Londinum Triumphans OR AN HISTORICAL ACCOVNT OF THE Grand Influence THE ACTIONS OF THE CITY of LONDON Have had upon the AFFAIRS of the NATION for many Ages past SHEWING The Antiquity Honour Glory and Renown of this FAMOUS CITY The Grounds of her Rights Priviledges and Franchises The Foundation of her CHARTER The Improbability of a Forfeiture and Impossibility of a Legal Seisure The Power and Strength of the Citizens and the Prevalency of the Commonalty in their Contests with the Magistracy Collected from the most Authentick Authors and illustrated with variety of REMARKS Nullum est jam dictum quod non dictum sit prius No new thing under the Sun LONDON Printed for the Author and are to be Sold by L. Curtis at the Sign of Sir Edmondbury Godfreys Head MDCLXXXII THE DEDICATION To the HONOURABLE SIr Thomas Allen Kt. Aldermen of the City of LONDON Sir John Frederick Kt. Sir John Lawrence Kt. Sir Robert Clayton Kt. Sir Patience Ward Kt. Sir Thomas Gold Kt. Sir John Shorter Kt. and Henry Cornish Esq And to the Worshipful Thomas Pilkington Esq Another of the Aldermen of the said City and Samuel Shute Esq The Worthy SHERIFFS for the year Past Sir Thomas Player Kt. Chamberlain of the same Thomas Papillion Esq John Dubois Esq And to all the rest of those Eminent Citizens who have so worthily asserted the Rights Liberties Priviledges Franchises and Immunities of this Ancient and Honourable CITY This Book is most HUMBLY DEDICATED by W. G. TO THE READER IF Antiquity and Duration wealth and riches strength and power can make a City famous If an honourable renown visible grandeur and unparallel'd priviledges may render her glorous in the eyes of the World If the Spirit of her Citizens influence of her actions and a continued train of Successes can justly give her the denomination of powerful Then may this great ancient and renowned City of London deservedly be esteem'd one of the eminentest Cities of the Vniverse unless the Lie be given to the most Authentick of all our English Historians and we must not like the Papists believe our own eyes nor give credit to our ears but bid adieu to all rational knowledge and deny the force of true Logical Illations inferences and conclusions Such being the subject of this following Treatise purposely design'd for a demonstration of Londons power and a convincing argument of the irresistible influence of her actions over all the Nation for many hundreds of years strongly founded on undeniable Truths and throughout carried on in an uninterrupted series of affairs by a train of inflances and examples and an unbroken chain of inductions And being conscious to my self of no base slurs nor abuses ingentilely impos'd upon the faith of any one by false quotations corrupting of Authors or wilful mistakes as knowing my self easily disprov'd if guilty and therefore so much the more cautious by how much the more certain that these Papers would be made to undergo the severe Ordeal of a strict and rigid examination from a critical age I am apt to flatter my self into the hopes of being accepted among the lovers and admirers of this Honourable City and of having presented the worthy Citizens with somewhat grateful pleasing and delightful to their palates because treating of their Ancestors glory and renown their own power and the necessary consequence thereof the grand influence of their publick actions and fixt resolutions upon the Councils of this Kingdom But whether my trust and confidence in my own poor abilities and my hopes are so good as my ambition is great to serve this Honourable City and I have any sound reasons to believe it within the sphear of my Capacity and the power of my pen to lay any thing looking like an obligation upon the worshipful Citizens thereof others are the most proper judges and the event will best shew If any out of prejudice to the subject and a censorious Spirit shall lay it to my charge that the whole book looks reflective in answer to the imputation I shall humbly desire this favour at his hands that he would be pleas'd to give himself the trouble of turning to the Authors to whom I so often refer and thence he may be abundantly satisfied of my honesty and sincerity if he be not over much prejudic'd already or of so narrow a Soul as to be wholly and altogether byass'd to the interest of any one particular party against the plainest evidence of sense reason and truth Besides in my further vindication I can assure him that a great part hereof was drawn up the last Autumn and undeniably prove it too by demonstrative Arguments if need were So that if it had appear'd in the world so early as was at first designed though I have been unwillingly hindered hitherto some on the other side might have been by this time ready to have term'd it predictive Though it was never intended as the off-spring of Prophecy or Astrology but only the result of an ordinary judgment and common foresight grounded on easy unforc'd deductions from plain historical truths and the apparent consequences of things acted on the English stage heretofore Therefore I shall not value the impertinence of weekly observations nor dread the doughty remarks of the whole tribe of common ordinary Scriblers as thinking my self secure within the strength of the argument and the authorities here produc'd to confirm and illustrate it whereupon I am bold to defy the art and malice of evil minded men to disprove me in any thing necessarily material as to the substantial part thereof though as to what concerns any of the lesser Errata I hope the courteous Reader will be so much a Gentleman as to look on them but as venial errors and favourably pass over those slips of my Pen if he apprehend any such as unavoidable weaknesses always incident to human frailty For I profess my self rather a Transcriber than an Author and esteem this Relation the product of my reading more than the issue of my brain Which if it may be in any wise advantagious to the publick and acceptable to the Learned and Ingenious I know not but upon good encouragement I may be ready enough to produce somewhat else more extensive than to the Rights of one particular City though it be acknowledged time out of mind to have been the Epitome and Abridgment of the Kingdom as well as the head both of King and Laws Londinum Triumphans HOW considerable a Figure the City of London makes in the present Government is conceal'd I suppose but from few in the Land But the Influence its Actions have had upon the Affairs of the Nation in past Ages is not so generally known The Glory and Splendor of this Noble City is so obvious to the Eyes of the Curious that they cannot rationally conceive it to be the Work of a Day or an Age but that like other Cities eminent in Story it hath risen up by Degrees from small Beginnings to
