aequi endeavoured to hinder the Romans from making of works quite round them but the Enemy within having made an effort they were forced to turn their Arms from those who were raising Works without to those that were fighting on the inside lest they should make an eruption through the middle of their Camp by which means the Dictator had time all night to perfect his Design They fought therefore with the Consul 'till day but assoon as it was light being blocked up round by the Dictator could hardly sustein the shock of one Army Then the Quintian Forces who immediately after they had done their Work took up their Arms again invaded the Bulwark and began a new Fight whilst the former continued as hot as before Whereupon the Aequi being sore pressed on both sides betook them instead of fighting to praying and begged of the Dictator on the one side and of the Consul on the other That they would not place the Victory in the slaughter of their men but let them go thence without their Arms. But they were ordered to go from the Consul to the Dictator who being inraged imposed this ignominy upon them That he would have Gracchus and all their chief Officers brought to him bound and that they should quit the Town of Corbio for he did not stand in need of Aequian blood but they might depart though they should be publickly sold to let the World see their Nation was utterly subdued and vanquished The manner of selling their Prisoneâ—s of War was by setting up three Spears two or them erected and the third across like a Gallows under which which was called Jugum the Dictator made the Aequi pass Having taken the Enemies Camp which was full of all sorts of Provisions for he sent them forth naked he gave all the Booty to his own Soldiers only and blamed the Consuls Army as well as himself saying You shall go without the spoils of that Enemy to whom you had like to have been your selves a prey and thou L. Minucius 'till thou hast the Soul and Courage of a Consul shalt be only a Lieutenant in these Legions So Lucius quitted his Consulship and stayed with the Army according to the Dictators Order But nevertheless the excellent Conduct of the Dictator so far obliged them to obedience that the Army being more mindful of his kindness than of the ignominy which he laid upon them not only agreed to give him a Golden Crown of a pound weight but when he Marched away saluted him by the name of Patron When he came to Rome Q. Fabius then Prefect of the City having called a Senate gave order that Quintius with his Army should enter the City with Triumph the chief Officers of the Enemies being led before his Chariot their Military Ensigns carried before him and the Army following laden with spoils At which time they say there were Feasts prepared before every House and those that partook thereof followed his Chariot with Songs of Triumph and solemn Sports like Men that are at merry makings The same day also L. Mamilius Tusculanus was made free of the City by gene al consent and approbation and the Dictator had then laid down his Office if it had not been for the Assembly in which M. Volscius the false Witness was to be Tryed which the Tribunes were notable to hinder for fear of the Dictator Volscius being condemned went and lived in Banishment at Lanuvium and Quintius the sixteenth day after he was made Dictator for six Months withdrew himself from that Dignity In which time Consul Nautius fought very bravely against the Sabines at Eretum where besides the pillaging of their Country the Sabines received a great loss of Men. Q. Fabius was made Successor to Minucius and sent into Algidum and in the end of that Year the Tribunes began to talk of their Law but because the two Armies were absent though the Senate so far prevailed that no Law should be proposed before the People yet the Commons were so powerful as to Create the same Tribunes again the fifth time They say there were Wolves seen in the Capitol chased by Dogs for which Prodigy the Capitol was lustrated i. e. purged by Sacrifice and these are the transactions of that Year The next Consuls were Q. Minucius and C. Horatius Pulvillus in the beginning of whose U. C. 295 Year though they had Peace abroad yet at home Seditions sprung from the same Tribunes and the same Law which had proceeded much farther so hot their fury was had not the news come as it were designedly that the
which they did not think fit to proceed roughly for that they themselves had given the occasion for that Sedition but they sent three Embassadors who were Consular Men viz. Sp. Tarpeius C. Julius and P. Sulpicius to ask them in the name of the Senate By whose Order they left their Camp or what they meant by posting themselves upon the Aventine and turning the War from their Enemies to invade their own Country To which they wanted not an answer but only some body to give it as having yet no certain Leader nor daring singly to expose themselves to envy Only this the Multitude said all together if they would send L. Valerius and M. Horatius to them they would give them their answer The Embassadors being dismissed Virginius told the Soldiers They had wavered in a business of some consequence just before because the Multitude was without an Head for their answer was made though not to their disadvantage yet more by chance than any unanimous design of theirs Wherefore he would have them make ten Officers who should govern in Chief and in a Military stile be called the Tribunes of the Soldiers Whereupon that Honour being first offered to him he replied Reserve this your good opinion of me 'till I and you are in better circumstances My Daughter will not let any Honour be agreeable to me as long as I live nor is it convenient whilst the Commonwealth is thus disturbed for them to govern you who are themselves most obnoxious to envy If you have any occasion for me I 'll serve you nevertheless though I am a private person So they made ten Tribunes Military Nor did the Army in the Sabine Country he still for there also Icilius and Numitorius had persuaded them to a Revolt from the Decemviri the death of Siccius being remembred with as much abhorrence as the late news of Virginias being so basely attempted was heard Icilius when he heard that there were Tribunes of the Soldiers made in the Aventine lest the Assemblies in the City should follow the example of the Soldiers and chuse the same Men Tribunes of the People he who was well versed in popular affairs and had a mind to that Dignity himself also before he went to the City took care to have the like number chosen among his Soldiers with the same Authority After that they enter the City at the Gate Collina with their Colours Displayed and marched in a full Body through the middle of the City up to the Aventine Where joyning the other Army they imployed the twenty Tribunes of the Soldiers to chuse two out of themselves who should have sovereign Authority They therefore chose M. Oppius and Sex Manilius In the mean time the Senate being concerned for the publick though they sate every day spent more time in wrangling than sober consultations The Murther of Siccius Appius's lust and the dishonours of the War were laid upon the Decemviri though 't was at last resolved that Valerius and Horatius should go into the Aventine But that they refused to do unless the Decemviri would lay down the Ensigns of that Magistracy which they should have quitted an Year before At which the Decemviri complaining that they were affronted said They would lay down that Authority 'till they had established those Laws upon the account of which they were first made The People having notice by M. Duilius who had been Tribune of the People that by reason of their daily contentions there was nothing done they removed out of the Aventine into the sacred Mount Duilius affirming to them That no care would sink into the Senators hearts before they saw the City deserted that the sacred Mount would put them in mind of the Peoples constancy and then they would know that unless their Power were restored there could be no hopes of Peace Thereupon they marched along the Way called Via Momentana but at that time Ficulnensis and pitched their Camp in the sacred Mount following the example of their Fathers modesty and doing no hurt The People too all followed the Army nor did any stay behind whose age would give them leave to go Yea the Wives and Children also went along demanding of their Husbands and Fathers in a most miserable accent Who they would leave with them in that City in which neither Chastity nor Liberty was secure and free from violence Now therefore since at Rome an uncouth solitude had made the City look like a Desart and that in the Forum there was no body but a few old Men for even that too appeared like a forsaken place now that the Senators were all summoned into their House a great many more besides Horatius and Valerius cried out What is it Grave Fathers that you stay for Will you let all things decay and come to ruin because the Decemviri will not comply Pray tell me you Decemviri what is that Authority that you are so obstinate in asserting You will ere long talk Law to the Houses and Walls Are not you ashamed that there should be as many Lictors of yours seen in the Forum as of Citizens and others What will you do if an Enemy come to the City What if the Commons when they see us unconcerned at their departure should come all in Arms Will you not lay down your Authority upon the account of the City I am sure we must have Tribunes of the People or have no People at all We shall sooner want Patrician Magistrates than they Plebeians They forced our Fathers to make that new sort of Magistrates which they had never had any experience of much less will they now endure the lack of them since they are pleased with the sweetness of their administration especially seeing that we our selves give them cause even from our management of things to think they want assistance These kind of Speeches being cast forth from all parts of the House and the Decemviri out-voted they declared They would be since the Senate would have it so at the disposal of that Court desiring and admonishing them only this that they would have a care they did not expose them to envy nor would cause the People by tasting their blood to long for that of the Senators Then Valerius and Horatius being sent to recall the People by what means they thought fit and to compose all differences were likewise ordered to take care that the Decemviri might be secure from the rage and violence of the Multitude They therefore going were received by the People with great joy into the Camp as being their undoubted Deliverers both in the beginning of the Commotion and in the issue of it upon which account they had thanks given them Then Icilius made a Speech before the Multitude and again when they came to treat of the Conditions the Embassadors asking what the Peoples demands were he having contrived the matter before the arrival of the Embassadors said they desired that they might have reason to put more trust in
inclinations of the Senate we saw the Patrician Magistracy made an offering and a Sacrifice to the People You had the assistance of the Tribunes the Appeal to the People and the Determinations of the Commons imposed as Laws upon the Senate under the pretence of making the Laws just and equal we then did and still do suffer all our rights to be invaded What will be the end of these Discords When shall we have the City at Unity When will this be our common Country Are we more content to be Conquered than Conquerors Is it enough that you are dreadful to us You took the Aventine Hill against us as you did the sacred Mount in like manner But none of you removed the Volscian Enemy when they were like to take the Esquiliae and climbing up the Rampire it is against us that you are Men and take up Arms. But let me persuade you all who have besieged the Senate here made the Forum a dangerous place and filled the Prison with Noblemen to march forth beyond the Esquiline Gate with the same resolutions or if you dare not do this look from your Walls into the Fields how they are laid waste by Fire and Sword the Cattel driven away and the burnt Houses smoaking For the Government in general is now in a sad condition the Country is burnt the City besieged and the Glory of War is with the Enemies What matter is it in what state your private affairs are You 'l every one shortly hear of your losses in the Fields What have you at home to make them up again Will the Tribunes restore and give you back what you have lost They 'l give you as much talk and words as you can desire with crimes laid to the charge of the Nobility and Laws one after another made in a great many Assemblies but none of you ever returned home from those Assemblies a penny the richer Did any Man carry any thing back to his Wife and Children except hatred feuds and quarrels both publick and private from which you have always been defended not by your own virtue and innocence but by the assistance of others But oh Hercules when you were Soldiers under me not under the Tribunes and in the Camp not in the Forum when in the Field the Enemy not the Roman Senators in an Assembly heard and were afraid of your shouts when you took your Country from the Enemy and returned home in Triumph to your houshold gods loaded with riches and crowned with Glory both publick and private can you now suffer the Foe to go away laden with your Fortunes Stay here if you please fixt to your Assemblies and live in the Forum but the necessity of a War which you so industriously avoid will still pursue you Was it hard for you to go against the Aequi and the Volsci The War is even at your Gates if it be not driven thence it will be shortly within your Walls it will scale the Castle and the Capitol and persecute you into your very Houses 'T is two years ago since the Senate ordered a Levy to be made and an Army to march into Algidum yet we sit lazily at home like Women scolding at one another content with our present Peace and not foreseeing that from our ease there will shortly arise a manifold War I know I might say many other things that would please you better than this but necessity compells me to tell you truth instead of what may be grateful though my own genious did not prompt me to it I must confess I should be glad to please you Romans but I desire much more to preserve you whatever you may hereafter think of me Is it natural for him who speaks before the Multitude in his own behalf to be more accepted than a Person whose mind aims at nothing but publick good unless perchance you think those publick Flatterers those Courters of the People who will not let you be either in Arms or at rest incite and spur you on for your own sakes No when they have raised you to an animosity be sure they gain either honour or riches by it and since they see they are never like to thrive if the several Orders of Romans are at unity they chuse to be the ring-leaders of an ill thing rather than nothing at all that is of troubles and seditions Of which if you can at last be aweary and will assume the antient manners of your fore-fathers and your selves instead of these new ones I will submit to any punishment if I do not force these Ravagers of our Country in a few days out of their Camp and transfer the terror of this War with which you are now so astonished from our Walls and Gates to their Cities There hardly ever was any popular Speech of a Tribune more welcome to the People than this of that grave Consul at that time The young Men also who amidst such fears used to make the refusal of a War the sharpest Weapon against the Senators were inclined to take up Arms for the Country People running into Town out of the Fields where they were spoiled and wounded and relating things more barbarous than what appeared to the Citizens eyes put all the City in a rage When he came into the Senate all Peoples eyes were turned upon Quintius whom they look'd upon as the only preserver of the Roman Honour the Senior Senators saying That his Oration became the dignity of a Consul and was worthy of his so many former Consulates as of all his whole life that had been full of Honours often received but oftner deserved That other Consuls either betrayed the Dignity of the Senate to please the Commons or by being too rough in the defence of their rights provoked the People to be more obstinate by endeavouring to subdue at that rate That T. Quintius 's Oration had a special regard not only to the Majesty of the Senate but to the concord of the several ranks and the present juncture of affairs Wherefore they desired him and his Collegue to undertake the management of the Commonwealth and that the Tribunes would joyn unanimously with the Consuls to remove the War from their City Walls and make the People in those doubtful circumstances obedient to the Senate yea they said their common Country called on the Tribunes and implored their aid now that the Fields were all laid waste and the City almost besieged Whereupon by general consent they ordered and made a Levy and the Consuls having declared in the Assembly That that was not a time to try Causes but that all the younger sort of Men must be the next day assoon as 't was light in the Campus Martius that they would find a time when the War was over to hear their excuses who did not give in their names and that he should be punished as a Deserter of the publick Interest whose reason they did not approve of all the Youth came thither next day the
brought to Rome they say Q. Servilius a Person of years and experience in the World beseeched the Gods That the Discord of those Tribunes might not prove more fatal to the Commonwealth than that at Veii and as if he foresaw that ill fortune should certainly attend them was urgent with his Son to raise more Men and provide more Arms. Nor was he a false Prophet for under the Conduct of L. Sergius when it was his day to govern having got into inconvenient place near the Enemies Camp for the Enemy pretending fear was retired into their Trenches by which means they were drawn thither in vain hopes of taking the Camp they were driven by a sudden effort of the Aequi upon them down a declining Valley many of them being destroyed and slain as they tumbled headlong one over another their defeat looking more like a ruin than a flight Whereupon the next day their Camp which even that day they were hardly able to maintain being great part of it surrounded by the Enemy they basely forsook and ran away from it out at the back Gate the Generals and the Lieutenants with all the Forces that were about the Ensigns going to Tusculum The rest stragling about the Country several ways went to Rome and carried news of a greater misfortune than they had really suffered At which the City was the less concerned because the event was answerable to all Peoples apprehensions and because there were supplies provided by the Tribune of the Soldiery to assist them in such dangerous circumstances And by his Order also when the inferior Magistrates had quieted the City tumults there were Scouts sent with all speed who brought word that the Generals and the Army were at Tusculum but that the Enemy had not â—â—moved their Camp out of the place But that which gave them most encouragement was that Q. Servilius Priscus being declared Dictator by an Order of Senate being a Person whose providence and foresight in things belonging to the publick as the City had many times before had experience of so especially in the event of that War he being the only Man who had an ill opinion of the contention between the Tribunes before their overthrow and having made his own Son that Tribune of the Soldiery by whom himself was declared Dictator Master of the Horse as some say though others write that Ahala Servilius was Master of the Horse that Year went to the War with a new Army and sending for them who were at Tusculuns pitched his Camp two thousand paces from the Enemy And now the pride and negligence which had been in the Roman Generals was upon the score of their success got into the Aequi. Wherefore the Dictator having at the very beginning of the fight by sending his Horse in upon them put the Enemies Van into disorder he ordered the Legions immediately to advance killing one of his Ensign-bearers for not making haste And so eager they were to fight that the Aequi could not sustein the shock but being defeated in the Field and making as fast as they could toward their Camp the Romans took that in less time and with more ease than they had fought the Battel Their Camp therefore being taken and rifled when the Dictator had given the Soldiers the Plunder and the Horse who pursued the Enemy flying from their Camp brought word back that all the Lavicans were vanquished and a great part of the Aequi fled to Lavici the next day the Army was led to Lavici and the Town being begirt was taken with Ladders and Pillaged Then the Dictator marched with his victorious Army back to Rome laid down his Office the eighth day after he was created Thereupon the Senate very opportunely before the Tribunes of the People could make any Agrarian tumults about dividing the Lands belonging to the Lavicans thought fit in a full House To send a Colony to Lavici and accordingly a thousand five hundred Planters who were sent from the City had U. C. 338 each of them two Acres apiece When Lavici was now taken and after that Tribunes of the Soldiery created with Consular Authority whose names this Year were Agrippa Menenius U. C. 339 Lanatus L. Servilius Structus P. Lucretius Tricipitinus who had all of them born that Office once before and Sp. Rutilius Crassus and the next Year A. Sempronius Atratinus a third time and M. Papirius Mugillanus with Sp. Nautius Rutilus a second time there was Peace abroad for those two Years together though Discord at home by means of the Agrarian Laws The disturbers of the Commons were Sp. Maecilius a fourth time and Metilius a third time Tribunes of the People who were both created in their absence These two having promulgated a Law That the Lands taken from the Enemy should be divided among the People to each man his share and the Estates of a great many Noblemen like to be by that popular Decree taken from them for there was hardly any spot of ground as belonging to a City Founded in anothers Dominions but what was got by force of Arms nor any ever assigned or sold but what the People had the proposed dispute seemed very severe both to the People and the Senate Nor could the Tribunes of the Soldiery though they sometimes spoke of it in the Senate and sometimes at private Consults among the chief of the City find out any expedient 'till Appius Claudius the Grandson of him who was Decemvir for making of Laws though the youngest Man at that time in the Senate-house as 't is reported said He had an old and a familiar remedy to tell them and that was that his Great Grandfather Appius Claudius shewed the Senate the only way to dissolve the Tribunes Power to wit by the interposition of their Collegues For new Men would easily be brought from their opinions by the authority of their Chiefs especially if a Man sometimes have more regard in what he says to time than authority their minds being always like their fortunes Now therefore since they saw the principal Collegues had got so far before the rest into the Peoples favour by their cunning management so that there was no room now left for them they would not stick to comply with the Senate in any thing whereby to oblige that whole Order and the chief of the Senators in particular This all approved of and especially Q. Servilius Priscus who commended the young Man for that he did not degenerate from the Claudian Race and in pursuance of it agreed that every one should tempt as many of the College of Tribunes as he could to an Interposition The Senate therefore being dismissed the Tribunes were courted by the Nobility with persuasions advice and promises That it would not only be an acceptable thing to every single Person but to the Senate in general they brought over six to make an Interposition And the next day when there was a reference made by compact to the Senate touching the Sedition
as fast as they came from City to City By which means the Youth of all those Towns being gathered to Antium they pitched their Camp there and waited for the Enemy Which being told at Rome with much more noise than the thing deserved the Senate presently as in difficult circumstances it was their last refuge to do ordered a Dictator to be appointed At which Julius and Cornelius they say were vexed and that the business was carried with great heat of mind Whereupon when the chief of the Senate in vain complaining that the Tribunes Military were not in the Senates disposal at last also appealed to the Tribunes of the People and said that the Consuls had been forced by their Authority upon such an occasion ere that time the Tribunes of the People who were glad to see the Senate at variance made answer by way of Irony That they could never assist them who were not fit to be reckoned in the number of Citizens or so much as Men if their honours ever became promiscuous or the Commonwealth were shared among them then they would take care that the Orders of Senate should not be evacuated by the pride of any Magistrates but in the mean time the Patricicians who were void of all respect to Law or Magistracy might assume the Tribunes Power also if they pleased and act as they would themselves for them This contention had seized upon the thoughts of Men at a very unseasonable time when they had such a War upon their hands till Julius and Cornelius having long alternately discoursed That it was not just the honour conferred upon them should be taken from them by the People Ahala Servilius a Tribune of the Soldiers said He had held his tongue so long not because he was not resolved in his opinion for what good Citizen could divide his own interest or designs from the publick but because he had more mind that his Collegues should yield to the Senates Authority on their own accord than suffer the Tribunes of the Peoples aid to be implored against them yea at that time also if the thing would have permitted him he would willingly have given them time to recede from his resolute opinion but since the necessities for a War would not bear any humane deliberations he valued the Commonwealth more than the good will of his Collegues if the Senate continued in the same mind he would declare a Dictator that night and if any one interposed to hinder any legal Decree of Senate from being made yet he would be satisfied with their Authority and approbation By which having gained a great deal of just commendations and good will among all People he declared P. Cornelius Dictator and was himself by him made Master of the Horse He therefore was an example to his Collegues and all others that took notice of him that favour and honour sometimes are found to court those Men who are not ambitious of it But this War was not very memorable the Enemies being slain at Antium in one slight Conflict After which the Army being Victorious pillaged the Volscian Territories stormed the Castle that stood upon the Lake Fucinus and in it took three thousand Prisoners forcing the rest of the Volsci into their Walls because they could not defend their Country Then the Dictator having so managed the War as that he seemed only to attend upon fortune returned into the City with more felicity than glory and laid down his Office The Tribunes of the Soldiers seeing there was no talk of a Consular Assembly I suppose out of anger which they conceived upon the score of making a Dictator appointed an Assembly for chusing of Tribunes Military Whereupon the Senate was much more concerned observing that their Cause was betrayed by their own Party and therefore as the Year before they had made even worthy Men odious by being competitors with the most rascally of the Plebeians so at that time preparing all the chief of the Senate with splendour and favour to stand for it they got all the places so that no Plebeian could be admitted At which time the four that were chosen were all Men that had before born the same U. C. 348 Offices and their names L. Furius Medullinus C. Valerius Potitus Numerius Fabius Vibulanus and C. Servilius Ahala which last of them was made again and continued in his Office as for his other vertues so also through the late favour which he only by his moderation gain'd That Year because the time of the Truce with the Veians was out they began to demand things back by their Embassadors and Heralds who coming to the Frontiers of that Country the Veians Embassadors met them desiring That they would not go to Veii before they themselves had been with the Roman Senate The Senate upon their Petition granted that seeing the Veians were under some intestine discontents there should be no demands made of any thing back again so far they were from taking the advantage of other Peoples misfortunes for their own ends Then they received a Defeat in the Volscian Territories by losing the Garrison of Verrugo where there was so much importance as to time that though they could have succoured the Soldiers who were there besieged by the Volsci and begged their assistance if they had hastened the Army that was sent as supplies to them came up at such a juncture that finding all the Enemy stragling about the Country for Plunder after their late slaughter they overthrew them In this case the Senate were the occasion of their slowness more than the Tribunes who because they heard the Garrison made a brave defence thought nothing could be too hard for them for indeed they were stout fellows nor were they unrevenged of their Foes either whilst they lived or even after death The Year following U. C. 349 P. and Cn. Cornelius Cossus Numerius Fabius Ambustus and L. Valerius Potitus being Tribunes of the Soldiery with Consular Authority the Romans made War upon the Veians for a proud answer made by the Veian Senate to their Embassadors when they came to demand a reprisal which was That if they did not get them gone as fast as they could out of their City and Country they would serve them as Lar. Tolumnius had formerly done some of their Predecessors in that employment Which answer of their the Senate took so ill that they decreed the Tribunes of the Soldiery should propose to the People the declaring of a War against the Veians assoon as possible Which when it was first offered the young Men began to murmur and said They had not yet done with the Volsci that two Garrisons of theirs were lately quite disabled and still kept with great hazard that no Year passed in which they had not some Battel and now as if they were sorry they had no more work for them they must needs prepare for a new War with a People that were their most powerful Neighbours and like to engage all
whereinto the Romans took occasion to break as the Enemy who were all forced into the City were sallying forth and besides the Castle taking all other places for a crowd of Armed Men got up into that which was naturally fortified and defended it though a great many Men were killed and taken under it Then next they besieged the Castle but could not take it either by storm because for the bigness of it it was well manned nor had any hopes of a surrender since all the Corn was carried into the Castle before the City was taken insomuch that they had been forced after a long fatigue to retire thence if a Slave had not betrayed it to the Romans For the Soldiers being let in by that fellow at a steep place took it by whom the Sentinels being first killed the rest of the multitude were in such a sudden consternation that they submitted to a surrender When therefore they had demolished the City and Castle of Artena they led the Legions back out of the Country of the Volsci and all the Roman force was turned against Veii The Traytor besides his Liberty had for a reward the Goods of two Families being afterward called Servius Romanus i. e. the Roman Servant There are some who think that this City of Artena belonged to the Veians and not to the Volsci which error was occasioned by there being a Town of the same name between Caere and Veii but that the Roman Kings demolished And besides that belonged to the Caerians not to the Veians this other of the same name of the sacking whereof I have just now spoken being in the Volscian Territories DECADE I. BOOK V. EPITOME 2. At the Siege of Veii there were Winter Quarters prepared for the Soldiers which being a new thing offended the Tribunes of the People who complained that the People had no respite for War even in the Winter season 7. The Knights began then first of all to serve in the Wars upon their own Horses 15. There having happened an Inundation of the Albane Lake they took a Prophet from the Enemy to interpret the meaning of that accident 21. Furius Camillus the Dictator took Veii after it had been besieged ten years 22. He carried the Image of Juno from thence to Rome 23. He sent the tenth part of the Booty to Apollo at Delphi 27. He also being Tribune of the Soldiers whilst he besieged the Falisci a People of Tuscany sent back certain Children that were betrayed into his hands to their Parents whereupon they immediately surrendred the City by his Justice thus Conquering the Falisci 31. C. Julius one of the Censors being dead M. Cornelius was put in his place But that was not done any more afterward because in that Lustrum space of five years Rome was taken by the Gauls 32. Furius Camillus being summoned to his Tryal by L. Apuleius Tribune of the People went into banishment 36 c. When the Gauls called Senones were besieging Clusium and the Embassadors sent by the Senate to make a Peace between them and the Clusians stood and fought in the Clusian Army against the Gauls the Senones were so enraged at this action of theirs that they attacked the City with a mighty Army and having routed the Romans at the River Allia took the City all but the Capitol into which the Youth had gotten They killed all the old People as they sate in the Porches of their Houses with the badges of those honours about them that each of them had born and when they had got up on the back-side to the top of the Capitol they were betrayed by the gagling of Geese and forced down again by M. Manlius 48. After that when the Romans were reduced to such a streight by famin that they were fain to give 1000 l. of Gold and with that purchase the raising of the Siege 49. Furius Camillus being created Dictator in his absence came with an Army as they were weighing the Gold and after six Months time drove them out of the City and killed them 50. There was a Temple built to Aius Loquutius in the place where before the City was taken a voice was heard to say The Gauls are a coming 'T was said they must remove to Veii by reason that the City was burnt and ruined 51. Which design was defeated by the advice of Camillus 55. The People were likewise concerned at what a certain Centurion said who coming into the Forum had said to his Men Stand fellow Soldiers it will be best for us to stay here HAVING made Peace with all others the Romans and the Veians were in Arms with so much spite and rage that it was evident that side which happened to be Conquered U. C. 352 would be totally destroyed The Assembly for chusing Magistrates of both those People was managed at a quite different rate to what it had been For the Romans increased the number of their Tribunes Military who had Consular Power and made them eight more than ever before they had been whose names were Manius Aemilius Mamercinus a second time L. Valerius Potitus a third time Ap. Claudius Crassus M. Quintilius Varus L. Julius Julus M. Postumius M. Furius Camillus and M. Postumius Albinus The Veians on the other side being weary of their annual canvassing which was sometimes the occasions of discords among them chose a King Which thing offended the minds of the Etrurians who hated not a Monarchy more than the Person of that King For he had formerly been very grievous to that Nation through his wealth and pride in that he had violently disturbed their solemn sports which it was a sin to intermit when for madness that he was repulsed and another Priest chosen before him by the suffrage of those twelve People he took away the Artists of whom great part were his own Servants from the midst of the Action Wherefore that Nation above all others being so much the more given to Religion in that they knew best how to perform Holy Duties Decreed That they would not lend the Veians any aid as long as they were under a King Which Decree was not much spoken of at Veii for fear of the King who look'd upon every Man that he heard should say any such thing as the ring-leader of a Sedition and not the Author of a vain story The Romans though they heard of no disturbance like to come out of Etruria yet since news was brought them that that affair was debated in all their publick Assemblies made Lines of Circumvallation and Contravallation the former toward the City and against the Sallies of the Townsmen and the latter toward Etruria as a bar to any succours that might possibly come from thence Now seeing the Roman Commanders had more hopes in a Siege than an Assault they began to build Winter Hutts which was a thing altogether new to the Roman Soldiers and designed to continue the War by quartering there all the Winter Which when it was told to the
their Youth would go voluntarily into that War they would not hinder them Then there was a report at Rome that such a vast number of Enemies were come and thereby their intestine discords began as it usually happens to be allayed It was not against the Senates will that the Tribes by their Prerogative chose Licinius Calvus U. C. 359 Tribune of the Soldiers who was a Person of known moderation in his former Office but at that time very old and it was apparent that all those of the College in the same would be chosen again viz. L. Titinius P. Menenius Cn. Genutius and L. Atilius who before they were declared P. Licinius Calvus by the permission of the Interrex made this Speech to the Tribes Romans I see you have a desire to make the ensuing Year at this Assembly the omen of concord which is a thing most advantagious to you at this time by the remembrance you bear of our Magistracy in that you chuse the same Collegues again who are now grown better by experience But you see me now not the same Person but left like the shadow and name of P. Licinius My strength is decayed the sense of my eyes and ears grown dull my memory fails me and the vigour of my mind is enervated See here said he and took his Son by the hand the Effigies and Image of him whom you heretofore first made Tribune of the Soldiers out of the common People this Boy who has been educated by me I give and dedicate to the Commonwealth as my Vicegerent and I beseech you Romans that you would bestow that honour which you have freely offered me upon this Candicate for the sake of those intreaties which I have added upon his account Thereupon the Fathers Petition was granted and his Son P. Licinius was declared Tribune of the Soldiers with Power Consular along with those whom I mentioned before Titinius and Genutius two of the Tribunes Military going against the Faliscans and the Capenates whilst they carried on the War with greater Courage than Conduct ran headlong into danger Genutius suffering for his rashness by an honourable death fell before the Ensigns in the Van. But Titinius having retrieved his Men out of a consternation to the top of an high Hill rallied again but he did not engage the Foe in a convenient place Yet he got more disgrace than he lost Men though that had like to have occasioned a mighty Defeat by reason that they were so terrified not only at Rome where there were many several reports of it but in the Camp at Veii too For there the Soldiers were with great difficulty kept from running away when a rumour had fled through all the Camp that their Generals and their Army were slain and that the Capenate and Faliscan had got the Victory as also that all the Youth of Etruria was not far from that place But they fancied greater danger than this at Rome viz. that the Camp at Veii was now attacked and that part of the Enemies were coming in a dreadful Body toward the City Wherefore they ran up upon the Walls and the Matrons whom the publick fear had forced from their Houses made their supplications in the Temples where they prayed to the Gods That they would guard the Houses of the City the Temples and the Walls of Rome from ruin and destruction and would turn that dread upon Veii if their Holy Rites had been rightly renewed and Prodigies duly atoned By this time the Games and Latin Holy-days were Celebrated and now the Water was let out of the Albane Lake and the destruction of Veii was at hand Wherefore M. Furius Camillus a fatal General not only to ruin that City but to preserve his Country was declared Dictator and made P. Cornelius Scipio his Master of the Horse The changing of their General made a sudden alteration in all things for now they had other hopes other sentiments and the fortune of their City seemed quite another thing First of all he punished those who in that consternation had fled from Veii according to the rules of War and brought it so to pass that the Soldiers should not fear their Enemy above any body Then having appointed a day for the Levy he himself in the mean time posted over to Veii to encourage the Soldiers there And thence he returned to Rome to raise the new Army nor did any one refuse to be Listed Yea the Foreign Youth of the Latins and Hernicans promising their service came to that War whom when the Dictator had thanked in the Senate and prepared all things necessary for the War he vowed by Order of the Senate that he when Veii was taken would set forth the Grand Games and would Dedicate the Temple of the Goddess Matuta which was now repaired and formerly Dedicated by King Servius Tullius Going from the City with his Army which raised Peoples expectation beyond their hopes he engaged the Faliscans and the Capenates first near Nepete where all things were carried with the greatest caution and Conduct and fortune as in such cases she usually does attended on him For he not only routed his Enemy in the Battel but forced him out of his Camp too where he got a vast Booty the greatest part whereof was brought to the Questor and not much of it given to the Soldiers Thence the Army was led to Veii and the Forts there made thicker and the Soldiers were drawn from making farther approaches as they did many times very rashly between the Bullwark and the Wall to work by an Order That no Man should fight unless he were commanded to it Now the far greatest and most toilsom work was a Mine which began to be made into the Enemies Castle Which Work that it might not be interrupted nor their continual labour under ground quite tire the same Persons he divided the Workmen into six parts and made each company work six hours at a time as it came to their turns so that they never left off night nor day till they had made a way into the Castle The Dictator seeing the Victory now in his hands that so rich a City was taken and that there would be more Booty than had been got in all the Wars before put them all together he lest he should gain any ill will from the Soldiers by the unequal division of the spoils or envy from the Senate by his prodigal largess sent a Letter to the Senate That through the blessing of the immortal Gods his Conduct and the Soldiers patience Veii would now be in the hands of the Romans and desired to know what they would have him do with the spoils Now the Senate were of two opinions one of which was that of P. Licinius who they say being asked by his Son about this matter first said That the People thought fit to declare that whosoever would share in that booty should go into the Camp at Veii and the other the opinion of Ap. Claudius who
Appenine towards the lower Sea and forwards on the other side having sent as many Colonies as were requisite to impeople the Country And these had all places beyond the River Padus to the Alps in their Possession except that corner of the Venetians who inhabit a Bay of the Sea And without question they were the original of the Alpin Nations especially the Rhaetians whom the very places having made so barbarous that they retain nothing of their ancient Language besides the sound of it and that too not without corruption Concerning the Galls passage into Italy I have been thus informed In the Reign of Tarquinius Priscus the sole management of Celtae which is one third of Gallia did belong to the Biturigians who gave them a King this King was Ambigatus a Man virtuous and rich in himself and his People For that part of Gallia under his Command did so abound with Men and Plenty that he had enough to do to govern them Being therefore honourably born and desiring to rid his Kingdom of some of the Multitude he declares that he will send Bellovesus and Sigovesus his Sisters Sons two smart young Men into whatever seats the Gods by Auguries would allot them and that they should raise as many Men as they pleased that no Nation might be able to repel them The Hercinian Forrests fell to Sigovesus's share and the Gods gave Bellovesus a far pleasanter Journey into Italy Who because he was over-stock'd with People when he had raised the Biturigians the Arvernians the Senonians the Heduans the Ambarruans the Carnutians and the Aulercians he went with great Forces of Horse and Foot against the Tricastinians Then the Alps were between them and Italy which seemed insuperable and truly I do not wonder at it since there was no way as 't is still unless we 'll believe the Stories about Hercules Then when the Gauls were as it were hedged in by the height of the Mountains and they look'd about to see which way they might pass into another Country over tops as high as Heaven they had some scruple upon them because they heard that some strangers seeking some places of abode were opposed by the Salian Nation these were the Marsilians going in Ships from Phocii The Gauls supposing this to be the Omen of their fortune resolved to fortifie with Woods whatever place they came first to They post over the pathless Alps to that Taurinian Forrest and when they had routed the Tuscans and heard that the Plot of ground where they then were being not far from the River Ficinus was called the Insubrian Ground after the name of the Insubrians they followed the Omen of the place and built a City called Mediolanum Afterwards another company of the Caenomani followed the steps of the former under the Conduct of Elitovius through the same Forrest by the favour of Bellovesus and sate down when they had passed the Alps at Brixia and Verona which places were possessed by the Libuans After these came in the Salluvians and made their abode near the ancient Nations of the Laevians and Ligurians Afterwards when all places were taken up between Po and the Alps the Lingonians came in and Boating over the River Po they drive not only the Etrurians but the Umbrians also out of their Territories keeping themselves within the Apennine Then fresh Senonians came in and enlarged their Borders from the River Utente to Aesis and from thence I find they came to Clusium and Voma but 't is uncertain whether they did this of themselves or by the assistance of all the Gauls on this side the Alps. The Inhabitants of Clusium being frighted at the sight of their numbers their monstrous bigness and their unusual Weapons and at the news of their Conquering all places on this side the Po and farther and routing the Etrurian Legions sent Embassadors to Rome desiring aid of the Senate though they had no alliance or acquaintance with them unless it was that they did not defend the Men of Veii their Kindred against the Roman People No aid was granted but the three Sons of M. Fabius Ambustus were sent Embassadors to treat with the Gauls in the name of the Senate and Roman People telling them that they ought not to oppose the Allies and Friends of the Romans from whom they had received no injury and that if there were necessity they should be assisted by them but 't were better if possible to forbear fighting and that the Gauls a new Nation should be known to them rather by Peace than War A mild Embassie had it not been carried by Embassadors more like Gauls than Romans Who after they had delivered their Message in the Council of the Gauls received this Answer That though the Roman Name was new to them yet they believed them to be valiant because the Men of Clusium implored their aid in their trembling condition And because they offered in their Embassie rather to stand up for them than their Allies they did not disregard their Overtures of Peace if so be the Men of Clusium would give them part of their Borders which the Gauls stood in need of otherwise no Peace was to be granted In which particular they would receive an answer in the presence of the Romans and if Grounds were denied them they would fight in the presence of the same Romans that they might tell at home how much the Gauls excelled other Men in Valour What sort of Right was this either to require the Possessors Lands or threaten them And when the Romans asked what the Gauls had to do in Etruria they fiercely answered that they carried their Right in their Arms and that Valiant Men had a Title to all things whereupon both sides were exasperated and to Battel they went At that time the Fates being displeased with the Roman City the Embassadors take up Arms against the Law of Nations neither could it be privatly done since the Noblest and Valiantest of the Roman Youth fought before the Etrurian Colours The Valour also of the Foreigners was as conspicuous But at last Q. Fabius prancing on Horseback on the outside of the Army thrust the General of the Gauls through the side with a Javelin as he was briskly making up to the Etrurian Colours and killed him but as he was dispoiling him he was discovered by the Gauls who gave the word through the whole Army that it was the Roman Embassador whereupon their anger abating towards the Clusians they sound a retreat and threaten the Romans Some were for going presently to Rome but the Seniors ordered Embassadors to be sent first to complain of their injuries and to require the delivery up of the Fabii according to the Law of Nations by them violated When the Embassadors from the Gauls had delivered their Message the Senate were not well pleased with what the Fabii had done the Barbarians seemed to require that they might have Right done them but their ambition hindered them from Decreeing Justice
first day they did not burn much of the City because perhaps all of them had not a mind to it or because the chief of the Gauls thought it best only to burn some few Houses thereby to terrifie those that had shut themselves up to yield freely and to engage them upon hopes of enjoying what was left When the Romans from the Tower saw the whole City full of Enemies and running up and down every Street when they saw fresh murthers in one place or other continually they were not only almost distracted in their minds but they were also not able to fix either their ears or eyes upon any one Object for the shouts of the Enemies the lamentations of Women and Children the crackling of the fire and the noise of Houses falling every-where did turn away their trembling minds their eyes and faces from what before they reflected on Thus they were placed by fortune to behold the fall of their Country having nothing left them to defend but their own bodies labouring under a far greater misery than ever any besieged Persons did because they saw all they had in the hands of the Enemy Neither did a quieter night succeed that fatal day but even the night and the day after and every minute they beheld fresh spectacles of Rapine and Murther Yet notwithstanding they were thus laden and overwhelmed with calamities did their courage sink but though they saw all places levelled by flames and ruins they were resolved to defend their liberty to the last and the little Hill which was all that was left to them For now the like mischiefs happening every day they were accustomed to miseries and laying by all thoughts of their own concerns they trusted only to their Arms and Swords which they beheld with pleasure in their own right hands accounting them the only Relicks of their hopes When the Gauls who for some days spared the Houses saw nothing remaining among the ruins of the Captive City but Armed Men and those not at all terrified by these misfortunes nor inclinable to yield up themselves unless they were assaulted they resolve to try the utmost and assaulted the Tower At break of day at the sound of the Trumpet they meet and are put in order in the Forum Then giving a shout and having made a Fence to keep the Fire-balls and stones from them they march under the Tower Against whom the Romans did nothing rashly nor fearfully but having fortified all their passages with Guards and knowing the steeper the Hill was the easier they could beat them down they let them climb up to the middle of it and then from a Place somewhat higher which was as it were for the purpose they set upon the Gauls and throwing them down made a great slaughter Insomuch that no part of them nor all of them together ever after attempted to get up again Being therefore quite out of all hopes of taking the Tower by Force they lay Siege against it which they never thought of till that time having themselves burnt all the Corn in the City and that which was in the Fields was carried thence to Veii The Army then being divided some of them pillaged the neighbouring People others kept Siege at the Tower receiving supplies of Provision from the Foragers But as the Gauls went from the City to try the Valour of the Romans even fortune herself led them to Ardea where Camillus was banished who being there in greater sorrow for the calamities of the Publick than his own blaming both Gods and Men and with indignation wondring what was become of those Men who with him took Veii and Falisci who in other Wars came off with greater Courage than success on a sudden hears that the Army of the Gauls are coming and when the trembling Ardeatians asked him What they should do Though before he kept from the publick Councils he then goes into the middle of the Assembly and as if he had been inspired said thus My old friends of Ardea who are now also my fellow Citizens since not only your kindness has so contrived it but my fortune too has put me into these circumstances I hope none of you think that I was forgetful of my condition in coming hither but the affair in hand and the common danger forces every one to contribute what they can in this case now that the Garrison is in such a consternation And indeed when should I return my acknowledgments for your great favours to me if I omit this opportunity Or where can you make use of me if not in War Upon the reputation of this skill in Military affairs I lived in my own Country but though I were conquered in War yet in peace I was banished by my ungrateful fellow Citizens Now you Ardeans have an occasion offered to you not only of requiting the Romans for all their extraordinary kindnesses that you your selves well remember nor is it any reproach to say so since you know 't is true but of making this your City very glorious for its warlike actions against a common Enemy The Nation that is a coming against you are such a sort of Men to whom nature has given rather great than strong bodies and therefore they bring to every combat more dread than force Take the Roman miscarriage for an instance of it They took the City when it lay open to them but were beaten off from the Castle and the Capitol with a small Party Now being quite tired with the fatigue of a Siege they march off and straggle like Vagabonds about the Country where they are filled with Meat and Wine that they get by thieving When night comes on they lay themselves down by the Rivers sides without any Fortification without any formed Camp and without any Watches all over the Fields like so many wild Beasts being now since their prosperity grown much more careless than ever If you therefore resolve to defend your Walls and not to suffer your whole Country to be turned into Gaul stand to your Arms in a full body at the first watch and follow me to kill not to fight and if I do not give you an opportunity whilst they are asleep to kill them like beasts I am content to undergo the same fate at Ardea as I have met with at Rome Now every body both Friends and Enemies wore before convinced that there was never such a Man in the World at that time for Warlike affairs so that the Assembly being dismissed they refreshed themselves and then waited very diligently till the signal should be given Which being given they met Camillus assoon as it was night at the Gates and when they were got a little way from the City as he had foretold them they came to the Camp of the Gauls which was unguarded and neglected on every side which they with a great shout invaded Nor had they any need to fight but slew all before them killing their naked bodies which were dissolved and
send Priests from thence hither to do so neither of which can be done with safety to our Ceremonies And that I may not run through all the Holy Rites or speak of all the Gods in particular at Jupiters Feast can the bed that he is to lie upon be set in any place but the Capitol Why should I talk of the eternal fire of Vesta or that Image which is kept in her Temple as a pledg of Dominion Why should I talk of your Ancilia i. e. holy Shields Mars Gradicus and thou Father Romulus Would you have all these holy things left in a prophane place which are as old as the City and some too older than the Original of it Do but consider what difference there is between us and our Fore-Fathers they delivered to us certain Rites to be performed in the Albane Mount and at Lavinium Was it a Religious act to translate these holy Rites from the Cities of our Enemies to Rome and shall we carry them hence to our City of Veii without committing the greatest offence imaginable Pray call to mind how often the holy Rites have been performed anew when any thing of ancient usage has been by negligence or chance omitted What was it of late after the prodigy of the Albane Lake but the renewing of the holy Rites and repeating the auspicies that healed the Commonwealth when it was sick of the Veian War But besides this we as being mindful of the ancient Worship have not only translated strange Gods to Rome but set up new ones How signal and memorable a day upon the score of the Matrons extraordinary zeal was Queen Juno brought over from Veii and lately dedicated in the Aventine We ordered a Temple to be built to Aius Locutius in the new Street upon the account of that heavenly voice that was heard we added the Ludi Capitolini Games in honour of Jupiter to other Solemnities and built a new College for that purpose by order of the Senates What needed we to have taken all this care if we were resolved to leave the City of Rome together with the Gauls If we did not stay in the Capitol so many Months whilst the Siege lasted of our own free will If we were kept from our Enemies by fear But we talk now of holy Rites and Temples what have we at last to say of the Priests Don't you consider what a crime 't is for them to vary from their ancient Customs The Vestals for example have one sole place of Residence from which nothing ever remov'd them but the taking of the City And for the Flamen Dialis Jupiter ' s chief Priest to stay one night without the City is a great offence Now wou'd you make these persons Veian instead of Roman Priests Shall thy Vestals Vesta leave thee or shall the Flamen by dwelling abroad contract each night so much guilt not only to him but the Common-wealth too What shou'd I mention other things which we do by direction of the Soothsayers most of them within the limits of the City neither forgetting nor neglecting any part of them The curiate Assemblies that manage the Millitary affairs and the centuriate Assemblies at which you choose Consuls and Tribunes Military where can they be held as they ought to be but where they use to be Shall we transfer all these things to Veii or shall the people meet to hold the Assemblies with so much inconvenience to them in this City which is deserted both by Gods and Men But the thing it self some will say compells us to leave this City which is laid wast with fire and ruine and go to Veii where all things are entire nor vex the poor commonalty here with Building No Romans this reason I suppose though I should not tell you so you know to be rather given out than real you that remember how before the coming of the Gauls when our Buildings both private and publick were all safe and the City standing this same business was in agitation about our going to Veii Now see Tribunes how much difference there is between mine and your opinion You think that though it were not fit so to do at that time yet now it may be and I on the contrary do not wonder at it before you hear what 't is am of opinion that though at that time we might have removed when our City was standing yet we ought not now to leave these ruins For then the reason of our removing into a City which we had taken might have been our Victory which would have been glorious to us and our Posterity but now this removal will look sneaking and dishonourable in us but glorious to the Gauls for we shall seem not to have left our Country with Victory but to have been defeated and lost it Did our flight at Allia the taking of our City or the besieging of the Capitol lay such a necessity upon us that we should desert our native Soil and Banish our selves or run away from that place which we could not defend And could the Gauls destroy Rome which the Romans seem not able to rebuild What remains but that they now come with new Forces for 't is well known they are an incredible multitude and settle by your permission in this City which they took and you desert Yea what if not the Gauls but your old Enemies the Aequi and the Volsci shou'd do this that is come to Rome Wou'd you have them be called Romans and you Veians Or wou'd you rather that this place shou'd be your solitude than your Enemies City Truly I cannot see what is a greater crime Are you willing to commit these offences because you are loth to build and had rather suffer so much disgrace If there cou'd be no better or larger House built in the whole City than yonder Hovel where my Builder works had we not better live in Hovels like Shepherds and Country people among our our own holy things and houshold Gods than to go publickly and banish our selves Did our Fore-Fathers who came hither out of several Countrys and were Shepherds when there was nothing in these places but Woods and Fens build a new City in so short a time and shall we think it difficult though the Capitol and the Castle are safe and the Temples of our Gods standing to rebuild a City that 's burnt Or shall we all together refuse to do that in the case of a publick conflagration which we should each of us have done if our own single Houses had been burnt What pray' if either by treachery or misfortune there shou'd happen a fire at Veii and the flames as it may chance being diffused by the wind shou'd consume great part of the City shall we remove thence to Fidenae Gabii or any other City Has that native Soil no influence upon you at all Nor this Earth which we call Mother Does the love we bear to our Country only affect the outside and the rafters of the Building Truly
I 'll tell you though I am less pleased to remember your injustice then my own calamity when I was absent as often as I thought of my Country all these things came into my mind the Hills the Fields the Tiber the Country that I had been used to see and this Skie under which I was born and bred which I hope Romans may now rather make you so far in love with them as to continue in your native Country than torture you with desire hereafter when you have left them It was not without reason that the Gods and Men chose this place to build a City in very wholesom Hills a River as convenient for conveying of all sorts of Fruits out of the midland Countreys and receiving all Maritime Provisions the the Sea near to all useful purposes but the place not exposed by being too near to the dangers of Foreign Navies that lies in a place in the middle of Italy and the only one that cou'd have been found to augment the grandeur of a City You may know by the very bigness of so new a City For this Romans is now but the 365th Year since the City was built and you have waged Wars among so many ancient Nations so long though in the mean time not to speak of single Cities neither the Volsci and the Aequi together so many and those such strong Towns nor all Etruria which is so Potent both by Sea and Land and takes up the breadth of all Italy between the two Seas is able to cope with you in War Which being so what the Devil can be the reason why you shou'd be for new experiments when though your courage may be able to remove to another place yet the fortune of this place can never be transferred Here is the Capitol where in times past upon the finding of a Mans head it was foretold that in that place should be the chief Seat of Dominion Here when by direction of the Soothsayers the Capitol was freed Juventas and Terminus to the great joy of our Fore-Fathers suffered not themselves to be stir'd Here is Vesta's fire here are the sacred Shields that fell from Heaven and here are all the Gods who will be propitious whilst you continue here Now they say that Camillus moved them very much not only with his other Speeches but with that which concerned Religion especially But this doubtful matter was opportunely made an end of by a word that was accidentally spoken For when the Senate a while after were consulting about these things in the Court called Curia Hostilia and the Regiments returning from the Guards by chance came in a Body through the Forum a Centurion cry'd out in the Comitium or Assembly Court Ensign-bearer fix here your Ensign this is the best place for us to stay in which when they heard the Senate going out of the Court cry'd out all together that they receiv'd the Omen and the common people all about them approved of it Then having abrogated the Law they began promiscuously to build the City toward which there was Tile provided at the publick charge and leave given to every man to get Stone and cut down Timber where they wou'd having first given security that they wou'd finish their Houses that Year Their hast was the cause why they took no care to make the Streets strait whilst making no distinction between their own and others ground they built in any void space That 's the reason why the old Common-shoars which were at first carried along the Streets go now altogether under private Houses and that the form of the City is like a place taken up with building rather than divided DECADE I. BOOK VI. EPITOME 1. c. It shews the successful Actions performed against the Aequi the Volsci and the Prenestines 5. There were four Tribes added the Stellatine the Sabatine the Tormentine and the Arnian Tribe 20. M. Manlius who defended the Capitol from the Gauls though he set those that were in Debt at liberty and freed those that were bound to work out their Debts being condemned for attempting to make himself a King was thrown down from the Tarpeian Rock and for a mark upon him there was an order of Senate made that no one of the Manlian Family shou'd after that time be named Marcus 35. c. C. Licinius and L. Sestius Tribunes of the people promulgated a Law that Consuls shou'd be made out of the Commons too who were usually chosen out of the Senate and that Law though the Senate was very earnest in opposing of it those same Tribunes of the people who had been the sole Magistrates for 5. years together caused to pass so that L. Sestius was the first Consul that was chosen out of the Commens There was also another Law made that no one man shou'd have above 500. Acres of Land I Have already given you an account in 5. Books from the time that the City of Rome was built to the taking of it first under their Kings and then their Consuls Dictators Decemviri and Tribunes Consular what Wars they had abroad and what Seditions at home things which are obscure not only by reason of their great Antiquity and cannot through the vast distance as it were of place scarce be discerned but because writing in those days was not common which is the only faithful Record of actions and that even those things that were described in the Priests Books or other publick and private Monuments when the City was burnt were most of them lost But hereafter I shall give you a more clear and certain relation from the new born Cities second beginning as from a stock that 's more fertile of what exploits they did as well in Peace as War Now by the help of him who first set it upright which was M. Furius above any man else the City was at first supported for they wou'd not suffer him to lay down his Dictatorship till that year was out The Assembly for the next year thought not fit to have Tribunes in whose time the City had been taken and so the business came to an Interregnum or time of vacancy U. C. 366 when there was no chief Magistrate Now whilst the City was imploy'd in daily work and labour to repair their Buildings in the mean time Q. Fabius as soon as ever he went out of his Office was warn'd to his Tryal by C. Martius Tribune of the people For that he when a Lieutenant had fought the Gauls to whom he was sent as an Envoy against the Law of Nations from which Tryal Death which came so opportunely that a great many thought it voluntary snatch'd him away Then P. Cornelius Scipio enter'd upon the Interregnum and after him M. Furius Camillus a second time He created for Tribunes of the Soldiers with power Consular A. Valerius Publicola a second time L. Virginius P. Cornelius U. C. 367 A. Manlius and L. Posthumius Who from the Interregnum entering immediately upon
who before were resolv'd as their last refuge to fight for it when they had hopes of life given them began every one to throw away their Arms and present themselves unarmed since Fortune had made that their safest way to the Enemy A great number were sent into several Prisons and the Town before night was restored to the Sutrians inviolate and free from all the injuries of War because it had not been taken by Storm but surrender'd upon conditions Camillus return'd triumphant into the City and having been Victorious in three Wars together drove before his Chariot a great many more Etrurians than any others Whom after he had publickly sold there was so much money made of them that having repaid the Matrons their Gold out of what remained there were three golden Cups made which 't is well known before the Capitol was burnt were set in Jupiters Temple at Junos feet That Year they were taken into the City who either Veians Capenates or Faliscans had come over to the Romans during those Wars and Land was assigned to all such new Citizens They likewise were recalled into the City by order of the Senate who to avoid the trouble of building at Rome had removed to Veii Whereupon at first they murmured and slighted the command till a day being prefixed a capital punishment set upon each man that did not return to Rome cooled all their courages and made them every man obedient out of fear Now therefore Rome began to grow very populous and buildings to rise in every part for the Commonwealth helped to defray the Charge the Ediles forwarded the work as though it had been the publick business and even private persons for their desire to have a convenient Habitation prompted them to it made haste to finish so that there was a new City standing within a year At the end of the year the Assembly was held for choosing Tribunes Military with Consular Authority and they chose T. Quintius U. C. 368 Cincinnatus Q. Servilius Fidenas a fifth time Julius Julus L. Aquilius Corvus L. Lucretius Tricipitinus and Serv. Sulpicius Rufus Then they led one Army against the Aequi not to make War for they confessed themselves already Conquer'd but out of hatred to ravage their Country lest they should leave them any strength for new attempts and another into the Tarquinian Territories where they storm'd and plunder'd two Towns of Etruria called Cortuosa and Contenebra At Cortuosa they had no dispute at all but having surprized it they took it upon their first shout and effort rifling and burning the Town But Contenebra endured the Seige some few days though continual toil night and day disabled them insomuch that seeing the Roman Army which was divided into six parts fought six hours each in their turns whilst the same Townsmen were still exposed to the whole fatigue of the Battel though few and weary they at last gave way and let the Romans into the City The Tribunes thought fit to confiscate the Booty by way of publick sale but their orders were slower than their design for whilst they deliberated upon the point the Booty was all in the Soldiers hands nor cou'd it be taken from them without envy The same year lest the City should increase in private works only the Capitol also was repaired in its Foundation with square Stone which looks very fine even at this day though the City be so very Magnificent in its Buildings And now the Tribunes seeing the City was all built endeavoured to introduce the Agrarian Laws into their publick Assemblies and to raise the peoples hopes they instanced in the Pomptine Lands which was then first of all since Camillus defeated the Volsci become a certain tenure They pretended That those Lands were now the occasion of more oppression from the Nobility than they had been formerly when in the hands of the Volsci for they only made incursions into them as long as they had strength and Arms But the Nobility took possion of them by force nor wou'd there be any room there for the Commonalty unless they were divided before the great men had gotten all into their clutches But they had not much moved the people who were but few of them in the Forum by reason of their being imploy'd about their Buildings as also for that they were upon that account impoverished by the charge they were at and therefore regarded not those Lands which they had not abilities enough to cultivate At this time the City being full of Religion and the Nobility grown superstitious since their late defeat to the end that the auspicies might be renew'd they fell back into an Interregnum The Interreges were M. Manlius Capitolinus Ser. Sulpicius U. C. 369 Camerinus and L. Valerius Potitus the last of which held an Assembly for choosing of Tribunes Military with Consular power and chose L. Papirius C. Sergius L. Aemilius a second time L. Meneninus and L. Valerius Poplicola a third time These persons instead of the Interregnum entred upon their Office That year the Temple of Mars which was vowed in the Gallick War was Dedicated by T. Quintius a Duumvir whose Office it was to look after the Sacrifices There were four Tribes added of new Citizens the Stellatine the Formentine the Sabbatine and the Arnian Tribe which made the Tribes up twenty five L. Sicinius Tribune of the people proposed the business of the Pomptine Lands again now that the Commons were more numerous about him and more inclined to desire them than they had been There was likewise mention made of the Latin and the Heruican War in the Senate but that was deferred upon the score of a greater War Etruria being up in Arms. The matter was referr'd to Camillus who was Tribune of the Soldiers with power Consular and had five Collegues assigned him viz. Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis Q. Servilius Fidenas a sixth time L. Quintius Cincinnatus L. Horatius Pulvillus and P. Valerius At the beginning of that yoar mens thoughts were diverted from the Etrurian U. C. 370 War by reason that a Body of men who fled out of the Pomptine Territories came on a sudden into the City and brought word That the Antians were in Arms that the Latins had sent their Youth for Auxiliaries to that War and said that they therefore rejected the publick design because Voluntiers were allowed to serve where they pleased At this time there was not any War so inconsiderable as to be slighted wherefore the Senate thank'd the Gods that Camillus was in Office for he must have been made Dictator if he had been a private person and his Collegues confess'd That the management of all matters where there was any Warlike terror approaching rested in him alone as also that they design'd to give up their Authority to Camillus nor shou'd they think that their grandieur was any way lessen'd by what they added to the greatness of that man For which the Senate commended the Tribunes and Camillus himself though
things both in War and Peace at home and abroad were done by the same Authority who knows not Who then had the care of the Auspicies committed to them according to the usage of our Ancestors Why the Senate had For no Plebeian Magistrate is created with that Ceremony Yea so peculiar are the Auspicies to us that the People must not only create what Patrician Magistrates they do create according as the Soothsayer directs but we also our selves without the Vote of the People can duly declare an Interrex and have Auspicies in private which they have not even among their Magistrates What then does he do less than take away the Auspicies who by making Plebeians Consuls takes them from the Senate who are the only persons that can have them Let them now laugh at Religious Rites for what matter is' t if the Chickens will not feed if they go but slowly out of the Coop if a Bird bode ill luck These are small matters but yet our Ancestors made this the greatest State in the World by not contemning these small things We on the contrary in our Age as though we needed not the favour of the Gods pollute all Ceremonies Then let Priests Soothsayers and the chief Sacrificers be chosen out of the dregs of the People let us put Jupiter ' s Priest's Mitre upon any Bodies head so he be but a Man and let us deliver the Ancilia sacred Shields the Temples the Gods and the care of them to Villains let no Laws be made nor Magistrates created with any due Ceremony nor the Senate give Authority to the Centuriate Assemblies but let Sextius and Licinius like Romulus and Tatius Reign in the City of Rome because they give away other mens moneys and other mens Lands such a sweetness there is in preying upon other peoples Estates Nor do you consider that by the one of your Laws there are vast Deserts like to be made in the Country by driving the right owners out of their Possessions and that by the other their credit is ruined with which all human Society is destroyed Now upon all these accounts I think you ought to reject and throw out these Bills Whate'r you do I pray the Gods may prosper This Speech of Appius's so far prevailed upon them that the time of passing the Bills was deferred and the same Tribunes Sextius and Licinius were chosen again who pass'd a Law for the Electing of the Decemvirs who took care of the holy Rites half out of the Commonalty So there were five chosen out of the Senate and five out of the Commons and by that step they thought they now made some progress toward the Consulship The People being content with this Victory gave way to the Senate and omitting any mention of Consuls for the present let Tribunes Military be chosen The persons U. C. 388 chosen were A. and M. Cornelius a second time M. Geganius P. Manlius L. Veturius and P. Valerius a sixth time But now when besides the siege of Velitrae a thing whereof the issue was more slow than doubtful the Roman affairs were all quiet abroad a sudden report of a Gallick War forced the City to make M. Furius a fifth time Dictator and he chose T. Quintius Pennus Master of the Horse Claudius says that they fought with the Gauls that year about the River Anien and that there was a famous Combat upon a Bridge between T. Manlius and a Gaul that challenged him hand to hand in the sight of the two Armies in which Manlius kill'd the Gaul and brought off a Gold Chain But I am more inclin'd by most Authors to believe that these things were done no less than ten years after and that this year they engaged the Gauls M. Furius being Dictator in the Albane Territories The Victory was neither doubtful nor difficult to the Romans tho' the Gauls had put them into a great fright through their remembrance of their former defeat but there were many thousands of Barbarians slain in the field many after their Camp was taken The rest straggled and going most of them toward Apulia what by their long flight and their being through dread and terror scattered all over the Country defended themselves from the Enemy The Dictator by consent of the Senate and People had a Triumph Decreed him But he had no sooner made an end of that War than a more bloody Sedition received him at home and through great contests the Dictator and the Senate were forced to accept the Tribunes Bills besides that there was a Consular Assembly held against the will of the Nobility at which L. Sextius was the first man that ever was made Consul of the Commons But even that was not the end of their contentions For because the Patricians said they would not consent to it the thing had like to have come to a Secession of the Commons and other dreadful approaches of Civil Broils But these discords were appeas'd by the Dictator upon conditions allowance being granted by the Nobility to the People that the Plebeian Consul should continue in his Office and by the People to the Nobility that there should be one Praetor who should do justice in the City and be chosen out of the Senate By this means the two Orders being at last reduced out of their long Animosities into Concord the Senate was of opinion that then if ever they should do well and would willingly in honour of the immortal Gods cause the grand Games to be set forth adding one day to the former three But the Aediles of the People refusing that Office the Patrician Young men cry'd out That they would willingly do that honour to the immortal Gods so that they might be made Aediles For which they were thank'd by the whole Senate and an Order was made That the Dictator should propose to the People the making of two men Aediles out of the Senate and that the Senate should give Authority to all the Assemblies of that Year DECADE I. BOOK VII EPITOME 1. THere were two new Offices added the Pretorship and the Curule Aedileship 2. The City was Afflicted with a Plague which was Signal for the Death of Camillus the remedy and end whereof being by new Ceremonies inquired into Stage-playes were then first Acted 4 5. When a day of Tryal was appointed for L. Manlius by M Pomponius Tribune of the People upon the score of his severity in the Levy and his banishing T. Manlius his Son without any reason the Youth himself whose banishment was laid to his Fathers charge came into the Tribunes-Bed-Chamber and with his Sword drawn forced him to Swear that he would not go on with his accusation 6. Then all pretious things were thrown into a gaping Gulf in the City of Rome whereinto Curtius being Arm'd threw himself headlong off his Horse and it was closed 10. T. Manlius the Youth that freed his Father from the Tribunes vexation fought a Duel with a Gaul that Challenged any Roman Soldier
which were afterward thence called Exodia or Musical Entertainments at the end of the Play and consisted cheifly of Atellane Interludes so called from the City Atella which kind divertisements they had and retained from the Oscians nor suffer'd it to be vitiated by the Players And therefore the Law is that such Actors of Atellane Interludes shall not be disfranchis'd but shall serve in the Wars as though they did not Practise any such lulicrous Art Among the small beginnings of other things I thought fit to tell you the Rise of Plays too that it might appear from what a sober Original that matter grew up to the present Extravagancy and Madness which is hardly to be endured even in the most Opulent Kingdoms Yet this original of Plays which were instituted to appease the Gods did not ease either mens minds of the Superstitious fear they were in or their Bodies of their Distempers but on the contrary seeing the Tiber overflow'd the Circus in the midst of all their Sports it made the People believe the Gods were a verse to their endeavours and would not accept of U. C. 392 any atonements which put them into a mighty consternation Wherefore in the Year that Cn. Genucius and L. Aemilius Mamercus were the Second time Consuls when the difficulty of finding out atonements afflicted their minds more than the Disease their Bodies they say the Elder People called to mind and told the rest that there was a Pestilence formerly Cur'd by the Dictators driving of a Naile The Senate being induced by that Religious consideration order'd a Dictator to be Chosen to drive a Naile and accordingly L. Manlius Imperiosus was pitch'd upon who made L. Pinacius Master of the Horse There is an old Law written in old Characters and old Words that he who is Cheif Praetor shall drive a Naile on the Ides of September This Naile therefore was driven on the right-side of Jupiters Temple where Minervas is That Naile they say because writing was in those Days very rare was a mark for the Number of Years and that it was done in Minervas Temple because she was the Inventress of Number And Cincius who was a diligent searcher into such Monuments affirms that there were Nailes driven at Volsinii too in the Temple of Nortia an Etrurian Goddess to shew the Number of their Years M. Horatius when he was Consul drove the first Naile by that Law in the Temple of Jupiter the Year after the Kings were banish'd but this Solemnity of driving the Nail was afterward Transferr'd from the Consuls to the Dictators because theirs was the greater Dignity And in time after the Custom had been intermitted this business seemed to be of it self worth the making of a Dictator Upon which score L. Manlius was created who as if he had been created to do some great publick matter and not to appease the Gods affecting to have a War with the Hernicans plagued the young People with a severe Levy and at last seeing all the Tribunes of the People were against him he being overcome either by Force or Shame laid down his Dictatorship Yet for all that at the beginning of the next Year when Q. Servilius Ahala and U. C. 393 L. Genucius were the second time Consuls Manlius was Summon'd to a Tryal by M. Pomponius Tribune of the People For his severity at the Levy which he exercised not only to the damage of the Citizens Estates but the torturing of their Bodies too whipping some who had not answer d to their Names and Imprisoning others was very odious But above all his stern disposition was in it self hateful and his Surname of Imperiosus which he took upon him was ungrateful to that free City because it carryed Cruelty and Tyranny in its very sound which he indeed shew'd not only to Strangers but even to his own Relations and nearest Kindred And therefore the Tribune made this one part of his Accusation Thot he kept his own Son who was a Young Man though he were Convicted of no manner of Offence like one that 's banish'd out of the City from his House hoe Household-gods out of the Forum from seeing the Light and from the Conversation of his Equalls putting him to Slavish-work almost into a Prison and a Bridewel where the Noble Youth who was Son to the greatest man in Rome even the Dictator himself by daily hardship should learn that he was Born of a truly Imperious Father But for what reason pray why because forsooth he was not so Eloquent as he should have been and had an Impediment in his speech Which defect in Nature whether he as a Father ought not if he had any humanity in him to have been tender of but rather punished and by his Tyranny exposed was the Question That even dumb Beasts did not refuse to cherish and preserve any of their Offspring which were any way deficient But L. Manlius encreased one misfortune of his Sons with another imposing still more and more upon the dullness of his Witt and if there were any little natural vigour in it destroy'd what there was by a Country Life and rustick conversation among Brutes All People were more concern'd at these accusations than the young man himself who on the contrary taking it to Heart that he should be the cause of Envy and such Charges against his Father to the end that all the Gods and Men too might see that he had rather assist his Father than his Enemies he took a course which shewed indeed his rude and Country Breeding but though it were not like a Gentleman was yet commendable for the Piety of it He went unknown to any Body with a Knife about him in the Morning into the City and from the Gate directly home to M. Pomponius the Tribune's House When he came thither he told the Porter He must needs speak with his Master and bad him say he was T. Manlius the Son of Lucius Being immediately introduced for the Tribune hoped that being inflamed with Anger against his Father he had either some new Crime to Charge him with or had found out some new Method ro accomplish the business after they had mutually saluted each other he told him he had some private business with him which admitted of no Company to be by whilst they discourse it Whereupon all others being orderd to avoid the Room he puld out his Knife and standing upon the Bed with it ready in his Hand threaten'd that if he did not Swear as he should direct him viz. That he would never hold an Assembly of the Commons to accuse his Father he would presently Stab him The frighted Tribune seeing the Knife glitter before his Eyes himself alone unarmed and him a stout Young Man and which was more to be fear'd Fool-hardy upon the score of his strength Swore what he was forced to and afterward professed that he was by that means forced to desist from his Design Nor were the People so much concerned that the Son
Eternal Infamy But finding that neither upon the merits of the Cause nor the Interest of their Intercession they could any thing prevail They wish'd him at least to have regard to the uproar that the Army was in That it would not become a person of his Age and Prudence to add more Fuel to that Combustion and administer more occasion for a Mutiny For whatever mischief should happen none would impute the blame to Q. Fabius who was ready to ask Pardon for his Misdemeanor but every Body would lay it at the Dictators door if blinded with Passion he should in a wilful pievishness provoke the outragious Multitude against himself Finally they told him That he should not think they were thus urgent for any particular respects they had for Fabius but were ready to make Oath That they believ'd in their Consciences it would not be safe for the State and Common-weal that he should at this Juncture proceed with such rigour against Q. Fabius But by these Remonstrances they more exasperated the Dictator against themselves than pacified him towards the General of the Horse and were commanded down from the Tribunal In vain the Cryer endeavor'd to command silence for so great was the noise and tumult that neither the voice of the Dictator himself nor of any of his Officers could be heard And in this Confusion they continued till Night as in a Battel put a present period to their Contest The General of the Horse being commanded to appear again next day all Men concluded that Papirius would then proceed more violently being further enraged by the opposition he had met with Fabius therefore thought it safest to retire privately out of the Camp and fled to Rome Where by the Interest of his Father M. Fabius a Man that had already been thrice Consul and Dictator as often the Senate was immediately Assembled to whom as he was complaining of the Violence and Injury offered to his Son by the Dictator on a sudden a great noise was heard in the Lobby of the Lictors making way through the Croud For the Dictator himself was got to the Door all in a Fume having with a Troop of Light-Horse pursued Fabius as soon as he had notice of his being retreated from the Camp Then began the Broil to be repeated Papirius commanded young Fabius to be taken into Custody and though the Chief of the Nobility and the whole Body of the Senate interposed themselves in his Favor yet so implacable was the Dictator that nothing could divert him from his cruel Resolutions Then M. Fabius the Father stepping forth Since neither the Authority of the Senate said he nor respect to my old Age whom you seek to make Childless nor the Nobility and Valour of that General of the Horse whom you your self made choice of nor humble Prayers which have often appeased the rage of Enemies and been able to pacifie the wrath even of the incensed Gods have with you no power to prevail I implore the lawful aid of the Tribunes and appeal to the whole Body of the People of Rome since you reject the Judgment both of your own Army and of the Senate I challenge you before a Judge which I am sure is greater and more mighty than your Dictatorship and we shall see whether you will yield to this Appeal to which Tullius Hostilius King of Rome readily submitted Out of the council-Council-House they went to the Common-Hall the Dictator with a small attendance but the General of the Horse with a vast Troop of the principal Persons in the City Papirius commanded that he should come down from the Rostra or pleading Pulpits and stand in a lower place amongst the People His Father following him 'T is very well done quoth he to the Dictator that you have ordered us to be brought hither whence we may be allowed freedom of Speech though we were but mere private Commoners At first there passed no continued Speeches but frequent Interruptions and Wranglings Till at last the loud voice and indignation of old Fabius drowned all the other Din and enveigh'd against the Pride and Cruelty of Papirius in these Terms What Sirs said he I also have been a Dictator of Rome my self and yet never was there so much as one poor Commoner one Centurion or private Soldier by me wronged or misus'd But Papirius seeks a Victory and Triumph over a Roman General no less eagerly than over the Commanders of the Enemy How vast a difference may we observe between the moderation of our Renowned Ancestors and this new starch'd Pride and Cruelty Quintius Cincinnatus the Dictator when he was forc'd to relieve the Consul L. Minutius from being besieg'd in his own Camp through his ill Conduct proceeded no farther than to remove him from the Consulship leaving him still a Commissary General in the Army Marcus Furius Camillus not only so far moderated his present displeasure against L. Furius who in contempt of his Age and Authority had fought the Enemy and that with great loss and dishonor as not to write any thing amiss of him to the People or Senate but also when he was come home made choice of him of all the Consular Tribunes to be his Colleague and Partner in Command Nor did the People whose Power is Soveraign over all ever extend their Resentments against such as through rashness and want of Conduct have lost whole Armies any further than to punish them with a pecuniary Fine That a General should be questioned for his Life for the miscarriage of a Battel was until this day never heard of But now we behold Rods and Axes Whippings and Beheadings prepared for the Commanders of the People of Rome even when Victorious and most justly deserving Triumphs which by no Law could be inflicted were they never so shamefully vanquish'd What else could my Son have suffered if he had lost his Army If he had been routed put to flight and clean beaten out of the Field Could the Wrath and Violence of the Dictator have done any more than scourge and put him to Death Consider how suitable it will be and what a comely spectacle whil'st all the City is in the highest Jollity for Q. Fabius 's Victory and busie in Thanksgivings to the Gods and mutual Congratulations to see that very Man for whose sake the Temples of the Gods are opened and the Altars smoak with Sacrifices and Oblations stand bound and strip'd and bemangled with stripes in the sight of the People of Rome looking up to the Capitol and those Gods whom in two Battels he had invok'd and not in vain How will the Army that obtain'd so noble a Victory under his Conduct and good Fortune resent such ungrateful and barbarous usage What Lamentation must it needs occasion in the Roman Camp and what rejoycing and exultation amongst our Enemies Thus spake the good old Man sometimes up-braiding sometimes complaining Imploring the help of Gods and Men and all the while embracing his Son with abundance
break through there being now a general want of all Provisions compell'd by Necessity they sent Messengers who were ordered first to desire a fair and indifferent Peace and if they could not obtain that then to challenge them to a Battel But Pontius roundly told them That the Field was already won and since although vanquish'd and as good as taken Captive they had not the Wit to be sensible of their Condition be was resolved they should surrender their Arms and all pass sub Jugo under an Ignominious Frame set up for that purpose like a pair of Gallows consisting of two Spears set upright and a third tyed across at their tops which they call'd Jugum the Yoke As for other Conditions he would allow them such as were fit to be expected by the Vanquish'd at the hands of their Conquerors That they should depart out of the Samnites Territories and withdraw their Colonies and so both the Samnite and Roman live in equal Alliance henceforwards under their own respective Laws and Customs That upon these Terms he was ready to strike up a League with the Consuls but if they boggled at any of these Conditions he charged the Messengers not to repair to him any more at their peril When Relation of this Answer was made in the Camp there was presently set up such a general Lamentation and in every face appeared such marks of a most profound grief and anguish of Soul that it seem'd they could not have taken it more grievously if word had been brought them that they were all immediately to be put to the Sword upon the Spot After a long silence the Consuls not knowing how to speak a word either for a Composition so Dishonorable or against it since it was absolutely necessary L. Lentulus who both for Courage and Dignities was the Chief of all the Commissary-Generals steps forth I have often heard said he my Father relate That he was the only Man in the Capitol that perswaded the Senate not to Ransom the City with Gold from the Gauls since they were surrounded neither with a Trench nor Rampire by the Enemy a People very negligent in such kind of works so that they might break their way through if not without great hazard yet without any apparent Destruction Were the case so now that as they then might in Arms have rush'd down from the Capitol upon their Enemies as not seldom the Besieged make such Sallies out upon those that invest them so had we any kind of opportunity of Engaging the Enemy on any ground whatsoever though never so disadvantagious I carry so much of my Fathers Blood in my Veins as not to be wanting to give you the like couragious Counsel I grant there is nothing more brave than to dye for our Country and I am ready to Devote my self as a Sacrifice to present Death and fling my self amongst the thickest of our Enemies to preserve the People of Rome and their gallant Legions But alas here I behold our Country here I see all the Roman Legions that are in the World who unless they will madly run upon Death for their own sakes What is there that by their Death they can preserve The Houses you 'l say and the Walls and the multitude that inhabit the City Nay rather if this Army miscarry and be cut off all those are utterly betray'd into the Enemies hand not preserved For who shall defend them perhaps the weak and undisciplin'd unarmed Rabble Yes forsooth as bravely as they did when the Gauls attack'd it Or shall they send to the Veii for an Army and importune the help of Captain Camillus Away with such Dreams and Fancies upon this spot of Ground is all our hope all our strength by preserving which we preserve our Country but in exposing our selves to Death betray and destroy it But 't is a base and shameful thing thus to yield up our selves Well be it so such is our Affection to our Country that we ought to preserve it when there is occasion with our Disgrace as well as with our Death Let us therefore undergo this Indignity how foul soever it be and obey Necessity which the Gods themselves cannot overcome Go O ye Consuls and preserve that City by parting with your Arms which your Ancestors saved by parting with their Gold The Consuls going forth to Parley with Pontius when he began to discourse of a League acquainted him That no League could be made without the Privity and Authority of the whole People nor without the Heralds and other Solemn Ceremonies So that this Caudine Agreement was not as is commonly believed and as Claudius also writes made in way of a formal League or absolute Covenant but by way of Stipulation and Promise For what need is there of Sureties or Hostages in an absolute League when the matter is transacted in this Form Which soever People shall be the occasion of violating these Agreements or by whose Default the said Articles shall be Infringed we wish that Jupiter would so smite him as the Swine is here smitten by the Herald and so they kill'd a Swine to compleat the Ceremony The Persons that were the Sureties for the ratifying of this Agreement and Subscribed it were the Consuls the Commissary-Generals the Questors or Treasurers and the Colonels whose Names are extant whereas if the Business had been a League there would have been only the Names of the two Heralds to it Also by reason of the necessary delay before the Business could be concluded in Form of a League there were required 600 Horsemen to be delivered as Hostages who were to lose their Heads if the Capitulations were not made good and a time was agreed on for delivering the said Hostages and disarming the Army But the coming back of the Consuls renewed again the universal Lamentation in the Camp and they could scarce hold their hands from those by whose Rashness they were brought into that cursed Place and by whose Cowardize they were like to go thence far more shamefully than they came in upbraiding them That they had not so much as a Guide to direct them nor a Scout abroad to descry the Enemy but like Brutes ran blindfold into the Pit-fall The Soldiers star'd at one another and look'd wistfully on their Arms which presently they were to take their leave of they conceited already their Right hands without a Weapon to defend them their Bodies naked exposed to the mercy of the Enemy they fancied to themselves the Gallows prepared for them and the upbraiding Scoffs of the Victor his proud and disdainful Looks how they disarmed must trudge along between the Ranks of their Armed and Insulting Foe then afterwards what a wretched march they should have with their baffled Army how shameful their return by the Cities of their Allies home to their Country and Parents where both themselves and their Ancestors had often marched Triumphant We say they are the only Army in the World that ever was vanquish'd without
might be that with his fresh Forces he might fall upon them already almost spent Though they march'd thus slow they were come near enough for the Horse to take their carirer for a Charge However that the Enemy might not expect any such sudden Attack he caused the Foot to march before but with spaces between their Files through which the Cavalry might with ease advance The Front had no sooner set up an Halloo but the Horse gallop'd out three quarters speed upon the Enemy who being not prepared to entertain a Charge from Horse as not expecting any such thing they were amazed and presently disordered Thus though he came late to assist his Party almost quite hemm'd in yet as soon as he came he eas'd them of all further Toil for the fresh Men undertook the whole weight of the Conflict which neither lasted long nor was very dangerous For the Enemy being worsted fly to their Works and as the Romans with Banners displayed press hard upon them quitted their Posts there too and hudled themselves up in an heap at the further side of their Camp and endeavoring all to fly at once wedge in one another and stuck fast in the narrow Passages of the Ports A great part of them then got up upon the Rampire either the better to defend themselves by the heighth of the place or hoping to get over somewhere It happen'd at one place the Mount being not well ramm'd surcharged with the weight of those that stood on it broke down and fell into the Trench whereupon they cry'd out The Gods had opened them a passage for their escape and by that means indeed they saved themselves but most of them were glad to leave their Arms behind them By this overthrow both the Forces of the Tuscans and their Spirits were abated so that agreeing to give the Army a Years pay and Corn for two Months they were permitted by the Dictator to send Ambassadors to Rome to negotiate a Peace which would not be granted but a Truce they obtained for two Years The Dictator return'd to the City in Triumph I have some Authors that affirm he reduced Etruria without any memorable Battel having only composed the Aretines Distractions by making a Reconciliation between the House of the Cilnii and the Commons M. Valerius was made Consul upon his Dictatorship though some say he was so far from seeking that Honor that 't was conferr'd in his absence and that this Election was held by an Inter-regent but 't is without dispute that Apuleius Pansa was his Colleague During their time all was pretty quiet abroad the Truce and especially their ill success in the late War kept the Tuscans in order The Samnites had suffered so many overthrows for several Years past that they were not yet weary of the new League And at Rome the drawing out of Multitudes of the poorer sort and planting them in good Colonies abroad where they had Lands and Houses for nothing pleased the Commons very well yet that this Tranquillity might not be every where intire and perfect a Quarrel was started between the chief of the City Patricians of the one side and Commoners of the other fomented by the two Oguluii Tribunes of the Commons who hunting for all occasions to expose and accuse the Nobility and render them odious to the Commons after several other projects had prov'd ineffectual undertook at length an action that they knew would not fail to enflame not only the Rabble but the Heads of the Commons Men that had born Consulships and rod in Triumphant Chariots who now wanted no Offices or Honors but those of Priest-hood which the Nobles had hitherto kept wholly to themselves and not suffered the same to be promiscuously enjoy'd by any others What did they do therefore but propose a Law That since there were at that time but four Augurs or Sooth-sayers and as many Pontiff's or Chief Priests and it was thought fit that the number of Priests should be encreased therefore four Pontiffs and five Augurs might henceforwards be chosen out of the Commons to be added to those in being How this Colledge of Augurs came to be reduced to the number of Four unless by the death of some of them I do not understand since 't was a Rule amongst the Augurs that their number ought to be odd that the three Antient Tribes Ramnes Titienses and Luces might each have its Augur or if there needed more they should multiply them equally as here five being added to four makes nine that is three for each Tribe But that which nettled the Nobles was That these new ones were to be chosen out of the Commonalty which they resented no less than when they saw the Consulship first fall into Plebeian hands yet they shrouded their Envy under a cloak of Piety alledging That the Gods were much more concern'd in the business than they who would best determine whether or no their Sacred Mysteries were polluted as for themselves all they could do was to wish well and pray that no severe Judgment or Calamity might for this befal the Common-wealth But though they were inwardly vex'd yet they made the less earnest opposition publickly because in such Disputes they were now used to be over-born and have it carryed against them and saw their Competitors the Commons did not only aspire to great Honors which in former times they durst not hope for but were already in possession of all the Highest Dignities which had been so long controverted viz. a multitude of Consulats Censorships and Triumphs The Debate 't is said touching this Law pro and con was chiefly managed between Appius Claudius and Publius Decius Mus who having on either side alledged and muster'd up much the same Argument touching the Rights both of Lords and Commons as were heretofore used for and against the Licinian Law when the matter was first started that Commoners might be Consuls For a close of the Debate Decius is reported to have represented in a very lively Description the resemblance of his Father such as many present had seen him in his Gown in the Gabine Tuck and standing over his Javelin in which Habit he Devoted himself for the People and Legions of Rome Publius Decius the Commoner Consul quoth he was then as pure and Religious in the sight of the Immortal Gods and altogether as acceptable as if T. Manlius his Collague a Patrician had been devoted and can we imagine that the same man might not rightly have been chosen to Officiate the Publick Divine Services of the People of Rome Is this the Doubt that the Gods should not as readily hear his Prayers as they would those of Appius Claudius Is the latter more pure in his private Devotions or does he serve the Gods more religiously than the former What cause is there to repent of the Vows made by so many Plebeian Consuls and Dictators either when they first set out with their Armies or in the very heat of Battels Let
us number the Commanders in Chief ever since Affairs begun to fall under the management of Commoners and reckon up the several Triumphs it will appear the Commons have no cause to blush at their own Nobility This I am sure of whenever any mighty dangerous War happens the Senate and People of Rome do not repose more confidence in their Patritian than in their Plebeian Commanders Since this is so how can it seem an indignity to God or Man if to those great and illustrious Personages whom you have dignified with Ivory Chairs of State with Robes of Honor of all sorts with Triumphant Crowns and Laurels and whose Houses are above others rendred Glorious with the affix'd spoils of Enemies you shall also add the Sacred Accoutrements of Pontiffs and Augurs He that hath already been deck'd in the Ornaments ef Almighty Jupiter and being drawn through the City in a Chariot of Gold hath mounted the Capitol who can think it too much to see the same Person that hath thus appear'd as a God to Men to shew himself an humble Suppliant to the Gods to hold in Triumphal Hands the Sacred Cup or Holy-water-pot and the Divining Wand or Crosier Staff and with a veiled Head to kill the Sacrifices or take the lucky Auguries for the Publick When Posterity shall read the stile of some brave Man upon his Statue and find there so many Consulats Censorships and Triumphs Will they think you be frighted if you shall have added thereunto an Augurship or the Pontificial Dignity For my part I verily hope with reverence and the good leave of the Gods be it spoken That by the Beneficence of the People of Rome we are now such as by our Quality may bring as much Credit and Honor to the Priestly Function as we shall derive from it And that we desire it more in respect of the Service of the Gods than for any Interest of our own That whom we have hitherto reverenc'd privately we may henceforth have opportunities publickly to Worship But why plead I all this while as if the Patricians alone were intirely Invested with the Priviledge of Sacerdotal Dignities and as if we were not already in possession of one Honorable and most Principal Priesthood We see the Decemvirs appointed for Celebration of Sacrifices and Interpreting the Sibylline Verses for reading the Destinies of our Nation the same Persons being Chief Ministers at the Sacred Rites of Apollo and other Ceremonies are Commoners And as no Injury was done the Patritii when in favor of the Commons the number of the Duumviri or Superintendents of the aforesaid Mysteries was augmented to Ten so neither have they now any greater cause to complain if the Tribune a worthy and brave Man hath added five places more of Augurs and four of Pontiffs unto which Commoners may be nominated Not to dispossess you Appius but that Commoners may be assistant to you in Sacred Things who are so highly helpful to you in Civils Be not ashamed O Appius to have the same Person your Collegue in the Priesthood who might fitly be your Companion in a Censor or Consulship To whom being Dictator you might be Master of the Horse as well as he Master of the Horse when you happen to be Dictator The Patritii of Old refus'd not to admit into their Rank a Sabine Stranger Appius Clausus or Claudius I know not which his Name was the very Top of your Kindred you must not think much then to accept Us into the number of the Priests who bring with us not a few Marks of Honor nay even all that you can boast of You tell us That the first Commoner that was made a Consul was L. Sextius the first Master of the Horse Caius Licinius Stolo the first both Dictator and Censor C. Marcius Rutilus we have heard you repeating a thousand times the same thredbare Allegations That to you forsooth alone belongs the taking of the Auspicia that you only are Gentlemen that you and none but you ought to have the Chief management of Affairs both at home and abroad Yet still I must tell you the Commoners have always been as prosperous hitherto as the Nobles in any brave or difficult Undertaking and I doubt not but they ever will be so Did you never hear that the Patritii did not drop down from Heaven but were at first establish'd by Humane Policy being composed of such as were able to name their Father that is to say Honest Free-men and no more I my self can already nominate my Father to have been a Consul and shortly my Son will be able to alledge his Grandfather of that Quality The bottom of the Business is only this That every thing must be denyed us and nothing obtained without tugging The Patritians Design is only to maintain a Faction and contend and regard not greatly what the end of the Dispute is It is therefore my Vote That to the good of you all and the Weal-Publick this Law be passed and established The People presently commanded the Tribes to be call'd to a Scrutiny and it appeared That without all doubt the Law would be accepted but that day was lost by the Interposition and Negative of some of the Tribunes But on the Morrow they were afraid to oppose it and then it pass'd unanimously and the New additional Pontiffs then Created were the Promoter of the Law P. Decius Mus P. Sempronius Sophus C. Marcius Rutilus and M. Livius Denter The five Plebeian Augurs C. Genutius P. Aelius Paetus M. Minucius Fessus C. Marcius and T. Publilius thus the number of the Pontiffs came to be Eight and of the Augurs Nine The same Year M. Valerius the Consul procured the Law Touching Appeals to the People to be confirm'd This was the third time since the expulsion of Kings that Law had been establish'd and always by the same Family The Cause of renewing it so oft I conceive might be because the power of a few of the Grandees and Nobles was apt to be too hard for the Liberties of the Commons The Porcian Law seems Enacted only to save the Romans skins imposing a grievous punishment on any that should Kill or Scourge a Citizen of Rome The Valerian Law which prohibited any man to be Whipt or Beheaded that made his Appeal had no express Penalty but only declared That whoever should act contrary the same would be naughtily done that seeming then as I believe such was the Modesty and Reverence of those Times a sufficient Obligation and Restraint whereas now a days if a Man should threaten but his Slave at such a rate he would despise it The same Consul manag'd the War against the Aequians who were broke out in Rebellion but there was little remarkable in it for they had nothing left of their Antient Fortune but the stoutness of their Stomachs The other Consul Apuleius besieged the City Nequinum in Umbria a place difficult of Access as being situate high and on the one side was a steep
Precipice where now the River Narnia is so that it could not be taken either by Assault or Mining but the Service uneffected was resign'd over to the new Consuls M. Fulvius Paetus and T. Manlius Torquatus 'T is related by Macer Licinius and Tubero That all the Wards having chosen that year Q. Fabius although he did not pretend to it He desired them to excuse him till a year when there were more Wars on foot for at present he could do the Common-wealth better Service by bearing some Civil Office in the City Thereby not concealing what he aim'd at nor yet expresly desiring it and so he was made Aedile of State together with L. Papirius Cursor But I dare not avouch this for a certain truth because Piso a more antient Annalist saith That the Aediles of the Chair that year were C. Domitius Cn. F. Calvinum and Sp. Carvilium Q. F. Maximus which sirname of Maximus might as I conceive give occasion to the Error whereupon followed a Tale suitable to that Error jumbling the Elections of Aediles and Consuls together The same year was a Lustrum that is a general survey and purging of the City by Sacrifices held by P. Sempronius Sophus and P. Sulpitius Averrio and two Tribes more were added to the rest Aniensis and Tarentina Thus much for the Affairs at Rome Much time had now been spent in a lingering Siege of the before-mentioned Town Nequinum but at last two of the Inhabitants whose Houses join'd to the Wall undermined the Ground as far as the Roman Out-guards where coming forth they desired to be carryed before the Consul whom they do assure That they were ready to let in a party of Armed Men if he pleas'd into the City This was an Overture not to be slighted nor yet to be credited without Caution With one of these Renegado's for the other was detain'd as an Hostage two Scouts were sent by the same Mine to discover the Passage and upon their return the Attempt appearing feazible Three hundred Soldiers led by the Renegado into the City seize in the Night the Gate that was next break it open and let in the Consul and Roman Army without any resistance Nequinum being thus reduced to the Roman Obedience a Colony called Narnia from the Rivers name was Planted there to serve as a Frontier against the Umbrians And the Army return'd to Rome with a good Booty The same Year the Tuscans were contriving to violate their Truce but whil'st they were hammering several projects they were for a while diverted by a vast Army of the Gauls making an Incursion into their Country but with Mony whereof they had good store they endeavor'd not only to make the Gauls their Friends but draw them in to assist them against the Romans This Alliance the Barbarians seeming not to refuse they treat about the Sum which being agreed and paid when all other preparations for the War were ready and the Tuscans desired them to March they peremptorily denyed that they contracted for any reward concerning a War against the Romans whatever they received the same was allowed them only in consideration of their forbearing to plunder the Tuscans Country and not committing any Acts of Hostility upon the People Yet if the Tuscans were so minded they should still be ready to serve them but upon no other Terms but being admitted into part of their Territories that at last they might have some certain abode and place of settlement The People of Etruria had several Diets or Councils about this Affair but nothing was done in it not so much that they were loth to part with their Lands as because every body abhorred to have people of a such a Savage Race for their Neighbors So the Gauls being dismiss'd carryed home a power of Mony got without either labor or hazard However they at Rome were startled at the noise of this Conjunction like to have been between the Gauls and the Tuscans and therefore were the nimbler in clapping up a Peace with the People of Picenum T. Manlius the Consul had the charge of the Tuscan War alotted to him who was scarce entred their Borders when as he was exercising his Cavalry turning his Horse suddenly in a full carrier he was thrown off with a grievous Fall whereof three days after he dyed The Tuscans took heart at this Accident as a good Omen for their side That the Gods had begun this War in their favour At Rome 't was sad news as well for the loss of so brave a General as for the unseasonableness of the time when it fell out so that the Votes of the first Wards which the rest followed discharged the Senate from nominating a Dictator to hold the Election for a new Consul and would needs bestow it themselves and all of them pitch'd upon M. Valerius who was the very Man that the Senate would have Created Dictator This Gentleman is ordered forthwith to repair into Etruria to the Legions and his coming kept the Tuscans in such awe that none of them durst budge out of their Works their condition being no better than a Siege nor could the new Consul provoke them to a Battel though he wasted their Country and burnt their Habitations where-ever he came so that not only their small Villages but Well-peopled Towns were all in Flames or yet smoaking in Ruines Whil'st this War prov'd more tedious than was expected there came the Report of another which considering the mutual losses of both sides was justly more terrible For the Romans had Intelligence privately given them by the Picenes their new Allies That the Samnites were upon a design to take Arms and Rebel and had tampered with them to join therein The Picenes had the thanks of the Senate returned for this Discovery which diverted a great part of the Fathers cares from Tuscany towards the Samnites Besides the City was afflicted with a Dearth of Corn and Provisions nay as those Write who will have Fabius Maximus to be Aedile that year it had been reduced to the last Extremity of Want if that Gentleman had not prevented it by his care in providing and prudence in disposing of Corn shewing himself as diligent and useful now at home in dispensing of Victuals as he had often been abroad in the Conduct of their Arms. The same year there was an Inter-regency but on what occasion does not appear the Regents were Appius Claudius and after him P. Sulpicius who held the Elections and Created L. Cornelius Scipio and Cn. Fulvius Consuls To these new Consuls at their beginning of the very Year Ambassadors from the Lucanes addressed themselves complaining That the Samnites because they could not on any Terms inveigle them into an Association against the Romans had with a formidable Army invaded and laid waste their Country and intended by Arms to force them to take Arms as they would have them But though the People of Lucania had heretofore too much fail'd in that respect they were now fully
departure he had committed his Kingdom to be govern'd He destroy'd others by secret wiles There were some whom with a feigned civility he caress'd using them as his Minions that they might become the more suspected by the People Of this number Aristarchus was one a Person eminent among the Grandees both for his Eloquence and also because the People lov'd him Now because he saw this Man in such favour with the People he commands him upon pretence of business to sail to Epirus Aristarchus when he saw it was present death to disobey the King's Command and to obey it a more slow but every whit as certain a destruction went aboard and when he got pretty far into the Sea he changed his course for Rome and being received there into protection he informed the Senate at large of several important Affairs Whilst Pyrrhus acts thus at Tarentum the Romans with no less diligence levied Men and Money for the War C. Fabricius being sent to the Confederates to deter them by his Interest and Authority from Innovation they put Garisons likewise into some convenient places to keep those from revolting whose inconstancy they were jealous of For now whatever discontent upon account of former injuries or turbulent humour out of a desire of change was entertain'd by any Man the strength of so many Nations joyning against one and the expectation of such a warlike Prince had set all this a working Whence the Romans were very diligent in securing themselves by crushing the Ring-leaders of the Factions A remarkable accident happened about that time some Noblemen of Praeneste who were brought to Rome in the dusk of the Evening being imprison'd in the common Treasury whereby they came at last to understand the quibble of that false Oracle upon the confidence of which they had oft assur'd their Countrymen when they solicited them to revolt that it was doom'd for the Prenestines to enter the Roman Treasury The Senate being already much concern'd upon news that Fabricius was kept by their Confederates that they by such a pledge might receive their own Men safe from the Romans and that Ambassadours were sent to stir the Hetrurians Vmbrians and Gauls against the Romans were now perplext with new trouble by reason of an action both horrid in it self and also of dangerous consequence at such an ill juncture being like to bring the Roman faith into suspicion and discredit among the Italians In the utmost coast of Italy opposite to Sicily Rhegium stands a Town nam'd so by the Grecians the People wealthy and flourishing in those days These upon the arrival of Pyrrhus apprehending the danger of the War and being affrighted by the Carthaginian Fleets roving in that Sea distrusting their own strength they resolv'd to send for a Garison of Roman Soldiers and accordingly four thousand Men were sent that were raised in the Colonies of Campania whence they were called the Campanian Legion under the command of D. Jubellius the Tribune These Men at the first wanted neither faithfulness nor diligence in defending the Town But afterwards because there was no fear of War near them they grew Luxurious through sloth and an imitation of the Grecian softness and comparing their present plenty with the hard laborious life they had led hitherto they began to look with an envious Eye on the commodiousness of the place and the prosperity of the Inhabitants and when they were together in their Quarters they would talk of plundering them This pleased Decius being himself of the same rapacious humour and having long since contriv'd that villanous design of seizing the Town into his own hands The conjuncture of the present War favour'd the enterprize whereby he knew the Romans would be so taken up that they could not mind the Rhegians and on the opposite shore he looked on the Mamertines as a President of thriving Villany and doubtless like to be abettors of his treachery besides that they were ally'd together as Countrymen For these being Campanians originally when they served formerly among the Auxiliaries of Agathocles being received as Friends by those of Messana possessed themselves of rhe City having killed or cast out the Men and divided their Wives and Houses amongst themselves They remembred also how the Ancient Campanians seized on Capua being taken away from the Tuscians by a like perfidy The design then being well approv'd it remain'd that they should consult how they might act this Villany safely lest being but a few in a populous City they should be environ'd by greater numbers and kill'd He countefeits Letters as sent from the Rhegians to Pyrrhus that the Roman Garison should be betrayed to him and the Soldiers were privately call'd and the Letters read as intercepted Decius complaining heavily of the Rhegians treachery and some of the Soldiers prepared on purpose crying out that they must defend themselves with their Arms and turn the destruction contriv'd against them upon the heads of its contrivers withal there comes one as they had order'd it aforehand who says that Pyrrhus's Navy was seen upon the Rhegian shore and that private correspondence pass'd between Pyrrhus and the Rhegians The Soldiers besides their former eagerness to the thing were now also enrag'd by the treachery of the Enemy and the fear of danger and by the consent of all they came to this resolution that they should surprize the Town and having kill'd the men they should seize upon all their public and private Wealth Hereupon this horrid and infamous act was committed for Decius having invited some of the chief Men to Supper kills them at his Table against all the sacred ties of hospitality Others were assassinated in their own Houses and the greatest part of the Rhegians being murther'd the rest were expelled their Country by those very persons whom a little before they had receiv'd into it for the defence of themselves and their Country under the name of Friends and Confederates This done they drew up a new Model of Government the Houses and Estates of these poor wretches being divided among the Villains and whilst the slaughter was yet fresh the Widows and Virgins were forced to marry those who had slain their Husbands and Fathers and the power and name of the Rhegian State was assum'd by this treacherous Legion But God has well order'd for Mankind that generally instances of notorious Villanies prove likewise Examples of as remarkable vengeance that no man should be encouraged to the same practices by the success of Impiety but deterr'd by the consequence thereof For wicked men can never enjoy true felicity nor is there any greater folly than to imagine any man happier by his wickedness for supposing that no punishments remain'd after this life which yet wise men know to be very great though such is the infidelity of some Men that they are apt to disbelieve even what they see much more what they are not sensible of yet though every thing should hit luckily the reflexion upon their own