after the Parliament was ended we read of King Henry's coming to Windsor with a great Power intending as the Fame then went to destroy the City for the great Ire and Displeasure he had unto it We need but guess to know with what a wonderful fear the Mayor and Aldermen were thâ—n stricken at this Report Yet we are told that many of the Commons were in full purpose to have defended the City against the King So it seems there weâ—â— then many and divers opinions among them The City being in those days Inhabited with Men of many Nations who were then according to Fabian admitteâ— for Citizens At last the Citizens condescended to make a supplication to the King and send it by some Religious Person Many are said to be sent by sundry Persons but to little avail The King being so grievously incensed by some of his Counsel against them that he would not look upon their Supplications and if any spoke in their behalf he soon would make such countenance that even Men in his Favour fear'd to speak for them Now was the time for their Ill-willers to vent the utmost of their Spleen against this Honourable City formetly their Terror and hops to compleat their full Revenge by working its Destruction We doubt not but Men of Arbitrary desires have always hated such sree constituted Corporate Towns and Cities and have little reason to beleive but that there are Men of the like ill Principles and Practises still alive in the World who would heartily rejoyce in their Minds to meet with the like opportuâ—â—ty to work out their corrupt designs Have you never heard of such a saying as that the Corporations will prove England's Destruction Out of what Mint d' ee think this comeâ— Where was it first forg'd but in some such men's Brains We now look upon one of these Corporations as one of the principal Bulwarks of the Protestant Religion and the English Liberty And that it may long so continue in defence of their just Priviledge and true Religion in spight of all Arbitrary endeavours and Popish designâ— is the hearty Prayer and Desire I doubt not of every good Protestant and Loyal English-man While the cautionary Protestant Towns in France stood firm and fix and uninjur'd in their just Liberties and Priviledges how gloriously and with what safety did the Protestant Religion flourish in that Land But when through the Force and Violence of Arbitrary Pretenders and treacherous connivance of some corrapt English States-men Rochel was reduc'd in the last age under absolute power what foundation was thereby laid for the Protestants future Ruin and present greatness of the French Monarchy How well the Papists designs have there succeeded since the utter subversion of the Protestant Towns is not unknown to their Neighbours Such sad Reports have not long since pierc'd our English Ears of the Barbarous usages the Protestants there have lately undergone whereof some sorrowful Spectacles may have possibly presented themselves of late to some of our Eyes What further Progress the Jesuits may haply make in their cursed designs by sending into England bloody Papists in the form of distressed Protestants We have but too just Cause to fear Especially if all be true that hath been Reported of the going of some of these suspected Strangers to a Popish Habitâ—tion and of others being seen going to Mass How well would it be for the Land were all these Reportâ— undoubtedly false and our Fears Jealousies and Suspicions altogether causeless When the Citizens Supplications were thus rejected at Court the History tells us that they were counselled by their Friends to make a Writing and Seal it with their Common-Seal whereby they should offer to put themselves whâ—lly in the King's Grace and Mercy touching their Lives and Goods This we may easily suppose much more Irksome than a barâ— Surrender of their Charter yet this was at length done and Eight Persons of the City who had Friends at Court chosen and sent towards Windsor But up on the way encountring with Sir Roger Lâ—yborn onâ— of the Kings Knights he turn'd them unto the City Riding with them till he came near it and then departing from them Rode upon the back side of the Town unto the Tower But at his departing from them he willed them to warn the Mayor with certain of the City to meet him to morrow at Berkiâ—â— Church standing near unto the Tower Upon theiâ— meeting next morning Sir Roger after a long preamble shew'd them the Kings grievous Displeasure which he bare towards the City and the means that had been used by their Friends to obtain Grace for it In fine he expressed that no Grace for them might be had except they would by their Common-Seal biâ—â— themselves fully and wholly to stand at the King'â— Grace and to put in his Mercy their Lives and Goods This being in the end granted by the Citizens and the foresaid writing delivered to Sir Roger with entreaty that he would be a good mean for them to the King He departed upon the morrow to the King and return'd again in Six Days and willed the Mayor and Aldermen to meet him again at the foresaid Church There he shew'd them that the King by great Instance of their Friends had received their writing and would fâ—â—st for the beginning of the content of his mind That all the Chains which stood in every Street and â—â—ne's â—nd within the City should be loosed from their Posts and the Posts also drawn out of the Earth all be brought into the Tower So belike upon apprehensiâ—â— of great danger to set up Posts Chains in the 〈…〉 an ancient Custom He also further order'd That thiâ— being done the Mayor with about Forty of the 〈◊〉 should the Day following be at Windsor to 〈◊〉 the Grant of their Writing And that they â—ight come and goe in safe and sure wise he delivered them the Kings Letter and Seal for the term of Four Days All this being done the Mayor with other Personâ— were ready at Windsor on the morrow being Sunday 〈◊〉 One of the Clock arâ— tarried there till Four At which season the King coming from his Disport as says my Author enters the Castle without counteâ—ance or casting his Eyes upon the Londoners The king and his People being entred the Londoners would have followed but they were warn'd to abide without Then in short time after the King caus'd a Proclamation to be made that no man of high or low degree should make any sayings of displeasure or â—uarrel to the Londoners In the Evening Sir Roger and another Knight came to them and brought them into the Gastle and said The Kings pleasure was not to speak with them that Night And after deliver'd them to the Constable of the Castle who Lodg'd them all that Night in a large Tower to their small Chear and worse Lodging Upon the morrow being Monday toward Night they were taken out of the Tower and delivered to the Bayliff