coming from Epirus in their Towns and Ports But the commodiousness of the Haven of Brundusium which with the Wind blowing from the same Point receives and sends forth Vessels together with the easie passage into Dalmatia and Albania from thence as also the convenience of having their Dominions terminated by the bounds of Italy were deemed the most important reasons of the War Both the Consuls triumph'd over these people in one day being the 20th of February The Sallentines being overcome they took Brundusium the most eminent Town in that quarter and atchiev'd other matters very prosperously being assisted as they gave out by Pales the Goddess of Shepherds said to have requested for reward of the Victory a Chappel to be consecrated for her A. U. 487 at Rome The greater part of the Sallentines being subdued by these men the Consuls of the year following compleated the Victory their names were Numerius Fabius C.F.M.N. and Decius Junius D. F.D by these the Vmbrians and Sallentines also were subjected to the Roman Yoke Thus Italy being conquer'd where it is bounded by the Seas and the Po the Roman Power immediately began to be magnify'd by the hopes of some and fear of others in the neighbouring Islands and the Continent lying to the Ionian and Adriatic Seas For those who desir'd to aggrandize themselves by oppressing others were affraid to be hinder'd in their designs by the Romans whilst others on the contrary imbrac'd their aid as sent from Heaven against the outrages of their Adversaries The Apollonians first of all desired by their Ambassadours to be admitted into an Alliance with the Romans The Town of Apollonia is distant from the Sea sixty furlongs being built by the Corinthians and Corcyreans it has a commodious Harbour and the shortest passage from Brundusium into Greece lies that way the Illyrians and Macedonians inhabit about it therefore the people can hardly maintain their ground against their ambitious and potent Neighbours The Embassie was graciously received by the Senate not regarding so much the Wealth and Power of that People being but small as future hopes and opportunity open'd for greater matters in reversion whence the punishment taken upon some young Noblemen for beating the Ambassadours in a scuffle was the greater for neither could the dignity of his Office for he was Edile nor the nobleness of his Extract rescue Q. Fabius from being deliver'd up to the Apollonians for that misdemeanour Q. Apronius likewise an Edile and an Accomplice in the same Crime was surrendered to the Apollonians for the Senate decreed that these should be deliver'd by the Heralds to the Apollonian Ambassadours and that a Questor should go along with them to Brundusium lest the Relations of the persons surrendred should offer any injury to the Ambassadours in their Journey This was a signal demonstration both of the justice of the State and of their prudence too for whilst by an Opinion of honesty they desir'd to attract the minds of forein Nations to an Amity with them it nearly concern'd them in some signal manner to revenge the Affronts offer'd to those who first came to propose an Alliance with them for nothing could have prov'd more prejudicial to their Interest than to let matters come to such a pass that the Apollonians should have cause to repent of their action and others for their Example And hence in after-times it went for a constant Rule that those who had beaten the Ambassadours of a free People should be delivered into the hands of those to whom the Ambassadours belonged The Apollonians however when these persons were brought to them wisely considering that they should reap more good by their Humanity than Revenge sent them home safe This year both the Consuls triumph'd twice D. Junius before the 27th of September and Numerius Fabius before the 5th of October over the Sarsinates a people of Vmbria Fabius also the first of February and Junius the 5th triumph'd over the Sallentini and some Messapians assistants to then Neighbours the Sallentini This yeâ—r was made an end of the Italian Wars for the War which was wâ—g'd the year following Q. A. U. 488 Fabius Gurges being the third time Consul having for his Colleague L. Manilius Vitulus was not against a just Enemy but onely a Revenge taken upon recreant Villains in behalf of Allies The Volsinians a powerful People of Hetruria implor'd the protection of the Romans against their quoudam Slaves for whether it were in hopes to recruit their strength impair'd by former Wars or to indulge themselves in ease shunning the toil of War they imprudently permitted their Slaves being made Freemen to bear Arms and afterwards communicating Honours to them chose some of thâ—m for Senators and some for other Offices in the State so that these in a short time over-topping the ancient Citizens and wresting the Power into their own hands most impudently exercised their liberty against those men to whom they were indebted for it So that now it became their common Trade to ravâ—sh the hâ—nourable Dames and Virgins to answer the complaints of Parents and Husbands for these injuries with mockery and reproaches instead of redress and correction of the Offenders and to plunder destroy and harrass all things as they pleas'd themselves And not to pass by a signal demonstration of thâ—t brutish impudence to which servile Spirits may arrive when they have power on their side they published a Law whereby the Libertines were authoriz'd to ravish the Wives and Daughters of their Pations and that every Maid that was to many a Freeman should first be deflâ—wr'd by one that had been a Slave Now the old Volsinians being neither able to endure these miseries nor yet to remove them with their own strength entring into private consult determin'd to send Ambassadours to Rome who by addresses underhand prevail'd to have the Senate assembled in a private House for they foresaw that the thing if it should be discover'd would undo them declared in a lamentable harangue the calamities of their City whereat the Senate being moved promised to assist that distressed people in order to the recovering of their ancient rights and priviledges But whilst these matters were thought to have been transacted Incognito they were discovered by a certain Samnite to those very men against whom all the complaint was made This Fellow being a Guest to the Master of that House when the Senate assembled lay ill and being forgotten stay'd behind in that place whereby he over-heard and betray'd the whole matter The Ambassadours therefore being returned from Rome were put to the torture and the business being found out both they and the chief Men of the City were barbarously murthered This gave a juster pretence for making a War and Q Fabius was sent with an Army against them who defeated them in Battel and slew a great number of them in the pursuit and as for those who betook themselves into their fortresses he resolved to attack them by storm but whilst they
made brisk resistance and several Skirmishes hapned between both parties the Consul unwarily exposing himself to the shot receiv'd a Wound whereof he dy'd being under the Chirurgions hands The besieged understanding this disaster sallied out with all their Forces hoping that an Army cow'd by the fall of their General might be beaten from the Town if it were suddenly assaulted but the event of the Battel proved contrary to their expectations for the Roman Soldiers bravely receiv'd them and with great slaughter forced them to retire into the Town I suppose Decius Mus was chief Commander in this Battel for that this man might be Lieutenant to Fabius and so might manage the War after his death until one was sent to succeed him And hence I believe it comes to pass that Decius Mus by some negligent Historians is entitled to the beginning and ending of this War The Censors made that year were Cn. Cornelius the Son of Lucius and C. Marcius who having been Censor once before was call'd Censorinus in the time of his second Censorship Memorable was the moderation of this Marcius who receiving a Power he su'd not for reprimanded the People being assembled in a grave Harangue because they had twice committed that Office to the same Man whereas their Ancestors had for no other reason judged that the time of bearing this Office ought to be limited but because the Power was too great Hence there arose a Law whereby it was provided That no man should be twice Censor the same year the number of the Questors were increas'd hitherto four had serv'd the tuâ—n two in the City and as many more joyn'd with the Consuls that went out to the War But some years after the Commonwealth being inlarg'd and greater Customs and Revenues coming in it was necessary that that number should be doubled Afterwards Appius Claudius surnamed Caudex in his Office and M. Fulvius Flaccus were made Consuls This year was memorable for the War then first begun against the Carthaginians in Sicily for then the quarrel first brake out between those two most potent States which after many years and great losses on both sides could not be ended but by the destruction of one of them But we must premise some things more particularly concerning Carthage before we come to the handling of these things for that in the narrations of these matters several things will be unintelligible unless we have first an insight into the rise and growth of that City DECADE II. BOOK XVI Florus his Epitome of the Sixteenth Book of Livy The Original of the Carthaginians and the first Fortunes of their City related Against whom and Hiero King of the Syracusans the Senate of Rome decreed Forces to be sent in Aid of the Mamertines or Inhabitants of Messina after much debate Pro and Con upon that point And then the Gentlemen of Rome that serv'd on Horseback first cross'd the Seas and fought valiantly against King Hiero in several Battels who at last suing for Peace had it granted The Censors held a Lustrum and enroll'd 292224. Citizens in the Subsidy-Book D. Junius Brutus in honour of his deceased Father entertained the people with a Prize or Fencing-match of the Gladiators the first of that kind that was ever show'd in Rome A Colony planted at Aesernia and several prosperous Actions against the Carthaginians and Volscinians THAT Carthage was founded by Phenicians of Tyre besides the Authority and faith of ancient Story we have the perpetual amity between those two Nations while they flourished as also the apparent similitude of Language even now remaining to attest it It is reported that one Elisa of that Nation the same which is surnamed Dido Daughter of Agenor Son of Belus fled from her Country in hatred to Pygmalion her Brother-in-law for the cruel murther of her Husband Sicheus and arrived at that Bay or Peninsula in Africa where Carthage was afterwards built whose Power at its beginning being but inconsiderable discovered not any hopes of that grandeur which it afterwards attained to For Elisa is thought to have bought no more Land from the Inhabitants than could be cover'd with an Ox hide But then that she cut this Hide into small thongs and so took in a far greater quantity of ground than the Owners thought they had bargain'd for so that the place serv'd for the building of a Citadel which from thence is supposed to be called Byrsa In process of time when several people for the convenience of trading with these Foreiners built Houses close to the Citadel so that it appeared like a Town and that the Africans also desired to retain such civil and rich customers with them they easily complied with the Ambassadors from Vtica who by their own Example for Vtica was a Colony of Tyrians exhorted them to build a City in those places It was agreed therefore between them that the Africans should give the Phenicians a place to dwell in these paying a yearly tribute to the Africans in lieu thereof When the work was finished Elisa call'd it in her own Language Carthadas which signifies the new Town the Greeks call it Carchedon and the Romans as is usual by altering the pronunciation Carthago This City having peaceful Neighbours an industrious People and what was the main thing of all a wise Queen arriv'd in a short time to great prowess and Riches These things seem to have been done about seventy years before the building of Rome for Authors differ in their account of an affair so ancient But as the life of Elisa was remarkable for variety of Fortune so was her death memorable too Jarbas a petty Prince of some African Province courted her for his Wife threatning War if he should be deny'd But she being a Woman of rare chastity and still retaining true to her deceased Sicheus was averse from marrying him however because she understood that a War would be destructive to the infancy of her blooming State she took some time to consider on 't as if she were inclining towards the marriage with this African Prince and then order'd a pile of Wood to be set up in the further end of the Town pretending that before she would enter upon the second Marriage she would perform holy Rites to the ashes of her Sicheus and afterwards having offered many Sacrifices she climbs up the Pile her self at last and with the Sword which she had brought for that use kills her self her affection to her Husband and People exceeding the care she had of her own life The Carthaginians shew'd as much respect to her memory as they could and in admiration of her Vertues worshipped her for a Goddess as long as their Commonwealth stood She had a Temple built her in the place where she dy'd being called Dido a name given to brave Amazons by the Carthaginians Afterwards when no single Person was held worthy of the succession to the Government the City began to be governed by a mix'd power of the Nobility
assaults of Cities wherein one party has the better of the other but seem'd to be a formal Battel or pitch'd Field in the open space between the breaches of the Wall and the Houses of the City which stood at a little distance within On the one side they were transported with hope on the other with despair the Punicks looking upon the City as taken if they did but strive a little more and the Saguntines resolving now to fortifie and defend their native City with their Bodies since it now was destitute of Walls nor would any one retreat a step for fear an Enemy should advance in his place and so get ground The closer the Fight was the more were kill'd and wounded for there was not a Dart flung not a blow struck almost but it must do some Execution either on their Bodies or at least on their Armor but especially the Saguntines used a Weapon called Falerica which they lanced in manner of a Dart having a long shaft and round except at the end where it was headed with Iron bound about with Tow smeared with Pitch the Iron head was three foot long that it might pierce through both the Armor and the Body but if it happened only to stick in the Target without reaching the Body yet it was very terrible because being flung after the middle was set on fire by its motion through the Air it burn'd more violently and so forced those on whom it lighted to fling away their Armor and remain naked to receive the blows that afterwards were made at them When thus for a long time the Battel had continued doubtful the Saguntines taking heart because they had been able to defend themselves so long even beyond their own hopes and expectation and the Carthaginians looking upon themselves as little better than vanquish'd because they had not compleated the Victory the Townsmen all at once on a sudden set up a shout beat back the Enemy to the ruines of the Wall and there being encumbred in their Retreat thrust them clean out and at last put them to a disorderly flight and chased them as far as their Camp In the mean time news came that Ambassadors were arrived from Rome but Annibal sent some to meet them at the Sea-side giving them to understand That he thought it would not be safe for them to venture their Persons amongst the Arms of so many barbarous Nations and that for his own part amongst those dangerous and troublesom Affairs he was engaged in he had no leisure to give Audience unto or treat with Ambassadors But well he knew That upon refusing to admit them they would forthwith away to Carthage therefore he had sent Letters and Agents before to the chief Persons of the Barchine Faction to prepare the minds of that Party that nothing should be graunted in favor of the Romans or to his own prejudice So their Ambassy thither was altogether as vain and without effect as to him save only that they were there entertain'd and had Audience Hanno alone though the whole Body of the Senate was against him pleaded the Cause of the breach of League and was heard with great silence and attention in respect of his Authority rather than for any consent they yielded to his Opinion I have often said he in the name and for the sake of the Gods who are the Witnesses unto and Judges of solemn Treaties and Leagues admonished and forewarned you That you should not send any of Amilcars race unto the Camp That neither the Ghost nor Progeny of that Man would ever be at quiet nor any Peace with the Romans be inviolably observed whil'st there remains one alive of the Barchine Name and Family But sent you have notwithstanding all my Cautions and conferr'd the chief Command of your Armies upon a Youth enflamed with the ambition of being an Absolute Monarch over you and who perceives nothing can be more conducive to such his Designs than the raising one War after another whereby he may always live in Arms and surrounded with Legions By this indiscreet Action you have as it were administred fewel to the Flame and fed that Fire which already scorches and in time will consume you At this instant your Armies besiege Saguntum contrary to your League and Solemn Capitulations What can you thence expect but that ere long the Roman Legions should encompass our Carthage under the conduct of those very Gods who in the former War took Vengeance upon us for the like perfidiousness What Are you yet to learn what kind of Enemy it is you hereby provoke Or have you forgot your selves or the Fortune of both Nations Your good Lord General forsooth would not admit into the Camp the Ambassadors of our Allies coming also on the behalf of those who were likewise in Alliance with us and thereby have violated the Law of Nations These Ambassadors of our Friends having received a greater affront than ever is wont to be offered to the Publick Messenger of Enemies address themselves now to you to demand satisfaction for the Injuries sustained desiring you to keep that League to which you are sworn That you would not make your Generals fault your own by justifying or suffering it to pass with impunity Without engaging you in the Quarrel they only require him to be delivered up to Justice who is the Offender and insolently guilty of all these Infractions of the common Pence The more gently they deal and the longer it is ere they begin the more obstinately will they I fear continue their just Resentments and Severities if once you shall necessitate them to it Reflect upon proceedings past set before your Eyes the Overthrows you sustain'd at Eryx and the Aegatian Isle and all the Calamities which ye suffered for Four and twenty years space as well by Land as Sea nor was a Beardless Boy then your General but his Father Amilcar himself a second Mars as those of that Gang were wont to magnifie him but the mischief on 't was we could not then as we were obliged by Treaty hold our hands off from Tarentum in Italy just for all the World as we must now be medling with Saguntum therefore the Gods as well as Men took the matter in hand and in the end vanquish'd us though with fair words and specious pretences we made it seem doubtful which Nation was the Aggressor the Issue of the War determined it and as a just Judge where the Right was bestowed the Victory Carthage it is against which Annibal at this instant is raising his Mantlets and his Galleries and all his Warlike Engines 'T is her Walls he batters so fiercely with the Ram These very Ruines of Saguntum I wish I may prove a false Prophet will fall on our heads The War begun with the Saguntines must be fought with the Romans What then says some body shall we deliver up so brave a Man as Annibal to them I know my words will be of small weight or authority
succeed prosperously And now dividing his Cares as well for a defensive as offensive War lest whil'st he with a tedious March by Land through Spain and France went to Invade Italy Africk should lie naked and exposed to the Romans who easily from Sicily might cross the Seas and make a descent upon the main Continent he thought fit therefore to secure home by sending thither a grand Detachment and in lieu thereof desired Recruits from Africk especially of Archers and Javelineers lightly Armed That as interchangable Pledges of Fidelity the Africans might serve in Spain and the Spaniards in Africk both like to prove the better Soldiers by being far from their own Countries He sent into Africk One thousand three hundred eighty five Foot armed with short Targets and Eight hundred and seventy Slingers of the Balearean Isles and of Horse mix'd of several Nations One thousand and two hundred All which he ordered partly for a Garison for Carthage and the rest to be distributed through Africk as occasion should require Likewise he deputed Commissioners into the several Cities to press Soldiers of whom Four thousand select Youths of the best Quality were carryed to Carthage both to strengthen the Garison and remain as Hostages Nor was Spain in the mean time to be neglected especially because he was not ignorant that the Roman Ambassadors had gone their Circuit amongst them to tamper with the Chief Persons and solicit them to a Revolt he therefore committed the charge of that Province to his Brother Asdrubal a Person diligent and stout and furnish'd him with considerable Forces for the most part transported out of Africk viz. Eleven thousand eight hundred and fifty African Foot Three hundred Ligurians Five hundred Balearians or Slingers from the Isles Majorca and Minorca To which Infantry was added the following Horse viz. Three hundred Lybiphoenicians a mungril People partly sprung from the Carthaginians who were of Phoenician Extract add partly from the old Inhabitants of Libia or Africk and of Numidians and Moors dwelling on the Sea-coast One thousand eight hundred with a few small Troops amounting to about Two hundred from the Illergetes in Spain and that nothing for Land-Service might be wanting he also accommodated him with Fourteen Elephants Furthermore considering that 't was probable the Romans would again chuse to make use of that sort of War viz. Marine whereby in the former Contest they chiefly got the Victory he ordered him a Fleet to guard the Coasts consisting of Fifty Gallies of five banks of Oars apiece two of four and five of three rows of Oars but only the five last and Thirty two of the first sort were Man'd and fitted out From Cadiz the Army returned to their old Winter-Quarters at New Carthage and from thence along by the City Etovissa to Iberus and the Sea-coast There 't is reported Annibal saw in a Dream a young Man for shape and beauty Divine rather than Humane who said he was sent by Jupiter to be his Guide into Italy and therefore bid him follow him without ever looking behind him or turning his eyes to one side or t'other Which accordingly he did for a while never looking either back or besides him but at last that Curiosity natural to Man wondering much and inquisitive to know what it might be behind him which he was so strictly forbidden to behold prevailed with him so far that he could not forbear turning his eyes that way where he saw a Serpent of a wonderful size all the way as it went bearing down vast Woods and Groves before it and immediatly followed a great storm with dreadful Thunder-claps and when he ask'd the meaning of this confusion and prodigious sight he was told 'T was the desolation of Italy That therefore he should go on in his Expedition and inquire no further but suffer the Destinies to remain unveloped in their Natural obscurity Overjoy'd with this Vision he Fords his Army over the River Iberus divided into three Bodies consisting in all of Ninety thousand Foot and Twelve thousand Horse sending some before who with Presents might conciliate the favor of the Gauls amongst whom he was to pass and also to discover the Passages of the Alps. Then he over-run the Illergetes Bargusians and Ausetanians and the Province of Lacetania now the Bishoprick of Barcellona which lies at the foot of the Pyrenaean Mountains Over all which Tract he made Hanno Governor that he might have at his Devotion those Passes and Streights which join France to Spain allowing him Ten thousand Foot and a thousand Horse to keep them in subjection Whil'st now the Army was begun to be drawn into the Pyrenaean Thickets and Hills and the report ran more certainly current amongst the Barbarous Auxiliaries that 't was the Romans they were designed to fight against Three thousand Foot of the Carpetanes deserted the Service not so much terrified with the War as at the tediousness of the Journy and the insuperable passage of the Alps Annibal being loth either to force them back or retain them against their Wills lest thereby he should provoke the rest that were as fierce and savage as they to a mutiny did of his own accord send home above Seven thousand more whom he perceived to be weary and have no stomach to the Service pretending that the said Carpetanes were also dismiss'd with his free consent But lest lingering and idleness should likewise debauch the Courage of the rest he presently passes the Pyrenaean Hills and Encamps before the Town Illiberis The French although they were told the War was designed only against Italy yet because there was a report that the Spaniards on the other side of the Pyrenaean Mountains were set upon and conquered by Force and great Garisons imposed upon them therefore the Heads of several Nations for fear of being Enslav'd betook themselves to Arms and Rendezvous'd at Rousillon Of which Annibal having advice apprehending more the stop and loss of time than their Arms sent Messengers to their several Princes and Chiefs That he in Person would have a Friendly Conference with them and that the Meeting might be the more easie They should either advance nearer to Illeberis or he go on further towards Rousillon For as he was ready with Joy to receive them into his Camp so he would make no difficulty to venture himself amongst them since he came a Guest not an Enemy into France and was resolv'd if they would but permit him not to draw a Sword until he was entred Italy This pass'd by Curriers between both Parties but presently after the French Chiefs remov'd towards Illeberis and came willingly enough to Annibal as being before brib'd by his large Presents and so gave him free leave to march his Army through their Territories under the Walls of Rousillon In Italy all this while they had no further News than only that Annibal was pass'd beyond Iberus which tidings was brought to Rome by the Envoys from Marseilles yet as if he had
of it which might be expected from so great a Commander Then the private Losses were communicated to every Family and the City was filled with such an universal Mourning and Lamentation that the Anniversary Festival of the Goddess Ceres could not be kept because it was not lawful for any Mourners to celebrate the same and there was not a Matron in the City but was then bewailing the death of some Relation or other Lest therefore other Sacred Rites publick and private should be neglected on the same account the Senate made an Order That all Persons should give over their Mourning at the end of Thirty days But no sooner were the Senators met again in the council-Council-House after they had qualified the confusions in the City but other bad News arriv'd by Letters out of Sicily from T. Otacilius the Pro-Praetor acquainting them That a Fleet of Carthaginians were wasting the Territories of their good Friend King Hiero whom he was willing to have assisted at his request but had intelligence that there lay another Navy ready fitted and Man'd at the Isles Aegates which as soon as they should find the Roman Forces drawn to defend the Syracusans would presently fall upon Lilybaeum and other parts of the Roman Dominions And therefore there was an absolute necessity to equip another Fleet if they would aid the King their Ally and secure Sicily The Letters both of the Consul and of the Pro-Praetor being read it was Resolv'd That M. Claudius Admiral of the Fleet that lay in the Harbor at Ostia should be sent to the Army and withal Letters to the Consul that delivering the charge of the Forces to the Praetor He should come with as much Expedition as the publick Safety would permit to Rome Besides these sad Calamities abroad People were frighted with several Prodigies and amongst the rest because that year there were Two Vestal Nuns Opimia and Floronia convicted of Whoredom of whom one was according to the Custom buried alive at the Gate Collina the other made away her self L. Cantilius Secretary to the Pontiffs whom now they call Petty-Pontiffs the Man that committed Incest with Floronia was so severely scourged by the Arch-Pontiff in the Common-Hall that he died under the blows This Villany happening amongst so many other Disasters as usually it happens was look'd upon as a Prodigy and the Decemvirs were commanded to resort to their Books And moreover Q. Fabius Pictor was sent as far as Delphos to inquire of the Oracle With what Prayers and Supplications they might pacifie the Gods and what would be the end of all these Miseries In the mean time by directions from the Sybilline Books some extraordinary Sacrifices were made and amongst the rest Two Couples a French-man and a French-woman a Grecian-man and a Greek-woman were buried alive in the Beast-market in a place all vaulted in with Stone and which had before been defiled with Humane Victimes though the same were not common in the Religious Ceremonies of the Romans The Gods being thus as they thought sufficiently appeased M. Claudius Marcellus sends Fifteen hundred Soldiers levyed for the Service of the Navy of Ostia to Rome as a Guard for the City and having sent before the Legion that belong'd to the Armado which was the Third under the Command of Teanus Sidicinus a Colonel and committed the Fleet to P. Furius his Colleague he himself a few days after taking long Journies hastned to Canusium By authority of the Senate M. Junius was created Dictator and T. Sempronius Master of the Horse who in their Levy muster'd all the Youth above seventeen Years of age and some that were not so much and thereby raised four Legions and a Thousand Horse Likewise they sent to their Allies of the Latine Nations to raise Forces according to the Form of their respective Leagues ordering that Armor Weapons and all Habiliments of War should be provided and the better to furnish them caused the old Armor and Spoils of their Enemies to be taken down from the Temples Galleries and Publick places where they hung up as Trophies Moreover necessity and want of Free-men enforced them to a new fashion of levying Soldiers for they publickly Arm'd 8000 lusty young Bond-men buying their Freedoms and having first demanded of each If he were willing to serve in the Wars For they thought it better to take up Soldiers thus than to redeem their own Men that had suffered themselves to be taken Prisoners though they might have Ransom'd them at a cheaper rate than they bought these Slaves For Annibal after this so fortunate Field fought at Cannae acting rather as one that had compleated a Conquest than mindful of carrying on the War having first selected from amongst the Prisoners those that were of the Allies with very kind words as he had done before at Trebia and Thrasymenus released them gratis and calling also the Romans before him which formerly he had never done he spake to them fairly enough telling them That in this War with the Romans he aim'd not at their destruction but the Quarrel was only for Glory and Empire That as his Ancestors were forc'd heretofore to truckle to the Roman Valor so he was now endeavoring to make them again in their turn submit to his Courage and Fortune therefore would admit them to redeem those whose luck it was to become his Prisoners at the rate of 500 Quadrigates an Head for Horsemen 300 for Foot and 100 for Servants Now though the Horse-mens ransom was somewhat enhanc'd above what they agreed for when they surrendred themselves yet they gladly received any Conditions of Liberty And therefore thought fit to chuse from amongst themselves ten Persons to go to Rome and move the Senate for the Mony nor did he insist on any other Security for their return than their own Oaths with them was sent Carthalo a Carthaginian Noble-man who if he found the Romans inclinable to Peace had Instructions to propose Terms When these Agents were set forwards and got a little way out of the Camp one of them a Person far from the natural plain-hearted Generosity of a true Roman pretending to have forgot somewhat returns back again to the Camp thereby to evade his Oath and before Night overtook his Companions when Intelligence arriv'd that they were coming towards Rome an Officer was dispatch'd to meet Carthalo and charge him in the Dictators name To be gone before Night at his peril out of the Roman Confines The Senate having vouchsafed these Agents of the Prisoners Audience M. Junius the chief of them spake to this effect Venerable Fathers There is none of us ignorant That never any City or State is wont to have less value for their Subjects when taken Prisoners or at less charge for them than ours But unless we are too partial to our selves in our own Case we think we may avow That never any fell into an Enemies hands who could more justly lay claim to your compassionate Regards than we who yielded
several young Noblemen were slain and amongst the rest Hegeas that commanded that Squadron charging too far upon those that seem'd to fly was cut off However when Annibal came to view the Walls of the Town how strong and impregnable they were he was discouraged from sitting down before it From thence he turn'd his march towards Capua a City grown luxurious with a long prosperity and indulgence of Fortune but amongst all corruptions that there raigned it was most of all infected with the licentiousness of the Commons who beyond all measure abused their Liberty Pacuvius Calavius a man of noble descent and popular in his Carriage but by ill Courses grown Rich had both the Senate and the Commons very much at his Devotion He happen'd to be their Chief Magistrate that year the Romans were over-thrown at Thrasymenus and having some inkling that the Commons who a long time had mortally hated the Senate might if Annibal came that way attempt such a desperate Villany as to murder all the Senators and surrender the City to the Carthaginians though he were an ill man yet he was not so profligately wicked but he rather desired to domineer over the Common-wealth in being than utterly to subvert it and knowing no State could subsist if once depriv'd of publick Council he bethinks himself of a course whereby he might both preserve the Senate and oblige them as well to the Commons as himself Assembling therefore one day the Senate together after a solemn Preface protesting That in no case he could approve of any design of revolting from the Romans unless it were upon necessity as having himself Children by the Daughter of Appius Claudius and his own Daughter married to Livius at Rome but he told them there was a thing in agitation of greater importance and far more dreadful consequence than that For the Commons had a design not only by way of Revolt and Rebellion to rid the City of the Senate's Authority but even to Massacre the Senators and so to yield up to Annibal and the Carthaginians the City void of all Governours and Magistracy That he knew how to free them from this imminent danger if they would trust him with the management of it and forget former jars and differences which had happen'd between them and himself concerning publick affairs All of them present consenting for meer fear to what he propounded I will says he shut you up here in the Council Chamber and by seeming to approve and be a Confederate in those Councils which I should not otherwise be able to oppose I will work a way for your safety and for performance hereof I will give you any security that you your selves shall demand Thus having pass'd his solemn Promise to be true to them away he goes shuts up the Senate-House and sets a Guard in the Lobby and all the Avenues charging them to let no body pass in or out without his Order Then he calls all the people together to the Town-Hall and makes this Speech to them That which so often you have wisht for Fellow Citizens of Capua even an opportunity to punish and revenge your selves of your naughty and accursed Senate is now fairly presented and may with equal ease and safety be perform'd for you need not in a tumultuous way assault their several Houses which by reason of the strong Guards they keep of their Clients and Bond-slaves was not to be done without great hazard but you may set upon them altogether in the Council-Chamber where they are fast shut up alone and without Armour Friends or dependants to rescue them Yet shall you do nothing rashly but I will bring every one of them severally before you to receive your impartial Doom that each according to his desert may be punisht However in the first place you must not so far indulge your just resentments as to suffer a present heat or desire of revenge to betray your future safety For as I conceive it is only these wicked Senators whose persons and ill practices you hate not that you mean wholly to abolish and live without a Senate For either you must have a King which I know you abhor to think of or else that which is the only Council of a Free City a Senate Therefore we have two things before us To Cashier the old Senate and furnish our selves with a new one In order thereunto I will cause the several Senators to be cited and demand your Sentence upon them and what you Decree shall be done but before any be Executed you shall first chuse some good substantial person of Wisdom and Courage worthy to succeed in his place Then down he sits and Orders the Senators names to be drawn by Lot and the man that it first fell upon to be brought thither from the Council Chamber As soon as his name was mentioned every one cryed out That he was a wicked Wretch and a Villain and well deserv'd to be hang'd Then says Pacuvius Well Gentlemen I see what your Judgment is of him Let him turn out like a base Fellow as he is and now go on to chuse a good just and worthy Senator in his room At first they were all husht and silent for want of a better man to supply his place by and by some bold Fellow of the Crowd laying aside modesty names one that he had a fancy for but then presently the Clamour was louder against him than the other some crying out they did not know him others laid vile Crimes to his Charge another said he was a Beggar or else they objected his base descent or scandalous sordid imployment and when a second or third was named the more impetuous they were and muster'd up against every one a thousand Exceptions so that 't was plain the people were weary of the Senator in being but wanted a better to put in his place For to what purpose was it to put up the same men again whom they had already nominated unless to hear them reproach'd afresh and if they went on to others still they appear'd more base and unfit than such as first occurr'd to their thoughts so that at last the people began to whisper one to another Better trust a Knave we know than a Knave we do not know and desired that the old Senators might be set at liberty By this Policy Pacuvius having saved the Senators Lives oblig'd them to himself much more than to the Commons and without Arms govern'd all things at his pleasure none controuling him Thence-forwards the Senators forgetting their Dignity began to court and Complement the Rabble to invite and treat them sumptuously at their Houses to Espouse their Quarrels were always ready to stand by them and appoint Judges favourable to that party that was most in credit with the Mobile so even in the Senate it self all things were transacted just as if it were an Assembly of the Populace That City had always been too much given to Luxury as well by the
natural disposition of the Inhabitants as by that over-flowing plenty of delights and the alluring enticements of all delicacies that either Sea or Land could afford but now such was the obsequious fawning of the Grandees such the insolence and licentious living of the vulgar that they grew wanton beyond all measure and set no bounds either to their outragious Lusts or extravagant Expences Besides their contempt of their own Laws Magistrates and Senate after the overthrow at Cannae they began to despise the Romans Government which before they had in some kind of reverence and that which kept them from a present revolt was that by antient Inter-marriages several of their best Families were Allied to the Romans and especially because when they serv'd the Romans in their Wars three hundred Horsemen of the noblest Birth in all Campania had been drawn out and sent to reside in several Garisons of Sicily Those Gentlemens Parents and Relations with much ado obtain'd that Embassadours should be sent to the Roman Consul who found him before he marcht to Canusium at Venusia accompanied with but a few Souldiers and those scarce half-arm'd in a condition that would most of all have moved pity in the Breasts of well-affected Allies but to those that were unfaithful and proud as these Campanians apt to render him contemptible and indeed the Consul made himself and the state of his affairs to be the more despised by discovering too much his distress and laying it too open For when the Embassadours acquainted him That the Senate and people of Capua were extreamly sorry that any disaster had happen'd to the Romans and offer'd to supply him with all things necessary for War he replyed at this rate You have O Campanians rather observ'd the common phrase and civilities used amongst Allies when you bid us require of you what Warlike assistances we stand in need of than spoken home to the present state of our affairs For what after this defeat at Cannae have we left Or how can we as if we had something of our own desire our Confederates to supply what we are wanting in Shall we request Foot of you Where is our Horse Shall we tell you we lack money as if that were all No No Fortune hath dealt so severely that she hath left us no Fund nothing that can be made up or supplied by others Our Legions of Infantry our Cavalry our Arms our Standards our Horses and our Men our money and our provisions All are lost either in the Field or in those two Camps which next day the Enemy made themselves Masters of Your business therefore O Campanians is not so much to assist us as for us and your selves to undertake the War with the Carthaginians Be pleased to remember when your trembling Ancestors heretofore were beat into and coop'd up within your Walls and dreaded not only the Samnites but the Sidicins too we took them into protection and bravely defended them at Satricula and for your sakes engag'd our selves in a War with the Samnites which lasted with various success for an hundred years Add to this that when you submitted your selves to our Government we concluded an indifferent and equal League with you allow'd you your own ancient Laws and at last bestow'd upon many of you that which before this disaster at Cannae was always counted no small Honour and Priviledge the Freedom of our City and to participate in all rights and immunities equally with our selves Therefore in all reason you ought to esteem the late loss as much your own as ours and count it the common Country to us both which you are to defend You have not to do with the Samnite or the Etrurian so as that the Empire taken from us should still remain in Italy but 't is the Carthaginian that is your Enemy drawing with him a barbarous Train of Souldiers from the Worlds end from as far as the Streights of the Ocean and the Pillars of Hercules nay some of them not born in Africk it self but come no body knows from whence void of all sense of Law or Justice and almost uncapable of humane Speech This brutish rabble wild and cruel both by nature and custom their General hath rendred yet more savage by making Bridges and Cawseys of dead Carcasses and teaching them which I abhor to mention to feed on Mans flesh What mortal born in so civil a Country as Italy can possibly endure to see and have for his Lords these Monsters fed with such execrable diet and run as far as Africk and Carthage for Laws and Justice and suffer Italy to be a Province truckling under the Tyranny of Numidians and Moors How glorious and honourable will it be O worthy Campanians for you by your fidelity and prowess to buoy up and recover the Roman Empire prostrated by this overthrow You can I believe in Campania levy thirty thousand Foot and four thousand Horse you have money enough and enough provision If your Faith be but equal to your Fortune neither shall Annibal have any cause to boast his Victory nor will the Romans much feel their loss The Consul having with this Speech dismiss'd the Embassadours as they were going home one of them Vibius Virius by name thus discours'd his Companions The lucky hour says he is come wherein the Campanians may not only regain their Lands which the Romans have heretofore unjustly taken from them but may moreover secure to themselves and enjoy the Empire of all Italy For they may now make a League with Annibal on what terms they themselves please nor is it to be doubted but Annibal when he has finisht the War will go home to Africk so shall the command of Italy be left to the Campanians The rest all subscrib'd to Virius's notions and accordingly they gave in a report of their Embassy That in all mens judgment the Roman state was utterly defunct and lost beyond any possibility of recovery Whereupon presently the rabble and the greatest part of the Senate were for a Revolt but by the authority of some persons of age and gravity the business was stopt for a few days however at last most Voices carried it That the same Embassadours that had been with the Roman Consul should be sent to Annibal In some Annals I find that before they went or were fully resolv'd to revolt Embassadours were sent to Rome requiring That if the Romans expected their assistance they should admit a Campanian to be always one of their Consuls which the Romans took in such indignation that they forthwith commanded them out of the senate-Senate-House sent a Lictor to carry them out of the City and charge them at their peril not to remain that night within the Roman Territories but because this demand jumps too near with that of the Latines long before and since Coelius and other Writers have not without reason pass'd it over and said nothing thereof I dare not recommend it for a truth 'T is certain their Embassadours
should presently be a League concluded on terms indifferent for both Parties But that promise was not very well perform'd because Amilcar charg'd them with having fraudulently dismiss'd and suffer'd the Romans to escape which the Locrians endeavour'd to excuse by alledging that they ran away and they could not help it And a Party of Horse was sent to pursue them if by chance either the Tide might cause any of the Vessels to stay in the Current of the streight or drive them on shore but though they did not overtake them yet they had sight of other Ships crossing from Messina to Rhegium being Roman Forces sent by Claudius the Praetor to secure that City with a Garrison whereupon the Enemy presently withdrew from before Rhegium The Terms allow'd the Locrians by Annibal's Command were these That they should live under their own Laws and Customs That the City should be free for the Carthaginians to come into but the Locrians should have the Command of the Port and on either side they should mutually assist each other both in Peace and War So the Carthaginians retired from the Streights the Bruttians being much discontented that they had left untoucht Rhegium and Locri both which Cities they design'd to have had the plunder of Therefore soon after they by themselves arm fifteen thousand of their own men and march to assault Croton which was also a City inhabited by Greeks and a Sea-Port imagining they should not a little encrease their wealth and power by being Masters of a well-fortified City so conveniently situate on the Sea-side But still they were pinch'd with a shrewd Dilemma if they did not invite the Carthaginians to join with them in this Expedition it might be counted an affront and breach of the social League between them If they did and they should again act the part rather of Arbitrators of Peace than Assistants in the War then they should fight against the Liberty of the Crotonians as they had done against the Locrians to no purpose and get nothing for their pains Therefore the best expedient they thought was to send Agents to Annibal and obtain his promise that Croton when taken should belong to the Bruttii But Annibal told them That those present on the place could best advise of that matter and referr'd them to Hanno who never would give them any positive Answer for neither were they willing that so noble and rich a City should be plunder'd and on the other side thought that the Crotonians when attacqu'd by the Bruttians seeing that the Carthaginians neither approv'd nor assisted the same might so much the sooner of their own accord revolt to them and desire the Punick assistance Nor were the people of Croton all of a mind for one and the same Disease had infected almost all the Cities of Italy and set the Nobles and the Commons at variance the Senate favouring the Romans and the Populace the Carthaginians This dissention within the City the Bruttians were made acquainted with by a Renegade That Aristomachus was the head of the popular Faction and a great stickler for yielding the City to Annibal That the City being so very vast and the Walls in several places ruinous the Guards and Watches of the Senators and those of the Commons were set at the respective breaches many times a great distance from each other and whereever the Commoners were upon duty they might enter without resistance Upon this Intelligence and with the guidance of this Fugitive the Bruttii environ'd the City round about and being let in by the Commons at the first assault became Masters of the whole City except the Castle which the Nobles held in their own hands and had well-stor'd it with all Provisions for a refuge for themselves in any such surprize Aristomachus fled thither as well as the rest as having been the Adviser to surrender the Town to the Carthaginians not to the Bruttians The Wall of this City Croton before the coming of Pyrrhus into Italy contain'd twelve Miles in compass but after the desolation made by that War scarce one half part of it was inhabited the River that formerly ran through the middle of the Town flow'd now at a great distance from any of the Streets and the Castle stood far from any Houses Six Miles from this City was a noble Temple more famous than the City it self dedicated to Juno Lacinia frequented with great Devotion by all the neighbouring Nations There was a sacred Grove enclosed with a thick under-Wood and losty Fir-Trees in the midst of it were gallant delicate Pastures wherein were fed Beasts consecrated to the Goddess of all sorts without any Keeper for as they went out to feed each kind by themselves so at night they came home every one to his Stall or Pinfold secure from any harm either by the way-layings of wild Beasts or being stoln by men great encrease therefore and profit was made by these Cattel insomuch that out of that Income a solid Pillar of gold was made and consecrated and the Temple renowned for its riches as well as its sanctity And as generally to such notable places are ascrib'd some Miracles or other the story goes That in the very Threshold of this Temple there was an Altar the ashes on which no Wind though ever so high or boisterous could blow away or so much as stir As for the Castle of Croton on the one side it stands on the Sea on the other it looks towards the Fields in old time defended only by the natural advantages of its scituation afterwards fortified with a Wall on that part where Dionysius the Tyrant of Sicily having gain'd the Cliffs behind surpriz'd and took it This Fortress strong enough as they thought to secure them was held by the Nobles as aforesaid besieg'd not only by the Bruttians but their own people too Who at last finding the same impregnable against their Forces were forc'd by necessity to desire Hanno's assistance but he endeavouring to draw them to a surrender upon Terms offers them a Colony of the Bruttii to be planted amongst them and so fill up their City again to its antient frequency of Inhabitants to which not a man would in the least hearken except it were only Aristomachus all the rest affirming That they would sooner die than being mixt with the Bruttians degenerate into Foreign Rites Manners and Laws and in time into a strange barbarous Language Aristomachus alone seeing he could neither prevail with them to surrender nor yet had any opportunity to betray the Castle as he had done the City fled away to Hanno Soon after this Embassadours from Locri by Hanno's permission came up to the Castle and were admitted in who perswaded the Gentlemen there to transport themselves to Locri rather than hazard the last Extremities to which purpose if they pleas'd to accept it they had already obtained for them Annibals pass by Embassadours sent to him on that very Errand So all the persons of note of
whose Negotiation a League was clapt up between the Great Annibal and the Tyrant of Syracuse and for continuing a good correspondence between them Annibal was content his said Agents should continue at the Syracusian Court. Appius Claudius the Praetor who had then the Government of Sicily being advertiz'd of these Overtures immediately dispatcht Embassadours to Hieronymus who acquainting him That they came to renew that ancient Society and Friendship which they had with the King his Grandfather were not heard without making sport at them and askt in an upbraiding kind of Joque by Hieronymus What luck they had at the Battel of Cannae for Annibals Embassadours related incredible stories and he would fain know the truth that he might take his measures accordingly The Romans only answer'd That when he had learnt to give a serious Audience to Embassadours they would come to him again and so having rather admonisht than requested him not rashly to violate the League they departed Hieronymus sends Embassadours to Carthage to confirm the Treaty made with Annibal Wherein it was capitulated That as soon as he had driven the Romans out of Sicily which would presently be done if they would but send some Forces and a Fleet the River Himera which divides the Island very near into equal parts should limit both the Carthaginian and Syracusians Dominion But afterwards being pust up with some peoples flatteries who told him 't was fit he should remember that he was not only the Grandchild of King Hiero but of King Pyrrhus too by the Mothers side he sent another Embassy declaring That he thought it but reasonable That they should quit the whole Island of Sicily and leave it to him and that the Empire of Italy only belonged properly to the Carthaginians to acquire and conquer he having already a right to all Sicily Which Levity and vain-glorious humour they did neither wonder at in an unbridled young man nor would they at present stand to dispute it with him so long as they could on any terms alienate him utterly from the Romans But all these Courses were but Precipices hastning his destruction for having sent before Hippocrates and Epicides with two thousand men to sollicite those Cities to a Revolt wherein the Romans had Garrisons he himself in person entred the Country of the Leontines with all the rest of his Army consisting of about fifteen thousand Foot and Horse the before-mentioned Conspirators who chanc'd to be all then in Arms under him possess'd themselves of an empty House adjoining to a narrow Lane through which the King used to go down to the Market place and publick Hall of the City Where whilst the rest stood ready arm'd waiting his coming one of them whose name was Dinomeni because he waited immediately on the Kings Person had his Cue given him that when his Master came near the Gate he should on some pretence stop the rest of his Attendants in that narrow passage which was done accordingly by holding up his Foot and fidling about his Shoe as if he would unty it being too strait whereby keeping back the Croud the King was stabb'd and receiv'd several wounds before any body could come to his Rescue but upon the Out-cry and Tumult they fell upon Dinomeni who then openly appear'd to stop them however with two slight wounds he escap'd their hands and the Guards seeing the King lie dead betook themselves to their heels the Assassinates went some of them into the Town-Hall gladly received by the Rabble as Authors of their Liberty and others hastned to Syracuse to prevent Andronodorus and others of the Kings Favourites from taking any measures to punish them But before this whilst Affairs there stood in a doubtful posture App. Claudius perceiving a War at hand had advertiz'd the Senate of Rome That Sicily was join'd with the Carthaginians and used all the diligence he could to bring his Forces to the Frontiers to obviate their designs Towards the end of the year Q. Fabius by Authority from the Senate fortified and placed a Garrison at Puteoli a Mart-Town that began much to be frequented since these Wars From whence being to come for Rome to chuse Consuls he Ordered the Elections to be held the very next day after his Arrival and was so intent thereupon that he came from his Journey directly into Mars's Field before he went into the City Where the youngest Century of the Anien Tribe happening by Lot to have the Prerogative of giving their Suffrages first they nominated T. Otacilius and M. Aemilius Regillus for Consuls Then Q. Fabius commanding silence made the following Oration If we had either Peace in Italy or War with such an Enemy as failures of negligence or errour might be of no great importance or easily retriev'd I should think that whoever offer'd to delay or oppose the favours and free affections of this solemn Assembly in conferring Offices and Honours upon whom you please were justly to be blam'd as intrenching upon your Liberties and Freedom of Choice But since in this War and with this Enemy never any General of ours took one false step in his Conduct but it cost us some vast overthrow and prov'd almost fatal to our Common-wealth It is absolutely necessary that you should come hither to Elect Consuls with no less care and caution than you would use if you were now just marching into the Field to Engage the Enemy and every one lay his hand upon his heart and say to himself I am this day to nominate a Consul that may be a match for General Annibal This year before Capua when Jubellius Taurea the bravest Cavalier of that City defied the Romans and Challeng'd to fight Man to Man Asellus Claudius the stoutest Horseman amongst the Romans was chosen to Encounter him Heretofore against a Gaul that offer'd Combat upon the Bridge over Anio our Ancestors sent out Manlius a resolute Champion of equal Courage and strength For the same reason many years after upon such another occasion the like trust was reposed in M. Valerius and he had leave to fight with another braving Gaul Therefore since we desire to have Footmen and Horsemen superiour or at least equal to any the Enemy can boast of and are so wary to match them even in single Rancounters much more ought we to seek out a Commander in Chief no way inferiour to the Enemies General since thereon the safety of the whole Army nay of the whole Commonwealth depends And even when we have chosen the ablest Leader we can he will still be under great disadvantages for as soon as he is Elected and that too but for one years space he must deal with an old and perpetual General bound up by no limits of time or formalities of Laws and superiour Orders but free to manage all things to the utmost advantage as opportunities shall occur Whereas whilst we are preparing and disposing of things and have scarce begun to put our well laid designs in Execution the year is wheel'd
about our Commissions expired and our Armies fall under new Conduct But since I have said enough to admonish you what kind of men you ought to create Consuls it remains that I speak briefly of those Gentlemen on whom the Prerogative Century have bestow'd their favour As for Aemilius Regillus he is already the Flamen or High Priest to Quirinus whom we can neither spare from his sacred Ministry nor yet keep him at home to follow it without neglecting either the service of the Gods or the due care of the War I confess Otacilius married my Sisters Daughter and hath Children by her but you have merited better both at my Ancestors hands and mine than that I should prefer my private Relations before the regards I have to the publick utility Any common Sailer or Passenger can steer in fair weather but when a blustering Tempest is up and the Ship toss'd and every moment ready to be swallow'd by the raging Sea a skillful hand is requir'd at Helm We sail not now in a Calm but have been already almost cast away and on the very brink of destruction by several unlucky storms and therefore are concern'd to take the greatest care and caution imaginable whom we imploy to be our Steersman In a matter of less importance we have made trial O T. Otacilius of your knowledge and diligence nor have you yet given us any such proof thereof as should encourage us to entrust greater affairs to your management The Fleet whereof you were this year Admiral we fitted out for three purposes That it should wast the Sea Coasts of Africk secure our own Italian shores and especially to prevent any supplies of Men Money or Provisions being sent from Carthage to Annibal Now with all my heart create T. Otacilius if he perform'd all these particulars or even any one of them for the Commonwealth But if whilst you were Admiral all things pass'd to Annibal as free and secure as if we had had never a Ship out at Sea If the Coasts of Italy have this year been much more infested with Depredations than those of Africk why of all men living should we make choice of you as the only General to cope with Annibal Nay rather if you were already Consul we should judge it necessary forthwith to appoint a Dictator according to the usage of our Ancestors Nor ought you to resent it ill that in the whole City of Rome there is some one person esteem'd an abler Warriour than you The truth is 't is no particular mans Interest more than yours not to overload your shoulders with a burthen under which you needs must sink I therefore repeat my advice and earnestly intreat you my Fellow Citizens That you would in Electing Consuls this day exercise that Judgment and careful Providence as if you were standing arm'd in Battalia and were there to chuse two Generals under whose Conduct you were presently to venture your Lives for 't is to them our Children must take the Oath of Obedience 't is at their Edict they must Rendezvous and to their Care and Prudence are our Armies entrusted and all we have in the World The Lake Thrasymenus and the Plains before Cannae are sad Examples to remember I wish they may he as useful precedents to teach us to avoid the like for the future Come Cryer call the Prerogative Tribe to a new Scrutiny T. Otacilius bawling out very fiercely That Fabius 's only drift was to continue himself in the Consulship and growing troublesome to the Assembly by his Clamours the Consul commanded his Lictors to seize him and because he himself came directly out of the Country into the Field gave Order that the Axes should be openly born before him in the Field as well as the Rods to shew his Authority In the mean time the Prerogative Century gave new Suffrages and chose Q. Fabius Maximus the fourth time and M. Marcellus the third wherein the rest of the Centuries agreed with them without any hesitation One Praetor was also continued Q. Fulvius Flaccus the three others new created viz. T. Otacilius Crassus the second time Q. Fabius the Consuls Son who was then Curule Aedile and P. Cornelius Lentulus The Election of Praetors being over the Senate pass'd a Decree That the City Province should belong to Q Fulvius without putting it to the Lot and that whilst the Consuls were abroad in the Wars he should have the principal charge of the City This Year happen'd great Rains and abundance of Snow destroying many Houses Cattel and Men. In the fifth year of the Punick War Q. Fabius Maximus entring upon the Consulship the fourth time and M. Claudius Marcellus the third rais'd the minds of the City to an unusual expectation there not having been such a famous couple of Consuls for divers years past but those that were antient compar'd them with Maximus Rullus and P. Decius against the Gallick War Or as afterwards Papirius and Carvilius were declared Consuls against the conjoin'd Arms of the Samnites Bruttians Lucans and Tarentines Marcellus was created now in his absence being with the Army but Fabius present and himself holding the Election but the present Juncture necessity of the War and extream danger of the Commonwealth suffer'd none to cavil at this precedent nor to censure Fabius of Ambition or desire of Command but rather applauded the greatness of his mind who seeing there was a necessity of having the ablest Commander Rome could yield and knowing himself to be the person could so nobly slight the envy which he himself might contract and undervalue it in comparison of the service he hop'd to do for the publick The same day the Consuls entred upon their Office they assembled the Senate in the Capitol and the first thing they pass'd was a Decree That the Consuls should either cast Lots or agree between themselves which of them should stay to hold the Assemblies for chusing of Censors before he went to the Army Then all that were employ'd abroad with any Forces were continued in their respective Commands and Order'd to remain in their several Provinces Ti. Gracchus at Luceria where he was with the Army of Volunteer Slaves C. Terentius Varro in the Picene Country and Manius Pomponius in the Cisalpine Gaul That of the last years Praetors Q. Mucius in the Character of Pro-Praetor should govern Sardinia M. Valerius preside over Brundusium and the adjacent Sea Coast to observe the Motions of King Philip of Macedon The Province of Sicily was decreed to P. Cornelius Lentulus the Praetor and T. Otacilius to be Admiral of the same Fleet as he had last year against the Carthaginians This Year many Prodigies were talkt of and as simple superstitious people grew more apt to credit them there were daily more and more reported As that at Lanuvium Ravens had built Nests within the Chappel of Juno Sospita That in Apulia a green Palm-Tree was on a light fire of its own accord At Mantua a Pool or Lake sed
Roman Garrison were sent them Which he promised them and in order thereunto dispatcht two thousand choice men to the mouth of the River that runs from thence under the Command of Q. Naevius Crista a diligent man and excellent Souldier who having Landed his men and sent back his Ships to Oric march'd at a great distance from the River by a way not at all guarded by the Kings Forces and so in the night got into the City without being perceiv'd The next day he rested his men and spent his own time in mustering the youth of the City and surveying their Arms and the strength of the place with which being well satisfied and encouraged and withal inform'd by his Scouts how secure and negligent the Enemy was he makes a Sally in the dead of the night and with a still march entred the Enemies Camp who lay so naked and horrible careless that 't is certain above a thousand of his men were got over their Rampier before one of them took the Alarm and if they had forborn falling upon them they might have gone up to the Kings Tent before any notice taken but the killing of some near the Ports awaken'd the Enemy who were all in such a fright and consternation that not a man took Arms to oppose them nay the King himself as he started out of sleep half naked and in an habit scarce fit for a common Souldier much less a Prince fled to the River and got on board his Fleet whither his people follow'd after him in heaps There were well near three thousand in all taken and slain but the greater number taken The Camp was plundred the Apollonians got all his Capults Balists and other Battering Engines which they carried home to secure their own Walls whenever there should happen the like occasion all the rest of the Booty fell to the share of the Roman Souldiers As soon as news of this defeat came to Oric Valerius presently set Sail with his Fleet to the mouth of the River to prevent the Kings Escape by Sea whereupon Philip distrusting his power on Sea as well as on shore to be too weak to cope with the Romans sunk and burnt his Ships and so march'd by Land to Macedonia his Forces having lost all their Baggage and most part of their Arms the Roman Navy continued all Winter with Valerius at Oric Variety of Action happen'd this year in Spain for before the Romans could get over the River Iberus Mago and Asdrubal had routed a mighty Host of Spaniards so as all the further part of Spain had revolted if P. Cornelius had not with great Expedition transported his Army and seasonably come up to assure the minds of his wavering Allies He first encamp'd at a place call'd High Castle famous for the death of the great Amilcar It was a place well fortified and they had already stor'd up their Corn there yet because it was in the midst of the Enemies Quarters whose Cavalry had several times faln upon the Roman Fort and got off again clear In which Incursions they had slain at least two thousand men either loitering behind the rest or carelesly straggling about the Country it was thought fit to remove from thence into places more quiet and secure and so encamped on Mount Victoria thither came Cn. Scipio with all his Forces and also Asdrubal the Son of Gisco the third in renown and quality of all the Punick Generals with a compleat Army and both these sat down on the other side the River over against the first mentioned Camp of the Romans P. Scipio riding out with a few light Horse to take a view of the ground the Enemy discover'd him and in that open Champain Country had undoubtely cut him off but that he got to an Hill of advantage hard by where he was encompass'd for some time but by the coming up of his Brother with a Party to his Rescue got off without much loss Castulo a strong and noble City of Spain and so strictly allied to the Carthaginians that Annibal married his Wife from thence did yet notwithstanding now quit their Party and join with the Romans The Carthaginians began to assault Illiturgis where there lay a Roman Garrison whom they hoped to master the sooner because they understood they were already in great want of Provisions Cn. Scipio to relieve his Confederates and his own Souldiers that were there march'd with a Legion of Souldiers lightly arm'd between the Enemies two Camps skirmishing with them all the way not without great slaughter and so entred the City and the next day made a Sally no less fortunate For in those two Conflicts he kill'd above twelve thousand of the Enemy took more than ten thousand Prisoners with six and thirty Colours Thus was the Siege of Illiturgis raised and in the next place the Carthaginians laid Siege to Bigerra which was also in Amity with the Romans but Cn. Scipio advancing thither they quitted the same without fighting After which the Punick Camp lying at Munda the Romans followed hard at their heels where they fought a pitch'd Battel for four hours space but the Romans having much the better of the day were on a sudden call'd off by a Retreat sounded because Cn. Scipio was hurt in the Thigh with a barbed Javelin and the Souldiers about him were in some disorder fearing the wound was mortal If that accident had not stopt them 't is certain they had that day taken the Enemies Camp for they had already driven not only the Souldiers but the Elephants too up to the French and as they stood there as it were at Bay no less than thirty nine Elephants were kill'd and wounded with Darts and Javelins In this Battel likewise were kill'd by report twelve thousand almost three thousand taken Prisoners and fifty seven Colours won The Enemy retreated from thence to the City Aurinx and the Romans to give them no breathing time after their late Overthrows pursued hard after them There again Scipio though carried into the Field in an Horse-litter fought them and had the Victory clear though not half so many of the Enemy kill'd as before because there were not now so many left to fight But being amongst a people naturally addicted to Wars Mago sent forth by his Brother Asdrubal to make new Levies soon recruited the Army and then they had the heart to venture another Battel As most of their men were thus new-rais'd and the rest such as had been so often cow'd before so their success was according eight thousand kill'd not less than two thousand taken Prisoners and fifty eight Colours together with abundance of Gallick Spoils Gold Rings Chains and Bracelets likewise two Princes of the Gauls whose names were Menicapto and Civismaro lost their lives in this Battel eight Elephants taken and three kill'd And now after all these successes in Spain the Romans began to be asham'd that they had suffer'd the City of Saguntum the original Cause of the whole
not speedily seconded therefore they all every one for himself strain'd to the utmost and though showres of Darts and Javelins were darted at them and the Enemy opposed both their Arms and their bodies to oppose their passage yet they pressed on with undaunted resolution and failed not to attempt every place high or low easie or difficult till they had broke through and got in In which Service great numbers were wounded but even they that bled till they fainted were ambitious of dying within the Enemies Trenches so that the Camp was taken in a moment as if it had been situate on plain ground and nothing fortified Thenceforwards 't was not a Fight but a Slaughter pell-mell throughout the Camp above six thousand of the Enemy slain and more than that number taken Prisoners together with all the Capuans that came for Corn and their Carts and Cattel besides a very rich Booty which Hanno had plunder'd from all the Romans Allies The Works being dismantled the victorious Romans return to Beneventum and there both Consuls for App. Claudius came thither within few days sold and divided the Spoil giving rewards to those who first mounted the Enemies Rampier especially to Vibius the Pelignian and T. Pedantius eldest Captain of the third Legion Hanno being at Cominium Ceritum when he received Intelligence of the loss of his Camp hastned thence with some few Forragers whom he had with him into the Bruttians Country more like one that fled in a Rout than with an orderly Retreat The Campanians upon advice of this utter overthrow both of their Confederates and loss of their own people sent Agents to inform Annibal That the two Consuls lay at Beneventum but one days march from Capua so that the War was but a step from the very Walls and Gates of their City and if he made not Expedition to relieve them Capua would sooner fall into the Enemies hands than Arpos did that certainly they hop'd he would not think the whole City of Tarentum much less the Castle only of such importance that he should for the sake thereof suffer Capua forsaken and undefended to be exposed to the Romans even that Capua which he was wont to compare with Carthage it self Annibal promising that the would take their safety into his care sends back with the Messengers two thousand Horse at present to prevent the plundering of the Country The Romans in the mean time amongst their other affairs neglected not the preservation of the Castle of Tarentum and the Garrison there Beleaguer'd The Praetor P. Cornelius by the Senates Order sent C. Servilius his Lieutenant General into Tuscany to buy up Corn who with several Ships laden therewith arriv'd at Tarentum passing through all the Guards of the Enemy Whose Arrival so heartned the Souldiers that whereas before being well near hopeless the Enemy would often by way of Parley tempt them to desert the service and come over to them now on the contrary they were as busy to induce the Townsmen to revolt to them And indeed the Garrison was pretty strong the Souldiers that Quarter'd at Metapont being brought to their assistance and the Metapontines were no sooner rid of them but they fell off to Annibal as did also the Thurines who inhabited not far off on the same Sea-Coast being instigated thereunto as well by the Example of the Metapontines to whom they were related being all descended from Achaia as out of spight and revenge against the Romans for having lately put to Death the Hostages of whom some were of their City Whose Friends and Kindred sent Letters to Hanno and Mago who Quarter'd not far off in the Bruttians Country That if they would but bring their Forces before the Walls they would surrender the City into their hands The Governour there was M. Atinius with a small Garrison but 't was thought he might be drawn rashly to hazard a Battel not so much on confidence of his own Souldiers who were but few as relying upon the Thurine Youth whom he had caused to be all Muster'd and Train'd to Arms against such an Exigency The Punick Generals divided their Forces and so came into the Thurines Country Hanno with a Squadron of Foot advanc'd with Banners display'd directly towards the City Mago staid with the Cavalry behind the Hills which lay between him and the Town very convenient to conceal an Ambuscade Atinius being inform'd by his Scouts that there was only a Body of Foot and no Horse amongst them draws out his Forces into the Field to fight them being equally ignorant of the Treachery within and the Enemies stratagem abroad The Foot Skirmish was but faint and slow for on one side only a few Romans in the Vanguard charg'd the Enemy for the Thurines stood rather waiting the event than willing to hazard themselves and on the other side the Carthaginians did purpose by giving ground to drill the Romans so far that the Horse from behind the Hills might conveniently fall upon their Rear who when they saw a conveniency with a great shout charg'd on full drive behind them and the Thurines as soon as they saw them betook themselves to their heels being but a raw undisciplin'd rabble and besides not hearty to the side they were engag'd in The Romans though encompass'd and charg'd behind with the Cavalry and before with the Infantry yet for some time maintain'd the Conflict but at last being over-power'd they too began to fly to the City where the Conspirators being gather'd together in heaps after by opening the Gates they had receiv'd in their own Townsmen when they saw the Romans come running apace in disarray cry'd out The Carthaginians were at their heels and intermixt with them would seize the City unless immediately the Gates were clapt to so the Romans were shut out and expos'd to be cut to pieces by the Enemy only Atinius and some few more got in after this there was Debate for a while amongst the Townsmen themselves some being for standing on their Guard and defending the place others for a present yielding to the Conquerors but in the end Fortune and design together prevail'd and having brought Atinius and his Souldiers to the Haven and put them on Board more out of affection to his person for his civil and gentle Government than out of respect to the Romans they admitted the Carthaginians into the City The Consuls march their Legions from Beneventum into Campania not only to destroy their Granaries of Corn laid up for Winter but to assault Capua it self thinking they should illustrate their Consulship by the destruction of so rich a City and besides wipe off that dishonour and scandal from the Roman Empire in suffering a place so near to continue now the third year in Rebellion without chastizing them for their perfidiousness But that Beneventum might not be without a Guard nor expos'd to sudden accidents of War if Annibal should come that way to relieve his Confederates which they doubted not but he would
and rifled all that they could lay their hands on And because these Rascallions would not be without Commanders they chose from amongst themselves six Provosts or Captains three to govern the Acradine and the other three Nasos or that quarter of the City call'd The Isle But after the uproar was somewhat appeased the mercenary Auxiliaries inquiring more strictly what the Articles agreed with the Romans really were found themselves abus'd with mis-information and that their condition and that of the Fugitives was very different To confirm which the Commissioners seasonably return'd from Marcellus assuring them that they were carried away with a false surmise and that the Romans did not pretend any cause they had to punish them One of the three Provosts of Acradine was a Spaniard named Meric to whom amongst the Commissioners Attendants there was purposely sent one of the Spanish Auxiliaries who having got Meric to a private Conference First acquainted him in what condition he left Spain for he was newly come from thence That the Roman Arms there carried all before them That he had an opportunity if he would do a piece of good service to make himself a great man chuse whether he list either to serve under the Romans or return into his own Country on the other side if he persisted in that course he was in and would still be besieg'd what hopes could he have being shut up both by Land and Sea Meric influenc'd with these reasons when 't was agreed that new Embassadours should be address'd to Marcellus sent his own Brother for one who by the before mentioned Spaniard was introduc'd by himself unknown to all the rest unto Marcellus and after assurance of Protection given and the manner adjusted how the Intriegue should be mannag'd return'd to the Acradine Meric to prevent all suspition of foul play declares That he did not like this perpetual trotting to and fro of Embassadours he thought it safer neither to send or receive any for fear of some surprize and to the end the Guards might be more strictly kept he advised that the several Quarters of the City should be conveniently divided amongst the Provosts That each might answer for the Post committed to his Charge This the rest of the Provosts readily assented unto and he happen'd to have that part which extended from the Fountain call'd Arethusa to the mouth of the great Haven Of which he gave the Romans notice Therefore in the night Marcellus caused a Merchant Ship fill'd with armed men to be towed with a Galley to the Acradine and landed the Souldiers over against the Gate that was hard by the said Fountain about the relief of the fourth Watch and Meric according to Agreement receiv'd them in at the Gate Marcellus at the very dawning of the day brings up all his Forces before the Walls of Acradine as if he would presently storm whereby he not only held those in play who were particularly order'd to guard that place but also drew the Souldiers out of the other part call'd Nasos who leaving their Guards hastned in Troops to relieve their Fellows and repulse the Romans During this Tumult several Barges prepared and man'd before were brought about to Nasos and there set other Souldiers ashore who coming unawares upon the Corps du-Guards left weak and thin and finding the Gates left open by those who were just before gone through them to the Acradine easily made themselves Masters of Nasos deserted by the fear and flight of those that should have secured it nor did any of them use less means to defend themselves or more eagerness to be gone than the Fugitives who durst not well trust their own Fellows and therefore in the hottest of the Skirmish made their escape Marcellus being advertiz'd that Nasos was wholly taken and some part of Acradine sounded a Retreat to his men lest the Kings Treasure which was noised to be much greater than it was should if the rest of the place were taken by storm happen to be rifled and embezel'd The fury of the Souldiers being a little allay'd and time and opportunity given to those Fugitives that were in Acradine to run away The Syracusians eased of their fears set open their Gates and send Agents to Marcellus begging nothing else but their own and their Childrens Lives Marcellus having call'd a Council where those Syracusians who during these civil dissentions had been forc'd to forsake their dwellings and take shelter amongst the Roman Garrisons were likewise admitted to be present return'd Answer to the said Agents in these words There were not more good Offices for the space of fifty years received at the hands of King Hiero by the people of Rome than injuries offered and mischiefs intended against them within these few years past by those that have had the Government of Syracuse but most of those mischiefs have in the end deservedly lighted upon their own heads and the breakers of the League have brought upon themselves more grievous punishments than the Romans would ever be willing to inflict For my own part this is now the third year since I have lain before Syracuse not with any design to enslave that City to the Romans but to rescue it from the Tyranny and Oppressions of Rebels and Fugitives What fair Quarter the Syracusians might have had from me appears by the Example of those of that City who were amongst the Roman Garrisons by the usage of the Spanish Captain Meric who delivered up his Garrison yea by the free resolute surrender of the Syracusians at last though somewhat at the latest and their Treatment shall testify the same mild inclinations for after all my toils and hazards which I have thus long undergone both by Land and Sea before the Walls of Syracuse I shall count no advantage that might be made of its spoils so sweet and desirable a reward for all my services as the glory of being able at last to conquer it Thâ—n was the Treasurer sent with a Guard to Nasos to receive and secure the Kings Treasure and the Souldiers had leave to plunder the City except only their Houses who had been amongst the Roman Garrisons at whose Doors Centinels were set to secure them Amongst many lewd instances of rage and avarice then acted 'T is recorded that the great Archimedes in such a mighty tumult as must be supposed in a City taken by an incensed Enemy and Souldiers every where running to and fro to rifle it was so unconcern'd as to be busy in beholding certain Schemes and Mathematical Figures which he had drawn in the dust and in that posture was knockt o' th' Head by a rude Souldier not knowing who he was whereat Marcellus being much griev'd and offended took care to have him honourably buried and inquiring out his Relations not only preserv'd them from all violence but made very much of them meerly in respect to his Name and Memory Thus have you heard by what means Syracuse was won In which
from the Castle and Capitol down the open brow of the Hill an Out-cry was set up That the Aventine was taken which caused such a general terrour and running that if the Carthaginian Tents had not been without the other side of the City the timorous multitude had undoubtedly fled clear away and abandon'd the Town but instead thereof they now betook them to their Houses and thence with weapons and stones pelted their Friends as they march'd through the streets instead of their Enemies nor was there any means to suppress the Tumult or make them sensible of their mistake the streets were so crowded with Troops of Country-people and Cattel which the sudden fright occasion'd by Annibals approach had driven into the City In the Skirmish between the Horse the Romans had the better on 't and repulsed the Enemy And because there was continual need to appease Disorders and Tumults that were apt to arise upon small occasions in several places at once it was decreed That all that had been Dictators Consuls or Censors should have as much power as if they were still in those Offices till such time as the Enemy was gone from before the Walls By which means divers vain and rash Tumults occasion'd by false Alarms in the remaining part of that day and the night following were happily pacified Next morning Annibal passing the River Anio drew up all his Forces in Battalia nor did Flaccus and the Consuls decline the Field but when both Armies were ready for an Engagement on the issue whereof depended no less than the whole Fortunes of Rome there happen'd a mighty showre of Rain intermingled with Hail which so incommoded both Hosts that they could scarce hold their Weapons but were forc'd to retreat into their respective Camps though on each side fearing nothing less than the Enemy The morrow after likewise when they stood in the same place in Battel-array a like Tempest separated them and yet each time they were no sooner retired into their Camps but the weather presently prov'd fair and calm These odd accidents the Carthaginians look'd upon as an ominous Prefage to them of ill Luck and Annibal is reported to have said That one while his mind and another while his Fortune would not give him leave to make himself Master of Rome There were other occurrences besides as well small as great which discouraged him That of most importance was That whilst he lay with his Host before the Walls of Rome he understood there were several Regiments with Banners display'd sent away to reinforce the Armies in Spain Of less reckoning and yet considerable was this that he was advertiz'd by certain Prisoners That the very same plot of ground whereon his Army lay encamp'd happening in that juncture to be sold was bought at the full rate and nothing abated This he counted such a presumptuous and scornful affront that Rome should afford a Chapman for that piece of Land which he was possessed of That to retaliate the Bravado he caused a publick Cryer by sound of Trumpet to offer to Sale all the Goldsmiths Shops about the Market-place in Rome but met with none that would purchase them Not a little affected with these discouragements he dislodg'd and retreated to the River Tutia six miles from the City and from thence to the Grove of Feronia where stood a Temple in those days famous for its Riches for the Capenates inhabiting thereabouts paying their First-fruits and other Gifts there in great abundance had adorn'd it with great store of Gold and Silver All which they rifled and took away only great heaps of Brass there were found there after Annibal was gone because his Souldiers smote with a kind of remorse of Conscience thinking it seems Exchange no Robbery had for the Gold and Silver left their Brass-money in the stead of it The sacking of this Temple all Writers agree in But Caelius saith That Annibal as he went towards Rome from Eretum turned thither and sets down his Gests or Marches thus first from Reate Cutiliae and Amiternum and that out of Campania he came into Samnium then amongst the Pelignians by the Town Sulmo to the Marrucines thence by Alba to the Marsians so to the Village Foruli nor is there any doubt but he passed that way for the footsteps of so great an Army could not in so small a time be worn out The only Controversie is Whether he came that way to the City or returned back by those places into Campania Nor was Annibal so resolutely bent to raise the Siege of Capua as the Romans to continue and re-inforce it for he in his return hastened another way first out of the Lucans Country to the Bruttians and thence to the Streights towards Sicily so that he was got to Rhegium before they were aware and had almost taken them napping Though Capua during Flaccus's absence was not dully attacqu'd yet it was more sensible of his return and much they wondred why Annibal came not back thither as well as he But afterwards by some Intelligence from abroad they perceiv'd that they were abandon'd and forsaken and that the Carthaginians despair'd of retaining that City Besides the Proconsul by Order of the Senate set forth a Proclamation which was spread in the Town That all Citizens of Capua who should surrender themselves to him by a certain day should be receiv'd and have Quarter But none laid hold of that Overture being kept in rather by Fear than Loyalty as apprehending that by their Revolt they had offended beyond all hopes of Pardon But as none by private discretion came over to the Enemy so neither was there by publick Council any good course taken for their preservation the Nobility had quitted all Care of the Common-wealth nor could they be got to appear in the Senate He that held the chief place in their Government was one who thereby gain'd himself no Honour but by the baseness of his Quality lost that Dignity and Reverence which was due to his Office Not one of the chief Citizens would appear in the Common Hall or any publick Meeting but hugging themselves up in their private Houses expected daily their own ruine with that of the State The whole weight and care of Affairs lay upon Bostar and Hanno Commanders of the Punick Garrison who were solicitous not so much for the Cities preservation as their own safety They wrote Letters to Annibal with expressions not only free but sharp and upbraiding taxing him That he had not only relinquish'd Capua to the Enemy but betray'd them and the Garrison to the Roman Cruelty to be butcher'd with all kind of Tortures That he was slunk away amongst the Bruttians as one that turn'd his face on purpose that he might not with his own eyes behold Capua taken whereas on the contrary the Romans could not be withdrawn from thence even when their Metropolis Rome it self was in danger so much more constant were they in their Enmity than the Carthaginians in their
tyed to a Stake be first scourged as a Slave and afterwards submit my Neck to a Roman Hatchet Thâ—se Eyes of mine shall not be Spectators of the ruins of my Country nor look on whilst this Noble City is laid in Ashes our chast Matrons and modest Virgins and ingenuous Youths deflour'd and ravisht and by force abused with unnatural Lusts These cruel Romans who heretofore rased utterly to the very foundations the City Alba from whence themselves were descended that there might be no memorial left of their Original shall we believe they will now spare Capua which they hate no less mortally than they do Carthage it self Therefore as many of you as resolve to quit the World before you see these so many and intolerable Calamities go home with me where I have a plentiful Supper provided for you all and when with good Chear and store of Wine you have solac'd your selves I 'll begin a Cup of deliverance to you which going round shall soon free our Bodies from tortures our minds from anguish and the disgraces of insulting Infamy and rescue our Eyes from beholding our Ears from hearing those Cruelties which must certainly attend the Conquered And to put a full period to our unhappiness and prevent future indignities some Servants shall be ready to set fire to a Funeral Pile in the open Yard and cast our Bodies thereinto This is the only honest way left us now to death and becoming Gentlemen wherein both our Enemies shall with amazement applaud our Courage and Annibal repent himself for having deserted and betray'd such stout and magnanimous Allies There were more present that could give this Oration of Virius's the hearing and seem'd to applaud it than could find in their hearts to put that in Execution which they so recommended The greater part of the Senate having in several Wars experienc'd the Roman Clemency could not despair but that they might be prevail'd with to extend mercy to them also notwithstanding all past provocations and therefore Decreed and sent Embassadours with Commission to yield up Capua into their hands In the mean time about twenty seven Senators went home with Virius and supp'd with him and after they had done what they could by free-taking off their Cups to drown their sorrows and make themselves insensible of the imminent miseries did all carouze to one anothâ—r out of a poison'd Bowl and then rising from Table shook hands and took their last farewel with Embraces bewailing their own misfortune and the miserable state of their own Country some continued there to be burnt in the same Pile others departed home to their respective Houses But by reason their Veins were so fill'd with good Chear and Wine the operation of the Venome was very slow so that most of them liv'd all that night and part of next day before they expiâ—'d but all were dead before the Gates were set open to the Enemy of whom next day one Legion of Foot and two Squadrons of Horse under the Command of C. Fulvius the Lieutenant General entred at Jupiter's Gate He first took care to have all the Arms and Ammunition that was in Capua brought in to him and then planting Guards at all the Gates and Avenues that none might escape out of the City secured the Punick Garrison and Commanded all the Senators to be sent into the Roman Camp where they were loaded with Irons and Order'd to deliver what Gold and Silver they had into the Treasureâ—s hands the Gold amounted to seventy pounds weight and three thousand two hundred pounds weight of silver of the Senators twenty five were sent to Cales to be kept in safe Custody and twenty eight to Theanum being all such as were known to have had a principal hand in causing the Revolt from the Romans Touching the punishment of these Senators Fulvius and Claudius could not agree the latter being more inclined to savour them the former rigorously bent to chastize them with the utmost severity Appius therefore referr'd the whole matter to the judgment of the Senate alledging that it would be fit their Lordships should take their Examinations whereby they would have an opportunity to inquire whether they had held correspondence with any of the Free-Towns of the Latine state that were in alliance with the Romans Or had from them received any assistance during the War But Fulvius affirm'd That was not to be suffer'd That the minds of faithful Sociates should be disquieted with jealousies and vain suspitions of Crimes or to be call'd in Question upon the Information of a parcel of people that made no Conscience of any thing they either did or said and therefore he would for ever crush and suppress all such kind of Inquisitions Upon this Discourse they parted and Appius though he heard his Collegue talk high did not doubt but he would wait till the Letters arriv'd from Rome to signify the Senates pleasure in an affair of that moment But Fulvius fearing the same might hinder his purpose as soon as the Council of War was dismiss'd Commanded the Colonels and Captains of the Allies to get ready two thousand selected Horse to march at a third sound of the Tâ—umpet with this Body of Cavalry he set forwards in the night towards Theanum and by break of day came into that Town riding forwards directly to the Market-place the people running together from all parts amaz'd at the sight of such a power of Horse then he order'd the Chief Magistrate a Sedicine to be call'd and Commanded to bring forth those Capuans he had in Custody who being all produc'd were first scourg'd with Rods and then Beheaded From thence with the same Party he rode upon the Spur to Cales where having seated himself on the Tribunal as the Capuans there Prisoners were brought before him and stood bound to the Stakes a Currier arriv'd from Rome and delivered to him Letters from C. Calpurnius the Praetor together with a Decree of the Senate and presently there ran a rumour through the whole Assembly That the hearing and sentence of the Capuans was reserved intirely to the Fathers But Fulvius suspecting no less having receiv'd the Letters clapt them up in his bosom without breaking them open and bid the Cryer command the Lictor to proceed to Execution according to Law and so the Prisoners were all put to Death Then were the Letters and Decree of the Senate read but too late to hinder what was already done As Fulvius was rising from the Bench Taurea Jubellius a Capuan walking along the City crouded through the multitude and call'd upon him by Name and when Fulvius wondring what he would have was sat down again Command me too quoth he to be murther'd that thou maist boast another day of having kill'd a far better man and much more valiant than thy self Flaccus told him That he was mad and that if he had a mind to put him to Death he had now no power being restrain'd by the Senates Order To which Jubellius
replied Since after my Country is over-run my Relations and Friends destroyed and that with my own hands I have dispatcht my Wife and Children because they should suffer no Villainous Indignities I my self cannot obtain so much as to die the same Death which my Country-men have here suffer'd before my face Let me by my own Courage revenge my self of this Life which is so odious to me At which words drawing forth a Sword which he had hid under his Vest he ran himself through the Breast and fell down gasping at the Generals Feet But forasmuch as the Capuans Execution and most other affairs there were transacted by Flaccus alone and without the consent of his Collegue some Authors write that App. Claudius died about the time of that Cities surrender as also that this Taurea neither came of his own accord to Cales nor fell by his own hand but that being with the rest bound to a Stake and the noise of the people hindring the hearing of what he said silence was commanded and that then he spake the before-mention'd words viz. That he was basely put to death by a fellow nothing comparable to himself for Courage and Vertue whereupon by the Pro-Consuls Order the Cryer said to the Executioner Go Lictor and see you let this valiant man have the preeminence begin with him first and let him have a greater share of your pains than his fellows Likewise there are some Authors that say the Senates Ordinance was read before they were Beheaded but because the same run That if he thought good he should refer the whole matter to the Senate he interpreted it That he was notwithstanding at liberty to act as he thought most for the Interest of the Commonwealth From Cales he return'd to Capua having by the way taken the Towns Atella and Calatia upon submission where the principal persons suffer'd the like punishment Thus there were about fourscore Senators of Capua put to death and near three hundred Noblemen of Campania shut up close Prisoners others committed to the Custody of several associate Cities of the Latines came to sundry unhappy ends and as for the main multitude of the vulgar Inhabitants they were sold for Slaves Touching the City it self and Territories there was great Debate some were for having a City so strong so near so dangerous and mortal an Enemy to Rome to be utterly rased and destroyed but the consideration of present advantage prevailed For in regard of the Country lying round it which is well known to be the most fertile in all Italy the City was preserv'd to furnish the Husbandmen both with convenient Dwellings and a Market Therefore to inhabit it a multitude of the meaner Inhabitants as enfranchiz'd Bondmen ordinary Shop Keepers and Mechanicks were suffer'd to continue there but all the Land belonging to the City and the publick Buildings the Romans reserv'd in their own hands as forfeited Besides though Capua was inhabited like a City yet it was Ordered That there should be no Corporation no Senate no Common-Hall nor Magistrates without which the Rabble could never be able to combine together to recover their Liberties and for giving them Laws and administring Justice amongst them a Provost was every year to be sent from Rome Thus were the affairs of Capua setled by a course every way commendable for as the guilty were severely and speedily punisht and the vast number of Citizens dispers'd several ways without any hopes of return so the City it self was spared the innocent Houses not destroy'd with fire nor pull'd down with violence whereby the Romans besides their own profit gain'd the reputation of Clemency amongst their Allies in preserving such a most rich and antient City whose ruins not only all Campania but the neighbouring Nations round about would very sensibly have bemoan'd and lamented In the mean time the same was a sufficient Monument to all the World both how able the Romans were to chastize their faithless Allies and how vain Annibal's Protection was like to prove to any that he should undertake to secure The Senate of Rome having dispatcht what was necessary touching Capua assign'd unto Claudius Nero six thousand Foot out of those Legions which he had at Capua and three hundred Horse which himself had levied as also a like number of Foot and eight hundred Horse out of the associate Latine Forces which Army he Embarqu'd at Puteoli and transported into Spain landed them at Tarracon and having laid up his Ships in the Dock to augment his Forces put all the Mariners in Arms and so marching to the River Iberus received the Army there from the hands of T. Fonteius and L. Marcius and from thence advanc'd towards the Enemy Asdrubal the Son of Amilcar lay Encamp'd at a place call'd The Black Stones in Ausetania between the Towns Illiturgis and Mentissa and Nero had possess'd himself of the mouth of the passage into that Forrest whereupon Asdrubal that he might not be so closely pent up and at last reduc'd to some great extremity sent an Herald offering That if he might be permitted freely to march from thence he would withdraw all his Forces out of Spain The Roman General was overjoy'd at this overture and Asdrubal desired there might be a Conference held the next day where the Romans might set down Conditions and Articles in writing touching the Surrender of the Fortresses in every City and appointing the respective days when the Garrisons should be drawn out and that the Carthaginians might carry away all their Bag and Baggage without any fraud or interruption Which being consented to as soon as 't was dark and all the night long afterwards Asdrubal caused the heaviest part of his Army to be getting forth of the Straits by the best ways they could find but gave special directions that no great number should go that night because a few would better pass undiscover'd and more easily get through those Thickets and narrow By-paths Next Morning the Parley was begun but by long Conferences and drawing up Articles in writing and making exceptions and other designed delays the whole day was spent and adjourn'd till the morrow That night gave the Carthaginians opportunity to send off more of their Forces nor was the matter brought to a conclusion the day following but several days wasted in adjusting the Articles and the nights in privately emptying the Enemies Camp who having got away the greatest part of their men began now to wrangle and would not stand to things which before they themselves had voluntarily offer'd so that they were still further and further from agreement for their fears being over so was their Faith By this time almost all his Foot were got out of the pound when at break of day happen'd a mighty thick Fog that cover'd the whole Forrest and Plains adjacent which Asdrubal perceiving sent a Message to Nero desiring to put off the Conference till the morrow because that was an Holy-Day amongst the Carthaginians on which they
from the very beginning was rather willing to take it by storm and at last when having in vain try'd all Efforts both by Sea and Land he found he could not by force accomplish his purpose he rather chose to accept of two mean Fellows Sosis a Blacksmith and Meric a Spaniard to be Authors of betraying the Town than of the chief men of Syracuse who had so often freely offered their service therein which he did on purpose that he might with the better colour of Justice butcher massacre and plunder the most antient and faithful Allies of the people of Rome If it had been the people and Senate of Syracuse that revolted to Annibal and not Hieronymus a Tyrant If the Syracusians by common consent had shut their Gates against Marcellus and the same had not been done when they had no power to oppose by their insulting Oppressors Hippocrates and Epicides if they had wag'd War with the Romans with as much spight and animosity as the Carthaginians what more could Marcellus have done or wherein given greater instances of Hostile rage than in utterly destroying as he has done the whole City of Syracuse For 't is certain he hath left the Inhabitants nothing but the bare Walls and empty Houses and Temples of the Gods violated and ransackt the divine powers as well as the Citizens being robb'd of their Ornaments and such havock he hath every where made that they have nothing to maintain themselves their Wives and Children but hard stones and the bare ground therefore they did humbly request their Lordships that restitution might be made though not of all which was impossible yet at least of such things as could be found and rightfully claim'd by the Owners Having thus made their Complaint Laevinus order'd them to withdraw that the Fathers might debate thereon Nay rather let them stay quoth Marcellus that I may answer to their Faces since most worthy Fathers We are reduc'd to that pass that whilst we fight for you abroad those we subdue in the Field are admitted to be our Accusers in the senate-Senate-House and that the taking of two Cities hath made both my self and Fulvius Criminals the one only guilty of subduing Syracuse the other Capua The Syracusians being brought again into the Senate-House the Consul proceeded thus I do not Venerable Fathers so far forget the Dignity of the People of Rome and my own Quality and present Command as to think that I your Consul am bound to plead for my self or answer the Accusation of these Greeks in case the Question were of any default or misdemeanour of my own but the business is not what I have done for howsoever I have treated Enemies the Law of War will justifie it but what they ought to suffer For if in truth they were not Enemies 't is all one as if I had invaded Syracuse whilst King Hiero was living but if they had not only revolted but attacqu'd our very Embassadours with their Arms and put them to the Sword If they had shut up their Gates and fortified their City against us and entertain'd a Garrison of Carthaginians for their defence who can complain that they suffer as Enemies who committed all sorts of Hostility But they say I refused to accept of the Offer of the principal Syracusians to surrender the City and chose to make use of Sosis and Meric the Spaniard in so great an Affair I suppose these Gentlemen present are none of the meanest of the Syracusians since they upbraid others with the poverty of their condition tell us therefore which of you it was that promised me to open the Gates or receive into the City my armed Souldiers Nay on the contrary you hate and revile those that did it and cannot even here forbear reproaching them so far were you your selves from offering any such matter The meanness of those persons O Conscript Fathers which they object is a mighty Argument that I refused not the Overtures of any people whatsoever that were willing to serve our Commonwealth Before ever I invested Syracuse I endeavoured all means of Peace both by sending Embassadours and offering my self to hold a personal Conference with them but after I found them so impudent as to offer violence to my Embassadours and that when I my self gave their Chiefs a Meeting at the Gates they would vouchsafe me no Answer having taking a world of pains and run infinite hazards both by Sea and Land I made you Masters of Syracuse What hardships they met with after the City taken they ought to complain of to Annibal and his Carthaginians vanquisht as well as themselves rather than before the Senate of the People of Rome who conquer'd them For certainly most Reverend Fathers if I intended to deny that I plunder'd Syracuse or thought I could not justifie it I would never have adorn'd the City of Rome with their Spoils And what I have as Conquerour given or taken away from any particular persons I may justly avow both by the Law of Arms or their respective Merits which whether you will please to allow of and ratifie concerns the Commonwealth much more than my self for I have discharged my Duty faithfully and now it imports the State that by reversing my Actions you do not render your Generals for the future more remiss in the like Employments In fine my Lords since you have heard both the Sicilians Complaint and my Defence face to face we will with your good leave all withdraw that in my absence your Honours may more freely debate the Point and determine as you shall judge fit So the Sicilians being dismissed he went away to the Capitol to muster his Souldiers In the mean time the other Consul put the matter to the Question in the Senate where for a long time with hard tugging it was debated Many of the Senators following the Opinion of T. Manlius Torquatus the Head of that Faction alledged That the War was waged with the Tyrants equally Enemies to the Syracusians and Romans the City was to be recovered not taken and being regain'd after it had so long been languishing under a domestick slavery 't was pity it should be exposed to all the Calamities of War But between the Tyrants on one side and the Roman Armies on the other here was a most fair and Noble City as if it had been the Prize of the Conquerour ruin'd a City that had been the Granary and Exchequer heretofore of the People of Rome by whose Bounty and frequent Assistances in difficulty Exigencies heretofore and even during the present Punick War this Commonwealth had been seasonably aided and honoured Should King Hiero arise from the dead he that had been so true and faithful a Friend to the Romans with what face could we shew him either Syracuse or Rome When he must on the one side behold his own dear native Country half razed and wholly ruinated by our hands and on the other could no sooner enter Rome but even at the very Gates
Spouse has been kept here with no less modesty and reverence than if she had been all this while with your Father and Mother-in-Law her kind Parents Reserv'd she has been and kept for you alone that you might receive her untoucht and as a Present worthy both of you and my self All the return I expect for this gift is That henceforth you will be a Friend and Well-willer to the State of Rome and if indeed you take me to be an honest good man such as all these Nations have known both my Father and Vncle to have been before me then be assur'd That the City of Rome yields abundance more that are like us and that there is not a Nation this day under Heaven that is either a better Friend or a more formidable Enemy The young Prince confounded between an excess of joy and bashfulness held Scipio by the hand and invok'd all the Gods beseeching them to recompence him for this superlative savour on his behalf who should never be able to make acknowledgments for the same sutable either to his own desires or the merits of the thing Then the Maids Parents and Kindred were call'd who since the Lady was restor'd gratis for whose Redemption they had brought a great summ of gold began to intreat Scipio That he would be pleas'd to accept thereof which they should take as the next kindness to that he had done them in delivering their Daughter Scipio seeing them so importunate seems willing to take it and bids them lay it at his Feet Then calling Allucius Here says he besides the Portion you are to have from your Father-in-Law Let me help to encrease your Marriage Fortune take all this Gold and keep it for you and yours So being sent home over-joy'd with these Presents and Civilities he fill'd all the Country with Scipio's Praises and how brave and worthy a person he was telling them There was come over into Spain a young man in all respects resembling the Immortal Gods and who equally vanquisht all men with his Arms and his Courtesies Amongst his Dependents he soon raised fourteen hundred choice Horse and with them return'd to Scipio Laelius continued with Scipio till the Prisoners Hostages and Booty were by their mutual consent dispos'd of and then in a Galley of five Banks of Oars was dispatcht away for Rome with tidings of the Victory withal carrying Mago and about fifteen Senators Prisoners thither Scipio spent those few dayes he design'd to remain at Carthage in exercising his Sea and Land Forces The first day he caused all the Legions to run in their Arms a four-miles-course Next day he employ'd them in scouring and furbishing up their Armour before their Tents The third day they drew up in Parties and charg'd one another as in Battalia but arm'd only with wooden Swords and blunt rebated Darts and Javelins The fourth day they rested The fifth they ran again in their Armour as before and so continued this course of Exercise all the while they quarter'd at Carthage Whilst the Seamen as often as the weather was calm and would permit used to row out into the open Sea and vye one Galley with another for nimbleness and sometimes representing shews of a Sea-fight Thus without the City they were busy in hardening their Bodies and enuring their minds for service both at Sea and Land and within the Town nothing was heard but the clatter of Artificers and Workmen preparing all sorts of military Furniture shut up in divers Shops and Workhouses for that purpose The General had his Eye every where now he was aboard the Fleet by and by exercising himself with the rest of the Legions sometimes he took a view how the Works went on in the Armory and amongst the Shipwrights where every one endeavour'd to out work the other hoping so much the sooner to gain their Liberty Having thus set them to work and repair'd the Walls where there were any breaches or decays leaving a sufficient Garrison he march'd back to Tarracon being met by the way by several Embassies of whom some he presently dispatcht and appointed others to attend him there where he had ordered a General Diet or Assembly to be held by the Deputies of all the Allies old and new and almost all those Nations on this side of Iberus and many of the further Spain appear'd accordingly The Carthaginian Generals industriously suppress'd the report of New Carthage's being taken but when it grew too notorious to be any longer denied or concealed they used all their Art to undervalue it and make it seem as a thing of no great moment That there was indeed one single City of Spain taken by surprize and as it were by stealth in one dayes time which small exploit had so puft up the young man that he fancied it a mighty Victory but when their three Generals and their Victorious Armies should approach him the Ghosts of his Father and his Vncle would begin to haunt him Such like Speeches they gave out amongst the people though in themselves they were sadly sensible how great a blow it was and how much their strength in all respects was decay'd by this loss of New Carthage DECADE III. BOOK VII The EPITOME 1. Cn. Fulvius the Proconsul with his Army is slain at Herdonea by Annibal 2. But Cl. Marcellus the Consul has better Fortune against the same Enemy at Numestrio and obliges Annibal to retreat by night 14 c. Marcellus pursues him and urged him still as he retired until he obliged him to another Engagement 16. Wherein at first Annibal had the better on 't but in the next Fight Marcellus worsted him 17 18. Fabius Maximus the Father being Consul recovers Tarentum by the Treachery of some in that City 20 21. Scipio sights with Asdrubal the Son of Amilcar at Betula in Spain and defeats him where amongst others having taken a Royal Youth of wondrous Beauty he sent him home to his Vncle Massanissa with several Presents 29. Claudius Marcellus and T. Quintius Crispinus the Consuls going out to take a view of the Country are surprized by Annibal with a Stratagem Marcellus being killed and Crispinus escaping by Flight 32 c This Book also contains the Actions of P. Sulpicius the Praetor against Philip and the Achaeans 38. The Censors take a solemn Survey of the City and purged it by Sacrifices where there were enrolled an hundred thirty seven thousand one hundred and eight persons By which Account it appeared how many Romans were lost by the late unfortunate Wars 41 c. Asdrubal having with a fresh Army passed the Alps to join his Brother Annibal is cut off with six and fifty thousand of his men by the Conduct of M. Livius but especially by the good Service of Claudius Nero the other Consul 45. Who being appointed to make head against Annibal left the Camp so privately as the Enemy was not aware of it and with a choice Body of Souldiers surrounded Asdrubal and so defeated