day in the Afternoon and then was discharg'd upon the Oath of two Commons sworn in the name of the City that the City should stand to the Ordinance and Judgment of the Church So Eabian informs us but he likewise telis us of another Chronicle which affirms that this Interdiction should have continued longer had it not been for the sternness of the Londoners who held the Legate so streight that they inforc't him to withdraw that sentence upon the foresaid Condition So that is seems the Legate had not strength enough to 〈◊〉 with the Londoners so roughly and harshly yet sâ—curely as otherwise he might perchance have doâ—â— with lesser Places and Parties His reverend Legaâ—â—ship seems not here to have went so cunningly 〈◊〉 work as did a Legate much of the same Name iâ— not the same Man in the twenty first of this Kinâ—â— Reign with the Oxford Scholars He first got 〈◊〉 enough off from them to Wallingford and then accus'd the misdoers that had put him into such a 〈◊〉 that for his Safeguard he took the Belfry of Osney 〈◊〉 abode there till the Kings Ministers coming froâ— Abbington with strength mixt with fair words deâ—â—vered him and conveyed him away as is in 〈◊〉 before shewn No no the Londoners were too stronâ— and stern so to be fool'd and us'd They would â—â—ther we perceive by the story compel him thâ—â— sawningly crouch to him After this the Bulwarks and Barlicarnes made by the Earl in the City were plucked clean up and Ditches fill'd so that no part of them was seeâ— Good to destroy all the Monuments of civil Broils and Discord When the Citizens should have had their new Pardon granted an obstacle was madâ— for so much as they as yet had not recompenced the King of the Romans for the Subversion of hiâ— Manour of Thistleworth Well remembred and as seasonably put in A good convenient opportunity to put in for his share when he knew all the other differences were pretty well quieted in the Lâ—â—d and might reasonably conclude the City would rather wisely part with a little Money than begin a new trouble for a small matter and so hazard all For his Reparation was ask'd we find six thousand 〈◊〉 But finally with great Labour and Freindship 〈◊〉 was made to give him for amends one 〈…〉 maâ—ks to be paid in two years Thus you 〈◊〉 observe some will be sure however to ask 〈◊〉 where they know there is good Ability to 〈◊〉 though they take at last much less Like the 〈◊〉 that requested five hundred Oaks of the King 〈◊〉 â—uild him an House when as one hundred was enough and it may he too much After these Transactions the King accepted and 〈◊〉 to his Grace Sir John Eyvile and several 〈◊〉 some of them named before among the 〈◊〉 Party Accord was also made between 〈◊〉 the Kings Son and the Earl of Glocester Ther◠〈◊〉 all Fortresses and other Defences before made 〈◊〉 and the places adjoyning pull'd up 〈◊〉 my Author and destroyed and the Earl with all other Souldiers departed After things thus set 〈…〉 and Rest except that some yet kept the 〈◊〉 of Ely the King Rides to Shrewsbury and 〈◊〉 there a Season to commune of matters between him and Lewellin Prince of Wales While he there 〈◊〉 I find that a Writ was directed to Sir Aleyn 〈◊〉 Mayor of London eight days before Michaelmâ—â— from the King charging him that the Citizens should not proceed to Election of new Sheriffs till 〈◊〉 coming to London but to suffer the old to abide still in Office By this we may guess at the honourable Sheriffs Power even in those days and beleive that the Court thought it convenient for their interestâ— in those unsetled times to influence the Election what they might What else means the Kings command to defer the Election till his coming to Town And indeed we may perceive by the History thâ—â— there was medling to the purpose the following year for the King himself instead of permitting 〈◊〉 free Election did in effect put in two Sheriffs of 〈◊〉 own nomination For the Mayor was commandeâ— to present to the King six Persons able to be 〈◊〉 it may be it was also privately intimated to hiâ— whom they should be and out of them the 〈◊〉 chose two to be Sheriffs William de Durham 〈◊〉 Walter Henry and caused them to be sworn 〈◊〉 they should gather the profits of the City and give a true Account before the Barons of the Exchequeâ— But for this the Court seem to have had a 〈◊〉 plausible pretence from some disorders lately coâ—mitted in the City As indeed they appear by thâ— History of this Kings Reign very ready either â—â— find occasion for pretences or else to make 〈◊〉 that they might seize the Cities Charter and â—fter restore it again for a good round sums of Money The Disorders in London above mention'd werâ— occasion'd through variance falling out between the Fellowships of Goldsmiths and Taylors in November in the fifty third year of this King reckoning with my Author from the usual time of the Mayors eâ—tring into his Mayoralty This variance was so greaâ— that it grew to the making of Parties so that with the Taylors held the Craft of Stainers with the Goldsmiths held another Fellowship or Craft By means whereof much people nightly gathered together in the Streets in Arms. At length as if before appointed there met one night of the said Parties upon the number of five hundred Men on both sides and ran together with such violence that some were slaim and many wounded To this purport I find it related Then upon outcry made the Sheriffs with a strength of other Commons came to them and took certain of them and sent them to the Prisons Upon the Morrow such search was made that most of the cheif causers of that Fray were taken and 〈◊〉 into Ward Upon the Friday following Katherines 〈◊〉 at the Sessions kept at Newgate by the Mayor 〈◊〉 de Broke Justice and others were many of 〈◊〉 Persons Arraigned of Felony and and some of them cast and hang'd Among them was likewise 〈◊〉 one Godfrey de Beverlay who had helped to 〈◊〉 of them Thus the Accessary is not seldom thought aâ— guilty as the Theif On the Morrow after St. James's day the King dâ—â—charged as writes my Author Sir Aleyn Souch â—â—yor and made Stephen Edworth Constable of the Tâ—wer and Custos of the City of Londrn Fabian after whom I most write hath left us the Names of a Mayor and Sheriffs affixt to every year of this Henry's Reign yet he likewise gives us to understand that of these Rulers of the City after the year that Thomas Fytz Thomas was Mayor there are divers opinions For after some Writers continues he from that year viz. forty eight till the fifty fifth of King Henry's Reign in which year John Adrian Draper was Mayor they were all Guardians and no Mayors and who so was then Constable of the Tower