Carthage with five thousand Numidian Horse and that other mercenary Souldiers were hired throughout all Africk to be sent over into Spain to Asdrubal that he with as great an Army as he could possibly raise should with all Expedition march into Italy and join Annibal for that the Carthaginians concluded would be the only hopeful course to compleat their Victory That moreover there was a mighty Fleet to be Equipped for regaining of Sicily which they believed would arrive there very suddenly The Consul communicating this Intelligence to the Senate the Fathers would not detain him till the Election-day but would have him name a Dictator and presently be gone to his Province but then a Debate arose that took up some time for the Consul declared as if he would in Sicily nominate M. Valerius Messala the Admiral for Dictator but the Fathers denied That a Dictator could be created out of Roman Ground which was terminated by Italy M. Lucretius the Tribune of the Commons putting it to the Question the Senate pass'd an Order That the Consul before he went out of Town should refer it to the Vote of the people in their Common Hall and whom they chose he should declare to be Dictator and if he refused to propose the same the City-Praetor should do it and if he also declined it that then the Tribunes should propound it to the Commons which last was done for the Dictator would not refer it to the people alledging That it lay altogether in his own power and therefore he forbad the Praetor to meddle But the Tribunes fear'd him not and the Commons Enacted That Q. Fulvius who was then at Capua should be named Dictator but the Eve before that Assembly of the Commons was held the Consul slips away privately in the night for Sicily and the Senate being thus left in the lurch were forced to write to Marcellus That he would assist the Commonwealth thus deserted by his Collegue and name the person Dictator whom the Commons had made choice of so Q. Fulvius was declared Dictator and pursuant to the same Decree of the Commons Fulvius P. Licinius Crassus the Arch-Pontiff his General of the Horse The Dictator after he was come to Rome sent Cn. Sempronius Blaesus his Lieutenant from Capua to the Army in Tuscany instead of C. Calphurnius the Praetor whom by his Letters he order'd to go and take upon him the Government of Capua and the Forces there and appointed the day for chusing Consuls but could not then finish that affair by reason of a difference that happen'd between him and the Tribunes of the Commons For the younger sort of the Century Galeria chancing to have the first Vote nominated Q. Fulvius and Q. Fabius for Consuls and all the rest of the Centuries seem'd like to go the same way but the two Arennii Tribunes of the Commons interposed alledging That it consisted not with Civility for one and the same man to desire always to be continued in Office and a much more untoward precedent it would be to chuse the same person that held the Elections Therefore if the Dictator should suffer his name to be put in nomination they would dissolve the Assembly but if some other might be propounded in his stead they might proceed The Dictator justified the proceedings of the Assembly by the Authority of the Senate and a Decree of the Commons and divers Precedents for when Cn. Servilius was Consul after Flaminius his Collegue happen'd to be kill'd at Thrasimenus by Authority of the Senate a Bill was propos'd and pass'd by the Commons That whilst the War continued in Italy the people might chuse the same men Consuls again when and as often as they should think sit and that he had many Examples thereof as in old times there was L. Posthumius Megellus being Inter-regent and holding the Elections was himself chosen Consul with C. Junius Bubulcus and of late Q. Fabius who would never have suffer'd his Consulship to have been continued if the same had been against Law and not for the good of the publick After they had long squabled with these and the like Speeches they agreed at last to refer it to the Senate who considering that the present Juncture requir'd old expert Commanders and such as were of most skill in the Art of War were not pleas'd that the Election should be stopt so in the end the Tribunes gave way that they should proceed where were declared Consuls Q. Fabius Maximus the fifth time and Q. Fulvius Flaccus the third Then Praetors were chosen L. Veturius Philo T. Quintius Crispinus C. Hostilius Tubulus and C. Aurunculeius which being done Q. Fulvius gave up his Dictatorship At the end of this Summer a Carthaginian Fleet of forty Sail Amilcar Admiral pass'd over to Sardinia and at first invaded and wasted the Fields of Olbia but P. Manlius Volso the Praetor making head against them there they sail'd to the other side of the Isle and forraged the Country of Caralita and with a booty of all sorts return'd to Africk The same year at Rome several Priests died and some were created to succeed them As C. Servilius was made Pontiff in the room of T. Otacilius Crassus and Tiberius Sempronius Longus the Son of Tiberius was made Decemvir for the Sacrifices in the stead of one of the same name but the Son of Caius M. Marcius the King of Sacrificers departed this Life and M. Aemilius Pappus the grand Curio but none were chosen this year to succeed them The Censors were L. Veturius Philo and P. Licinius Crassus the Arch Pontiff which latter had neither serv'd the Office of Consul nor Praetor but skip'd from being an Aedile into a Censorship but these Censors neither made choice of any new Senators nor did any other publick Act L. Veturius being taken off by death which caused his Collegue Licinius to throw up his Office The Aediles of State L. Veturius and P. Licinius Varus exhibited the Roman Games and held them one day extraordinary The Plebeian Aediles Q. Catius and L. Porcius Licinus set up certain brazen Statues in the Temple of Ceres out of moneys levied by Fines and represented very stately shows and pastimes considering the poverty of those times Just at the end of the year C. Laelius Scipio's Lieutenant arriv'd at Rome in four and thirty days from Tarracon and entring the City with such a power of Prisoners set the people a running every where to see the sight the next day being introduced into the Senate he acquainted the House That new Carthage the Metropolis of Spain was taken in one day and several Cities recovered that had revolted and new ones entred into Alliance with From the Prisoners they understood in effect the same things as M. Valerius Messala had signified in his Letters The thoughts of Asdrubal's advance into Italy most of all disturb'd the Senate as being scarce able to make their Party good against Annibal and his Arms Laelius in a general
That Lightning had toucht the Wall and Gate of the Town Ostia That at Caere a Vultur slew into Joves Temple and that at Volsinii a Pool was turn'd into Blood To avert these tokens there was one day spent in Supplications and for several dayes together great Sacrifices kill'd but not found acceptable and for a long time the Gods would shew no signs of favour but all these ill portents in the Issue lighted only on the Consuls heads without much danger to the State The solemn Games in honour of Apollo were first celebrated by P. Cornelius Sulla the City Praetor when Q Fulvius and Ap. Claudius were Consuls and thence-forwards all City Praetors had observ'd them but they were only vow'd from year to year and held on uncertain days but this year a Pestilence grievously afflicting the City and Country yet rather by long tedious lingering Diseases than any mighty Mortality on that account both Supplications were made at every Shrine and P. Licinius Varus the Praetor of the City was required to prefer a Bill to the people that the aforesaid Games should be vow'd for ever on a stated day and in pursuance of that Law he was the first that so vow'd them and order'd them to be held the fifth of July and on that day they were kept always after Concerning the Arretines there continually arriv'd suspitious reports which encreas'd the Senates Care to secure that Town Therefore they wrote Letters to C. Hostilius That he should without delay cause them to find Hostages and send them to Rome by C. Terentius Varro who carried these Orders Upon whose Arrival Varro caused one Legion that encamp'd before the Walls to march into the Town and having planted Guards in places requisite summons the Senators together and demands of them Hostages who requiring two days time to consider of it he told them If they did not forthwith provide them he would on the morrow seize on all the Senators Children Then he caused the Colonels to keep the Gates and the Prefects of the Allies and Centurions to be upon the Watch that none in the night made their escape out of the City But this was not so diligently perform'd but seven of the principal Senators with their Children got away who being found wanting next morning when the Senate was call'd over all their Estates were confiscated of the other Senators Hostages to the number of a hundred and twenty being for the most part their own Children were received and delivered to Terentius to be conveyed to Rome whose report of things still encreas'd the Senates Jealousies Therefore as if a Sedition in Tuscany were just at hand they order'd him the said Varro to march with one of the City Legions to Arretium and there keep Garrison whilst C. Hostilius with the rest of the Army kept moving to and fro through the whole Country and prevent all occasions of mischief Terentius coming thither with his Legion demanded the Keys of the Gates of the Magistrates who pretended they were lost but he believing they were designedly laid out of the way presently claps on new Locks and Keys on all the Gates and took care to be Master of all things in the Town He gave special warning also to Hostilius as touching the Tuscans in general that he should never rest secure of their fidelity unless he had first depriv'd them of all possible means of rebelling After this there was great debate in the Senate about the Tarentines Fabius defending and pleading for them after he had conquer'd them by his Arms but others were much incensed against them and most said their crime was no less than the Capuans and that they ought as severely to be punisht at last the Vote of the House pass'd according to the advice of M. Acilius that the City should be kept under a Garrison and none of the Inhabitants suffer'd to range without the Walls and that the whole matter should be re-heard when the affairs of Italy were in a more setled condition nor was the dispute less hot concerning M. Livius Governour of the Castle of Tarentum some condemning him because through his negligence the City of Tarentum was betray'd to the Enemy others voting to have rewards bestowed upon him for having so bravely defended the Castle for five years together and because by his means chiefly the City was recovered but some were for a middle course urging That the cognizance of the matter did not so properly belong to that House as to the Censors and of that opinion was Fabius himself but added withal that he must confess Livius had been a main means of the recovering of Tarentum as his Friends boasted in his favour for if he had not lost it it could never have been regain'd T. Quintius Crispinus one of the Consuls went into Lucania with recruits to the Army that had served under Q. Fulvius Flaccus but Marcellus was still detain'd by new scruples of Religion and odd presages happening one after another amongst other things whereas in the Gallick War at Clastidium he had made a Vow to build a Temple to Honour and Vertue the same being finisht the Colledge of Priests would not suffer it to be Dedicated because they said one Chappel could rightly be dedicated but to one Deity and no more for otherwise if it should be smitten with Lightning or any other prodigious token happen therein it would be a very difficult matter to expiate the same since they could not know to which God the Sacrifices ought to be made for one Sacrifice cannot be offered to two Gods unless in some special Cases so there was fain to be another Temple erected just by to Vertue and great hast was made to run it up but it was not his Fortune to see either of them Dedicated At last he set forwards to the Army that he left last year at Venusia carrying with him recruits Crispinus seeing Fabius had got so much honour by taking of Tarentum laid Siege to Locri in the Bruttians Country having sent for all sorts of Engines of Battery and other Artillery from Sicily and also Ships to assault that part of the Town which lay towards the Sea but he was forc'd to give over that Siege because Annibal was advanc'd as far as Licinium and he was told his Collegue had drawn his Forces already out of Venusia with whom he was willing to join therefore from the Bruttii he returns into Apulia and between Venusia and Bantia the two Consuls encamp'd not above three miles from each other Annibal having turn'd the War from Locri comes that way too and both Consuls being men of hot Spirits were every day leading their Souldiers into the Field to offer him Battel not doubting but if they could engage him now with the joint Forces of two Consulary Forces they should put an end to the War Annibal considering that in the two Bouts he had last year with Marcellus once he was Conquerour and the other time worsted concluded if he
the Consul And T. Manlius to go over into Greece as Embassadour to observe how affairs went the rather because this Summer the Olympian Games were to be celebrated where would be a resort from all parts of Greece at which if he might with safety they would have him present that if he could light upon any Sicilians who were fled their Country or any Tarentines banisht by Annibal he should perswade them to return home assuring them that the Romans would restore to them whatever Estates they had before these Wars began This being like to prove a most dangerous year and no Consuls in being all mens Eyes were fixt on the Consuls Elect when they would divide the Provinces and assign every one his Charge The Senate upon the motion of Q. Fabius Maximus was pleased to undertake their reconcilement in the first place for heretofore there had been notable Feuds between them which the Calamity that befel Livius rendred more bitter and inveterate as thinking the other on that account contemn'd him Therefore he seem'd the more implacable of the two and said There was no need of a reconciliation for they would both act the more vigorously for the publick upon emulation each knowing that by any default he shall but augment the glory of his Rival Collegue yet the Authority of the Fathers prevail'd with them to bury their private animosities and with common advice and united affections administer the affairs of the publick Their Provinces were not intermingled as in former years but distant on the extream Frontiers of Italy one against Annibal amongst the Bruttians and Lucans The other in Gaul against Asdrubal who by report was already advanc'd near the Alps. He whose Lot it should be to have Gaul was to take his choice which he would have of those two Armies in Gaul or Tuscany to which the old City Forces should be added He that went to the Bruttians should take which of the two late Consuls Armies he pleas'd together with the new City-Levies and that Army which the Consul refused Q. Fulvius the Pro-Consul should receive and command for a year C. Hostilius lately removed out of Tuscany to Tarentum they ordered to shift again and go to Capua with one Legion the same that Fulvius commanded last year The fear of Asdrubal's coming into Italy daily increased First Ambassadors from Marseilles brought word That he was got into France and that the people there were mighty glad of his coming because 't was said he had brought abundance of Gold with him to hire Auxiliaries amongst them Whereupon Agents were sent thither from Rome to find out the truth viz. S. Antistius and M. Retius who at their Return gave an account That they sent out some Spies with Guides from Marseilles to enquire concerning the premisses of the chief men of France and that it was most certain Asdrubal who had already levied a vast Army would early next Spring pass the Alps and that nothing staid him at present but those Mountains being unpassable because of the Winter-Season L. Aquilius Poetus was created and consecrated Augur in the room of M. Marcellus and Cn. Cornelius Dolabella King of the Sacrificers instead of M. Mercius who dyed two years ago Also the City was solemnly purged and a general survey taken by the Consors P. Sempronius Tuditanus and M. Cornelius Cethegus there being found a hundred thirty seven thousand one hundred and eight Citizens a number less by a pretty deal than before the War This was the first Year since Annibal's coming into Italy that the Comitium or place of the general Assembly was covered over head and the Roman Games once renewed by Q. Metellus and C. Servilius Aediles of State as also the Plebeian sports held for two days by their Aediles Q. Mamilius and M. Caecilius Metellus who likewise offered and set up three Statues in the Temple of Ceres with a solemn Feast in honour of Jupiter at those Games Now C. Claudius Nero and M. Livius the second time enter upon the Consulship who having before parted their own Provinces commanded the Praetors to cast Lots for theirs The City-Jurisdiction fell to C. Hostilius who had also that over the Foreigners to the end the other three might be spared to go into the Provinces A. Hostilius to Sardinia C. Manlius to Sardinia and L. Porcius to Gaul In all three and twenty Legions were to be employed two under each Consul four in Spain the three last-mentioned Praetors two apiece two with C. Terentius in Tuscany two with Q. Fulvius amongst the Bruttians two to Q. Claudius about Tarentum and the Salentines Country one at Capua under C. Hostilius Tubulus and two new ones to be levied for the Guard of the City For the first four Legions the people chose Colonels in the rest the Consuls nominated them Before the Consuls set out there were Sacrifices offered for nine days together because at Veii it had rained Stones and as it falls out when one Prodigy is mentioned others are presently told it was reported That at Minturnae the Temple of Jupiter and Marica's Grove at Atellae the Wall and Gate were all sindg'd with Lightning and that at Capua a Wolf by Night came in at the Portal and worried one of the Watchmen By Order from the Pontiffs these Prodigies were expiated with the greater Sacrifices and one days Supplication After which there was another Novendial Sacrifice because in the place call'd the Armilustrum it seemed to rain Stones But mens minds were no sooner pacified with these Religious Rites but they were terrified anew with an Infant born at Frusino as big as an ordinary Child of four years old and to encrease the Miracle they could not distinguish of what Sex it was like that two years before at Sinnessa The Wizards sent for out of Tuscany affirm'd this above all the rest to be a foul and untoward Prodigy advising That it should forthwith be carried out of the Roman Territories without touching the Ground and so drowned in the Deep Accordingly they put it in a Coffer and when they had carried it forth a good way on the Sea flung it in The Pontiffs made a Decree That three Setts of Virgins nine in each Company should go through the City as in Procession singing certain sacred Songs to be learnt in the Temple of Jupiter Stator composed by Livius the Poet. The Temple of Juno the Queen on the Aventine Hill being strucken with Lightning the Soothsayers declared That the same concerned the Matrons of the City and that the Goddess must be appeased with an Offering All the good Dames that had Houses in the City or ten Miles round were summoned into the Capitol by the Aediles of the Chair where amongst themselves they chose out a Committee of twenty five into whose hands all the rest should deposite some small part of their Dowry of which was made a fair large Golden Bason and offered to Juno on Mount Aventine and withal they sacrificed to her
the Carthaginians and the Illiturgitans by betraying and killing such as fled to them for succour had added a new crime to that of their revolt But upon those People at his first coming when Spain was in a doubtful disposition it would not have been to his advantage so much as according to their deserts to have exercised any severities though now when things were all composed because the time of inflicting due punishment upon them seemed to be come he sent for L. Marcius with the third part of his Forces from Tarraco and ordered him to go and attack Castulo whilst he himself with the rest of his Army arrived at Illiturgi in about five Days The Gates were shut and all things set ready for the defence of the Town their Conscience of what they knew they deserved being to them instead of a Declaration of War Then Scipio began to exhort his Souldiers saying That the Spaniards themselves by shutting their Gates shewed not only what they feared but what they deserved wherefore they ought to wage War against them with much more animosity than against the Carthaginians For with these they contended almost without any passion for Empire and Glory only but of those they ought to take revenge for their treachery cruelty and villany That now the time was come in which they might be even with them for the horrid murder of their fellow-soldiers and the treachery that was designed against themselves also if they had fled that way yea that they might make them an example to all posterity and provide that no man should ever think any Roman Citizen or Soldier in any fortune so mean as to injure him The Soldiers being excited by this exhortation of their General divided their scaling Ladders among such Men as they chose out of every maniple and when the Army was so parted between them that Laelius commanded one half as Lieutenant they attacked the frighted City in two places at once Then not one General only or a great many of their Nobility but their own fear being conscious of what they had done perswaded the Towns-men with all speed to defend their City for they remembered and told each other That it was not Victory but Punishment which was sought for of them That it was of great importance where a Man dye whether in a Battel and in the Field where the fortune of War which is common to all men used oftentimes to raise the vanquished and afflict the conquerour or whether when their City was burnt and demolished they expired before the faces of their Wives and Children by stripes and bonds suffering all the cruelties and indignities imaginable Wherefore not only those of military age or Men but Women also and Boys came thither to assist them even above their strength either of body or mind reaching them Weapons as they fought and Stones to fortifie the Walls For it was not the Liberty alone which was at stake for which the Valiant were most concern'd but the extremity of all Punishments and ghastly Death was before all their Eyes Their minds were inflamed not only with striving who should take most pains or undergo most danger but even by looking at one another also Wherefore the Fight was begun with so much ardour that that very Army which subdued all Spain being often repelled by the Youth of that one Town was put to a dishonourable plundge Which when Scipio saw fearing lest by so many vain attempts of his Men his Enemies courage should increase and his Soldiers grow more disheartened he thought it his business to endeavour to bear a share in the danger and chiding the Soldiers sloth commanded the Ladders to be brought to him threatening That he himself if the rest were afraid would get up Accordingly he went with no small hazard under the Walls at which a shout was set up round about by the Soldiers who were much concerned for their General and Ladders began to be erected in several Places at the same time On the other side Laelius made his onset whereby the strength of the Towns-men was overcome the Defendants knock'd down and the Walls seized The Castle also on that side where it seemed impregnable was taken in the hurly-burly The African Fugitives who at that time were among the Roman Auxiliaries whilst the Towns-men were imployed in defending those Places where they thought there was most danger and the Romans got up whereever they could make their approaches spied a very high part of the City which because it was covered with an exceeding high Rock was neither fortified with any works nor had any men to defend it They therefore being light-timber'd Men and through much exercise very nimble carried Iron Spikes along with them and clim'd up where they could by the unequal prominencies of the Rock But where it was in any Place too steep and smooth they stuck their Spikes in at small distances and made steps as it were the first of them helping those that followed up by their hands and the last heaving up such as went before them till they came to the top Then they ran down into the City which was already taken by the Romans Then it appear'd that the City was attack'd merely out of spleen and hatred since no one was desirous to take any live Prisoners nor minded the Plunder though every thing lay wide open to their rapine they only kill'd both arm'd and unarmed Women as well as Men yea their cruel fury proceeded even to the slaughter of Infants Then they put fire to the Houses and demolished those they could not burn so earnest they were to obliterate the very footsteps of that City and rase the very memory of their Enemies seat From thence Scipio led his Army to Castulo which City not only the Spaniards that came thither but also the remainder of the Punick Army that was left since their being routed and scattered to all parts stood in defence of But the News of the slaughter at Illiturgi had prevented Scipio's arrival whereupon a terrour and despair had seized on all the Castulonians and upon several accounts since every single Person would consult his own Interest without regard to any body else there arose first a tacite jealousie and then open discord made a division between the Carthaginians and the Spaniards The latter of whom were publickly perswaded by Cerdubellus to make a surrender Himilco commanded the Punick Auxiliaries all whom and the City by a private compact Cerdubellus betrayed to the Romans But that Victory was more mild than the former nor were these People guilty of so great a crime besides that their voluntary surrender had taken off some part of the Enemies fury Then Marcius was sent to reduce the Barbarians if any there were not yet in perfect subjection to the Roman Empire Scipio went back to Carthage to pay his vows to the Gods and set forth the fencing Prize which he had designed upon account of the death of his Father
and C. Laelius being come in the night-time to Hippo Regius a great City led his Seamen and Allies at break of day in Battalia to spoil the Country By which means there was a great devastation brought upon all places the people as those that live in peace being negligent of theirs affairs Thereupon immediately certain Messengers themselves in a consternation filled Carthage with a mighty dread That the Roman Navy and General Scipio for there was a report that he was long come over into Sicily was arrived Wherefore not knowing well how many Ships they had seen nor how great the number of Soldiers was that pillaged the Country they heard every thing with such concern that their fear much increased the real calamity Hence terror and amazement first and after that sorrow possessed their minds That Fortune should so far change upon them that they who so lately had a victorious Army before the Walls of Rome conquer'd so many Armies of the Enemy and receiv'd all the Nations of Italy either through force of free-will by way of Surrender should now quite contrary be in danger to see all Africa ravaged and Carthage besieged That they had not such strength to bear those things as the Romans had for the Roman common people and all Latium afford them youth enough still greater and more numerous that grew up in the room of those many Armies which were slain whilst that people were not only weak in the City but in the Country too so that they were fain to hire Auxiliaries from among the Africans a Nation very fickle and treacherous whenever there was any hopes of greater gain That now also the Kings since Scipio and Syphax had had an interview were fallen off Syphax by Scipio 's perswasions and Masinissa grown a mortal Enemy by the same means in an open Revolt Wherefore there was no hope left nor any assistance to be got Besides that Mago out of Gaul made no great stirs nor joyn'd Annibal who himself was now grown old both in his fame and strength But though this News at first so much dejected their spirits the urgent dread again reviv'd them and put them upon a consultation how they should obviate the present dangers Thereupon they presently order'd a Levy to be made both in the City and Country sent to hire African Auxiliaries fortified their City got a stock of Corn together provided Weapons and Arms fitted out Ships to send to Hippo against the Roman Navy As they were in the midst of this hurry at last a Messenger came That Laelius not Scipio was come over with no more Forces than were sufficient to plunder the Country but that the stress of the War was still in Sicily Then they took breath a while and sent Ambassadors to Syphax and other petty Kings to strengthen their Alliance They likewise sent Men to Philip with a promise of two hundred Talents of Silver if he would come over into Sicily or Italy and also to their own Generals in Italy to keep Scipio off with all the terror they could To Mago likewise they dispatch'd not only Ambassadors but 25 long Ships 6000 Foot 800 Horse seven Elephants and a great deal of Money to hire Auxiliaries in the strength whereof he might approach more near to Rome and joyn Annibal This they contrived and did at Carthage whilst Masinissa rouzed by the fame of a Roman Navy came with a few Horsmen to Laelius who was driving great store of Booty out of the Country it being unarm'd and void of all defence To whom he complain'd that Scipio was too dilatory in his business in that he had not brought over his Army into Africa at that very time when the Carthaginians were under such a consternation and Syphax embarass'd with Wars against his neighbouring Countries who he knew very certainly if he had leisure to compose his affairs according to his mind would do nothing with any sincerity for the Romans He therefore desired Laelius that he would advise and excite Scipio not to tarry any longer and told him that he would be ready though he were beaten out of his Kingdom with no contemptible Force both of Horse and Foot Nor would he have Laelius to stay in Africa for he believ'd there was a Navy already set out from Carthage with whom in Scipio 's absence it would not be safe for him to engage Masinissa having made this Speech was dismissed and Laelius the next day set sail from Hippo with his Ships all full of Plunder and going back into Sicily told Scipio what Masinissa said At the same time the Ships that were sent from Carthage to Mago arrived on the Coast of Liguria where the People called Albingauni dwell and came to Genua On which Coasts it happen'd that Mago at that time had a Navy who hearing what the Ambassadors said to wit That he must raise as big an Army as he possibly could immediately called a Council of the Gauls and Ligurians for there was a mighty multitude of both those Nations in that part of the Country and told them That he was sent to redeem them from slavery which that they might be sure of there were Auxiliaries sent him from home but it was in their power to say with what force and how great an Army that War should be carried on That there were two Roman Armies the one in Gallia and the other in Etruria and he knew well enough that Sp. Lucretius would joyn with M. Livius Wherefore that they also ought to arm a great many thousands that under the Command of two Generals proportionable resistance might be made against those two Roman Armies To which the Gauls made answer That they were very willing so to do but said that since the Romans had one Camp within their Confines and another in the adjacent Country of Etruria if it were discover'd that the Carthaginian were assisted by them the plundering Armies would presently make incursions on both sides into their Territories Wherefore they desired him that he would ask such supplies of the Gauls as he might be privately furnish'd with But the Ligurians being that the Roman Camp was a great way distant from their Country and Cities were free to do any thing so that they ought in justice to arm their Youth and bear a share in the War The Ligurians did not refuse the Proposal only they desir'd two months time to make their Levies In the mean time Mago having dismissed the Gauls sent privately and hired Soldiers all over their Dominions having Provisions of all sorts secretly convey'd to him from the Gallick Nations Then M. Livius brought over the Army of Volunteers out of Etruria into Gallia and having joyn'd Lucretius put himself in a readiness to meet Mago if he should offer to move out of Liguria any nearer to the City But if the Carthaginian lay still under that corner of the Alpes he himself likewise resolv'd to keep the same Post about Ariminum and be a Guard to
fill that one deep gulph but now he has made all your Centurions and Soldiers so promiscuously would he have all licence and improbity to reign Pleminius 's they all ravish spoil beat wound and kill as much as he They vitiate grave Matrons Virgins and ingenuous Youths whom they force from the embraces of their Parents Our City is every day taken and sack'd both night and day all parts of it sound with cryes of Women and Children who are ravish'd and carried away He that did not know it would wonder how either we should be able to bear it or that they who do them should not be e're this a weary of such enormous actions Neither can I tell you nor is it worth your while to hear all that we have undergone I 'll summ them up all together and tell you that there is no one house in Locri or one person but has been injur'd nor has any sort of wickedness lust or avarice been omitted toward any body that was able to endure it A man can hardly tell which condition of our City was the worst when our Enemies in War took it or now that a destructive Tyrant has opprest it by force and arms We have endured all that Cities taken use to suffer and do so still grave Fathers even to this hour whatever the most cruel and inhumane Tyrants do to miserable men Pleminius has exercised upon us our Wives and Children But one thing there is Grave Fathers concerning which in particular not only our Religion that is implanted in our Souls compels us to complain but of which we also desire if you think fit that you would be inform'd and purge your Commonwealth from the abominable guilt We have observ'd with what devotion you worship not only your own Gods but with what regard you receive those of foreign Nations too Now we have a Temple dedicated to Proserpine of the Sanctity whereof I suppose you may have heard about the time of the War we had with Pyrrhus who coming back by Sea out of Sicily to Locri among other foul acts that he did to us for our fidelity toward you took away the Treasures also of Proserpine which to that day had been untouch'd and having put the money on board his Navy march'd himself away by Land What became of it grave Fathers His Navy was all torn to pieces next day in a violent storm and all those Ships that had the Holy money on board them were wreck'd upon our Coast By which calamity the proud King being at length taught that there are Gods gather'd all the money together again and order'd it to be carried back into Proserpines Treasury But notwithstanding that he never prosper'd after but being driven out of Italy died a dishonourable and ignoble death by chance in the night-time as he just came into Argos Now though your Lieutenant and Tribunes of the Soldiery had these things and a thousand more which were related to them not more to awe them with a religious fear than to let them know that we and our Forefathers had found the Goddess had often given great demonstrations of her presence there yet they nevertheless were so audacious as to lay their sacrilegious hands upon those untouch'd Treasures contaminating themselves their Families and their Soldiers with such wicked spoils For which grave Fathers I beseech you upon your own account and the love you bear to your Country that you would make some Expiation before you do any thing more either in Italy or Africa lest they should suffer for the offence which they have committed not only with their own blood but also by some publick calamity Although I must confess the wrath of the Goddess appears even to this day both in your Officers and Soldiers For they fight sometimes even with one another Pleminius being the Captain on one side and two Tribunes of the Soldiers on the other Nor did they ever ingage more vehemently with the Carthaginians than they did among themselves Yea they would by their fury have given Annibal an opportunity of recovering Locri had not Scipio whom we sent for intervened But alas doth rage possess the Soldiers only who are stain'd with Sacriledge and nothing of the Goddesses power appear in the punishing of the Officers No it was most manifest in them The Tribunes were whipt with rods by the Lieutenant and after that the Lieutenant being circumvented by the Tribunes was not only torn all over his body but his nose and ears being cut off he was left for dead But he at last recovering of his wounds put the Tribunes in Prison and then having whipt them put them to all the servile torments he could think on till they dy'd nor would he suffer them when dead to be buried Thus has the Goddess reveng'd her self of them that spoiled her Temple nor will she ever cease to torment them before the Sacred money is again laid up in her Treasury Our Ancestors heretofore in the time of a grievous War that we had with the Crotonians because that Temple was without the City would have remov'd that money into the Walls But a Voice was heard out of the Temple in the night that bid them hoâ—d their hands off of it the Goddess would defend her own Temple Whereupon they being afraid to remove the Treasures thence they resolv'd to inclose the Temple with a Wall at least but when it was built up to some considerable height it tumbled down again all on a sudden For that Goddess not only now but many other times besides has secur'd her own Seat and her own Temple or has taken grievous revenge of such as were the violators thereof But neither she nor any body else except you grave Fathers can redress our injuries Wherefore to you and your mercy we humbly fly not caring whether you suffer Locri to be under that Lieutenant and that Garrison which is now there or deliver it up to inraged Annibal and the Carthaginians to exercise their cruelty upon Yet we do not desire that you should believe us immediately neither against a person that is absent and before he has spoken for himself No let him come and hear his accusation that if he can he may make it appear that he has omitted any one piece of villany that one man can be guilty of toward another if he do we shall not refuse our selves again to suffer if possible all that we have already undergone and to have him acquitted of all guilt whether in respect of God or man The Ambassadors having spoken to this purpose Q. Fabius ask'd them whether they had made those complaints to P. Scipio to which they answer'd and said There were Ambassadors sent to him but he was taken up with preparing for the War being either already gone over into Africa or resolv'd to do so in a few days Besides they knew what kindness the General had for the Lieutenant by the case that happen'd between him and the
Tribunes whom Scipio for his sakâ— put into prison but left him though he were as guilty or rather more than they in the same Commission as before The Ambassadors being order'd to withdraw out of the Temple not only Pleminius but Scipio also were severely lash'd in several invective Orations which the Nobility then made But above the rest Q. Fabius said He was born to corrupt all military Discipline That in Spain too he lost full as much by the mutiny of his Soldiers as by the War for he had a foreign King like way with him both to indulge the licentiousness of his Soldiers and to be very severe upon them when he had so done And then he ended his Speech with this his fatal Opinion That he would have Pleminius brought in bonds to Rome and in that condition to plead for himself so that if all were true that the Locrians had said he should be executed in the Prison and his Goods confiscated That P. Scipio for that he had quitted his Province without the Senates leave should be recalled and that they should treat with the Tribunes of the People to make them propose the abrogating of his Command That the Senate should tell the Locrians in his hearing That what injuries they complain'd of as done to them neither the Senate nor the Roman People would have willingly done That they should be called good Men Allies and Friends That their Wives and Children with all other things that had been taken from them should be restored That as much Money should be raised as had been taken out of Proserpines Treasury and double that summ be return'd into that place as also that a piacular sacrificing should be appointed by advice first taken of the Colledge of Priests because the sacred Treasures were so misplaced and prophaned what Propitiations to what Gods and with what Sacrifices they would have them made That all the Soldiers at Locri should be transported into Sicily and that four Regiments of the Latine Allies should be carried as a Guard to Locri. The Opinions that day for and against Scipio were not to be number'd the Senators were so hot on both sides For besides Pleminius's ill behaviour and the ruine of the Locrians they said that his garb was not only not Roman but not so much even as Military in that he walk'd in a Cloak and Buskins after the Greek fashion in a Gymnasium a School of Exercise giving his mind also to Books and Activity as Wrestling c. That his Regiment was equally slothful and effeminate at Syracuse taking their pleasure only for Cartâ—age and Annibal were out of their heads That all the whole Army was corrupted by licentiousness and just as they were at Sucro in Spain and now at Locri more dreadful to their Allies than any Enemy These things though partly true partly mixed and therefore the more probable were given out buâ— Q. Metellus's Opinion at length obtained who though â—e agreed with Maximus in all other things yet in the case of Scipio dissented from him For how said he can it seem convenient that he whom the City had so lately chosen even in his youth as the only General fit to recover Spain whom Spain retaken from the Enemy had created Consul on purpose to put an end to the Punick War with great hopes that he would not only draw Annibal out of Italy but also subdue all Africa that he I say should be so suddenly recalled from his Province like Q. Pleminius and almost condemn'd before his Cause was heard When ev n those things that the Locrians complain of as done so nefariously against them were done in Scipio 's absence as they themselves owne nor can he be blamed for any thing save his modesty or patience in that he spared the Lieutenant That he thought fit that M. Pomponius the Praetor to whom the Province of Sicily was allotted should go the next three days to that Province and that the Consuls should chuse ten Ambassadors out of the Senate whom they pleas'd to send along with the Praetor with two Tribunes of the People and an Aedile And that by the assistance of that Council the Praetor should inquire if those things that the Locrians complain'd of were done by the order or consent of P. Scipio to the end that they might warn him to quit the Province If Scipio was already gone over into Africa that the Tribunes of the People and the Aedile with two of the Ambassadors whom the Praetor should think most fit should follow him thither the Tribunes and the Aedile to bring Scipio back and the Ambassadors to command the Army till a new General came over But if M. Pomponius and the ten Ambassadors found that such things were not done either by order or consent of P. Scipio that Scipio should stay in the Army and carry on the War as he had proposed This being passed into an Order of Senate it was referr'd to the Tribunes of the People either to agree among themselves or cast Lots which two of them should go along with the Praetor and Ambassadors In like manner it was left to the Colledge of Priests to determine of an Expiation for those things that had been touch'd violated and carried away out of the Temple of Proserpine at Locri. The Tribunes of the People that went along with the Praetor and the ten Ambassadors were M. Claudius Marcellus and M. Cincius Alimentus who had an Aedile also allow'd them to whom if Scipio either in Sicily should not obey the Praetors commands or were already gone over into Africa the Tribunes should give order to lay hold on him and bring him back by the Authority of their Sacred Power Their design was to go to Locri before they went to Messana But as to Pleminius there is a double report goes For some say that he when he heard what had been done at Rome went as a banish'd person to Naples and there by chance met with Q Metellus one of the Ambassadors by whom he was forced back to Rhegium Others say that a Lieutenant was sent by Scipio himself with thirty of the noblest Horsmen to put Q. Pleminius in Chains and with him the Heads of the Sedition But they were all committed to custody at Rhegium either before by Scipio's order or just then by the Praetors The Praetor therefore and the Ambassadors went to Locri where as they were order'd they first took care of what concern'd Religion For they gather'd together all the Sacred money that either Pleminius or the Soldiers had and put it with that which they themselves brought thither into the Treasury making a piacular Sacrifice Then calling the Soldiers into an Assembly the Praetor bade them march with their Ensigns out of the City and pitch'd the Camp in the adjacent Plains with a grave Edict That if any Soldier either remain'd in the City or took any thing out with him that was not his own he would permit the Locrians every one to
unanimous consent of the Senate the Tribune was sain to yield and by an order of Senate L. Lentulus came into the City Ovant He brought as booty along with him forty four thousand pounds of Silver Bullion and of Gold two thousand four hundred pounds giving each of his Souldiers a hundred and twenty Asses apiece By this time the Consuls Army was brought from Aretium to Ariminum and five thousand of the Allies of the Latine Race were coming over out of Gaul into Etruria Wherefore L. Furius making great marches from Ariminum against the Gauls who then were a besieging Cremona he pitched his Camp fifteen hundred paces from the Enemy He had a good opportunity to have done his business had he gone straight on and attacked the Enemies Camp For they santered and stragled about the Country without leaving any strong Garison there behind them But he feared his Souldiers were too weary because they had marched so very fast Thereupon the Gaules being recalled by the shouts of their own Party left the Booty that they had gotten and made back to their Camp coming the next day into the Field Nor did the Romans delay the fight though they had hardly time to set their men in Battalia the Enemy ran in upon them with such speed The right Wing for he had an Army of Allies divided into Wings was planted in the Van and the two Roman Legions in the Reer M. Furius Commanded the Right Wing M. Caecilius the Legions and L. Valerius Flaccus the Horse being all of them Lieutenants The Praetor had with him two Lieutenants Cn. Letorius and P. Titinius by whose help he might be able to look about him and be ready for all the Enemies sudden efforts First then the Gauls with all their whole Body gathered into one place hoped to overthrow and rout the right VVing which was in the front but seeing they had no success in that attempt they endeavoured to wheel about from their Wings and enclose the Enemies Army which to such a multitude against so few seemed very easie VVhen the Praetor saw that he also went about to dilate his Army and therefore drew the two Legions out of the Reer to the right and left in order to cover the VVing that fought the Front and vow'd to build a Temple in honour of Jupiter if that day he routed the Enemy After which he ordered L. Valerius that on the one side he should send forth the Horse that were in the two Legions and on the other side those of the Allies against the Enemies VVing or suffer them to surround or circumvent their Main Body And at the same time he himself as soon as he saw the Gauls Main Body grown thin after the widening and spreading of their VVings commanded his men at their close Order to attack them and break their Ranks by which means the Wings were beaten by the Horse and the main Body by the Foot Whereupon of a sudden the Gauls being slain in great numbers on every side turned their backs and ran toward their Camp as hard as they could drive Whither the Horse first pursuing them and by and by the Foot also they made an attack upon their Camp Little less than six thousand men made their escape thence there being killed and taken above thirty five thousand with eighty military Ensigns and Gallick Waggons laden with much Booty to the number of above two hundred Amilcar the Carthaginian General fell in that Battle and three noble Generals of the Gauls Of the Placentine Captives there were full two thousand Freemen delivered back to the Inhabitants This was a great Victory and the cause of much joy at Rome concerning which when the Letters came a supplication was decreed to be made for three Days together There fell of Romans and their Allies in that Battel two Thousand many of them belonging to the right VVing upon which the Enemy at first made their fiercest Attack Now though the Praetor had almost made an end of the VVar yet C. Aurelius the Consul also having perfected what was to be done at Rome going into Gallia took the Victorious Army from the Praetor whilst the other Consul being coming into his Province about the latter end of Autumn wintered near Apollonia C. Claudius and the Roman three-bank'd Gallies as I told you before who were sent from the Navy that was in Harbour at Corcyra to Athens being arrived at the Pyraeeus revived the hopes of their Allies who were now in a very desponding condition For neither were those incursions by Land that used to be made from Corinth through Megara into their Country any longer continued nor durst the Thieves and Pirates of Chalcis that had infested not only the Sea but all the Maritime Country also belonging to the Athenians pass Sunium or appear in the open Sea without the streights of Euripus Besides these there came three Rhodian four-bank'd Gallies and there were three Attick open Ships on purpose to defend the Sea Coast VVith this Navy though Claudius was of opinion that the City and Country of Athens might be for the present sufficiently defended he had a greater thing offered to him by mere chance Certain banished Persons that were driven from Chalcis by injuries which they received at Court brought him word That Chalcis might be taken without the trouble of fighting for it For the Macedonians because there was no fear of any Enemies being near them straggled up and down and the townsmen relying upon the Macedonian Garrison neglected the keeping and securing of their City By their advice therefore he set out but though he came so soon to Sunium that he might by day-light have got as far as the entrance into the streights of Euboea yet lest if he pass'd the Promontory or Cape he might be discovered he kept his Navy in the same station till night As soon as it was night he moved and sailing gently to Chalcis a little before day in that part of the City that is least inhabited he with a few Men scaled and took the adjoyning Tower and the Wall about it Then finding in some places the Sentinels asleep and in others no Sentinel at all they went forward to those places where there were more Houses and there having kill'd the Watch and broke open the Gate they let in the otner multitude of their own Souldiers Whereupon they ran all about the City increasing the tumult by setting fire on the Houses that were about the Market Place The Kings store-houses also and his Armory were burnt with great quantities of VVarlike Instruments and Engines Then there began to be made a slaughter both of such as fled and such as made resistance too in all parts nor was there any one fit to bear Arms that was not either slain or put to flight besides that Sopater also an Acarnanian who was Governour of the Garrison was kill'd by which means all the spoil was first carried into the Market Place and then put on
board the Ships The Prison likewise was broken open by the Rhodians and the Captives let out whom Philip had put into it as the safest place to secure them After that having thrown down the Kings Statues and cut off their Heads they gave the signal for a retreat and went on board their Ships returning to the Pyraeeus from whence they came Now had there been such a number of Roman Soldiers as that Chalcis might have been kept and the Athenian Garrison not left unmanned the taking of Chalcis and Euripus from the King at the very beginning of the War had been of great consequence for as by Land the streights of Thermopylae are the barriers of Greece so by Sea is that of Euripus Philip was then at Demetrias where when the news came of the destruction of that associated City though it were too late to help them yet he desiring revenge which is next to Aid set forth immediately with five Thousand Foot and three Hundred Horse and went as fast as he could till he came near Chalcis not doubting in the least but he might surprize the Romans But being disappointed in his hopes of that and when he came seeing nothing but an hideous spectacle of an allied City that was half demolished and still smoaking he left some few scarce enough to bury them that were kill'd in the Battel and going full as fast as he came by a Bridge over the Euripus marched through Boeotia to Athens supposing that a like event would answer a proportionable enterprize And so indeed it had had not a Scout which sort of Men the Greeks call Hemerodromi because they run a great way in one day who discovered the Kings Army from a certain Watch-Tower gone before Midnight to Athens where he found the same drowziness and the same negligence that some few dayes before had betrayed Chalcis But the General of the Athenians and Dioxippus Colonel of a Regiment of Auxiliaries that fought for pay being soon alarm'd at the frightful News call'd all their Souldiers into the Market-place and ordered the Trumpet to give such a signal from the Castle that all people might know the Enemy was come Thereupon they ran from all parts to the Gates and then to the Walls And some few hours after Philip though a little before day approaching near the City when he saw a great many Lights and heard the noise of men as in a consternation which in such cases is very usual he made an halt Commanding his Army to sit down and rest themselves for he resolved to use open force since Policy would not do his business Then he came to that part of the City called Dipylon which is a Gate in the Front of the City somewhat bigger and wider than the rest and within as well as without it broad streets whereby not only the Townsmen could lead an Army from the Market-place to the Gate but without also the way that led for a thousand paces together into the Academy afforded room enough for the Enemies Horse and Foot That way the Athenians with the Guards of Attalus and Dioxippus's Regiment having set their Army in Array within the Gate bore forth their Ensigns Which when Philip saw supposing that he had his Enemies at his mercy with the long-wished for slaughter of whom he might now glut himself for he hated no City of Greece more than that he exhorted his men that they would look upon him whilst they fought and know that there the Ensigns there the main body of the Army ought to be where the King was and with that he rode in full Career up toward the Enemy being heated not only with anger but vain glory too for that the Walls being fill'd with vast numbers of people that came to look on he thought it a brave thing for him to be seen so warmly engaged in the fight Then riding up somewhat before the Army with a few Horsemen to attend him into the midst of the Enemies he not only very much incouraged his own men but put the Foe into as great a fright For having wounded a great many of them with his own hand both near him and at a distance he himself pursued them to the very Gate and though he kill'd a greater number of them in that narrow pass made a safe Retreat from his rash Enterprize because those that were upon the Towers of the Gate forbore to throw their Weapons down lest they should hit their own men too who were mingled among the Enemies After that the Athenians keeping their men within the Walls Philip sounded a Retreat and pitched his Camp at Cynosarges where was the Temple of Hercules and a place of Exercise with a Grove round about it But this Cynosarges and the Lycaeum with all things else that were either sacred or pleasant about the City were set on fire and not only the Houses but the Sepulchres also demolish'd nor had they through the violence of their fury any respect either to divine or humane Laws The next day the Gates that had been first shut being on a sudden flung open because the Guards of Attalus entred the City from Aegina and the Romans from the Piraeeus the King removed his Camp from the City about three thousand paces From whence going to Eleusis in hopes to surprize the Temple and the Castle too that joins to and encompasses the Temple he found the Watches well attended and a Fleet coming from the Piraeeus to their relief wherefore omitting that attempt he marched to Megara and thence straight to Corinth where hearing that there was a Council of the Achaeans held at Argos he without the Achaeans knowledge came into the Assembly Now they were consulting about a War against Nabis Tyrant of the Lacedaemonians who having transferred the Sovereign Power from Philopoemenes to Cycliades a General not at all equal to him and seeing the Achaean Auxiliaries much weakened had renewed the War and was then a wasting the Neighbouring Countries being terrible now even to the Cities also Against this Enemy seeing they consulted how many men they should raise out of each City Philip promised them That as to Nabis and the Lacedaemonians he would take the trouble off their hands nor would he only save the Territories of their Allies from being any longer pillaged but also by leading his Army immediately that way would turn all the terrour of the War upon the Laconians This Speech of his was mighty grateful to them but then he told them But Gentlemen I ought so to defend you with my Arms as in the mean time not to leave my own Dominions without any Guard at all Wherefore if you please raise so many men as may serve to defend Oreum Chalcis and Corinth that when my Towns behind me are safe I may the better make War against Nabis and the Lacedaemonians The Achaeans were well aware what his design was in making that kind promise and offering his assistance against the Lacedaemonians for
into their Country and to the Dymaeans who were lately taken and rifled by the Roman Army Philip giving order that they should be redeemed where-ever they were in slavery gave back not only their Liberty but their Country too And as for the Argives they besides that they believe the Macedonian Kings to be come originally from them were many of them obliged to Philip upon several private accounts and by familiar friendship For these reasons because the Council was inclined to make an Alliance with the Romans they went out and they were pardoned for so doing because they had been obliged not only very much but very lately too by several kindnesses that the Macedonians had done them The rest of the Nations belonging to the Achaeans when their opinions were demanded confirmed an alliance with Attalus and the Rhodians by a present Decree just then but deferr'd it to the Romans because without the Peoples consent it could not be ratified till such time as Embassadors could be sent to Rome At the present they agreed to send three Embassadors to L. Quintius and remove all the Achaean Army to Corinth which City it self Quintius was then attacking after he had taken Cenchreae And they indeed encamped over against that Gate which leads to Sicyon The Romans fell upon that side of the City toward Cenchreae and Attalus leading his Men over through the Isthmus attack'd it first more slowly from Lechaeum the Port of the opposite Sea as hoping to see a mutiny between the Townsmen and the Kings Guards But seeing that they all defended it the Macedonians as though it had been their own common Country and the Corinthians by making Androsthenes Governour of the Garrison whom they obeyed for his humanity and justice in his Office as if he had been one of their own Citizens and chosen by majority of Votes so that the Assailants only hopes now lay in force Arms and Works and therefore they raised vast Mounds before the Walls on every side A Ram on that side where the Romans made their Attack had beaten down some part of the Walls To which place because it was now berest of all fortifications the Macedonians ran in throngs to defend it upon which there happened to be a bloody Battel between them and the Romans And first of all the Romans were easily kept off by mere Multitude but when the Auxiliaries belonging both to the Achaeans and Attalus were slain the fight was pretty equal nor could any body doubt but the Romans would easily force the Macedonians and Greeks to quit their Ground There were a great number of Italian Fugitives who part of them out of Annibals Army came over for fear of being punished by the Romans and followed Philip and part of them were Sea Men who having left their Fleets revolted to the hopes of a more honourable Warfare Despair of being pardoned if the Romans overcame made these Men rather mad than bold There is the Promontory of Juno over against Sicyon which they call Acraa that runs a great way out into the Sea from whence Philocles one of the Kings Praefects having passed over to Corinth almost seven Thousand Paces led fifteen Hundred Men after him through Boeotia There were Barks ready from Corinth to take that Guard in and carry them to Lechaeum Whereupon Attalus advised them To set fire of their Works and presently quit the Siege But Quintius was more pertinacious in the Enterprize Yet even he when he saw the Kings Guards posted at every Gate so that it was not easie for them to sustain the shock of a sally out of the Town was of Attalus's opinion Thus without effecting their design and having dismiss'd the Achaeans they returned to their Ships Attalus went for Piraeâ—us and the Romans for Corcyra Whilst these things were carryed on by their Naval Forces the Consul having pitched his Camp in Phocis near Elatia endeavoured to do the business first by way of Parley and Conference with the Nobility of that City but when they told him They had not power to do any thing at all for that the Kings Men were more numerous and strong than the Townsmen then he attacked the City with Works and Arms on every side When he applyed the Ram to the Wall as much of it as between the Towers was knock'd down having left the City defenceless and that with a great crash and noise as it fell not only the Romans march'd in through the new breach but also from all parts of the Town ev'ry one left their stations and ran together to that place that was so throng'd by the Enemy The Romans at the same time clamber'd over the Ruines and brought their Ladders up to the standing Walls and whilst the heat of the fight fix'd not only the Eyes but the Minds of the Enemies upon that one part only where the conflict was the Wall was scaled in several other places and the Soldiers clamb over into the City Upon the hearing of which tumult the Enemy being affrighted at it left the place which they so many of them together defended and sled all for fear into the Castle with the unarm'd Rabble at their heels By this means the Consul took possession of the City Which when he had rifled he sent certain Persons into the Castle who were to promise the Kings Men their lives if they would go away without their Arms and their liberty to the Elatians upon which having given his solemn word for the performance he after some few days was Master of the Castle But when Philocles the Kings Praefect came into Achaia not only Corinth was free'd from the Siege but the City of the Argives also was betrayed to Philocles by certain Princes or Noblemen therein after they had first try'd how the vulgar stood affected They had a custom on the first day of their Assemblies as an Omen for the Praetors to pronounce the Names of Jupiter Apollo and Hercules to which Law there was an addition made That King Philip should be joined with them whose name seeing the Cryer did not add now that they had made a Peace with the Romans there was first an hum set up by the multitude and soon after a great noise made by those that pronounced Philips name as being willing he should enjoy his legal honour till at last his name was repeated with a general assent In confidence of this favour Philocles being sent for thither in the night time seized an Hill that stood above the City which Castle they call Larissa and planting a Guard there as he went down to the Town below it by break of day in an hostile posture an Army ready in Battalia met him For there was a Garison of Achaeans lately put into that place consisting of about five hundred Youths chosen out of all their Cities Over which Aenesidemus a Dymaean was chief Commander To him the Kings Prefect sent this advise that he would march out of the City for that they were not
Romans did not shew the same affection to their Nation since the Victory as they had done in the War whilst others more vehemently accused and upbraided him saying That it was not only impossible for the Romans to have conquer'd Philip without the Aetolians to assist them but they could not so much as have come into Greece without them To which the Roman forbore to Answer lest the matter should have proceeded to a quarrel and only said they would be sure to have all the justice imaginable done them if they sent Embassadors to Rome Whereupon by his advice they pitch'd upon Embassadors and thus was the War with Philip made an end of Whilst these things past in Greece Macedonia and Asia a Conspiracy of the Servants had like to have put Etruria into a Warlike posture But Manius Acilius the Praetor who had the jurisdiction between Citizens and Foreigners being sent to inquire into and suppress it with one of the two City Legions overcame some of them that were gather'd to an head in open fight of which many were slain and many taken but drubbing others who were the chief Conspirators hang'd them up upon Crosses restoring the rest to their former Masters The Consuls went into their Provinces But when Marcellus was just got into the Confines of the Boii and since his Souldiers were now quite tired with marching a whole day together was Encamping upon a certain Bank Corolamus King of the Boii set upon him with a great Army and kill'd to the number of three thousand men In that tumultuary Battle there fell some very eminent persons among whom were the Prefects of the Allies T. Sempronius Gracchus M. Junius Sullanus and two Tribunes of the Souldiers of the second Legion A. Ogulnius and P. Claudius Notwithstanding the Romans made all the hast they could to finish the Fortifications of their Camp and kept it so that the Enemy though they had been successful in the late fight attempted it to no purpose After that for some dayes together Marcellus kept in the same Post till he had cured his wounded men and recover'd his Souldiers Courage from the fright they had been put into Thereupon the Boii being a Nation that cannot endure to stay long in a place got away into their Forts and Villages and Marcellus immediately passing the Po march'd into the Territories of Comum where the Insubrians who had perswaded the Comians to take up Arms were then Encamped The Legions join'd Battle upon the rode in which the Enemy at first charged up so briskly that they made the Antesignani those Souldiers that were before the Ensigns give way Which when Marcellus perceived he fearing lest if they were once removed they might be absolutely routed opposed the Marsian Regiment and sent all the Troops of Latine Horse out to meet the Foe By whose first and second effort the violence of the Enemy was so far rebated that the rest of the Roman Army being thereby encourag'd first stood their ground and then fell fiercely on Nor could the Gauls any longer endure the shock but turn'd their backs and ran away as hard as they could drive Valerius Antias tells us that in that fight there were above forty thousand men slain four hundred and seven military Ensigns taken with four hundred thirty two Waggons and a great many gold Chains one of which being of a great weight Claudius sayes was laid up as an offering in the Temple of Jupiter in the Capitol The Gallick Camp was that day taken and rifled and so was Comum within a few dayes after After that twenty eight Castles revolted to the Consul But this also is a doubt among Writers whether the Consul led his Army first into the Country of the Boii or the Insubrians to obliterate the memory of an unfortunate with a successful Battle or whether the Victory gain'd at Comum were disparaged by the defeat which he receiv'd among the Boii About the time that these things were transacted with such variety of Fortune L. Furius Purpureo the other Consul came through Vmbria into the Boian Dominions Where when he was got near to a Castle called Mutilum fearing lest he might be hedg'd in by the Boii and Ligurians together he marched back the same way that he came till by a long Circuit about through an open Champaign Country which was for that reason the more secure he met with his Collegue who joining his Forces with him they first of all ravaged all the Boian Territories as far as the Town called Felsina But that City the other Castles and most of the Boii except the youth which were in Arms upon a very great occasion and then were retired into the pathless Woods came and submitted to them Then they led their Army into Liguriae whether the Boii supposing that they might surprise the Romans who were negligent in their marching because they themselves seemed to be at a great distance from them follow'd through by wayes But not over-taking them they presently crossed the Po in Boats and having pillaged the Laevians and the Libyans as they return'd back again in the very Confines of Liguria laden with the spoil of the Country they light upon the Roman Army With that they engaged more suddenly and sharply than if they had come prepared to fight at a time and place appointed for it There it appear'd what force passion had to instigate mens minds For the Romans were so much more desirous of slaughter than of Victory that they scarce left the Enemy a Messenger to carry the news of their defeat For that action upon the receit of the Consuls Letters at Rome there was a Supplication order'd for three dayes together Soon after Marcellus came to Rome and had a triumph granted him by general consent of the Senate so that he triump'd in the time of his Office over the Insubrians and Comians But he left the hopes of a triumph upon the score of the Boii to his Collegue for that though he himself had been unfortunate in a Battle against that people his Partner had met with better success Many spoils were brought along in the Enemies Waggons that he had taken with many military Ensigns three hundred and twenty thousand pounds of brass money and of silver stamped with a Chariot two hundred thirty four thousand pound Out of which he gave to each Foot-Souldier eight hundred Asses and three times as much to every Horseman and Centurion The same Year King Antiochus happening to Winter at Ephesus endeavoured to reduce all the Cities of Asia to their old form of Government for the rest he supposed either because they were situated in Champaigne Places or that they had but little confidence in the Walls Arms or Youth would easily receive his Yoke Smyrna and Lamsacus were then at Liberty and therefore there was some danger lest if he should wink at them whom he fear'd the other Cities in Aeolus and Ionia would follow the example of Smyrna and those in
might be shady for then it was Midsummer for them to supp in As much as his affairs and the time would suffer the entertainment of that Day was prepared and set out with all solemnity and the Company drank till late in the Night But Annibal as soon as he had an opportunity of getting away unknown to them that were in the Port weighed Anchor The rest who were asleep when they rose the next Day still full of last Nights debauch too late to do any good spent some hours in placing their Oars in their Ships and fitting up their tackling At Carthage also the rabble that used to frequent Annibals House ran to the Porch thereof and when they heard he did not appâ—ar came thronging into the Forum and enquired after the Governour of their City some of them saying That he was fled which was true and others That the Romans had kill'd him which they were more pleased at though you might have seen several Faces there which look'd very differently like Men in the City that favour this or that Faction But at last the News came That he was seen at Cercina When the Roman Embassadors had told the Senate of Carthage That the Roman Senate were certified not only that King Philip was formerly very much excited by Annibal to make War upon the Romans but that now also there were Letters and Messengers sent from him to King Antiochus and that he would never be quiet till he had set the whole World in an uproar Vpon which account he ought not to scape unpunished though the Carthaginians should satisfie the Roman People that nothing of all this was done either by their order or publick approbation The Carthaginians replyed That they would do whatever the Romans thought fitting In the mean time Annibal arrived very safe at Tyre where he was entertain'd by those that built Carthage i. e. the Tyrians or Phoenicians as in another native Country being a person so renowned for all sorts of honours and having stayed there some few Days sailed thence to Antioch There finding that the King was already gone away he went to wait upon his Son who was celebrating a solemn sort of Games at Daphne and having been kindly received by him made no stop nor stay in his intended Voyage At Ephesus he overtook the King who yet was wavering in his mind and unresolved as touching the Roman War But Annibal's coming gave him no small encouragement to prosecute that design besides that at the same time the Aetolians also were revolted from their alliance with the Romans for that the Senate referr'd their Embassadors who came to demand Pharsalus and Leucas with some other Cities according to their first League to Quintius DECADE IV. BOOK IV. The EPITOME 1 2 c. That Law call'd Lex Oppia which C. Oppius Tribune of the People had introduced for the restraining of Womens habits to such and such fashions was abrogated with the greatest zeal imaginable though Porcius Cato were against the abolishing of it 8 9 c. He going into Spain quieted all the hither Province of it by a War which he began at Emporia 22 c. T. Quintius Flaminius made an end of the War that he had managed with success against the Lacedaemonians and their Tyrant Nabis giving them such terms of Peace as he thought good and freeing Argos which was in subjection to the Tyrant 43. That was the first time that the Senate ever was at Playes in a place distinct from the people for the procuring of which Sex Aelius Paetus and C. Cornelius Cethegus the Censors interposed to the great displeasure of the people 44. Several Colonies were planted 45. M. Porcius Cato's triumph over Spain 46. Their prosperous atchievements in Spain are further described with what success they had against the Bois and Insubrian Gauls 51. T. Quintius Flaminius who had conquer'd Philip King of Macedon and Nabis Tyrant of Lacedemon and had freed all Greece for his numerous and great exploits triumph'd three dayes together 59. The Carthaginian Embassadors came and told the Romans that Annibal who was fled to Antiochus was helping him to raise a War 60. Now Annibal had endeavour'd by means of Ariston a Tyrian whom he sent without Letters to Carthage to make the Carthaginians renew the War A Midst the concern that they had for great Wars which either were not yet well ended or just hung over them there intervened a thing but very small to speak of but such as by the several Factions grew up to a mighty Controversie M. Fundanius and L. Valerius Tribunes of the People proposed to the Commons the abrogating of the Oppian Law C. Oppius a Tribune of the People had made it when Q. Fabius and T. Sempronius were Consuls in the very heat of the Punick War and it was That no woman should have more than half an Ounce of gold about her nor wear any party-coloured Garment nor ride in a Chariot with two Horses either in the City or any other Town or within a thousand paces from it unless it were upon the account of publick and religious solemnities M. and P. Junius Brutus Tribunes of the People stood up in defence of this Law and said they would not have it abrogated Besides whom many of the Nobility also came forth to perswade and disswade the people one way and the other The Capitol was fill'd with a crowd of men that partly favour'd and partly opposed it nor could the Matrons be kept at home either by authority modesty or the Commands of their Husbands but beset all the streets of the City and the Avenues going into the Forum desiring the men as they came that way that now the Common-wealth flourished and the private fortune of every man daily increased they would let the matrons also have their ancient Ornaments again This concourse of the Women was every day more and more For they came likewise out of the several Towns and Burroughs and were at last so bold as to go and desire the Consuls the Praetors and other Magistrates to stand their Friends though they could do no good with one of the Consuls M. Porcius Cato who for the Law which they would they have abrogated made this Speech If every one of us Romans had resolv'd to keep up majesty and Prerogative of an Husband over his own Wife we should not have had all this trouble with the Women in general But now our liberty being restrain'd at home by the Tyrant of our own Women 't is intrenched and trampled upon here also in the Forum and we because we could not endure them singly are frighted at them all together Truly I thought it was a Fable and a feigned story that such a number of Husbands were taken off by a Conspiracy of Women in the Island of Lemnos But indeed there is the same danger to be fear'd from any sort of people if you admit of Cabals Councils and secret Consults Nor can I hardly tell whether
first came into Spain because to his Predecessors the Spaniards revolted as being weary of the Carthaginian Yoke but by him were to be vindicated or judicially challeng'd as it were from their usurped liberty into slavery wherefore he found all things in such confusion that some of them were in Arms and others by being besieged were forced to revolt nor had he not come in time to assist them could they have held out any longer But the Consul had so much wit and courage together that he used to make one himself in every thing that was done whether greater or lesser nor did he consider only and give order for that which was convenient but himself also transacted several things in his own person never shewing his authority more gravely or severely upon any one than upon himself For he vied with the meanest of his Souldiers in Parsimony watchings and pains-taking nor had he any thing in the Army more than another man excepting honour and the command of it The Celtiberians who as I said before were hired by the Enemy made the War in Turdetania the more difficult to P. Manlius the Praetor Wherefore the Consul for whom the Praetor sent a Letter led his Legions thither When he came there now the Celtiberians and the Turdetans had two distinct Camps the Romans running into their stations began to make some light Skirmishes with the Turdetans coming off with Victory though their attempt was never so rash Then the Consul order'd the Tribunes of the Souldiers to go and talk with the Celtiberians and to carry them their choice of three conditions of Peace the first that they would come over to the Romans and accept of double the pay which they were to have from the Turdetans the next that they would depart to their own homes upon the publick word and promise that their joining with the Romans Enemies should be no disadvantage to them and the third that if they delighted in War they would appoint a time and place where they might fairly fight it out But the Celtiberians desired time to consult of it There upon a Council was held at which there were several Turdetans present with a great Tumult that hinder'd their resolving upon any one point Now though it were uncertain whether they should have Peace or War with the Celtiberians yet the Romans as in times of Peace carried in Provisions out of the Country and Castles of the Enemies and besides that went often into their Fortifications as if they had agreed upon a Commerce with them by virtue of a private Truce But the Consul finding that he could not tempt the Enemy to fight first of all led some of his most active Regiments under their several Banners into that part of the Country that was yet unpillaged where having an account that all the Baggage and Carriages of the Celtiberians were left at Seguntia he went forward with his Army to attack that place But seeing that nothing would provoke them he having paid off not only his own men but the Praetors also and left all the Army in the Praetorian Camp himself with seven Regiments went back to Iberus With that force though so small he took several Towns besides that the Sedetans Ausetans and Suessetans revolted to him But the Lacetans who lived in a pathless woody Country were still in Arms not only by reason of their natural inclination to War but because they were conscious that whilst the Consul and his Army were imploy'd in the Turdetan War they had plunder'd the Roman Allies by sudden incursions which they made upon them Wherefore to attack their Town the Consul led not only the Roman Regiments but the youth of those Allies who were so justly incensed at them Their Town was very long and not nigh so broad from whence he set up his Standard about four hundred paces And leaving there a guard of certain chosen Regiments he order'd them not to stir out of that place till he himself came to them but led the rest of his Forces round to the farther side of the City The Suessetan youth were the greatest part of all his Auxiliaries whom he commanded to approach and attack the Wall The Lacetans knew by their Arms and Ensigns who they were and therefore remembring how often they had over-ran their Country how often they had routed and defeated them in set Battles on a sudden open'd their Gates and sallied out all together upon them The Suessetans could scarce endure the shout that they set up much less their violent Effort which when the Consul as he thought before hand he should saw come to pass he gallop'd up to the Wall of the Enemies to the Regiments and taking them hastily along with him whilst all the Lacetans were in eager pursuit of the Suessetans led them into the City at a place where there was silence and no Company to defend it taking all the whole Town before the Lacetans came back They therefore soon afterward having nothing but their Arms surrender'd themselves to him From thence he presently march'd victorious to Vergium a Fort so called which was for the most part a refuge for Robbers who from thence made incursions into the peaceful parts of his Province Thence fled the Prince or Governour of the Town and came to the Consul beginning to excuse both himself and his Country-men in this manner That the Government of that Town was not in their hands but that a Company of Robbers that were taken in had made the whole Garison their own Thereupon the Consul bad him go home again but frame some plausible excuse for his absence and when he saw him under the Walls the Thieves being then also intent to defend them that then with the men of his own Faction he should be sure to seize the Castle Accordingly he went and did as he was order'd which put the Romans on the one hand whilst they were climbing the Walls and the Barbarians on the other hand to see the Castle taken into a sudden consternation The Consul having got possession of this place commanded that all those who were in the Castle with their Relations should have their liberty and Estates order'd the Questor to sell the rest of the Townsmen and punish'd the Robbers as he thought fit Having quieted the Province he imposed great Taxes upon the Iron and Silver Trades out of which the Province grew every day still richer and richer and for these exploits of his in Spain the Senate decreed a Supplication of three dayes continuance The same Summer the other Consul L. Valerius Flaccus fought a second set Battle with the Boii in Gaul near the Litan Wood in which they say there were eight thousand Gauls slain and that the rest quitting the War escaped into their Villages and other parts of the Country The Consul the rest of the Summer kept his Army near the Po at Placentia and Cremona and repaired those places which in those Towns were demolish'd in the
of six months between Nabis the Romans King Eumenes and the Rhodians That T. Quintius and Nabis should presently send Embassadors to Rome to get the Peace confirm'd by authority of the Senate That the day on which the terms of Peace were given out to Nabis should be the beginning of the Truce and that between that day and the tenth day following all his Guards should be drawn out of Argus and the other Towns that were in the Argive Dominions so as that they should be deliver'd up quite empty and free to the Romans as likewise that no slave of the * That is Nabis's Kings either publick or private should be taken thence or if any had been before that time so taken away they should be faithfully restored to their Masters That he should send back the Ships which he had taken from the Maritime Cities nor should himself have any Ship excepting two Pinnaces that should not be rowed with above sixteen Oars That he should re-deliver their Captives and Fugitives to all the Allies of the Roman People and to the Messenians all things that appear'd or the Masters of such goods knew to be theirs That he should also restore to the Banish'd Lacedemonians their Children and Wives that had a mind to go along with their Husbands but that no man should be forced to go with any banish'd person against her will That all the goods belonging to Nabis's mercenary Souldiers who were gone away either to their own Cities or over to the Romans should be carefully restored unto them That he should not have any City in the Island of Creet and that those which he had he should surrender to the Romans That he should make no Alliance with any Cretan City or any body else nor wage War with them That he should draw his Guards out of all those Cities that either he himself had restored or had surrender'd themselves and all they had up to the protection and government of the Roman People keeping himself and all that belong'd to him from ever medling with any of them That he build no Town or Castle either in his own or any Foreign Dominions That he should give five Hostages for the performance of all this such as the Roman General should approve of and among the rest his own Son for one with a hundred Talents of silver at present and fifty every year for eight years together These terms being written his Camp was removed more near to the City and they sent to Lacedemon though none of them to say truth pleas'd the Tyrant save that beyond expectation there was no mention made of bringing back the banish'd persons But that which most offended him was that the Ships and Maritime Cities were taken from him For the Sea brought him in great profit being that he infested all the Coast from Malea with Piratical Ships Besides that he had all the youth of those Cities to supply him with the far best sort of Souldiers These conditions though he consider'd of them in private with his Friends were notwithstanding the publick Discourse his Guards being very apt as in other matters of trust so to betray his Secrets Yet they did not all in general find fault with the whole but each man with those particulars which more immediately concern'd him Those that had married banish'd mens Wives or had any of their goods were very angry as if they had been to lose and not to restore them The Slaves that were freed from the Tyrant did not only think their freedom would be of no consequence to them but their thraldom much worse than before now they were to return into the hands of their incensed Masters The mercenary Souldiers also were not only troubled that their stipend would come to nothing in time of Peace but likewise saw that there was no returning for them into their own Cities which hated the Guards belonging to Tyrants as much as the Tyrants themselves When they had first talk'd thus in Crowds among themselves they straightway ran and took up their Arms. By which tumult when the Tyrant saw the Mobile were of themselves sufficiently provoked he order'd an Assembly to be forthwith summon'd Where when he had declar'd what the Roman General had imposed upon him to which he had added some things more grievous and more unworthy of his own head at each of which sometimes all of them and sometimes a part of the Assembly shouted he ask'd them What they would have him answer to those Proposals or what he should do to which they almost unanimously reply'd That he should make no answer at all but prepare for the War bidding him each man for himself as the Mobile use to do be of good Courage and hope the best for fortune always favour'd the Valiant With which words the Tyrant was so animated that he cry'd out Antiochus and the Aetolians would assist him and that he had Forces enough to hold out the Siege By which means they had also forgot that there had been any mention made of Peace and ran to their several Posts resolving no longer to be quiet Whereupon the excursions of some few that came out to provoke the Romans with the Darts that they threw put the Romans soon past all doubt but they must necessarily sight and from that time for the space of four dayes they had light Skirmishes at first without being able certainly to know what would be the issue of it But the fifth day the Lacedemonians were forced into the Town in such a consternation that some of the Roman Souldiers falling upon the Reer of them that fled got into the City through the gaps as things then stood that were in the Wall Then Quintius having sufficiently restrain'd the Enemies Excursions by the fright he then put them into and supposing that nothing now remained for him to do but to attack the City it self sent certain persons to fetch all the Naval Forces from Gythium whilst he himself in the mean time with the Tribunes of the Souldiers rode round the Walls to view the situation of the Town Now Sparta you must know was formerly unwalled but the Tyrants of late dayes had built a Wall in the open and plain parts thereof defending the higher places that were less accessible with guards of armed men instead of Fortifications When he had taken a satisfactory prospect of every thing supposing that the best way to take it was to invest it he posted all his men quite round the City whose number was of Romans Allies Horse and Foot with Land and Sea Forces all together full fifty thousand fighting men Some of which brought Ladders others Fire and others other things wherewithal not only to attack the City but to affright the Besieged Then he commanded to set up an Huzza and all begin the Assault at the same time to the end that the terrified Lacedemonians might not know where first to make resistance and which part to assist being in a
general consternation The strongest part of the Army which was divided into three Batallions he order'd to make their Assault one of them on the side of Phoebeum a place dedicated to Phoebus the other near Dictymneum a Temple of Diana and the third at that place which they call Heptagoniae for its being seven corned these being all open parts of the City without any Wall Now seeing that the People were all in such a fright the Tyrant first of all being startled not only at the sudden shouts but the trembling Messengers that brought him news of what the Enemy was a doing as every place most stood in need of assistance either went himself in person to meet the Foe or sent some others But soon after being quite confounded with fear he was so distracted that he could neither tell nor hear what was for his advantage being not only destitute of advice but almost out of his wits too The Lacedemonians at first kept out the Romans pretty well in narrow places and three Parties fought at the same time in several places But when the Conflict increased the Battle was by no means equal For the Lacedemonians fought with Darts to throw from them from which the Romans not only easily defended themselves by the bigness of their Shields but likewise forasmuch as some of their Darts miscarried and others hit to very little purpose For by reason that the place was so narrow and the crowd so great they not only wanted room to throw their Weapons running which makes them fly with more force but had not so much as a free and a steady place to stand upon when they hurled them By which means the Darts that were thrown directly at them stuck none of them in their Bodies and few in their Shields But some there were wounded by those that stood round in the higher parts of the City and anon as they went forward there were not only Darts but Tiles also thrown down upon them from the Houses before they were aware Wherefore they held their Shields over their Heads and join'd them so close one to another that there was no room not only for Darts thrown at a distance to hit them but they were not to be pierced even hand to hand and under that Tortoise of Shields they made their approach At first the narrow passes fill'd with the crowd of them and the Enemy for a little time kept them out But when they had forced the Foe into a broader street in the City and by degrees got somewhat farther their strength and force was no longer to be born Whereupon when the Lacedemonians had turn'd their backs and ran as fast as they could to the higher parts of the City Nabis who trembled as if the City were taken lookt about him to find which way he himself might escape But Pythagoras who in all other things did the part of a General that had both Courage and Conduct was at that time the sole cause why the City was not taken For he order'd the Houses next the Wall to be set on fire which being all in a moment on a blaze forasmuch as they who at other times used to help to quench a fire were themselves the Incendiaries the Houses began to fall upon the Romans Heads nor did the Tile shards only but burnt Rafters also hit the Souldiers the flame increas'd far and wide every way and the smoak also grew more terrible than it was dangerous to them Wherefore not only the Romans that were without the City making at that time the fiercest attack retreated from the Wall but those likewise who were got in lest they might be intercepted from the rest of their Army by the fire breaking out behind them retired Quintius also when he saw how the case stood order'd them to sound a retreat and so being call'd off when the City was now almost taken they return'd to their Camp Quintius being more incouraged by the Enemies fear than from the thing it self for the three dayes following continued to scare them provoking them one while to light Skirmishes and another while blocking up certain passes that they might have no way to fly out The Tyrant forced by these menaces sent Pythagoras a second time in quality of an Envoy whom Quintius at first so slighted that he bid him be gone out of the Camp though afterward upon his humble Petition and falling down before him he had his Audience At which the first Speech he made was to declare that they left all to the pleasure of the Romans but seeing that such vain and ineffectual Proposals would do no good the matter was brought to this Issue that a Truce should be made upon the same conditions which a few dayes before had been set forth in writing and the money and hostages also taken In the mean time whilst the Tyrant was thus besieged the Argives who had Message upon Message that Lacedemon was even almost taken were themselves also encouraged and therefore seeing that Pythagoras was gone forth with the strongest party of that Garison contemning those few that were in the Castle they under the command of one Archippus drave out all the Souldiers that were in it But they sent out Timocrates the Pellenian because he had govern'd them with great clemency upon honour alive As they were rejoycing for this their deliverance Quintius arrived there having granted a Peace to the Tyrant dismissed Eumenes and the Rhodians from Lacedemon and sent his Brother L. Quintius to the Navy The City being over-joy'd appointed the day which with them is the most solemn for the celebration of the noble sports called the Nemean Games which had been omitted by reason of the War against the arrival of the Roman Army and its General Quintius whom they made Agonotheta or Regulator of the performance But there were many other causes also that enhans'd their mirth For their Citizens were brought back from Lacedemon whom Pythagoras of late and whom before him Nabis had carry'd thence besides that those also were come back who after the Plot was discover'd by Pythagoras and the slaughter now begun had made their escape having a prospect of liberty from a long interval and seeing the Romans who were the Authors of it to whom they themselves had been the occasion of making War with the Tyrant The Argives also upon the very day of the Nemean Games were declared to be absolutely free But look how much joy the restitution of Argus brought the Achaeans and the whole Assembly of Achaia so much did Lacedemons being left in Slavery and the Tyrants sticking to the side of it diminish their satisfaction Upon which account the Aetolians were very invective in all their publick meetings and said The War with Philip was not made an end of before he departed out of all the Cities in Greece but a Tyrant was left at Lacedemon whilst the lawful King who was in the Roman Camp and the rest of the principal
expectation of the Kings coming Now after the departure of the Romans they indeed had no Council of the whole Nation but consulted among their Apocleti so they call their Privy Council which consists of certain select men how they should make innovations in Greece They all knew that the chief men in the several Cities and all the best were of the Roman side and content with their present condition but that the multitude and such whose condition did not sute with their desires were for having all things quite alter'd The Aetolians therefore resolv'd not only very boldly but even impudently too to take Demetrias Chalcis and Lacedaemon in one day In order whereunto they sent one Nobleman to each of those Cities Thoas to Chalcis Alexamenus to Lacedaemon and Diocles to Demetrias The last of whom Eurylochus who was in banishment of whose flight and the cause thereof I told you before assisted as having no other hopes than by that means to return into his Country Eurylochus in a Letter admonish'd his Relations and Friends and those that were of the same Faction to advise his Wife and Children to go into a full Assembly in sordid apparel and the guise of Suppliants adjuring each man in particular and all in general not to suffer an innocent person to spend his age in banishment before he was condemn'd Whereupon as well honest men were moved with pity as ill and seditious persons by their hopes of confounding all things in an Aetolian tumult insomuch that every one of them consented to recal him Having made this preparation Diocles with all his Horse for then he was a Colonel of Horse going under a pretence to bring home the banish'd Stranger and having by travelling both day and night got a great way off when he was six thousand paces from the City at break of day chose out three Troops commanding the rest of the Horse to follow after and went before When he came near to the Gate he commanded them all to dismount and lead their Horses by their Bridle-Rains in some disorder as much like Travellers as they could that they might seem to be rather his Companions than his Souldiers Then he left one Troop at the Gate lest the following Horse should be shut out and in the middle of the City holding Eurylochus by the hand whom many people met and congratulated led him through the Forum i. e. Market-place to his own House Soon after the City was full of Horsemen and all the opportune places were seized after which there were Souldiers sent into their several Houses to kill the heads of the contrary Faction Thus was Demetrias subjected to the Aetolians At Lacedaemon they could not well force the City but were fain to take the Tyrant by treachery who being devested by the Romans of all his maritime Towns and shut up then also by the Achaeans within the Walls of Lacedaemon whoever should first kill him would be a man of the greatest esteem in all Lacedaemon Now they had a pretence of sending to him for that he tired them with his importunities to send him Auxiliaries he having renew'd the War upon their instigation Thereupon Alexamenus had a thousand Foot and thirty Horse chosen out of the youth allotted him whom the Praetor Damocritus in the Privy-Council of the Nation before-mention'd told they must not think that they were sent to the Achaian War or about any other business that they might each of them in their own opinion devise but that whatever sudden occasion Alexamenus should have they should be ready to execute his command though it were surprizing rash and bold with all obedience and should be as diligent as though they knew they were sent from home to do nothing but that With this preparation Alexamenus came to the Tyrant whom he fill'd with hope as soon as he arrived that Antiochus was already come over into Europe would shortly be in Greece and fill all the Land as well as Sea with Arms and Men. That the Romans would not now believe they had to do with Philip that the number of his Foot and Horse and Ships could not be told and that the body of Elephants would beat the Enemy with their very appearance That the Aetolians with their whole Army were ready to come to Lacedaemon when occasion requir'd it but that they had a mind to shew a good Army to the King at his arrival That Nabis also himself should take care not to let the Forces which he had lie idle and grow effeminate at home but should draw them forth and make them exercise their Arms preparing their minds as well as their bodies for the War For by continual practice the fatigue would be the more easy yea by the affability and courtesy of a General might be made not altogether unpleasant Thereupon they were drawn forth in great numbers before the City into a Plain by the River Eurotas the Tyrants Lifeguard standing in the middle whilst he himself with three Horsemen at the most of which Alexamenus was most commonly one rode before the Ensigns and view'd the utmost Wings of the Army The Aetolians were in the right Wing not only those that had formerly been the Tyrants Auxiliaries but the thousand also that came along with Alexamenus Alexamenus had made it his custom sometimes to ride about with the Tyrant among the ranks and to tell him what he thought best to be done and sometimes to ride into the right Wing up to his own men and then again as though he had order'd what was necessary to be done to retreat to the Tyrant again But upon the day that he had design'd for doing of the fact when he had rode a little way with the Tyrant he went to his own Horsemen that were sent from home with him and told them Fellow-Souldiers you must undertake a business which under my conduct you were commanded forthwith to execute wherefore prepare your minds and hands so that none of you be backward to do what you see me do before you He that delays and by his own advice obstructs my design let him know he shall never return home again With that they were all affrighted remembring what a charge they had when they came forth The Tyrant was coming from the left Wing when Alexamenus commanded his Horsemen to hold down their Spears and look at him who himself had but just recover'd his resolution having been confounded with the thoughts of so great an attempt When therefore the Tyrant drew near he made at him and running his Horse quite through knocked the Tyrant off Thereupon the Horsemen came about him as he lay on the ground and having given his Coat of Mail many a blow to no purpose at last pierc'd through into his naked Body so that he died before any relief came from the main Body of the Army Alexamenus with all his Aetolians went forward as fast as he could to seize the Palace The guard-du-corps seeing what was
the same time they sent five hundred men under the command of Hippolochus for a Garison to Pherae but they being excluded from access to that place now that the Kings men had beset all the Roads went to Scotussa To the Larissaean Embassadours the King gave this mild Answer That he was come into Thessaly not to make War but to defend and establish the liberty thereof He also sent an Envoy to say much the same thing to the Pheraeans but they giving him no Answer sent themselves an Embassadour to the King by name Pausanias who was one of the chief men in their City Who when he had spoken to the same purpose being in the same circumstances as others had done for the Chacideses in the parley at the Streight of Eupirus and some things more boldly too the King having advised the Pheraeans to deliberate again and again for fear they should take that course of which whilst they were too cautious and provident for the time to come they would repent at present dismissed them When this news came to Pherae they presently resolv'd out of their love to the Romans to undergo all that the Fortune of War should cast upon them They therefore prepar'd themselves as fast as possible to defend their City whilst the King at the same time began to attack their Walls on every side as knowing well enough for there was no doubt of it that it depended upon the event of his attempt upon that City which he first set upon whether he should be contemn'd or fear'd by the whole Nation of the Thessalians wherefore he put the besieged into all the consternation he could The first effort of the attack they endured with resolution enough but soon after when many fell or were wounded as they were making their defence their hearts began to fail them But being recall'd by the chastisement of the Nobility to persevere in their design they left the outward circle of the Wall seeing their Forces were now wasted and retired into the inner part of the City about which there was a shorter Line of Circumvallation At last being quite tired out they fearing lest if they were taken by force they should find no favour from the Conquerer surrender'd themselves Thereupon the King without any delay sent four thousand men whilst the terrour was fresh to Scotussa where the Inhabitants never stuck to surrender having seen the Example of the Pheraeans before their Eyes who were forced at their cost to do that at last which at first they so pertinaciously refused Together with that City Hippolochus also and the Larissaean Garison were surrender'd But they were all dismiss'd by the King without any hurt done to them for that the King thought that would be a thing of great moment to reconcile the affections of the Larissaeans unto him Within ten dayes after his coming to Pherae having perfected these matters he went with his whole Army to Crano which he took upon his first arrival From thence he went and took possession of Cypaera Metropolis and the Castles thereabouts so that all places in that part of the Country excepting Atrax and Gyrto were now in his hands Then he resolv'd to attack Larissa supposing that either for fear since the other Cities were so lately taken or in gratitude for his dismissing of their Garison or by the Example of so many Cities that had surrender'd themselves they would no longer persist in their obstinacy He therefore having order'd his Elephants to be driven before the Ensigns for terrour march'd with a square Body up to the City to the end that the minds of great part of the Larissaeans might float to and fro between present fear of an Enemy and respect for their absent Allies At the same time Amynander with the Athaman Youth seiz'd Pellinaeum and Menippus going into Perrhoebium with three thousand Aetolian Foot and two hundred Horse took Mallaea and Cyretiae by storm plundering all the Country of Tripolitis Having done all this with great celerity they return'd to the King at Larissa and came just as he was consulting what to do with that place For there they were of different opinions some saying that they must use violence and not defer attacking the Walls with Works and Engines on every side at once it being a City seated on a Plain and easy of access which way they pleas'd whilst others said one while it was a City of such strength as not to be compar'd to Pherae and anon took notice that it was Winter and such a time of year as was not fit for any Warlike Enterprize much less for besieging or taking of Cities Whilst the King hereupon stood doubtful between hope and fear Embassadors from Pharsalus who came by chance to surrender their City raised his Courage In the mean time M. Boebius having met and confer'd with Philip in the Dassaretian Territories sent Appius Claudius by common consent to guard Larissa who marching through Macedonia by great Journeys came to that highest part of the Mountains that lies above Gonni Gonni is a Town twenty thousand paces from Larissa situate in the very entrance of the Lawn called Tempe Where having Encamp'd on more ground than he needed to have done in regard to the numbers he had and kindled more Fires than were necessary he made the Enemy believe what he design'd they should to wit that the whole Roman Army was there with Philip. Whereupon the King telling his men for an excuse that Winter was near at hand after he had staid only one day retired from Larissa and went back to Demetrias the Aetolians and the Athamans too going into their own Territories likewise Appias though he saw that the Siege was raised the only thing he was sent thither for yet he went down to Larissa to confirm their Allies in their affections for the future so that there was a double joy among them not only for that the Enemy was departed out of their Confines but that they saw a Roman Garison within their Walls The King going from Demetrias to Chalcis fell in love with a Damsel of that place who was Daughter to Cleoptolemys whom when he had tired out first by Proxy and then by his own importunities himself in person the Gentleman being unwilling to match his Daughter into a Family so much above her at last having gain'd his request kept his Wedding as if it had been in the midst of Peace and spent the remaining part of the Winter in feasting drinking sleeping and such pleasures as attended that kind of Life wherewith he was tired rather than cloy'd All his great Officers too who in Boeotia especially had the over-sight of his Winter-Quarters were guilty of the same debauchery and so were the common Souldiers also nor did any one of them put on his Armour keep his watch or station or do any thing else that belong'd to a Souldier Wherefore in the beginning of the Spring when he was come through Phocis into Acarnania
with their Swords in their hands and that when the King was overcome the Aetolian War would still remain entire wherefore he removed his Camp from Thermopylae to Heraclaea and that very day that he might know the situation of the City rode round the Walls Now Heraclaea is seated at the Foot of Mount Oeta but though it self be in a Plain has a Castle belonging to it that stands upon an high place that is every way a mere Precipice When he had view'd all that was worth his knowing he resolv'd to attack the City in four places at once Toward the River Asopus where there is also a place for exercise he set L. Valerius to make works and begin the assault giving T. Sempronius charge to batter the Castle without the Walls in which there were full as many if not more Inhabitants than in the City On the side of the Malian Bay which affords no easy access he planted M. Baebius and to the other small River call'd Melana over against Dianas Temple set Ap. Claudius By the great endeavours of these men within a few dayes the Towers Rams and all other Warlike preparations for the attacking of Cities were made and finish'd For as the Country about Heraclaea being all Fenny and full of tall Trees supply'd very plentiful materials for all sorts of works so because the Aetolians were fled into their Walls and the Houses in the Skirts of the City were deserted they afforded not only Rafters and Planks but Brick also and Mortar with Stones of different bigness for several uses Now the Romans attack'd this City with their works more than their Arms as the Aetolians on the contrary defended themselves with their Arms only For when their Walls were shaken by the Rams they did not with Ropes as it is usual receive and divert the blows but sallied out all in Arms many of them together and some too with fire in their hands to throw into the Enemies Works There were also Arches in the Walls fit to run out at which they themselves when they repaired those parts of the Wall that were knock'd down made more numerous that they might sally out upon the Enemy to better purpose This they did the first dayes whilst their strength continu'd entire with all alacrity and in great numbers but afterward every day fewer and more slowly For though though they were prest with many inconveniences no thing did them so much hurt as watching the Romans who had Souldiers enough succeeding one into the post of another whilst the Aetolians being but few were teaz'd with continual labour the same persons several nights and dayes together For twenty four dayes in which they never rested from fighting they work'd perpetually against the Enemy who attack'd them in four places at once When therefore the Consul understood that the Aetolians were now tired both by the time and by the Fugitives that said so he took this course In the middle of the night he order'd his men to retreat and drawing them off from the Siege kept them all quiet in his Camp till the third hour of the day from which time the attack was a fresh begun and continu'd till midnight again being then intermitted till the third hour of the day as before Hereupon the Aetolians supposing the same weariness to be the cause of their omitting the Assault which had affected themselves also when the signal was given for a retreat as though they too had been recall'd by the same sound went every man of them from their Posts nor appear'd in Arms upon the Walls before the third hour of the day The Consul having intermitted the attack at midnight set upon it again at the fourth watch with all his force in three places at once commanding T. Sempronius to keep the Souldiers on one side intent in expectation of the signal because he supposed that the Enemy would certainly run all together in a nocturnal tumult to that place whence they heard the noise come The Aetolians who were part of them asleep as tired with labour and watching with much ado got up whilst others who were still awake ran toward the noise of people fighting in the dark The Enemies endeavour'd partly to get over the ruines of the fallen Wall and partly with Ladders attempted to get up In opposition to whom the Aetolians flockt from all parts to assist their Fellow-Citizens One side in which there were Houses without the City was neither defended nor opposed but those that were to attack it waited very intently for the signal there being none to defend it It was now day-light when the Consul gave the signal and then without any opposition partly through the breaches and partly with Ladders they got over the entire Walls With that there was a shout heard as when a Town is taken at which the Aetolians deserting their stations fled from all parts into the Castle The Conquerers by the Consuls permission rifled the Town not so much out of anger or hatred as that the Souldiers who had been restrain'd in so many Cities that they had taken from the Enemy might in some one place at last perceive the benefit of gaining a Victory But having recall'd the Souldiers about noon he divided them into two Parties whereof he order'd the one to be led round at the Foot of the Mountain to a Rock which being full as high seems in the middle of the Valley as though it had been broken off from the Castle Hill but the tops of those two Mountains are so nigh that from the other Summit you may throw a Dart into the Castle whilst with the other half the Consul being to go up from the City into the Castle waited for the signal from those that were gone about up to the top of the Rock The Aetolians that were in the Castle could not endure either the shout of those who had taken the Rock or after that the shock of the Romans from the City their spirits being now quite daunted besides that they had made no farther provisions for holding out the Siege any longer for their Women and Children with all the other weak crew were got into the Castle which was scarce able to contain much less to defend so great a multitude Wherefore upon the first Assault they surrender'd themselves Damocritus among the rest of the Aetolian Nobility was one that was deliver'd up who in the beginning of the War when T. Quintius desired the Aetolians Decree whereby they order'd that Antiochus should be sent for made Answer and said He would give it him in Italy when the Aetolians had Encamped there For the sake of his insolence therefore the Conquerours were the more rejoyced at their Victory At the same time that the Romans attack'd Heraclaea Philip by consent attempted Lamia having about Thermopylae met the Consul as he was coming back out of Boeotia to congratulate both him and the Roman People upon the score of their Victory and to excuse himself
Mankind who have long admired your Name and Empire as much as the immortal Gods Now what it was very hard to gain I am afraid 't is more difficult to preserve You undertook to defend the liberty of an ancient noble Nation whether you consider the Fame of what they have done or your general commendation for humanity and learning from the Tyranny of Kings And therefore it behoves you perpetually to protect all that Nation which you have receiv'd into your care and tutelage Those Cities that are in the ancient Country of Greece in Europe are not more Grecian Cities than your Colonies which formerly went thence into Asia nor has the changing of their Climate alter'd their nature or their manners We dare every City of us vie with our Parents and Founders in a pious contest for good Arts and Virtue You have many of you been in the Cities of Greece and Asia Save that we are farther distant from you we are outdone in nothing else The Massilians whom if their nature could have been overcome by the genius as it were of the soil so many unciviliz'd Nations as lye round about them had long e'r this corrupted are as much esteemed we hear and justly valued by you as though they lived in the very centre of all Greece For they have kept not only the tone of the Language the Garb and Habit but above all the Manners Laws and Humour of their Country free and entire from the Contagion of their Neighbours The bound of their Empire now is Mount Taurus and whatsoever is within that limit you ought not to think remote But wheresoever your Arms have come thither also 't is fit your justice should reach even from this City Let the Barbarians who never knew any Laws but the commands of their Lords have what they delight in Kings whilst the Greeks are pleas'd with their own Fortune that is their Wills They formerly with domestick force also embraced Empire now they wish that where the Empire at present is there it may for ever continue It is enough for them to defend their Liberty with your Arms since they cannot with their own But some Cities were of Antiochus's side and others before of Philips and Pyrrhus's being Tarentines Not to reckon up any other Nations Carthage is free and enjoys its own Laws See you Grave Fathers how much you owe to this example of yours You will be perswaded to deny that to Eumenes's avarice which you denyed to their own must just anger We Rhodians leave it to your judgment what brave and faithful service we have done you both in this and all other Wars that you have waged upon that Coast And now in time of Peace we give you such advice as if you approve of it will make all People believe that you use your Victory with more Gallantry than you got it This Oration seemed sutable to the Roman grandeur After the Rhodians Antiochus's Embassadors were call'd in who after the ordinary manner of those that beg Pardon Having confessed the Kings error beseech'd the Senate that they would remember and consult their own clemency rather than the Kings faults who had already suffer'd sufficiently for it and in fine that they would by their Authority confirm the Peace made by L. Scipio on the same terms that he had granted it Thereupon not only the Senate agreed to the observation of that Peace but the People also in a few Days after gave their consent The League was struck in the Capitol with Antipater head of the Embassy and Son to King Antiochus's Brother After which the other Embassadors likewise out of Asia had their audience To all which there was this answer given That the Senate after the manner of their Ancestors would send ten Embassadors into Asia to controvert and compose all differences there but that this should be the result of all that all the Country on this side Mount Taurus that was within the Confines of King Antiochus 's Kingdom should be given to Eumenes except Lycia and Caria as far as the River Meander and that should be subject to the Rhodians That the rest of the Cities in Asia that had been stipendiary to Attalus should all pay a tribute to Eumenes but those that had been tributary to Antiochus should be free and without any imposition They pitch'd upon for these ten Embassadors Q. Minucius Rufus L. Furius Purpureo Q. Minucius Thermus Ap. Claudius Nero Cn. Cornelius Merula M. Junius Brutus L. Aurunculeius L. Aemilius Paulus P. Cornelius Lentulus and P. Aelius Tubero Now concerning those things that required their presence upon the place to debate them these Persons were free to do as they thought good but concerning the business in general the Senate determin'd thus That all Lycaonia both the Phrygias Mysia the Kings Woods all Lydia and Ionia except such Towns as had been free at the same time when they fought with King Antiochus and particularly Magnesia near Sipylum with Cana which is called Hydrela and the Country of the Hydrelites lying toward Phrygia the Castles and Villages by the River Meander and all Towns but what were free before the War Telmissus also by name with the Forts belonging to it and the Lands that had belonged to Ptolomy of Telmissus that all these places and things above written should be given to King Eumenes To the Rhodians was assigned all Lycia beyond the aforesaid Telmissus the Forts belonging thereunto and the Lands that formerly appertain'd to Ptolomy of Telmissus for these were excepted both by Eumenes and the Rhodians too That part of Caria too was given to them that lies nearer to the Island of Rhodes beyond the River Meander consisting of Towns Villages Castles and Lands that reach as far as Pisidia saving such Towns among them that had been at liberty the Day before they fought with King Antiochus in Asia For this when the Rhodians had given the Senate thanks they treated concerning the City of Soli in Cilicia saying That they as well as themselves were descended from the Argives from which Cognation they came to love like Brothers Wherefore they desired this extraordinary favour that they would deliver that City from being slaves to the Kings Thereupon King Antiochus's Embassadors were call'd and discours'd but could not be in any wise prevailed upon Antipater appealing to the League against which the Rhodians desired to have not only Soli but to go over Mount Taurus and take all Cilicia Upon that the Rhodians being call'd back into the Senate when the House had told them how vehement the Kings Embassadour was they added That if the Rhodians thought that matter concern'd the dignity of their City the Senate would by all manner of means overcome the obstinacy of the Embassadours With that the Rhodians thank'd them much more heartily than before and said they would rather yield to the arrogance of Antipater than give any occasion of disturbing the Peace So that there was no alteration made as
to the City of Soli. At the same time that these things were done the Massilian Embassadours brought word that L. Baebius as he was going into the Province of Spain was circumvented by the Ligurians and having great part of his Attendants slain was himself so wounded that though with some few Companions but no Lictors he got away to Massilia he died there within three dayes The Senate hearing that decreed that P. Junius Brutus who was Pro-Praetor in Etruria delivering the Province and the Army to one of his Lieutenants whom he thought fit should himself go into the farther Spain which should be his Province This order of Senate and a Letter was sent by Sp. Postumius the Praetor into Etruria and P. Junius the Pro Praetor accordingly went into Spain In which Province a little before his Successor came L. Aemilius Paulus who afterward to his great glory conquer'd King Perseus though the year before he had had but ill success having raised a tumultuary Army fought the Lusitanians in a pitch'd Battle The Enemies were all totally routed eighteen thousand Souldiers slain three thousand three hundred taken and their Camp seiz'd The Fame of which Victory made things much quieter in Spain The same year before the 30th of December L. Valerius Flaccus M. Atilius Serranus and L. Valerius Tappus were the Triumviri that carried a Latine Colony to Bononia by order of the Senate consisting of three thousand men of whom the Horsemen had seventy Acres of Land apiece and the others fifty The Land had been taken from the Boian Gauls as the Gauls had driven out the Tuscans That same Year many great men stood for the Censorship which business as though it had not been in it self enough to have bred any great contest occasioned another contention much greater There stood as Candidates T. Quintius Flaminius P. Cornelius Scipio Son to Cneius L. Valerius Flaccus M. Porcius Cato M. Claudius Mâ—rcellus and M. Acilius Glabrio who had conquer'd Antiochus and the Aetolians at Thermopylae Now to this last of them because he had made a great many Doles whereby he had obliged great part of the People did the favour of the multitude incline Which so many of the Nobility being not able to endure that an upstart Fellow should be so far prefer'd before them P. Sempronius Gracchus and C. Sempronius Rutilus Tribunes of the People appointed him a day of Tryal for that he had neither carried in Triumph nor brought into the Treasury some part of the Kings money and of the booty that was taken in Antiochus 's Camp The testimonies of the Lieutenants and Tribunes of the Souldiers were very different But above the rest of the witnesses M. Cato was most taken notice of whose authority which he had gained by the constant uniform tenour of his Life the white Gown used by Candidates diminish'd He being a witness in the case said that he did not see at the Triumph any of those gold and silver Vessels that were taken among other booty in the Kings Camp At last in Envy to him more than any body else Glabrio said He would stand no longer seeing that what Noblemen were only in silence vex'd at that a Competitour who was as very an upstart as himself had malign'd with such an horrid act of perjury as no mulct or fine could equal There was a Fine laid upon him of a hundred thousand Sesterces Now they contended twice about that matter but the third time when the person accus'd had desisted from his pretensions to the office the people would neither pass any Votes concerning the Fine nor the Tribunes be any longer engaged in that business The Censors created were T. Quintius Flaminius and M. Claudius Marcellus By whose means there having been an Audience of the Senate granted to L. Aemilius Regillus who had defeated Antiochus's Admiral by Sea without the City in the Temple of Apollo when they had heard what he had done and with what mighty Fleets of Enemies he had fought as also how many Ships he had sunk or taken he had a Naval Triumph granted him by the general consent of the House He triumph d upon the first of February in which Triumph there were carried through the City forty nine Crowns of gold but nothing near so much money as might have been expected in a Royal Triumph there being only thirty four thousand seven hundred Attick Tetradrachmes each of which was the weight of four Deniers and of Cistophori another Coin a hundred thirty one thousand three hundred Thereupon by order of Senate there were Supplications made for that L. Paulus Aemilius had met with such success in Spain Not long after L. Scipio came to the City who lest he might seem inferiour to his Brother for want of a Surname would needs be called Asiaticus He discours'd of his Atchievements both in the Senate and before the People at which time there were some who said that War was greater for the Fame of it than for any difficulty that he met with it being ended in one memorable Battle and that the glory of that Victory was anticipated at Thermopylae But to one that truly consider'd it It was a War with the Aetolians at Thermopylae more than with the King For what Forces had Antiochus there But in Asia there were all the powers of Asia up in Arms and Auxiliaries muster'd together from the utmost limits of the East out of all Nations Wherefore they not only paid the immortal Gods all imaginable honour for that they had made the Victory as easy as it was great but likewise decreed that the General should Triumph He accordingly triumphed in the Leap-Month i. e. February on the last day of it and his Triumph was a more glorious show to the Eye than that of his Brother Africanus but for the account of their atchievements and in respect of the danger and difficulty they met with no more to be compar'd to it than if you should set one General in competition with the other or compare Antiochus to Annibal He carried in Triumph two hundred thirty four military Ensigns draughts of Towns a hundred thirty four Elephants Teeth a thousand two hundred and twenty and Crowns of gold two hundred twenty four Of silver a hundred thirty seven thousand four hundred and twenty pounds of Attick Tetradrachmes two hundred twenty four thousand of Cistophores three hundred thirty one thousand and seventy of pieces of Philippian gold a hundred and forty thousand of silver Vessels all of them Emboss'd a thousand four hundred twenty four pound weight and of golden ones a thousand pound weight There were also some Captains of the Kings with certain Prefects and thirty two of his Courtiers led before the Chariot To each Souldier was given the summ of twenty five Deniers double so much to a Centurion and treble to an Horseman besides that there was a Souldiers pay and a double quantity of Corn bestow'd upon them after the Triumph as he had allow'd them