Citizens disâ—greement But if such was the effect of the Ciâ—izens contest what then may we think of those who â—urposely create those differences and stir up dangerâ—us animosities among them upon slight trivial â—orn out pretences that from the like cause or occasion the like effect may follow At Candlemas by discreet and wise peaceable means the forenamed Sir Walter Harvy was set in Authority as Major and so remained the whole year after In the third year the King confirmed the Liberties of the City and granted some new Thus you see after a storm comes fair weather In this year we meet with a Relation concerning Walter Harvy how that in the first year of this King after long controversy and strife with the Aldermen he was made Major of London at a Folkmoot or Common-Hall at Pauls-Cross and so continued that year but in this third year occasion was found to remember and as the event seems to intimate revenge it For being accused of divers perjuries and other detestable deeds contrary to his Oath for them and for making Assemblies of the Commons who favour'd him he was depriv'd of his Aldermanship and turn'd out of the City Council for ever and for keeping the Kings peace within the City for the term of his life was bound to the good behaviour upon the suretiship of twelve persons 'T is not unusual for the Commonalty and heads of the City to be at difference each with other Here 's one who seems a promoter of the Commons power over-power'd himself by his Enemies for making assemblies of the Commons and other Crimes objected to him true or feigned I know not however thence was taken a pretence to thrust him out of his former power These Folkmoots or Assemblies of the Commons seem to have been very unpleasing tâ— the chief Rulers of the City and their power disgusted as may be guess'd from the fore-pass'd transactions in King Henry's days where we may remember that the Commons were the men whâ— had power allotted them by the Parliament at their Folkmoot or Common-hal to grant the King Licence to depart out of the Land for a Season 'T were they who most firmly adher'd to the Barons standing up in defence of those Parliament Statues made at Oxford but few of the chief Rulers of the City comparatively are noted to have appear'd openly in that fam'd contest of the Barons War In the fourth year occasion was taken against Michael Tony upon some demeaours of his in the Welch War to accuse him of Treason of which he was arraign'd judg'd and condemn'd and after drawn hang'd and quartered This man doubtless had been a noted stickler in the Barons War for I find one of that Name among the five persons so long kept in Prison in Windsor Tower after the Barons overthrow till mony bought them out as is before related Princes once highly offended may openly profess to forgive the offending party but they do not however so soon forget him Tho David pardoned Shimei during his life and swore to him not to put him to death with the Sword yet as good a Man as he was he charg'd his Son Solomon to bring down his hoary head to the grave with blood and so accordingly we find an occasion was afterwards taken by Solomon to revenge his former cursing his Father David by commanding Benaiah who went out and fell upon him that he dyed This year was the famous Statute of Mortmain first enacted that no man should give Lands or Rents to the Church without the Kings Special Licence which Statute had afterwards many additions annext to it to make it the stronger For the Lay-fee was in great danger to be devour'd by the Spiritualty such Arts did the Clergy use on mens minds to augment their power and Riches Tho now our Courts of Law are fixt at Westminster yet in these Ancient times it was not so for we read that this King in his sixth year remov'd his Courts of Kings-Bench Chancery Common-Pleas and Exchequer to Shrewsbury and afterwards return'd them back again to the no small damage of the Records thus carried to and fro This King held his Parliament at London in his seventh year for Reformation of his Coyn much clip't and diminish'd This storm fell chiefly upon the Jews by reason of the Inquest charg'd in London to enquire of this matter Whereupon were cast two hundred and ninety seven persons before the Major and other Justices sitting at London and afterwards Executed at sundry times and places My Author hath left upon Record that among these there were but three Englishmen all the rest were Jews or Jews born in England Famous is the 12th year for the Conquering and subâ—â—â—â—ing of Wales to the English Scepter and divâ—sion of it bâ— King Edward into Shires whereupon were ordain'd Sheriffs and other Officers therein as were then us'd in England David Brother to Lewellyn late Prince of Wales who was condemned to be drawn hang'd and quarter'd as a chief â—â—irrer and beginner of the Welsh War in time of a Parliament held at Shrewsbury was shortly after Executed and his head sent to London to be sâ—t by his Brothers which had been order'd to be plac'd the â—ear before on London-Tower In this year was Edward of Carnarvan born the first of our English Kings since William the first that I read of publickly unking'd and depos'd by his own Subjects The great Conduit standing against Saint Thomas of Acres in Cheapside owes his foundation to this year The 13th year may be noted for the Kings seizing the Franchises and Liberties of London into his own hands on the day kept in Memory of