criminously asking them by compact more questions seem'd to get out of them what they would not of themselves have declar'd At which the Senate being moved C Flaminius the other Consul undertook M. Fulvius's cause saying That the Ambracians went in an old beaten road For so M. Marcellus was accused by the Syracusanes and Q Fulvius by the Campanians And at the same rate they might suffer T. Quintius to be accused by King Philip M. Acilius and L. Scipio by Antiochus C. Manlius by the Gauls and Fulvius himself by the Inhabitants of Aetolia and Cephalenia Do you suppose Grave Fathers that either M. Fulvius himself or I for him will deny that Ambracia was attack'd and taken or that their Images and Ornaments were carry'd thence and other things done which are usual at the sacking of Cities when he resolves to demand a Triumph for these very actions When he resolves to have carry'd before his Chariot and to fix upon the Posts of his House the draught of Ambracia taken with the Images which they accuse him for carrying away and the other spoils of that City There is no reason why they should separate themselves from the Aetolians the Aetolians and the Ambracians case being both the same Wherefore either let my Collegue exercise his enmity in another cause or if he hath more mind to do it in this let him keep his Ambracians till M. Fulvius comes hither I shall not suffer any thing to be determin'd either concerning the Ambracians or the Aetolians whilst M. Fulvius is absent Now Aemilius declaring that his Enemies malice had a great deal of cunning with it as all the World knew for that he by delayes would so protract the time that he might not return to Rome as long as his adversary was Consul there were two dayes spent in a contest between the two Consuls But nothing could possibly be determin'd of whilst Flaminius was present Wherefore they took the opportunity when Flaminius was absent and upon the report of Aemilius an Order of Senate was made That the Ambracians should have all their goods again that they should be at liberty and use their own Lawâ— That they should take what customs they pleas'd both by Sea and Land so that the Romans and their Allies the Latines were free from them That as to the Images and other Ornaments which they complain'd were taken out of their Temples they would leave them to the College of Priests when M. Fulvius was come back to Rome who should do what they thought good in it Nor was the Consul content with this but afterward when there was but a few in the House added tâ—is also to the order of Senate That Ambracia did not seem to be taken by force Then there was a Supplication of three days continuance appointed by the Decemviri for the peoples health because a grievous pestilence depopulated both City and Country After which the Latine Feriae i. e. Holy dayes were celebrated Which religious offices when the Consuls had perform'd and made an end of their Levy for both of them were for having new Souldiers they went into their Provinces and disbanded all the old Army After the Consuls were gone the Pro-Consul Cn. Manlius came to Rome who having a Senate granted him at the Temple of Bellona by Ser. Sulpicius Galba the City Praetor told what exploits he had done and desired that for those things the Gods might have all honour ascribed to them and he himself ride in Triumph through the City But the greater part of the ten Embassadours that had been with him and above all others L. Furius Purpureo with L. Aemilius Paulus withstood it saying That they themselves were assign'd to Cn. Manlius as Embassadours for the making of a Peace with Antiochus and perfecting that League and those terms which were begun with L. Scipio That Cn. Manlius did all he could to disturb that Peace and to take Antiochus if he had given him an opportunity by an Ambuscade but that he perceiving the Consuls design though he had been often aimed at in Conferences which Manlius had desired to have with him had not only avoided any meeting but even the sight of him That having a desire to go beyond Taurus he could hardly be kept even by the intreaties of all the Embassadours from running the risque of that misfortune which the Sibylls Verses had foretold touching those that went beyond the fatal bounds Yea that nevertheless he drew his Army nearer and Encamped almost upon the very tops of the Mountains where the Waters flow down on both sides i. e. near the Wells When he found no occasion to make War there the Kings men being quiet that he led the Army round into Gallograecia against which Nation he made War without any Authority from the Senate or consent of the People which who ever dar'd to do on his own head That the Wars against Antiochus Philip Annibal and the Carthaginians were but of very late dayes But that concerning all those the Senate was consulted and the People gave their consents That Embassadors were often sent before hand and demands made of what belong'd to them till at last the Heralds were sent to declare a War Now Cn. Manlius what did you do that may make us able to say this was a publick War of the Roman People and not thy private Robbery But wert thou content with that very thing it self didst thou lead thy Army straight on toward those that you had pitch'd upon as their Enemy or did you not rather wander through all the by-wayes recesses and Corners of Pisidia Lycaonia and Phrygia since you stood in a cross way that whither soever Attalus Brother to Eumenes turned his Forces thither thou a mercenary Consul might'st with the Roman Army follow him to pick up money among the petit Kings and Garisons For what hadst thou to do with Aenoanda or what with other People that were equally innocent But how did you carry on the War for which you desire to triumph Didst thou fight upon an even place and at your own time Indeed you desire very well that all honour may be paid to the immortal Gods first in that they would not let the Army suffer for the rashness of their General who made War against all the Laws of Nations and secondly for that they gave us Beasts not men to cope with Do not you imagine that the name only of the Gallogreeks is mixt their Bodies and their minds too were mixt and adulterated long before If they were the same Gauls with whom we have fought a thousand times with various success in Italy would any one have return'd do you think to have given an account of the Battle for all that our General Manlius did He fought twice with them but both times in a very disadvantagious Post where his Army was in a low Vale almost under the very Feet of the Enemies so that if they had not thrown their Weapons down upon him but
Scordians thought fit to make even some rash attempt and so met all together from every part of their Country at a Town that lay next to the Bastarnian Camp It was Winter and they had chosen that time of the year that the Thracians and Scordians might go into their own Territories Which being done when they heard that the Bastarnians were now alone they divided their Forces into two parts the one to go strait forward and attack them openly the other round about through a pathless Wood and set upon them behind But before they could get round the Enemies Camp the Battle was begun and the Dardanes being conquer'd were forced back into their City which was near twelve thousand paces from the Bastarnian Camp The Conquerers presently beset the City not doubting but either the Enemy would surrender the next day for fear or they should take it by force In the mean time the other Party of Dardans that went about not knowing what their fellows had suffer'd attack'd the Bastarnian Camp which was left without defence Manner sate on an Ivory Throne as Judge and debated the smallest points in Controversie and so fickle was his mind to every kind of Fortune wandering through all conditions of life that neither he nor any Body else knew what a sort of a man he was He would not speak to his best Friends nor hardly smile upon those that were his most intimate acquaintance He would Fool both himself and others with his unequal munificence for to some persons of quality that thought very greatly of themselves he would make childish Presents as Sweet-meats and toys and to enrich others who expected nothing from him Wherefore some people thought he knew not what he did others that he did it in a kind of an humour and others that he was absolutely mad Yet in two great and honourable things he shew'd himself much a King that is to say in his Presents that he made to several Cities and his worship of the Gods He promised the Megalopolitans in Arcadia that he would Wall their City round and actually gave them the major part of the money toward it At Tegea he began to build a magnificent Theatre all of marble At Cyzicum he gave the golden Vessels of one Table to the Prytaneum that is the council-Council-House of the City where those that arrived to that honour were publickly maintain'd To the Rhodians he gave many gifts of all sorts as their use required though ne'r an one of them were very remarkable But of his magnificence to the Gods that one Temple of Jupiter Olympius at Athens which is the only one in the World design'd to sute the grandeur of that God may be a witness though he adorn'd Delos too with curious Altars and a great number of Statues At Antioch also he promised to build a Temple to Jupiter Capitolinus not only cieled with gold but cover'd all its Walls with golden Plates besides many other things to several other places which because his reign was so very short he had not time to perform He likewise outdid all former Kings in the magnificence of his publick shows of all sorts particularly in those that were proper to his own Country Fashion and in variety of Grecian Artists He set forth a Prize of Gladiators i. e. Sword-men after the Roman way which at first rather terrified than pleased the people of Macedonia who were not used to such sights though in process of time by often repeating of it sometimes till they wounded one another and sometimes even to death he made it a grateful sight to their Eyes yea and thereby enflamed many of the young sparks with the love of Arms. So that he who at first was wont to send for Gladiators from Rome at a great rate now by his own L. Cornelius Scipio had the Foreign Jurisdiction of the City and M. Atilius the Praetor happen'd to have Sardinia but was order'd to go over into Corsica with the new Legion which the Consuls had raised consisting of sive thousand Foot and three hundred Horse Whilst he was making War there Cornelius was continu'd in Commission and to have the Government of Sardinia Cn. Servilius was to go into the farther Spain and P. Euâ—â—â— Philus into the hither with three thousand Roman Foot a hundred and fifty Horse five thousand Latine Foot and three hundred Horse L. Claudius being to have Sicily without any supply The Consuls were likewise order'd to raise two new Legions with a due number of Horse and Foot to impose the raising of ten thousand Foot and six hundred Horse upon the Allies The Levy of the Consuls was so much the more difficult for that the pestilence which was so rise the year before among the Beasts was then turn'd to a distemper among men They who happen'd to have it scarce ever out-lived the seventh day or if they did escape were troubled with some tedious Disease most commonly a Quartan Ague The Slaves died most for there were heaps of them unburied in every street nor could they bury all even of the Freemen The dead Bodies lay untoucht by Dogs or Vulturs till the plague consumed them and it was well known that neither that nor the year before though there were such a mortality of men and Beasts there was ne'r a Vultur seen The publick Priests dy'd of that Plague viz. Cn. Servilius Caepio the Priest Father to the Praetor Tib. Sempronius Son to Caius Longus Decemvir of the sacred Rites P. Aelius Paetus the Augur Tib. Sempronius Gracchus C. Mamilius Vitulus the Grand Curio Chief Alderman and M. Sempronius Tuditanus the Priest in whose place was chosen C. Sulpicius Galba For Augurs there were Elected into the room of Gracchus T. Veturius Gracchus Sempronianus into that of P. Aelius Q. Aelius Paetus C. Sempronius Longus being made Decemvir of the sacred Rites and C. Scribonius Curio chief Alderman of all the Wards in the City Then seeing the Plague continued the Senate decreed that the Decemviri should consult the Sibylls Books and by their Order there was a Supplication for one day Besides that Q. Marcius Philippus saying the words before them the people made a Vow in the Forum that if the Disease and the Pestilence were once removed out of the Roman Territory they would keep Holy-Day and make supplication for two dayes together In the Veian Dominions there was a Boy born with two Heads as at Sinuessa with one hand and at Oximum a Girl with Teeth There was a Bow likewise seen bent in the Sky by day when the Heaven was clear with three Suns shining at one time besides that several blazes the same night streamed through the air in the Territory of Lanuvium The Cerites also affirmed that there appeared in their Town a Snake with a Crest adorn'd all over with golden spots and it was well known that in the Territory of Campania an Oxe spoke The Embassadours return'd out of Africa on the fifth of June who having
but rebell'd a little before the coming of Ap. Claudius beginning their War with a sudden attempt upon the Roman Camp It was about break of day when the Sentinels upon the Rampier and those that were upon the guards at the several Gates seeing the Enemy come at a distance gave the Alarm Thereupon Ap. Claudius having set up the signal for Battle and made a short Speech to encourage his men drew them forth at three Gates together The Celtiberians made such resistance at their coming out that at first the fight was equal on both siâ—es because all the Romans could not engage in those strait places by reason that they had not room enough But soon after thrusting one another forward they got without the Rampier so that they then could spread their Army and make themselves equal to the Enemies Wings by whom they were Encompassed and they broke forth so suddenly that the Celtiberians could not endure the shock of them Before seven a Clock in the Morning they were beaten and fifteen thousand of them either slain or taken with thirty two military Ensigns Their Camp was also that day seiz'd and the War made an end of For they that survived the Battle made their escape into their several Towns where they afterward lay quiet and were obedient to Government The Censors created for that year were Q Fulvius Flaccus and A. Postumius Albinus who survey'd the Senate chosing M. Aemilius Lepidus the High-Priest President thereof They turn'd nine out of the House of whom the most remarkable persons were M. Cornelius Maluginensis who two years before had been Praetor in Spain L. Cornelius Scipio the Praetor who had then the jurisdiction among Citizens and Foreigners and Cn. Fulvius who was the Censors own Brother and as Valerius Antias tells us a sharer with him in the same Patrimony The Consuls also having made their Vows in the Capitol went into their Provinces Of whom the Senate imploy'd M. Aemilius to suppress the insurrection of the Patavians in Venetia who according to the report even of their own Embassadours were through the opposition of different Factions engaged very hotly in a Civil War The Embassadours that went into Aetolia to suppress the like Tumults sent word back that the fury of that Nation could not be restrain'd But the Patavians were advantaged by the arrival of the Consul who having nothing else to do in that Province return'd to Rome The Censors agreed for paving of the streets in the City with Flint-stones and with gravel without the City being the first Censors that ever made Borders of stone to that kind of pavement They also took order to have Bridges made in many places and a stage for the Aediles and Praetors to set forth Playes upon with Barriers in the Circus where the Horses ran and Ovals to tell the several heats with They also caused the descent from the Capitol to be paved with Flint and the Portizo also that reaches from the Temple of Saturn into the Capitol as far as the Senaculum and Court above it They likewise paved the Exchange or Wharf without the Gate Tergemina with Stone and propt it up with pieces of Timber taking care also to repair the Portico of Aemilius and made ascent by stairs from the Tiber to the Exchange or Key aforesaid Without the same Gate also they paved the Portico going toward the Aventine with Flint and that at the publick charge from the Temple of Venus Those same persons took Order also for building of Walls at Calatia and Oximum where having sold certain publick places they laid out the money which they had for them in building of Shops round the Market-places of each City One of them also that is to say Fulvius Flaccus for Postumius said he would order nothing to be done with their money but what the Senate and People of Rome commanded built the Temple of Jupiter at Pisaurum and at Fundae and at Pollentia too caused the Water to be brought by Conduits and at Pisaurum order'd the street to be paved with Flint At these places he likewise caused a common shore to be made and the Market places to be all Encompassed with Porticoes and Shops as also three Januses to be made All these works were taken care for by one Censor who upon that score was mightily beloved of the Inhabitants This Censorship was also diligent and severe in regulating peoples manners and many of the Knights had their Horses taken from them When their year was almost out there was a Supplication for one whole day upon the score of the success which they had in Spain under the conduct and good fortune of Ap. Claudius the Pro-Consul at which they sacrificed twenty of the bigger sort of Victims There was likewise Supplication made another day at the Temple of Ceres Liber Libera for that they had news out of the Sabine Territories that there had been an Earthquake in those parts which had thrown down many Houses When Ap. Claudius was come out of Spain to Rome the Senate decreed that he should enter the City Ovant By this time the Consular Assembly came on which being held with great stickling by reason of the great number of Candidates L. Postumius Albinus and M. Popilius Lenas were created Consuls Then the Praetors were made viz. Nunerius Fabius Buteo M. Matienus C. Cicereius M. Furius Crassipes a second time A. Atilius Serranus a second time and C. Cluvius Saxula a second time When the Assembly was over Ap. Claudius Cento coming out of Celtiberia into the City Ovant brought into the Treasury ten thousand pound of silver and five thousand pound of gold Cn. Cornelius was inaugurated as Flamen Dialis Jupiters High Priest and the same year there was a Table set up in the Temple of the Goddess Matuta with this Inscription By the Conduct and good Fortune of Tib. Sempronius Gracchus the Consul the Legion and Army of the Roman People subdu'd Sardinia In which Province there were slain or taken of the Enemies above eighty thousand He having managed the publick affairs with great success retrieved and cleared the Revenues brought home the Army safe and sound and loaded with booty so that he return'd a second time in triumph to Rome upon which score he set up this Table as an offering to Jupiter There was also the Map of Sardinia and upon it several painted representations of Battles There were some other small Sword-prizes that year exhibited but there was one very signal above the rest set forth by T. Flamininus which he gave upon the account of his Fathers Death with a dole of Flesh a Feast and Stage-Playes But of that great show the chief part was that seventy four men fought in three dayes DECADE V. BOOK II. The EPITOME 3. Q. Fulvius Flaccus the Censor robb'd the Temple of Juno Lacinia of its marble Tiles to cover a Temple that he had dedicated But the Tiles were brought back again by order of Senate 11 12
they have possess'd in former Wars Then P. Licinius the Consul commanded the Senate's Decree to be openly read wherein it was ordain'd That War should be levy'd on Perseus to raise as many as they could of the old Centurion Captains for that service and that none should be exempted that exceeded not the Age of fifty after this he humbly exhorted them That in a War so nearly concerning Italy and against so formidable an Enemy they would not hinder the Colonels in raising Souldiers nor the Consul appointing to every one such Posts as should be thought most advantagious to the Common-wealth and if any thing arose that should be dubious they would submit it to the Senate After the Consul had finish'd his Discourse Sp. Ligustinus one of those who had appeal'd to the popular Tribunes beg'd leave of the Consul to speak a few words to the people and having obtain'd it he thus spoke I Spurius Ligustinus of the Crustuminian Bands am descended Fellow Souldiers from the Sabines My Father left me an Acre of Land and a small Cottage wherein I was born and nourished and at this day inhabit when I came to full Age I married my Fathers Neece by the Brother who brought with her no other portion than a free birth and chastity and with these a foecundity would have befitted a plentifuller Fortune we have had six Sons and two Daughters both now marriageable four of our Sons are arriv'd to manhood two are under Age I first became a Souldier in the Consulships of P. Sulpicius and C. Aurelius and serv'd a private Souldier in that Army transported into Macedonia against King Philip the third year T. Quintius Flaminius to incourage my forwardness assign'd me the command of the tenth division of the Spear-men our Army being disbanded after the Victory over the Macedonians I immediately went a Voluntier under M. Porcius the Consul into Spain than whom there is not a Commander now living could better judge of a Souldiers Courage and Vertue which those who by long service in the Wars under him and other Leaders have well experienc'd This great man I say thought me worthy the command he bestow'd upon me a third time I went a Voluntier in the Expedition against the Aetolians and Antiochus where from Manius Acilius I receiv'd the command of the first Centurion division Antiochus being repuls'd and the Aetolians vanquish'd we return'd into Italy and two years together I received pay with the pentionary Legions twice after this I bore Arms in Spain once under Q. Fulvius Flaccus a second time under Tib. Sempronius Gracchus the Praetor By Flaccus I was brought home from that Province among those who had purchac'd his favour by their courage and merits to attend his triumph At the entreaty of Tib. Gracchus I went with him into that Province where in few years I was advanc'd to the command of the first division of the Piliers thirty four times I have receiv'd from my Generals hand the rewards of Valour and Vertue six civick Coronets I have obtain'd twenty two years have followed the Wars and am now above fifty years old Thus since I have serv'd the State during the age of prescription and may plead the immunity of my years it is but just methinks Licinius I should now retire considering too I leave four Souldiers to supply my room But this I speak no otherwise than what might be modestly said in my own behalf for as long as I am able to bear Arms I will never excuse my self or oppose the authority of such deputed Officers as shall think me fit for service and shall readily obey their commands in any Post they shall esteem me worthy of nor shall the Army hew a bolder Souldier as all my cotemporaries in the Wars can testify both Officers and my old Comrades hath ever been my constant industry And you also my Fellow Souldiers that exercise the priviledge of appealing to the Tribunes it is necessary ye now preserve that reverence and obedience to the authority of the Senate and their Officers which ye kept inviolate in your younger age and esteem all places honourable wherein ye are posted for the defence of the Republick When he had finished his Speech the Consul highly applauded him and brought him from the people into the Senate where he was graciously received and the military Tribunes commanded to assign him the Post of the right hand Pilier in the first Legion and so the rest of the Centurion Captains letting fall their appeal obediently submitted That the Generals might hasten the sooner to their Provinces the Latine Anniversary was celebrated on the Calends of March which annual solemnity being ended C. Lucretius the Praetor after he had provided all things necessary for the Fleet departed for Brundusium Besides those Forces levyed by the Consuls a Commission was directed to C. Sulpitius Gala the Praetor to raise four Legions of Roman Citizens with a just proportion of Cavalry and Infantry and to chuse out of the Senate four military Tribunes to command them to levy likewise out of the Latine Alliances fifteen thousand Foot and twelve hundred Horse and to prepare them in readiness to obey such Orders as should be sent them from the Senate P. Licinius the Consul desiring an addition might be made to the civil and associate Armies obtained an Auxiliary of two thousand Ligurians and as many Archers as the Cretensians thought fit to send and also a certain number of Numidian Horse and Elephants to which purpose L. Posthumus Albinius Q. Terentius Culleo and C. Aburius were sent Embassadours to Massinissa and the Carthaginians It was likewise thought expedient to send A. Posthumius Albinus C. Decimius and A. Licinius Nerva Embassadours into Creet At the same time arrived Embassadours from King Perseus but it was not thought fit they should be admitted into the City seeing it was decreed by the Senate and the peoples Suffrages to make War on their King and the Macedonians they had Audience in the Temple of Bellona where they deliver'd this Message That the King their Master much wondred that an Army should be landed in his Dominions if he could obtain of the Senate to recal them home he was ready to repair the injuries he had offer'd their Alliances and therein to obey their directions there was at that time in the senate-Senate-House Sp. Carvilius sent back from Greece by Cn. Sicinius on purpose to present the state of that affair he remonstrated that Perrhoebia was over ran by Arms and certain Cities of Thessaly vanquished with other designs that King had either effected or was ready to act These Allegations the Embassadours were commanded to answer who after some hesitations declared their Commission did not extend to those particulars they were therefore bid tell their Master That P. Licinius the Consul would shortly be with the Army in Macedonia to whom he might send his Embassadours if he intended as he said to make satisfaction for that his Ministers should have
but at his first approach they surrender'd the City Cyretia endeavouring to make resistance the first day in a sharp Skirmish he was repulsed from the Gates but the day following attacking it with all his force they all before night yielded him submission Mylae was the next Town and so strong that the hope of it's being impregnable had render'd the Inhabitants a great deal fiercer thinking it not sufficient to shut the Gates against the King but they also cast out many scurrilous reproaches oâ— him and the Macedonians which proceeding seeing it had more inraged the Enemy to the assault and themselves likewise despairing of pardon enflam'd them the more fiercely to defend themselves so that for the space of three dayes they were attack'd and defended with much gallantry on both sides The number was so great of the Macedonians that relieving one another by turns they easily maintain'd the assault but the Townsmen that defended the Walls night and day not only their wounds but continual watching and labour had quite worn them out The fourth day when the Scaling-Ladders were every where raised on the Walls and the Gates assailed with greater force the Townsmen being driven from the Walls ran to defend the Gate and made a sudden sally on the Enemy which was rather an effect of blind rage than a true confidence of their strength but being few in number and quite tired out they were beaten back by those that were fresh and vigorous and in the pursuit their Enemies were received with them thorough the open Gate Thus the City was taken and sacked and the free people that survived the slaughter were exposed to sale The greatest part of the Town being burnt and ruined the Camp moved to Phalanna and the day after came to Gyrtone but hearing that T. Minucius Rufus and Hyppias the Thessalian Praetors had fortified that place he passed by without making any attempt however he surprized Elatia and Gonnus being smitten with terrour at his unexpected approach which two Towns are situate in the Streights which lead to Tempe Gonnus especially and therefore he left it fortified with a very strong Garison both of Horse and Foot and a triple Ditch and Rampier He determined to go himself to Sycurium there to expect the Enemy and commanded his Army to Forage all the Country of the Enemy that lay under him For Sycurium is seated at the Foot of the Mountain Ossa having on the South-side lying under it the Thessalian Plains and behind Macedonia and Magnesia To these commodities may be added the extraordinary healthfulness of the clime and the multitude of Fountains continually running round about it The Roman Consul by this time marching with his Army towards Thessaly at first began his expedition with some celerity thorough Epirus but when he had passed over into Athamania with great difficulty and slow marches thorough a rough and almost unpassable Country he arrived at Gomphi If the King at that time and place with his Forces in order had met him at the head of a young disciplin'd Army compos'd of tired men and Horses the Romans themselves cannot deny but that they must have received a very great overthrow but when they arriv'd at Gomphy without any opposition besides their joy for overcoming those difficulties they began also to despise their Enemies for their ignorance of their own advantages The Consul having duly sacrificed and distributed Corn to the Souldiers remained there some few dayes for the refreshing of his men and Horses When he heard that the Macedonians overran all Thessaly and destroyed the Countries of their Allies being now sufficiently recruited he led his Army to Larissa afterwards when he was about three miles distant from Tripolis which they call Scea he incamped by the River Peneus About this time Eumenes came by Sea to Chalcis with his Brothers Attalus and Athenaeus leaving his Brother Philetaerus at Pergamus Protector of his Kingdom departing hence with his Brother Attalus and four thousand Foot and a thousand Horse he came to the Consul leaving at Chalcis two thousand Foot under the Command of his Brother Athenaeus Thither also came other Auxiliaries to the Romans from all the parts of Greece many of which particulars being so inconsiderable are lost in oblivion The Appolloniats sent three hundred Horse and a hundred Foot From the Aetolians came one Company only the greatest number of Horse the whole Nation could raise nor did all the Thessalonians which were separated and quartered asunder in the Roman Camp exceed three hundred Horse and the Achaeans sent a thousand of their youth armed for the most part like the Cretesians About this time also came C. Lucretius the Praetor who went before with the Ships to Cephalenia after he had appointed his to sail above Malea with his Fleet to Chalcis himself went aboard a Trireme Galliot passing the Gulf of Corinth to pre-possess the affairs in Boeotia his Voyage was the slower because of the infirmity of his Body M. Lucretius coming to Chalcis and hearing that the City of Haliartus was besieged by P. Lentulus sent a Messenger to command him in the name of the Praetor to depart thence The Lieutenant having entered on that affair with the Boeotian youth who had taken part with the Romans left the Walls The raising of this Siege made room for another For M. Lucretius with a Naval Army of ten thousand Souldiers with two thousand of the Kings which were under Athenaeus immediately besieged Haliartus and being just ready to make an attack the Praetor from Creusa joined with them And about the same time Ships from the Allies arrived at Chalcis Two Punicaean Quinquereme Galliots two Trireme Galliots from Heraclea in Pontus four from Chalcedon as many from Samos and five four-oar'd Gallies from Rhodes the Praetor because there was no where any Sea-War remitted all these again to the Allies Q Marcius also after he had taken Halops and assaulted Larissa which is called Cremaste came by Sea to Chalcis This was the State of affairs in Boeotia when Perseus as was said before lay incamped at Sycurium having drawn together all the Forage of that Country round about sent Souldiers to destroy the Territory of the Pheraeans supposing that the Romans being drawn far from their Camp to the relief of their Confederates might be surprized But when he found them nothing moved by tumult he gave the Booty except the men which was large in Cattle of all sorts to be merrily devoured among his Souldiers Afterwards about the same time the King and Consul both consulted where they should begin the War The King's Courage was much increased by the devastation of the Pheraeans permitted by the Enemy and therefore resolved nor to give any space of further prolonging to march immediately towards their Camp The Romans also were of opinion that delay would have rendered them infamous among their Confederates resenting it as a thing extreamly dishonourable that the Pheraeans were not succoured as they were
Consuls They were both accused of horrid crimes but their Tryal was deferr'd till a longer day whereon when they should have come to plead a fresh they were excused upon the score of their voluntary banishing of themselves for Furius went to Praeneste and Matienus to Tibur There was a report That they were forbid by the Advocates to accuse any noble or potent men and Canuleius the Praetor encreased that suspition in that omitting that affair he began to make a Levy Whereupon he went of a sudden into his Province lest any more men should be brought into trouble by the Spaniards Thus having buried all past things in silence the Senate consulted the safety of the Spaniards for the future who prevailed so far as to procure an Order That the Roman Magistrates should not have the rating of their Corn nor force the Spaniards to sell the twentieth part of it at what price they pleased and that no Officers should be placed in their Towns to raise money against their wills There came also another Embassy from a new sort of people out of Spain who saying that they were born of Roman Souldiers and Spanish Women with whom the Romans were not allow'd to marry to the number of above four thousand desired that they might have a Town allotted them wherein to live Whereupon the Senate decreed That they should tell their names to L. Canuleius and that those of them whom he had made free should be carried to Carteia near the Ocean And likewise that all thosâ— of Carteia who had a mind to stay there should be lookt upon as part of that Colony and have land assign'd them that having been a Latin Colony called by the name of the Libertines Colony At the same time came out of Africa Gulussa Son to Massinissa as Embassadours from his Father together with the Carthaginians Gulussa was first introduced into the Senate and there declared what his Father had sent to the Macedonian War besides which he promised that if they would command any thing else from him he would do it for the sake of the Roman people but advised the Senate to take care of the Carthaginians fraud For they were about to set forth a great Fleet in shew for the Romans and against the Macedonians but when it was ready and sit for service it would be in their power to make whom they pleased their Friend or Enemy When they came into the Camp they caused such a consternation by shewing the heads U. C. 580 that if the Army had been presently brought thither the Camp might have been taken Then also was there a great flight and there were some who thought it fit that Embassadours should be sent with a Petition to desire Peace and many Cities when they heard that news came and made their surrender Who clearing themselves and laying the fault upon the madness of two men who freely offer'd themselves to punishment though the Praetor had pardon'd them he went immediately to the other Cities and seeing all of them obey'd his commands march'd with his Army quietly through the Country which was now appeas'd though just before it had been all enflamed with a mighty tumult This mildness of the Praetor whereby he had subdu'd so Warlike a Nation without any bloodshed was so much the more grateful to the people and the Senate by how much the Consul Licinius and the Praetor Lucretius had carry'd on the War in Greece with greater Cruelty and Avarice For the Tribunes of the people continually inveigh'd against Lucretius when he was absent in their publick Assemblies though he were said by way of excuse to be absent about the business of the Common-wealth But at that time what was done even in the Neighbourhood was so little inquired into that he was then at his Country House at Antium and bringing the Water with the money that the spoils of the War were sold for thither out of the River of Loracina He is said to have bargain'd for the doing of that work at the rate of a hundred and thirty thousand pounds of brass besides which he likewise adorn'd the Temple of Aesculapius with several paintings purchased out of the booty The Abderite Embassadours turn'd the Envy and Infamy off from Lucretius upon his Successor Hortensius weeping before the senate-Senate-House and complaining that their Town was taken and rifled by Hortensius That the reason why their City was so sack'd was because when he required of them a hundred thousand Deniers and fifty thousand Bushels of Wheat they desired time to send Embassadours concerning that affair both to the Consul Hostilius and to Rome That they were scarce yet come to the Consul before they heard that the Town was taken the Nobility and Gentry in it beheaded with an Axe and the rest sold for Slaves This seemed to the Senate a great indignity and therefore they decreed the same thing concerning the Abderites as they had done concerning the Coroneans the year before commanding Q. Maenius the Praetor to declare it publickly before the people There were also two Embassadours C. Sempronius Blaesus and Sext. Julius Caesar sent to restore the Abderites to their liberty being also charg'd to tell the Consul Hostilius and Hortensius the Praetor that the Senate thought the War made against the Abderites was unjust and were of opinion that all those who were in slavery should be inquir'd after and restored to their liberty At the same time there were complaints brought to the Senate against C. Cassius who the year before had been Consul but was then a Tribune military with A. Hostilius in Macedonia and Embassadours came from a King of the Gauls called Cincibilis His Brother made a Speech in the Senate wherein he complain'd that C. Cassius had pillaged the Countries belonging to the Alpine people their Allies and had taken many thousand of the Inhabitants thence into slavery About that time came the Embassadours of the Cirnians Istrians and Japides Complaining that C. Cassius was the first that ever required of them to find guides to shew him the way when he led his Army into Macedonia that he went quietly from them as though it had been to wage another War but came back when he was half way and in an hostile manner over-ran their Country that he committed all kind of rapine in every place and burnt their Towns nor did they know to that day for what reason the Consul lookt upon them as Enemies To which several Nations and to the petit King of the Gauls too the Senate made Answer that they neither knew that he would do those things which they complain'd of nor if they were done did they approve of them But it was unjust to condemn a consular person before he had said what he could for himself and in his absence especially since he was absent upon the publick account When C. Cassius return'd out of Macedonia then if they would accuse him face to face when they heard the case the Senate
good success King Perseus had met with that Summer and what a fright had seiz'd the Allies of the Roman People seeing so many Cities were reduced into subjection to the King That the Consuls Army was very thin because they had Furlows commonly given them out of ambition in the Officers the blame whereof the Consul laid upon the Tribunes military and they again upon the Consuls The Senate heard that they made light of the dishonour received by the temerity of Claudius who brought word that there were but a very few Italians and those too great part of them raised on a sudden lost in that action The Consuls being Elected when they were just enter'd upon their Office they were order'd to make a report to the Senate concerning Macedonia and the Provinces allotted them were Italy and Macedonia This was leap Year in which the odd day happen'd to be the third after the Feast called Terminalia in honour of the God Terminus The Priests that died that year were L. Flamininus the Augur with two other Pontifies or Priests called L. Furius Philus and C. Livius Salinator Into the place of Furius the Priests chose T. Manlius Torquatus and into the place of Livius M. Servilius In the beginning of the ensuing year when the new Consuls Q. Marcius and Cn. Servilius had made report concerning the Provinces the Senate gave order that as soon as might be they should either agree between themselves or cast Lots for Italy and Macedonia But before Fortune had determin'd that and whilst it was yet uncertain lest favour should be of any moment in the case they thought fit that what supplies were wanting should be allotted for both the Provinces For Macedonia six thousand Roman Foot of the Latine Allies six thousand with two hundred and fifty Roman Horse and three hundred of the Allies That the old Souldiers should be dismiss'd so that in every Roman Legion there should not be above six thousand Foot and three hundred Horse To the other Consul there was not allow'd any certain and definite number of Roman Citizens for him to take by way of supplement only he was bound to raise two Legions which should consist of twelve hundred Foot and three hundred Horse but he had a greater number of Latine Foot allow'd him than his Collegue had viz. ten thousand Foot and six hundred Horse There were also four Legions more to be raised that might be sent any whither where there was occasion over whom the Consuls were not permitted to make Tribunes but the people chose them From the Latine Allies were required sixteen thousand Foot and a thousand Horse This Army they order'd to be only in a readiness to go forth if their affairs at any time requited it Macedonia gave them the greatest trouble For the Navy they order'd that a thousand Seamen who were Citizens of Rome of the Libertine rank should be raised in Italy and as many in Sicily besides that it was injoin'd him who happen'd to have that Province that he should take care to transport them into Macedonia whereever the Navy then were For Spain there were allotted as a supply three thousand Roman Foot and three hundred Horse and the number of the Legions there too was determin'd to be five thousand Foot and three hundred and thirty Horse bâ—sides whom the Praetor who happen'd to have that Province was to demand four thousand Foot and three hundred Horse of the Allies I am not ignorant that through the same negligence that makes men now a-days commonly believe that the gods portend to us nothing at all there were but few prodigies at this time related or put into the Annals Yet not only I who write Antiquities have I cannot tell by what means a mind addicted to old things but a kind of religious regard also upon me that makes me esteem those things which those so very prudent persons thought fit publickly to take care of worth the putting into my Annals From Anagnia there were two Prodigies that year related viz. That an extraordinary light like a Torch was seen in the Sâ—y and that an Heifer that spoke was kept at the publick charge At Minturnae also about the same time the Sky lookt as if it had been all of a flame At Reate it rained stones At Cumae in the Castle Apollo cry'd three dayes and three nights In the City of Rome two Sextons brought word the one that in the Temple of Fortune there was a Snake seen with a Crest by many people and the other that in the Temple of Fortuna Primigenia which stands upon an Hill there were two several Prodigies seen viz. that a Palm-Tree sprung up in the Court Yard and that it rained blood in the day time But there were two Prodigies not at all regarded the one for that it happen'd in a private place as when T. Marcius Figulus brought word that a Palm-Tree sprung up in his Yard and the other because it was in a Foreign place when it was reported that at Fregellae in the House of one L. Atreus a Spear which he had bought for his Son who was a Souldier was on a flame in the day time for two hours together and yet the fire never burnt it Upon the score of these publick Prodigies the Decemviri consulted their Books and declar'd that the Consuls must offer forty of the bigger sort of Victims and to what Gods adding that there should be a supplication made and that all the Magistrates should Sacrifice with the bigger sort of Victims in every Temple and the people be Crowned So all things were done according to the Decemviri's directions Then the Assembly was appointed for chusing of Censors The chief men of the City stood for the Censorship namely C. Valerius Laevinus L. Postumius Albinus P. Mucius Scaevola M. Junius Brutus C. Claudius Pulcher and Tib. Sempronius Gracchus which two last the Roman People chose for Censors Now seeing they were at this time more concern'd than at another for making their Levies upon the score of the Macedonian War the Consuls accused the Commons before the Senate for that even the younger men did not answer to their names Against whom C. Sulpicius and M. Claudius Tribunes of the people maintain'd the cause and said The levy was hard not for Consuls but for such ambitious Consuls for they forsooth would make no man a Souldier against his will And that the Senate might know it was so the Praetors who had less power and authority if the Senate pleased would perfect the Levy Accordingly that affair was committed to the Praetors by universal consent of the House not without some lashes at the Consuls and the Censors to help forward the business made this publick Declaration That they would make a Law concerning the surveying and poling of the people that besides the common Oath of all Cities they should take this also Thou art under forty six years of age and therefore according to the Edict of C. Claudius and
Claudius was acquitted the Tribune of the people said he had nothing to say to Gracchus That year the Aquileian Embassadours desiring the Senate that they would augment the number of their inhabitants there were fifteen hundred Families by order of Senate raised and the three who were sent to carry them thither were T. Annius Luscus P. Decius Subulo and M. Cornelius Cethegus The same year C. Popillius and Cn. Octavius the Embassadours who were sent into Greece having read the order of Senate first at Thebes carry'd it about to all the Cities of Peloponnesus That no person whatsoever should give the Roman Magistrates any thing toward the War but what the Senate first thought fit This gave them a confidence for the future also that they should be cased of the burdens and expences whereby several Magistrates commanding several things one after the other they were exhausted and drain'd The Achaean Council being held at Argos they spoke and were heard very kindly and then having left that most trusty Nation under great hopes of their future state went over into Aetolia Where though there was not any insurrection as yet made all places were full of suspition and accusations among themselves For which reason having demanded Hostages but put no end to the business the Embassadours went thence into Acarnania where the Acarnanians gave them Audience at Thyrium In that Country too there was a difference between two opposite Factions some of the chief men desiring that there might be guards brought into their Cities in opposition to the madness of those men who endeavour'd to make the Nation side with the Macedonians which others refused lest they who were peaceable and allied Cities should receive that disgrace which usually befalls those that are taken in War and common Enemies This seemed to be a just disswasive and so the Embassadours return'd to the Pro Consul Hostilius for from him they were sent at Larissa He kept Octavius with him but sent Popillius with about a thousand men into Winter-Quarters at Ambracia Perseus not daring to go out of the Confines of Macedonia in the beginning of Winter lest the Romans should break in any way upon his Kingdom when it was empty a little before the hard weather when the depth of the Snow makes the Mountains from Thessaly unpassable thinking he had a good opportunity of breaking and damping all the hopes and courage of the Neighbour Nations that there might be no danger whilst he himself was imploy'd in the Roman War now that Cotys from Thrace and Cephalus out of Epirus by his sudden defection from the Romans offer'd him Peace and he had subdu'd the Dardans because he saw that that side of Macedonia only which lay toward Illyricum was molested nor were the Illyrians themselves quiet but besides that gave the Romans leave to come into their Country and if he once had tamed the Nations next to Illyricum that King Gentius who had been a long time wavering in his mind might be drawn into an Alliance march'd out with ten thousand Foot whereof part were Phalangites a particular sort of Foot-Souldiers in Macedonia and two thousand light-arm'd men together with five hundred Horse and came to Subtera Where having taken up Corn for a good many dayes and order'd the preparations for attacking of Towns to follow after he Encamped the third day at Vscana which is the biggest City in all the Penestian Territories having sent before he offer'd any violence to them certain persons to try which way the Garison and the Townsmen were inclined Now there were in that City a Roman Garison and the Illyrian Youth But having answer brought him that there was no hopes of Peace he began to attack them and attempted to take the City by besieging it quite round Yet notwithstanding that they one after another both day and night without intermission some of them rear'd Ladders against the Walls and others threw fire against the Gates the besieged made a good defence against that storm because they well hoped that the Macedonians could neither any longer endure the sharpness of the Winter in the open air nor that the King would have so much respite from the Roman War as to be able to stay But when they saw the Galleries come near and Towers set up their resolution was defeated For besides that they were not equal in point of strength there was not a sufficient quantity of Corn or any other Provisions within they having been surpriz'd by that Siege Wherefore when there was no hope of making resistance C. Carvilius Spoletinus and C. Afranius were sent from the Roman Garison to demand of Perseus first that he would let the Souldiers depart with Bag and Baggage and secondly if they could not obtain that that they would accept of a solemn promise of life only and their liberty This was more freely promised by Perseus than 't was perform'd For when he had order'd them to depart with Bag and Baggage he first took from them their Arms. But when these men were departed the City the Regiment of Illyrians in number five hundred and the Vscanians surrender'd themselves and the City Perseus having put a Garison into Vscana led the whole Body of those that were surrender'd which was almost in number equal to his Army to Stubera where after the Romans who were in all four thousand men besides the chief Officers were distributed to secure the several Cities having sold the Vscanians and Illyrians he led his Army back to reduce the Town of Oeneum which as it is otherwise commodiously situated is also an Avenue into the Labeatian Dominions whereof Gentius was then King But as he passed by a Castle called Daudracum certain persons that well knew that part of the Country told him that he needed not to take Oeneum unless he made Daudracum also his own for that was seated more advantagiously for all purposes Whereupon when he approached with his Army to that place they all immediately surrender'd themselves By which surrender that was made much sooner than he could hope for he was so animated that when he observ'd how great the terrour of his Army was he reduced eleven other Castles by help of the same consternation For the taking of some very few he was constrain'd to use force but the rest were voluntarily surrender'd and in them were retaken fifteen hundred Roman Souldiers who were distributed through the several Garisons Carvilius Spoletinus was of great use in his Parleys with them by saying that there was no severity used against them After this he came to Oeneum which could not be taken without a formal Siege that being a Town not only guarded by a somewhat greater number of younger men than the rest but also well-fortified with Walls besides that on one hand the River Artatus and on the other an exceeding high inaccessible Mountain compassed it round These things gave the Townsmen courage to make resistance Perseus therefore when he made a Line quite round
was fought in Macedonia The next day there was a Senate held in the Senate House supplications decreed and an Order of Senate made That the Consul should dismiss all them that he had listed under him except the ordinary Souldiers and the Seamen and that the disbanding of them should be deferr'd till the Embassadours came from L. Aemilius the Consul who had sent the Letter-Carrier before them Upon the 26th of October about the second hour the Embassadours enter'd the City and drawing along with them a vast crowd of people that met and follow'd them where ever they went they walked strait on into the Forum up to the Tribunal The Senate was then by chance sitting and therefore the Consul brought the Embassadours into them Where they were detain'd so long as to declare what quantity of Foot and Horse the King had how many thousands of them were slain and how many taken with what a small loss of men so many Enemies were destroy'd with how few the King escaped that it was thought he would go to Samothrace and that the Fleet was ready to pursue him That he could not get away either by Sea or Land They said these very words a little after when they were brought into the publick Assembly where the peoples joy being renew'd after the Consul had set forth an Edict that all the Temples should be open'd every man in particular went out of the Assembly to give the Gods thanks and by that means the Temples of the immortal Gods all over the City were fill'd with a vast multitude not only of men but of Women too The Senate being called again into the senate-Senate-House decreed that supplications should be made five dayes together in all the Temples about the City upon the score of L. Aemilius the Consuls great and good success and that Sacrifice should be made with the bigger sort of Victims That the Ships that stood ready and were just fit for service upon the Tiber should be taken up to be sent into Macedonia if the King could make any resistance and put into the Docks that the Seamen should have a years pay given them and be dismiss'd and with them all that had sworn to be true to the Consul as also that all the Souldiers at Corcyra Brundusium upon the upper Sea or in the Larinian Territories for in all those places there had been Forces posted with whom if occasion had been C. Licinius was to have assisted his Collegue should be disbanded The supplication was appointed in the Assembly of the people to begin upon the tenth of October and with that day to continue five dayes Two Embassadors viz. C. Licinius Nerva and P. Decius out of Illyricum came and brought word That the Illyrian Army was slain that their King Gentius was taken and that he and all Illyricum were now at the disposal of the Romans Upon the account of those performances under the Conduct and lucky success of L. Anicius the Praetor the Senate decreed a supplication for three days as the Latine Holy-Days were appointed by the Consul to be celebrated on the three days immediately preceding the Ides i. e. the 13th of November Some say That the Rhodian Embassadours being not as yet dismiss'd after the news of the Victory were called into the Senate to be jeered and laugh'd at for their foolish pride and that there Agesipolis the chief of them spoke to this purpose saying That they were sent Embassadours from the Rhodians to make Peace between the Romans and Perseus seeing that War was grievous and incommodious to all Greece in general yea a charge and a dammage even to the Romans themselves That Fortune had done very well in that the War being ended by other means she had given them an opportunity of congratulating with the Romans upon the score of so great a Victory Thus said the Rhodian to which the Senate reply'd That the Rhodians sent that Embassy not out of any care they took of the advantages of Greece or any respect to the charges which the Roman People had been at but on the behalf of Perseus For if that had been their care which they pretended they ought then to have sent Embassadours when Perseus having brought an Army into Thessaly besieged the Grecian Cities some of them for two years together and frighted the rest by threatning to make War against them That then there was no mention made by the Rhodians of a Peace but when they heard that the Romans having passed the Streights were got over into Macedonia and that Perseus was within their reach that then the Rhodians sent their Embassy for no other reason but to deliver Perseus out of imminent danger That with this Answer the Embassadours were dismiss'd At the same time M. Marcellus departing out of the Province of Spain after he had taken the famous City of Marcolica brought back into the Treasury ten pound weight of Gold and of Silver in Sesterces a Million In the mean time P. Aemilius the Consul being Encamped as I told you before at Sirae in Odomanticae received a Letter from King Perseus by the hands of three Embassadours who were but ordinary men upon the receit of which he is said to have wept to think of the frailty of mankind that he who a little before was not content with the Kingdom of Macedonia but attacked the Dardans and Illyrians calling in Auxiliaries from the Bastarnae should now since he had lost his Army be banish'd his Kingdom forced into a small Island and like a suppliant be protected by the religious respect born to a Temple only and not by his own strength But when he read these words King Perseus to Consul Paulus sendeth greeting his compassion was all taken off by the folly of the King who understood not his own circumstances Wherefore though in the other part of the Letter the intreaties of Perseus were such as did in no wise become a King yet that Embassy was dismiss'd without any Letter or Answer Perseus thereupon grew sensible what title he a conquer'd Prince ought to have left out and therefore sent another Letter with the title of a private person in which he desired and obtained that certain persons might be sent to him for him to discourse with concerning the state and condition of his present Fortune There were three Embassadours sent whose names were P. Lentulus A. Posthumius Albinus and A. Antonius but nothing was concluded of in that Embassy since Perseus was resolved to retain the Name of King and Paulus was very earnest to have him commit himself and all that he had to the protection and mercy of the Roman People Whilst these things were transacted Cn. Octavius with his Fleet arrived at Samothraca who endeavouring besides the present fright which he put him into sometimes with threats and sometimes with hopes to perswade him that he would deliver himself up was assisted in his undertaking whether by accident or design is not well known For L.