Saint Pauls Conversion so that he discharged the Major Gregory Rokisle and admitted for Custos or Guardian of the City Stephen Sandewich who continued till the Monday following the Purification of the Virgin Mary when being discharg'd Sir John Breton sâ—ands upon Record charg'd for the residue of the year My Author writes that the cause of this displeasure the King bore to the City is not shewn of a certainty He mentions an old Pamphlet whereby it appears that the Major took bribes of the Bakers and suffer'd them to sell bread lacking six ounces in a penny Loaf for which the King was sore displeased but to him this seem'd no convenient cause that the Liberties of the City should be seiz'd for one man's offence Wherefore he rather supposeth it was for a more grievous cause However it is observable from History that it was a Common thing in Elder times to seize the Cities Charters on pretences slight enough of any sense till the Citizens grew so wise as at convenient seasons to procure new grants and graces to prevent such seizures for the future And that it is not still so feasable and practicable is the grief I believe and heart-burning of some in the world The 14th year of this King may be accounted famous for the Statutes called Additamenta Gloucestriae made at a
Parliament holden at Westminster But in these present papers I think it may be more noted for what I am going now to relate verbatim out of Fabian In this year a Citizen of London Named Thomas Pywelysdon the which in the time of the Barons War before in the story of King Henry shew'd had been a Captain and a great stirrer of the Commons of the said City for to maintain the Baron's party against the Kings was newly accused that he with others of evil disposition should make Conventicles and Assemblies to the new disturbance of the City whereof Report was made unto the King the which remitted the inquiry thereof unto Sir Ralph Sandewych then Custos or Guardian of the City Then the said Thomas with others was put in sure keeping till the matter was duly enquired of After which Inquisition made and found report was made unto the King Then the King sent down a Writ and commanded it to be proclaimed shortly after within the bounds of the City whereof the Effect was thus that the said Thomas Pywelysdon William de Heywood Richard de Coundris Richard le Cofferre Robert de Derby Albyne de Darby William Mayo Mercer and Ivo Lyng Draper with divers others to the number of fifty Persons should be banished out of the City for ever And if any of the said fifty eight Persons were at that time of the Proclamation voided the City for fear or otherwise that they should so remain and not return unto the City upon pain of Life losing These being thus discarded and exiled the City who it may be would have stood firm to the City's old Liberties and Priviledges the rest of the Chief remaining might perchance hope the eafier to keep the Commons in aw whatsoever new Customs they should introduce for their own lucre and advantage thâ— to other men's dammage Here you may perceive â—ow jealous Governours are of all Meetings and Assemblies but what are of their own constitution and ordering The Caviliers doubtless can relate many Stories of their own experience hereof in Olivers days Neither are many of our Coffee-houses and Clâ—b meetings I believe very grateful to some persons in the World though their open business there is mostly to drink smoke talk trade and the like By the aforesaid relation we may likewise observe Once counted an Offender and ever thought so Here Thomas Pyweldon or Pywelysdon for his name I find diversly Written though the same man be meant a noted man in the Barons War for which he had suffered deeply after their overthrow by long imprisonment and the charge of redeeming his Liberty for a great Sum of money of this same King Edward then only Prince was nevertheless after about sixteen years respite banished the City for ever on an accusation of attempting a new disturbance That any thing was prov'd against him I have not read besides the mention here of making Assemblies or Meetings Had there been any thing material found against him I scarce believe he should have scap't so well with his Life seeing old Crimes seem to have been remembred though new faults were pretended An Act of Oblivion is a very good Plaister in a publique Universal Offence But whatever Offender of Note thus pardoned out-lives the greatest number of those qually reputed guilty with him and times be so much turned that the ballance of the Nation leans very much on the governing side I think that man's life hangs but by a very slender thread whose safety and security depends only upon Pen Ink and Paper and not upon the Governours natural inclination to justice and honesty in the constant keeping and observing of his word and promise When in the late Wars on this side the World Messina in Sicily was reduc'd under the Spanish government by the French's forsaking it to whom the Messineses had before subjected themselves tho a general pardon was by the Spaniards publickly granted whereupon many return'd to the Cityâ— yet if my memory deceive me not there passed no long time before the publick news told us of the accusing and I think condemning of a Principal Man of that City for a new endeavour to stir up another Rebellion and Revolt therein New accusations and new offences pretended how unlikely soever may sometimes serve to blind the unthinking vulgar Herd but a man of thought doubtless will be apt to suspect that the old grudge lies at the bottom How easy and usual it is to suborn false Witnesses against a Man Jezabelâ— practice and the endeavour of the Chief Priests Elders and Council of a much later date may inform a Protestant Reader if he hath no experience in the world to instruct him The Citizens were accustom'd before this year to make good advantage to themselves by lodging Merchant strangers and selling their Merchandize for them for which they received so much in the pound But at this time by means of those Merchant strangers it was brought to pass that they hired Houses for themselves and their Wares so that no Citizen should intermeddle with them which was to the damage of many particular private men as well as to the hindrance of the Kings Custom and prejudicial as affirms the Book to the Realm in general by many deceits and frauds used by them Here was a new Custom disadvantagious to many of the Citizens introduc'd but for what reason at first permitted whether to advance Trade by drawing more Forreigners to the City or else to weaken their power and bring down lower the Citizens high stomachs by cutting off some of their gain and parting their Trade with others I pretend not to deliver until I meet with better Information my self than hitherto I have in the point Certain it is from the story that the King much advantag'd himself by searching into their fraudulent and deceitful dealings and punishing them for those offences by a considerable fine The 15th year was chargeable to the Jews who were fain to pay great sums of mony to the King which they were assessed at saith the Chronicle but out of an other Author it is recorded that the Commons of England granted to the King the fifth part of their movables to have the Jews banished out of the Land which to prevent the Jews of their own Wills gave the King great sums of mony Here then was taking mony of both sides A subtle Court way of Trading This year there was such a plenty of Wheat that according to my Authors Computation it was sold at London for Ten Groats the Quarter five pence the Bushel But the next year through distemperature of the weather we find the price raised up to 14 d. the Bushel after to 18 d. and encreasing yearly duâ—ing this Kings Reign and his Sons so that it stands upon Record to be sold at last for 40 s. the Quarâ—er and above The 18th may be remark'd by â—s for the Kings Honourable reception at London â—nd the punishment of divers offending Justices Sir
hiâ— Son in his Life-time besides Troubles Crosses and Vexation of Spirit For upon one Occasion oâ— other we find his Sons oft thwarting him anâ— some times warring upon him Famous were those days for the Contest betweeâ— the King and Thomas Beckâ—â— which brought Beckâ—â— to his end and the King to a severe Penance at thâ— last though he disowned the Fact and is noâ— plainly proved to have given any other consent tâ— it unless what may be deduced from a few angâ—â— Words uttered in his Passion The ground 〈◊〉 occasion of this Dissention between the King anâ— the Arch-Bishop is declared by the Chronicle 〈◊〉 have sprung from diverse Acts and Ordinancâ—â— which the King had procured at his Parliament 〈◊〉 Northampton to pass against the Liberties of 〈◊〉 Church which thereupon this lofty Prelate witâ— stood The Popâ—sh Clergy being then grown to thâ— height that crowned Heads were in a manner coâ—peâ—led for their own Security to veil Bonnet them and scarce durst so far presume as but endeavour to cross their Ambitious Designs They could be content by their Canons and Councels to encroach upon the Laity as they termed them but they poor Men by the Clergy's good Will must not be allowed to vindicate their Own Native Liberty from the Others unjust Usurpations This King Henry is said to have been Peerless in Chivalry in War and in Leachery This last is sufficiently notorious in his Love to the Fair Rosamond and further manifested in his deflowring as we read his Son Richard's intended Wife the French King's Daughter whom we are also told he would have Married could he have obtained a Divorce from his Queen And this he intended 't is said to have the more favour of the Frenchmen by their Aid the better to disinherit his Sons who among other things done to his Displeasure had warred upon him in Vindication of their abused and slighted Mother Three several Warnings I read of that he had to amend his Life but to little or no purpose Some of his Patience or else fear of the Imperious Clergy we find in his forbearance shewed to Heraclius Patriarch of Jerusalem who upon the King's Refusal to go into the Holy Land being discontented sharply rebuked him reflecting on him for the Death or Martyrdom as those Times were pleased to term it of Thomas Becket and upon Henry's further excusing the Voyage for fear of his Son's Rebellion in his Absence departed in great ire with these words in his Mouth saying That it was no wonder for of the Devil they come and to the Devil they shall Part of his Devotion we meet with in that Shift he found out to fulfil the Condion of building three Abbies in England enjoyned him by the Pope in the Dispensation granted him for the Voyage he hâ—d before solemnly vowed to take intâ— tâ—e Hâ—ly Land in Person Such was mucâ— of the Religion tâ—en of those Times eâ—â—ner tâ— bâ—ild 〈…〉 and the like so man◠〈◊〉 Castles or Fortrâ—ssâ—s as it were ready manâ—ed and victâ—alled at the Pâ—pâ—'s Service oâ— else to take upon them the Cross and away to th◠〈…〉 to fight for Christ'◠〈◊〉 as wert the cry Angliâ—e to subduâ— more Laâ—d to the Pâ—pe's Obedience A cunning crafty trick of the Pâ—pe's to send away packing such Princes whose Power they feared would grow too greâ—t at home that they might in the meaâ— time domineer over their Subjects Purses and Consciences and the better advance their own Worldly Pomp and Grandeur in their Absence For read not of any of the Popâ—s who went themselveâ— iâ— Persons They forsooth could not be spared fâ—om their Charge alâ—as their Preferment noâ— be absent from home out of care to the Feeding of then Flâ—â—k i. e. looking to their own Gain So that the serding Mâ—n while in their Bodies to the Hâ—ly Land was almost as beneficial a Project as long as it lasted as the â—reterce of Fetching their Souls out of â—â—â—gatory after their Death for a round Sum of 〈◊〉 and a set of Massâ—s The Triâ—k King Henry almost as Cunning though not as Fâ—rtunate as these subrle Priests fouâ—d out to fulfil the Condition enjoyned and which he put in Execution was First Putting Secular Cannons out of Waltham-House and setting Cannons Regular in their stead Secondly His thâ—â—stiâ—g the Mâ—rkâ— out of Amesbury-House and placing there another sort of Religious Persons which he had brought from beyond the Sea And for the Third His coursly renewing the Charter-House of Witham beside Salisbury The King having had so large Tryall and so much Knowledge of the City of London's Power did not very much I suppose at any time disoblige the Citizens Especially having such powerfull Enemies to deal with as the King of France abroad and at home the insulting incroaching Clergy and his own unnaturall refractory Sons though one saith that he nourished Strife amongâ—t his Children with all Diligence hoping thereby