much as in him lay Ptolemy's Embassadours gave the Senate thanks in the name of the King and Cleopatra too and said That they owed more to the Senate and people of Rome than to their Parents yea more than to the immortal Gods in that by them they had been deliver'd from a most miserable Siege and recover'd their Fathers Kingdom which they had almost lost To which the Senate reply'd That Antiochus had done well and as he ought to do in obeying the Embassadours and that his so doing was very grateful to the Senate and people of Rome That if any good or advantage had accrued to the Soveraigns of Aegypt Ptolemy and Cleopatra by their means the Senate was extreamly glad of it and would endeavour to make them think that the greatest security of their Kingdom should be alwayes placed in the protection and honour of the Roman People C. Papirius the Praetor had Orders to send the Embassadours Presents according to custom After that there was a Letter brought out of Macedonia which doubled their joy for that Victory giving them to understand That King Perseus was in the Consuls custody When the Aegyptian Embassadours were dismiss'd there was a Debate between the Pisan and the Lunian Embassadours the Pisans complaining that they were driven out of their possessions by the Roman Colony whilst the Lunians affirm'd that that Land for which they contended was assign'd by the Triumviri to them The Senate therefore sent five persons viz. Q. Fabius Buteo P. Cornelius Blasio T. Sempronius Musca L. Naevius Balbus and C. Apuleius Saturninus to inquire into and determine the case concerning their bounds There came also one common Embassy from the three Brothers Eumenes Attalus and Athenaeus to congratulate with them upon the score of their Victory L. Manlius the Questor at the same time was sent with money to meet Masgabas Son to King Massinissa who was landed at Puteoli and to bring him to Rome at the publick charge As soon as he came thither he had admission into the Senate where he though an youth spoke in such a manner as that what was in it self very grateful he made by his words much more acceptable He recounted how many Foot and Horse how many Elephants and how much Corn his Father had sent in the space of those four years into Macedonia but said That two things he was ashamed of the one that the Senate had by their Embassadours desired and not commanded such things from him as were necessary for the War and the other that they had sent him money for his Corn. That Massinissa remembred how his Kingdom was gain'd increased and multiplied by the Roman People and that he was content to have the use of that Kingdom as knowing that the Dominion and right of it belongs to them that gave it him Wherefore it was just that they should take what they thought good without asking him or giving money for those things that are the product of a Country which they themselves bestow'd upon him That what the Romans left was and would be enough for Massinissa That he came from his Father with that Message but that a while after certain Horsemen overtook him who told him that Macedonia was conquer'd and bid him after he had congratulated with the Senate tell them that his Father was so transported with joy to hear that news that he would come to Rome and Sacrifice and pay his thanks to Jupiter Optimus Maximus i. e. Jupiter the Good and Great in the Capitol which if it were no offence he desired the Senate would permit him to do The young Prince had this Answer That his Father Massinissa did what became a good and a grateful man in adding a value and an esteem to a due kindness That the Roman People were assisted by him in the Punick War with Courage and Fidelity and that on the other hand he by their assistance gain'd his Kingdom after which through his own justice he did all the offices of a Friend in the Wars against three Kings But that it was no wonder that such a King should rejoice at the Victory of the Roman People who had mixt all the concerns of his fortune and Kingdom with the Roman affairs That he should give the Gods thanks at home for the Roman Peoples Victory and that his Son would do so for him at Rome Moreover that he had congratulated them sufficiently both in his own and his Fathers name But that Massinissa should leave his Kingdom and go out of Africa besides that it would be an inconvenience to him the Senate thought would not be for the advantage of the Roman People Then Masgaba desiring that Hanno Son of Hamilcar might be sent by the Carthaginians as an Hostage in the stead of another whose name is unknown the Senate made Answer that it was not reasonable for the Roman Senate to require Hostages of the Carthaginians at the pleasure of Massinissa The Questor was order'd by an Act of Senate to buy Presents for the young Prince to the value of a hundred pounds of Silver and attend him to Puteoli as also to defray all his charges as long as he was in Italy and to hire two Ships in which he and his retinue might be carry'd into Africa besides that to all his Attendants whether Freemen or Slaves there were Cloths given Not long after there was a Letter brought concerning another Son of Massinissas That he was sent by L. Paulus after he had overcome Perseus into Africa with his Horsemen but that whilst he was sailing through the Hadriatick Sea his Fleet was dispers'd and he with three Ships brought sick to Brundusium L. Stertinius the Questor was sent to him at Brundusium with the same Presents which at Rome were made to his Brother and order'd to take care that an House The Libertini those whose Fathers had formerly been Sâ—aves were ranged into four City Tribes all except those that had a Son by approbation of the Senate above five years old Them they order'd to be poled where the last survey before they had been poled and made it lawful to pole all those who had a Farm or Farms in the Country of above thirty thousand Sesterces Which being thus provided Claudius said the Censor could not take any single mans vote from him with the peoples consent much less from a whole rank For though he might turn him out of any particular Tribe which was nothing else but to make him change his Tribe yet he could not therefore put him out of all the thirty five Tribes that is to say he could not take from him his freedom and exclude him from the number of Citizens without saying where he should be poled These things were debated between them till at last they came to this point that of four City Tribes they should chose one openly in the Court of Liberty into which they would gather all those that had been Slaves It happen'd to be the Esquiline Tribe
incited the people against the Rhodians and had promulgated a petitionary Bill That a War might be declared against the Rhodians and that they would chose out of the Magistrates of that year one to be sent with the Fleet to serve in that War hoping that he himself might be the man But this was opposed by M. Antonius and M. Pomponius Tribunes of the people But indeed as the Praetor had gone a wrong way to work against all former precedents in that he without having first consulted the Senate or inform'd the Consuls meerly on his own head proposed the Question Whether they would will and command that a War should be proclaimed against the Rhodians whereas in former times the Senate had been always consulted after which it was referr'd to the people so had the Tribunes of the people too since it was the custom that no man should oppose a Law before private persons had leave to perswade or disswade the passing of it For by that means it often had happen'd that they who had not profess'd that they would oppose it having consider'd the inconvenience of such a Law were induced by the reasons of those that spoke against to oppose it and also that those who came to oppose it many times desisted as being over-born by the authorities of those who spoke for it Thereupon the Praetor and the Tribunes vied which of them should act most irregularly Whether we have done amiss is yet a doubt but yet we suffer all punishments and ignominies already Formerly when the Carthaginians were conquer'd Philip and Antiochus defeated and we came to Rome where we walk'd from our publick Lodgings to the senate-Senate-House to congratulate with you grave Fathers we went out of the senate-Senate-House into the Capitol with offerings to their Gods but now we come from a sordid Inn where we are hardly entertain'd for our money being commanded to stay almost like Enemies without the City in this squalid condition into the Roman Senate-House though we are those Rhodians on whom you so lately bestow'd the Provinces of Lycia and Caria and conferr'd the most ample rewards and honours You make the Macedonians and Illyrians free as we have heard though they were Slaves before they made War against you not that we envy any Bodies good Fortune but rather acknowledge the Clemency of the Roman People and will you make the Rhodians who did nothing but lie still all the time of this War your Enemies instead of Allies No certainly Romans you are such persons as pretend that their Wars are therefore successful because they are just nor do you boast so much in the event of them for having got the Victory as in the beginning that you do not undertake them without reason The besieging of Messana in Sicily made the Carthaginians his attacking of Athens endeavouring to bring all Greece into slavery and assisting Hannibal with men and money made Philip their Enemy Antiochus himself being sent for by the Aetolians their Enemies came freely out of Asia with a Fleet into Greece where having made himself Master of Demetrias Chalcis and the Streights of Thermopylae he endeavour'd to force you from the possessions of their Empire His opposing of their Allies together with his killing of several petit Kings and Princes of Nations or States were the ground of their War with Perseus But 'pray what pretext can our misfortune have if we must perish I do not yet distinguish the case of the City from that of Polyaratus and Dinon our Fellow-Citizens and those whom we have now brought to deliver up to you But though all of us who are Rhodians were equally guilty yet what could we be charged with in this War Did we favour Perseus's Party and as in the War against Antiochus and Philip we were for you against those Kings so now for the King against you 'Pray ask C. Livius and L. Aemillius Regillus who were the Admirals of their Fleet in Asia how we use to assist our Allies and how ready we are to undertake the toil of War Your Ships never engaged without us We fought with our Fleet once at Samus and again in Pamphylia against General Annibal which Victory is therefore the more glorious to us in that though we at Samus had lost a great part of our Ships in an unfortunate Battle and the best of our youth we were not yet daunted even with that great overthrow but had the Courage again to meet the Kings Fleet as they came out of Syria These things I have related not to boast for we are not at present in such prosperous circumstances but to let them see how the Rhodians use to assist their Allies After the defeat of Philip and Antiochus we received of you most ample rewards If Perseus had had the same Fortune as you through the blessing of the Gods and their own valour now have and we had come into Macedonia to the victorious King to require rewards for our service what 'pray could we have said That he was assisted by us with Money or Corn with Land or Sea Forces What Garison could we have pretended to have kept Where could we have said we had fought either under his Officers and by our selves If he should have ask'd us where we had had any Souldiers or so much as one Ship within his Garisons what could we have answer'd Perhaps we should have made just such a defence before him as we do before you For this we have gotten by sending Embassadours to both Parties in order to Peace that we have the good will of neither yea are accursed and in danger on the one side Though Perseus indeed might truly object what you grave Fathers cannot viz. that we in the beginning of the War sent Embassadours to you to promise you all things necessary for the carrying on thereof and that we would be ready upon all occasions with Naval Arms and all our youth as in the former Wars Which that we did not perform was their fault who for what reason we know not despised and slighted our aids But yet for all that we did nothing as Enemies nor were we wanting in the duty of good Allies but only were by you forbid to perform our promise What then Rhodians Was there nothing either done or said in their City against their wills wherewithal the Roman People might be justly offended I am not here at present going to defend all that was done I am not so mad but to distinguish the faults of private men from the publick case For there is no City but hath sometimes ill Citizens and always a giddy rabble I have heard that there have been men even among you who by flattering the mobile have committed many enormities as also that common people formerly separated themselves from you during which time the mannagement of the Common-wealth was not in their power Now if this could happen in a City so well regulated as this is can any man wonder that there should be
some particular persons among us who courting the Kings Friendship corrupted our commonalty with ill counsels and yet they prevailed no farther than only to make us stand Neuters when we should have fought I will not pass by that which is the greatest crime that 's laid to the charge of our City in this War We sent Embassadours about a Peace to you and Perseus both at the same time which unhappy design a furious Orator as we afterward heard made the most foolish thing in the World who we are well inform'd spoke like C. Popillius whom you sent to remove the two Kings Antiochus and Ptolemy from their War But yet that pride or folly whether you will call it was the same before you and Perseus both There are customs and manners belonging to whole Cities as well as to private and single persons and Nations too are some of them angry others bold others fearful and some more prone to Wine or Women 'T is said the Athenians are quick and daring to attempt things above their strength but that the Lacedaemonians are dilatory and will scarce undertake what they are almost sure to go through with I do not deny but that all Asia produces an emptier sort of wits and must confess also that our language is a little too haughty and swelling because we seem among our Neighbour Cities to excel in that point though that be not so much upon the score of our own strength as of the honours and judgments you have confer'd and pass'd upon us That Embassy even at that present was sufficiently chastiz'd in being dismiss'd with so sad an Answer from you If a little ignominy at that time be the thing that sticks upon us sure this so miserable and humble an Embassy might be a sufficient atonement for a far more insolent Embassy than that was Pride in words especially angry men hate and prudent men laugh at especially if it be from an inferiour to his superiour but no body ever thought it deserv'd a capital punishment For by that means it might have been fear'd that the Rhodians would have contemned the Romans For some men chide even the Gods themselves with passionate words and yet we have not heard that any man was for that ever struck with a thunderbolt What then remains for us to excuse if we have not done any act of hostility but that our Embassadour with his swelling words hath only offended their Ears and not deserv'd thereby to have his and our City utterly ruined I hear grave Fathers that some of you set a fine as it were upon our inclinations privately in your discourses among your selves saying that we favour the King and wish'd that he might get the Victory rather than you and therefore they think that we ought to be persecuted with a War But some of you say that we indeed wish'd so but that we ought not for all that to be plagued with a War for that it is not so provided either by the Laws or Customs of any City that when any man wisheth the death of an Enemy he should presently be condemned to a capital punishment though he have done nothing to dâ—serve it Now to those who free us from the penalty though not from the crime we give our thanks whilst we our selves impose upon our selves this condition that if we were all consenting to what we are accused of and do not distinguish the will from the deed let us all suffer But if some of our Nobility favour'd you and others the King I do not desire that those who were on the Kings side should be saved for our sakâ—s who stood up for you only this I beg that we may not perish upon your account You your selves are not greater Enemies to those men than the City it self is and those that knew this many of them either ran away or kill'd themselves Others of them who are by us condemn'd shall be grave Fathers at your disposal As for the rest of the Rhodians as we have not deserv'd any manner of reward in this War so neither have we merited any punishment Let the heap of our former services make up our defect of duty at this time You have for these late years made War against three Kings let it not be a greater dammage to us that we have lain idle in one War than an advantage that we fought for you in two Suppose Philip Antiochus and Perseus to be like three Votes or Sentences Two of them absolve us and the third doubtful so that it cannot be more grave and just If they should judge us we should be condemned But do you judge grave Fathers whether Rhodes be in being or utterly destroy'd For you grave Fathers do not deliberate of a War which you may raise indeed but cannot carry on since ne'r a man in Rhodes will bear Arms against you But if you will persevere in your anger we will desire time of you to carry home this fatal message all that are Freemen among us all the Men and Women in Rhodes with all our money will take Shipping and leaving our possessions both publick and private will come to Rome and having heaped all our gold and Silver both private and publick in the Comitium at the Gate of your Senate House will deliver our own Bodies with those of our Wives and Children into your disposal here to suffer whatever you think fit Let our City be rifled and burnt when we are far out of sight The Romans may think the Rhodians their Enemies but yet we too can make some judgment upon our selves too whereby we pronounce and declare that we never were your Enemies nor will we ever commit an act of hostility whatever we endure As soon as he had made his Speech to this effect they all fell down again and waving branches of Olives in their hands like Suppliants were at last taken up and went out of the Court. Then the Votes began to be taken By which it appear'd that they were the greatest Enemies to the Rhodians who when they had been Consuls Praetors or Lieutenants had been concern'd in the Macedonian War Their greatest Friend was M. Porcius Cato who though he were of a rough nature at that time shew'd himself a mild and a gentle Senator I shall not here insert the Character of that copious Man by relating what he said his own Oration is extant in the fifth Book of his Origines The Rhodians therefore had such an Answer that they were neither made Enemies nor continu'd to be Allies Philocrates and Astymedes were the two principal Embassadours and so they thought fit that one part of the Embassadours should go back to Rhodes to give an account of their Embassy and the other part stay at Rome with Astymedes to inform themselves of what was done there and send intelligence home For the present they order'd them to draw off their Prefects out of Lycia and Caria These things being told at Rhodes though they were
when he came into the Senate House he bow'd down and kiss'd the threshold calling the Senate the Gods that preserved him with many other expressions which were not so honourable to those that heard him as they were unseemly for him to use Having staid about the City some thirty days he went back for his own Kingdom FINIS SUPPLEMENTS OF THE Several Gaps or places wanting in the five last Books pretermitted by John Freinshemius and filled up by Monsieur John Dujatius which in imitation of him we here add altogether by themselves because we would not intermix other mens word with Livy's yet with References to the respective Folio's to which each matter belongs The Beginning of the One and fortieth Book or first of the Fifth Decade fol. 791. NOW had the Romans carried their victorious Arms into all the three Parts of the World Not content to be confined to their native Italy with their Swords they cut their way into Regions vastly remote each from other and separated by Several Seas All which they invaded by a continual Train of Successes not so much checkt as rendred more active by some very few intervening Disasters Spain the most Western put of the European Continent they had made themselves Masters of having traversed the Gallâ—ck and Iberian Seas and beat out the Carthaginians Afterwards passing the Adriatick Gulph into Greece where Europe exâ—ends furthest Eastward they soon forced that whole Country to truckle to their Power when once they had subdued the Macedonians a People that formerly bid fair for the Empire of the World Moreover beyond the Aegaean Sâ—a so much of Asia as lies on this side the Cliffs of Mount Taurus was taught by Antiochus's Overthrow to â—evere the Mâ—jesty of Rome As for Africk it was already at their devotion For what could withstand them after they had vanquish'd Carthage In fine there was fearce any thing altogether free from the Gripes of their Power only the Names of Kings remained and Nations were not called their Subjects but their Allies and Confederates under the shadow of which Title they enjoy'd though not the thing it self yet a certain resemblance of Liberty But still the Destinies either ow'd or design'd somewhat greater for Rome For that nothing might be wanting to its Sovereign Dignity and Supreme Command of the World Fortune provided notable occasions by the supine Errours and vain Tumults of her Rival Enemies to spâ—eâ—d her Empire and advance her Power especially the Vices of Perseus King of Macedonia who usuâ—ped that Government by fraud and managed it accordingly his Cruelty towards his Country-men which rendred him universally hated his unreasonable Covetousness amidst such vast Treasures and his Lightness and Inconstancy both in taking and executing Councils did both ruine him and all others that might else have been able to preserve themselves as long as that Bridle of the Roman Power and Bulwark of Greece should have continued But by these Extravagancies though at first he had not only the advantage of them as to the situation of his Country and in strength and numbers of men and plenty of all things but also in the Fortune of the War yet in a very little time he brought both himself and others to destruction For presently his Overthrow drew on the Ruine not only of his Neighbours but even distant Nations shared in the Effects of his Calamity The Fate of Carthage and the Achaeans following that of Macedonia and with their Disasters astonishing all other States the yoke thenceforwards was every where to be received alike and as well free Kingdoms as Associates must be content to be governed as Roman Provinces But being now to relate how all these Occurrences not so considerable for the grandeur or difficulty of the Actions themselves as the magnificent Enlargement of Dominion that thence accrued did happen in their proper Series of time it will be necessary that we look back to the Consulship of M. Junius Brutus and A. Manlius Vuâ—so for so far this work had already proceeded In the beginning of the year when the Consuls and Praetors were entred upon their Offices they divided the Provinces between them by Lot To A. Manlius Vuâ—so one of the Consuls happen'd Gallia To the other M. Junius Brutus the Ligurians To M. Titinius Curvus the City Jurisdiction To T. Claudius Nero that of the Foreigners P. Aelius Ligus had Sicily T. Aebutius Carus Sardinia Another M. Ticinius the hithermost Spain and T. Fonteius Capito the furthermost but till they should arrive there T. Sempronius Gracchus and L. Posthumius Albinus were to continue in their Commands Before the Consuls set out towards their Provinces a Fire happening in the Forum destroy'd abundance of Houses and amongst the rest burnt the Temple of Venus down to the ground Besides which most of all terrified the peoples minds the Sacred Fire in Vesta's Temple happen'd to be extinguish'd and the Virgin that had the charge thereof was scourged by the Command of M. Aemilius Lepidus the Pontiff To expiate these ill Omens Supplications were held according to Custom and to appease the Gods the Consuls offer'd the greater Sacrifices A Survey of the City was about this time taken by M. Aemilius Lepidus and M. Fulvius Nobilior the Censors and the number of Citizens enroll'd was two hundred seventy three thousand two hundred forty four Heads T. Gracchus the Propraetor stoutly carried on that War which he had last year prosperously begun against the Celtiberians He was yet but in the prime of his youth and excelling all men of that Age both for prudence and industry had himself conceived hopes of performing extraordinay Actions and infused the same opinion into his Souldiers therefore having Advice that the Enemy with twenty thousand men had besieged Carabis a City in Alliance with the Romans he hastened with all expedition to relieve it But the Town was so straitly invested that there seem'd no way to send them in word that assistance was coming till the Courage of Cominius undertook that desperate Service who being a Captain of a Troop of Horse put himself into Spanish Habit and mingling himself amongst the Enemies Troopers that were abroad a sorraging with them returned into their Camp where taking his opportunity he rode away full speed to the City and informed them That Tiberius was upon his March With which News the Townsmen being raised from the extremity of despair to joy and confidence made such a resolute Defence as gave Gracchus sufficient opportunity to come up The Enemy in the mean time seeing they could do little good by force of Arms betook themselves to a Stratagem which caused no small confusion in the Roman Camp Out of the several Towns which Cato a while before had all in one day caused to be dismantled of their Walls a vast multitude were slock'd together as to a new City at a place which they called Complega from whence to the number of twenty thousand men they went in the Habit of
was to be Protectors of the Commons They were first instituted after a long Sedition between the Commonalty and Nobility in the year of the City 260. by the Law call'd Lex Sacrata the Sacred Law because confirm'd by the general Oath of the people At first they were but five in number but in the year 297. increased to ten Their persons were Sacrosancti not to be violated either by word or deed They had a negative Voice or Power of Inhibition call'd Intercession whereby they might stop the proceedings of the Senate or Consuls or any other Magistrates except the Dictator which they did by one or more of them coming in person and pronouncing aloud this word Veto or Vetamus I or We forbid what you are about and then they could not go on any further And as they had this Power against others so also amongst themselves any one could stop the proceedings of his Fellows of which the Senate made good Advantage drawing some of them usually to their side These Tribunes preferr'd such Laws as they thought expedient for the Commons in the Comitia Tributa which were call'd Plebiscita Acts of the Senate were sent to them to peruse and if they approved them they subscribed a great Roman T. They could not be elected to this Office until they were above thirty years of Age. Their Houses stood open night and day as a common Refuge or place of Succour to all that would come neither was it lawful for them to be out of the City one whole day throughout the year The word Tribune properly signifies a Colonel or Commander of a thousand men and because the first Protectors of the Commons that were chosen were all five such Officers of the Army therefore they still retain'd the Name of Tribunes adding thereto of the Commons to distinguish them from ordinary Tribunes Military There were also Tribunes Military with Consular Authority who ruled the Commonwealth divers years instead of Consuls and indeed were in effect the same bating only the Name and the Number Triumph a Solemnity in Honour of such chief Commanders as had won some notable Victory wherein they rode into the City in all the State imaginable but none was to have this Honour if he had not slain at least five thousand Enemies in one Battel and not lost near so many of his own Souldiers And that the Senate might have a true Account of both it was provided That they should be punisht that made false Returns of their own loss or the Enemies Nor was a Triumph granted for recovering any Territory but only in cases whereby the Empire was enlarged and if the Commander did never such Exploits if he were not in Magistracy he could claim no Triumph and for that reason it was that neither P. Scipio for recovering Spain nor Marcellus for taking Syracuse did triumph He that had once triumpht might always after come to the publick Shows crown'd with Laurel And when they dyed after their bodies were burnt without the City their Bones and Ashes might be brought in and reposited within the City which others might not be THE TABLE The first Number in Roman Letters directs to the Book the second in Figures to the Chapter and where there are several Figures they are all Chapters of the Book next before cited For Persons you must look under the Letter of their Proper Name that is the Name of their Family not in that of their Forename or Sirname as for Q. Fabius Maximus in the Letter F not Q or M. A. ABderites their Complaint to the Senate and Liberties restored xliii 4. Abydenes besieg'd by K. Philip xxxi 16. In a rage destroy themselves 17. Acarnanians invaded by the Aetolians and their memorable Engagement to fight and dye for their Country xxvi 25. Two of their young men ignorantly entring into the Temple of Ceres at Athens are put to death xxxi 14. They surrender themselves to the Romans xxxiii 17. Achaeans revolt xxxii 23. Invaded by Nabis xxxv 25. They declare War against the Lacedemonians xxxviii 32. M. Acilius Glabrio the Consul manages the War against Antiochus in Europe xxxvi 2 What Forces he had 14. His Speech to his Souldiers 17. Overcomes Antiochus 19 Triumphs xxxvii 46. Adversity makes men religious v. 51. Shews the secret Affections of Allies xlii 63. To bear Adversity with courage and prosperity with moderation is the Character of a Roman xlii 62. Aediles whoever offers violence to them is to dye iii. 55. They cause the Laws of the twelve Tables to be engraved in Brass 57. They are to take care that none but Roman Gods be worshipt iv 30. Two Patricians created to that Office call'd Curule Aediles vii 1. Aegeria the Nymph with whom Numa consulted i. 19 21. P. Aelius the first Commoner that was Questor iv 54. And Augur x. 9. Aegypt the Riches thereof divided between Philip and Antiochus xxxi 14. L. Aemilius the Consul overcomes the Volscans ii 42. Mam. Aemilius made Dictator iv 16. Triumphs 20. Is Dictator again and abridges the Censors Office to a year and an half 24. For which by the Censors he is disfranchized ibid. yet is soon after created Dictator once more 31. His Speech to the people 32. L. Aemilius Paulus his Speech to the people before he went to the Lacedemonian War xliv 22. To his Souldiers 34. To Nasica 36. His modesty in receiving King Philip xlv 7. He weeps considering the uncertainty of humane things 8 His Triumph 40. And in the last Supplement his two Sons dye ibid. His Oration to the people 41. Aeneas the Son of Anchises and Venus the reasons why the Greeks gave him Quarter when they took Troy i. 1. Comes into Italy builds Lavinium and calls both the old Inhabitants and his Trojans Latines ibid. Aequians War with them iii. 4. They and the Volscans routed iv 29 Aemus the Mountain described xl 21. Aesculapius the God in the form of a Snake brought to Rome xi 14 Aetna and its flames xxvi 29. Aetolians Speeches made in their Assembly xxxi 29. They excite Antiochus Philip and Nabis against the Romans xxxv 12. Defeated and cut to pieces 36. Obtain Peace and the Articles xxxviii 2. Agrarian Law for distributing publick Lands taken from Enemies amongst the Commons first set on foot by Cassius the Consul who after he was out of his Office on suspicion of aiming at Royalty was put to death by his own Fathers order ii 41. The Agrarian Law promulgated by the Tribunes v. 12. Agrigentum betray'd by Mutines to the Romans xxvi 29. Alba demolished and all the Inhabitants brought to Rome i. 29. Alban Lake its prodigious swelling without any apparent cause v. 13 L. Albinius his piety towards the Vestal Virgins taking them up into his Cart and letting his Wife and Children go on foot v. 40. Alexander King of Epirus slain and by his Death verifies the Oracle viii 24. Alexander the Great compar'd with Papirius Cursor ix 17. Allia the Romans defeated by
endeavoured to wipe off that imputation of treachery towards Eumanes but with little probability the thing appearing too manifest other things were matter of supplication but they were heard with such minds which would not be inclined or inform'd and were commanded to depart immediately from the Walls of the City of Rome and within thirty dayes from Italy It was afterwards ordered That Licinius the Consul who had the Government of the Spanish Province should appoint the Army the first day he could a general Rendezvous C. Lucretius the Praetor Admiral of the Fleet left the City with forty five-oar'd Gallies for the Ships that had been refitted were kept at home for other uses about the City sending his Brother Lucretius before with one Quinquereme to receive those Ships from the Allies which were promised by Treaty and with them to meet the Fleet at Cephalenia From the Rhegines one Trireme Galliot from the Locrians two and from the Vrites four with which compassing the extream promontory of Calabria in the Ionian Sea along the Italian shore he sailed to Dyrrhachium there he found ten Barks of the Dyrrhachians twelve of the Isseans and fifty four belonging to King Gentius taking all these along with him pretending that he supposed they were all provided for the use of the Romans the third day he clear'd Corcyra from whence he soon after arrived at Cephalenia C. Lucretius the Praetor having put to Sea from Naples and crossing the Streight the fifth day arrived also at Cephalenia where the Fleet came to Anchor expecting the Land-Forces should be transported thither and that those Vessels of burthen which had been scattered thorough the Sea from the Fleet should there also overtake them It happened about this time that P. Licinius the Consul having offered up his Vows in the Capitol in his accoutrements of War took leave of the City which Ceremony was always certainly performed with the greatest state and dignity but then their Eyes and Minds were both especially imploy'd when they beheld their Consul marching against so noble an Enemy great no less in Fortune than in Courage nor was respect and duty the only inducive hither but also to behold the shew and see their Captain by whose Conduct they had consented the whole Commonwealth should be preserved From hence the mind proceeds to some reflections on the chance of War the unconstancy of Fortune the event of Battle common unto both The bad and good success and those things which too often by the inadvertancy and temerity of Leaders have been the occasion of fatal overthrows as well as those which on the contrary have been produced by prudence and fortitude what mortal could divine whether of these Conducts or Fortunes should attend the Consul they imploy'd in War whether they were likely to behold him not long after triumphantly ascend the Capitol with his Victorious Army to revisit those Gods which he was then about to leave or whether they should give the like opportunity of rejoicing to their Enemies Perseus the King against whom he was now a going had purchased Fame by being Prince of the Warlike Macedonians as well as from his Father Philip who among many fortunate atchievements was renowned for his War against the Romans nor was the name of Perseus since the time he first possess'd the Kingdom ever given over to be celebrated in expectation of this War With these cogitations men of all Orders followed the Consul at his departure C. Claudius and Q. Mucius two military Tribunes that had been Consuls were sent along with him and P. Lentulus and the two Manlii Acidini three young Gentlemen of quality one the Son of M. Manlius the other of L. Manlius with these the Consul went to the Army at Brundusium and from thence carrying his whole Forces over to Nymphaeum he Incamped in the Territory of Apollonia Perseus some few dayes before upon return of his Embassadours relinquishing all hope of Peace call'd a Council which was a good while divided with different Opinions some advised That if the Tribute should be injoined to be paid or if they should condemn them to yield some part of their Country nay it seem'd to them that no conditions were to be refused but to submit to all things for the sake of Peace nor that the King should throw himself and Kingdom on the chance of so great an uncertainty for if the real possession of his Kingdom remained in his own power opportunity might offer many advantages which being improved he might be able hereafter not only to recover his past losses but also become terrible to those whom now he fear'd But a much greater number was of a fiercer Opinion Affirming that whatsoever Perseus had yielded he must not long after have given his Kingdom with it for 't was not Money or Land the Romans wanted But this they were assured that all humane things were subject to changes nor were the greatest Kingdoms and Empires exempt from revolutions That they had themselves subdued the Carthaginian Power imposing on their necks a mighty King their Neighbour Antiochus too with all his race remov'd beyond Mount Taurus That Macedonia was the only Kingdom both near in Region and which if at any time the Roman People should decline in Fortune seem'd able to restore their Kings their antient magnanimity Therefore while things stood intire Perseus ought to resolve whether he had rather conceding to particulars and being at last divested of his Kingdom and his wealth extorted be forc'd to intreat the Romans either for Samothracian or some such petty Isle where like a private man surviving his Royal State he might grow old in base contempt and poverty or whether arming himself in defence of his dignity and fortune as became a gallant man he would suffer the utmost chance of War or victoriously release the World from the Roman sway nor would it be a greater wonder to chase the Romans out of Greece than that Annibal was driven out of Italy nor could they see how it did consist that he who had resisted with the highest courage his ambitious Brothers injurious attempt upon his lawful Kingdom to yield it up to strangers Lastly Peace and War was so disputed that in the end they all consented That nothing was more shameful than to abandon a Kingdom without a Battel nor any thing more honourable than for a Throne and Majesty to attempt all Fortunes This Council was held at Pella in the ancient Royal Palace of the Macedonians Let us then make War said he since you are so resolv'd and may the Gods be propitious to us Then sending Letters to all his chief Officers he drew up all his Forces near Citium a Town in Macedonia After he had offer'd the Princely Sacrifice of an Hecatomb to Minerva whom they call Alcides with a great Train of Guards and Courtiers he went to Citium where already were gathered his whole Forces both of Macedonians and Auxiliary Strangers He incampeâ— before the City and
drew up his Army in the Plain which consisted in the whole of forty thousand men almost the half part of which were composed of the Phalangitae commanded by Hippias a Beraean There were also two Companies selected for their youth and agility out of the whole number of the Targetiers which they called the Legion commanded by Leonatus and Thrasippus Eulyestaus The rest of the Targetiers almost three thousand were led by Antiphilus of Edessa The Paeonians and those of Parorea and Pastrymonia places subject to Thrace and the Agrians with some Inhabitants of Thrace mixt amongst them amounted almost to the number of three thousand and Didas the Paeonian who murder'd the young Demetrius was he who had armed and mustered them There were also two thousand Gauls under the command of Asclepiodotus From Heraclea among the Sintians three thousand Free-born Thracians having a Commander of their own almost the like number followed their Leaders Susus the Phalasarnean and Syllus the Gnossian Leonides also the Lacedaemonian brought five hundred out of Greece being a mixt number of all Nations This person was reported to be of the bloud Royal condemn'd to banishment in a publick Assembly of the Achaeans certain Letters being intercepted that were sent to Perseus The Aetolians and Boeotians in all not above five hundred were commanded by Lycus the Achaean From these mixt Auxiliaries of so many people and Nations he made almost the Complement of twelve thousand and he himself had drawn out of all Macedonia three thousand Horse and Cotys Son of Seutha King of the Odrysians had brought thither a thousand well appointed Horse and well nigh as many Foot The whole Army amounted to thirty nine thousand Foot and four thousand Horse which manifestly appeared to have been the greatest Army except it were that second Army which Alexander the Great carried into Asia that any King of the Macedonians ever had The twenty sixth year was now expired since Peace was granted to the Suit of Philip during which peaceable interval Macedonia had brought forth a new Progeny great part whereof were ripe for Martial Discipline and by the light Skirmishes with the Thracians their Neighbours which rather exercised than fatigu'd them were always kept in Warlike Discipline And now that Roman War which had been long ago design'd by Philip and afterwards by Perseus was in all things fitted and prepared The Army moved gently not in a full march but only that they might not seem to have stood still in their Arms And thus armed as they were he call'd them to a Council of War The King sat on a Throne having about him his two Sons the Elder of which was Philip his natural Brother but his Son by adoption the younger whom they called Alexander his Son Legitimate He incourag'd the Souldiers to the War telling them the injuries done by the Romans both to his Father and himself That his Father being compell'd by all sorts of indignities to renew the War in the midst of his preparation was seized by the hand of fate That at one time Embassadours were sent to himself and Souldiers to possess the Cities of Greece afterwards by a fallacious parly under pretence of a Peace to be reconciled a whole Winter was wasted that they might gain time to prepare themselves That then the Consul was advancing with two Roman Legions each having three hundred Horse and about the like number of Horse and Foot from their Confederates and if the Auxiliaries of the Kings Eumenes and Massinissa should happen to come along with him they would not exceed the number of seven thousand Foot and two of Horse having heard these things of the Enemies Forces they should reflect upon their own Army how much they excell'd them in number how much in the disposition of their Souldiers mere novices hurried to the War in hast while they from their Childhood had learn'd the martial Arts hardned and exercis'd by frequent Wars That those who aided the Romans were none but Lydians Phrygians and Numidians but they had Thracians and the Gauls the fiercest of all Nations Their Arms were no better than every poor Souldier could provide for himself but the Macedonians were furnished with those that were ready fixt out of the Royal stores so many years provided by the care and great expence of his Father That provision was a great distance from the Romans and liable to the Casualties of the Sea while that they had besides the revenue from the ruines both Money and Corn reserved for ten years and that the Macedonians enjoyed all things which the gods indulged and which the Royal care had made accumulate That they ought to have the courage of their Ancestors who all Europe being subdued and passing over into Asia have by their Arms discovered a World unknown to Fame nor did they give o'r their Conquests till debar'd by the red Sea having then no more to conquer But now Fortune had rais'd a dispute not for the farthest shores of India but concerning the possession of Macedonia it self The Romans in the War with his Father pretended to have made it for the liberty of Greece but their ambition was now to bring the Macedonian People into servitude lest any King should be Neighbour to the Roman Empire or that a gallant people should have Arms for War All these things with their King and Kingdom they would be compell'd to resign to those proud Lords if they refrain'd the War and did what they would have them Hitherto thorough the whole Oration he had been sufficiently applauded by the general assent but then there arose so great an exclamation partly of indignation and menacings and partly of bidding the King be of good Courage that he was forced to make an end of speaking only bidding them to make ready for their march for that the Romans were already reported to remove their Camp from Nymphaeum The Assembly being dismiss'd he prepared himself to give Audience to the Embassadours of the Macedonian Cities who were come to promise money and grain to maintain the War every one according to his ability Thanks were returned to all remitting those charges with this Answer that the Kings provisions were sufficient for that purpose Carriages were only commanded to be provided for the Ordnance and a large number of hurling Darts with other Warlike instruments Then he march'd with his whole Army towards Eordea and near the Lake which they call Begorrites he Encamped from whence he came to Elimia on the River Haliacmona then passing over those they call the Cambanian Mountains thorough a narrow passage he descended among the Inhabitants of Azorus Pythius and Doliche which place they call Tripolis these three Towns held out a little while because they had given Hostages to the Larissians but being o'rcome with the present fear yielded themselves into his power these he saluted courteously not doubting but that the Perrhaebians would also do the same nor did the inhabitants make the least resistance