to live himself in the more rest But it seems that device avail'd him but little As we have but little reason to think that the City of London lost ground in Henry's days so under his Son and Successour King Richard we find that Foundation laid where upon was after erected that Famous and Free Way of Electing it's own yearly Governours wherein she now glories Like as William the First gave the Citizens their First Charter so this Noble Richard Cuer de Lyon was the King that ordain'd London to be ruld by Two Bailiffs whose Names were Henry of Cornhil and Richard Fitz Ryver as Fabian tells us in that worthy Chronicle which he compiled of the English and French Nation This Fabian being Sheriff of this City in Henry the Seventh's Days by that advantage may be presumed to have best known the Affairs of the City and seeming to write with a great deal of Integrity in this Relation I chiefly follow him and so intend as far as he reaches especially when I shall have occasion to Name any of the Bayliffs Mayors or Sheriffs through whose yearly Government in his Second Volume he deduces the History in form of Annals down to the beginning of King Henry the Eight's Reign In the Prolâ—gue to this Second Part he tells us That the City was antiently under the Rule oâ— Portgrieves which word Portgrieve signifies in Sax on the Guardian Ruler or Keeper of a Town Thâ—â— Book called Doomsday wherein were registred iâ— Saxon the Laws and Customs then used being lost â—â— he acquaints us also that the Remembrance oâ— those Rulers before this Richard's Days was losâ— and forgotten In the same Prologue likewise he hath left us a Copy of Verses written in praise oâ— the City wherein we are told That this City was never cast down as other Famous Ones have been that herein Divine Service was always continued in Religious Houses in such an Order that when one had done another began and that it was famed also for the Mayor and Sheriffs Noble House-keeping with much more which any
Consent therâ—unto And yet it might have seemed as hard tâ— them to have remained under the Sweeds wheâ— they had but little hopes of having much Share 〈◊〉 the Government or be lookt upon and dealt with â—therwise than as a Conquer'd People The Fame 〈◊〉 may be of this succeeding Policy of the Daniâ—â— King with the Excitation of some of the Boutifeâ—â— of Europe may be supposed to have put somâ— thoughts of the like Nature into the Polish King'â— Head if all be true that hath been reported oâ— the Sloth and Negligence laid to his Charge by 〈◊〉 Senator of the Land of his Backwardness to call 〈◊〉 General Diet of the Nation and of the Purport â—â— a Speech made to him once within these few Yearâ— by an Ambassador from out of these Parts of Europâ— Hence likewise may have proceeded the Fears anâ— Jealousies of the Sweeds hinted to us in Forreign News lest their King by his Neighbours Example â—â—ould be encouraged to attempt the like Which â—â—ems since to have been very much legitimated by â—he Alteration lately made in the Senate of that â—ingdom if our Modern Intelligencers have given â—s a true Account and Relation of that Affairs After that Elective Princes have thus obtained to â—e made Hereditary Monarchs one of their next deâ—â—res is to render themselves Absolute in their Goâ—ernment Wherein they may have received no â—mall Encouragement from the Successful Attempts â—f some such Tyrannical Invader of other Mens â—ights as the present Hector of France And no litâ—le Help in the neat way of subduing and inslaâ—ing their own Country they may have learnt â—rom some such contriving Paâ—e as was one of â—he Catholick Kings of Spain who with an Army â—ut of one of his Kingdoms subverted the Liberty of â—nother So ambitious are some Men of the so much â—nvied Honour of ceasing to be Kings of Men and â—ecoming Tryants over Slaves at their Pleasure With some such kind of Disease do we find King â—ohn also to have been infected in his time But â— Chargeable Disease you may well call it which cost â—im the Loss of much of his Territories abroad the â—earts of many of his Subjects among both the Spiâ—itualty and Temporalty at home and his Peace â—nd Tranquility within together with a free Imperiâ—l Crown and all the Regalities attending it and â—et he dyed at last without obtaining his so much-â—esired Remedy as I doubt not to make sufficientâ—y Evident in the following Relation In the Second Year of this King John by Counâ—el of the Burgesses of the City of London Thirty â—ive of the most substantial and wisest Men are Recorded to have been chosen and after some caâ—led the Council of the City of which yearly weâ—â— Elected the Eayliffs as long as they lasted anâ— after them the Mayor and Sheriffs Which nameâ— we meet with in few Years after For about thâ— latter end of this King 's Nineth Year we read 〈◊〉 a Grant made to the Citizens and confirmed by thâ— King's Letters Patents whereby they had Poweâ— to chuse Yearly a Mayor and Two Sheriffs Tâ—â— First Mayor upon Record is Henry Fitz Alwiâ—â— sworn and charged upon Michaelmas-day in thâ— Tenth Year of this King Anno Christi 1210. whâ— continued several Years Mayor The Sheriffs werâ— Peter Duke and Thomas Neel sworn the same timâ— And the former Name and Rule of Baylâ—ffs clearâ—â— discharged St. Matthew's Day Nine Days befoâ—â— Mâ—chaelmas was the time the Citizens then alloted for their Sheriffs Election and on Michaelmâ—â— day was the Mayor Ordained by the like Ordeâ— to be chosen and charged then with the other though now this in part is altered This same Year is likewise noted in Fabian as fâ—â— the altering of the Rulers of the City from Bayliâ—â— to a Mayor and Sheriffs so also for the changiâ—â— of the Bridge from Timber to Stone which 〈◊〉 perfected about this time by the Aid of the Ciâ—â—zens and Passengers it having been Thirty 〈◊〉 Years in building according to Stow who plaâ—â— the Beginning hereof as high as Henry the Second days So that thence forward we may expect 〈◊〉 find the Power of the City and its Glory more anâ— more encreasing every Age. That the Government of the City should be thâ— changed at the Request of the Citizens and in favâ—â— of them fixt as they would have it argues that the Strength then was thought considerable their â—â—fluence upon the rest of the Nation esteemed not to 〈◊〉 small For at this time was K. John over-pressed by â—he Pope and his Clergy and reduced to so low an Ebb â—f Fortune that but few Years passed before he â—as fain to buy his Peace at no less a price than the â—esignation of his Crown And therefore in the â—idst of his distress by these Acts of Favour he â—ay be thought to endeavour to fix the City to his â—â—terest as hoping thereby to oblige the Citizens 〈◊〉 appear in his behalf against the Pride of these â—â—sulting Priests An Argument doubtless of their â—ower and the King's Esteem of it The Occasion of the difference between the King â—â—d the Pope which brought such Woe to the â—and and Trouble to the King was the displeaâ—â—re he took against the Monks of Canterbury for â—â—eir Electing one to the Arch-Bishoprick contrary 〈◊〉 his Mind together with his Refractoriness in â—ot hearkning to the advice of his Lords and â—â—iends who would have had him have yielded to â—â—e Pope then too potent an Adversary safely to be â—â—ntested with To which may be added his conâ—â—nued Obstinacy in not yielding to terms of Acâ—â—mmodation and Accord when as his Enemies â—â—ew more powerful and his own Strength was â—uch weakned by the loss of Normandy A sharp â—â—rrection it proved to the King to have much of 〈◊〉 Territories abroad his Normans antient Inheâ—â—tance took from him by the War which the â—â—ench King made upon him by the Pope's exciting â—ccording to some Authors to have his Land â—â—d Himself accursed at home his Lords absolved 〈◊〉 their Allegiance that they might be enabled to â—â—e against him and depose him and he himself â—t last compelled for his own security to give aâ—ay his Crown and Dignity and take it again of the Pope at a certain Rent As hard measure had the Kingdom to have the Doors of Churches and other Places of Divine Service shut up in City and Country in London and in the other Parts of the Land that no Religious Worship might be useâ— publickly but the Dead must be buried likâ— Dogs in Ditches and Corners No Sacramentâ— administred no Baptisms no Marriages or 〈◊〉 there were in any Places it must be by special Licence purchased it may be at great rates and all this for the Offence of one Man or a few 〈◊〉 which most probably did neither consent to noâ— could amend without breaking former Laws and Oaths and offending against the Principles of Honesty and the Christian Religion Suppose the Heaâ— Shepherd had offended yet what
proâ—ises not being very commonly reputed to bind the 〈◊〉 party when the conditions required are not performed by the other Whatever the true occasioâ— was London we find the place where this turn 〈◊〉 first publickly declared by proclaiming Henry Kiâ—â— throughout the City Oct. 20. so considerable was â—â—ven the reputed favour of the Citizens Lewis aboâ—â— there indeed afterwards a while and the Barous 〈◊〉 his side but his strength so diminished in a littâ—â— time that he was glad at last to take Money and 〈◊〉 away upon composition even in the 1st year of thâ— King or beginning of the 2d This K. Hen. being the Son of such a Father whoâ— practices too much betrayed his Principles and 〈◊〉 in so troublesom a time as his Fathers contest 〈◊〉 the Clergy we may be apt to believe he had a 〈◊〉 of his Fathers malady So full of troubles do we 〈◊〉 his Reign such complaints of the Government suâ—â— amendments endeavoured and reformations maâ—â— one while by the peaceable Councils of the Parâ—â—â—ment another while by the compulsive power 〈◊〉 the Barons Swords all which we may impute â—â—ther to his own natural inbred disposition or else the over-ruling advices of ill Ministers so 〈◊〉 working upon the Kings Good-nature as upon sligâ—â— pretences to make his power serve their own Interâ—â—â— to carry on their corrupt arbitrary designs So â—â—ny were the ups and downs risings and falls changâ—â— and turns of Fortune in these times such variabâ—â—ness and mutability of Councils in affairs and the 〈◊〉 of London so much concerned in most of the câ—â—siderable Actions then on foot now in the Kinâ— favour as soon again out of it one while enjoyâ—â—â— their ancient Priviledges and Customs another 〈◊〉 deprived of their Liberties and their Franchises 〈◊〉 upon slight occasions and anon again restored all with addition of new grants that I find it câ—â—venient through much of this Kings Reign to 〈◊〉 Annals after my Author In the 3d of this King is mention made of a Parâ—â—ament kept at London In the 4th were Proclamaâ—â—ons made in London and through the Land that all â—trangers should depart out of the Land except such 〈◊〉 came with Merchandize the intent hereof is said â—â— be wholly to rid the Land of such strangers as posâ—â—st Castles in it contrary to the Kings Will and Pleaâ—â—re This year also was the King Crowned the 2d â—â—me at Westminster In the 6th was detected a Conâ—â—iracy within London which the King is said to have â—â—ken so grievously that he was minded to have â—rown down the City Walls till considering that it â—as only a design of some of the Rascality and not 〈◊〉 the Rulers he assuaged his displeasure taken aâ—â—inst the City Robert Serle was then Mayor Rich. â—â—nger Ioseus 〈◊〉 Iosne Sheriffs An. Reg. 7. in a Counâ—â—â— kept at London Stow tells us the King was reâ—â—ired by the Peers Spiritual and Temporal to conâ—â—â—m the Liberties for which the War was made aâ—â—inst his Father and he had sworn to observe at the â—â—parture of Lâ—wis out of England whereupon the 〈◊〉 commanded the Sheriffs to enquire by the 〈◊〉 of Twelve lawful men what were the Liâ—â—â—ties in England in his Grand-fathers time and 〈◊〉 the Inquisition so made up to London Hence 〈◊〉 we observe that England had Liberties and â—â—ghts of their own before the Barons War in 〈◊〉 Iohn's days and therefore seem injuriousâ—â— upbraided as if they got them first by Rebelliâ—â— The good Government of England which as a â—â—dern Author words it was beâ—ore like the Law Nature only written in the hearts of men came â—pon obtaining the 2 Charters to be exprest in â—â—chment and remains a Record in writing though â—â—se Charters gave us no more than what was our 〈◊〉 before The 8th is noted for the grant made to the King by his Barony in Parliament of the Warâ— and Marriage of their Heirs A good advantage somâ—times for the King to fix Noble mens Estates in sucâ— Families as he best pleased A. R. 9. A Fifteenth was granted to the King to 〈◊〉 him in his right beyond the Seas and he by confirming the great Charter granted to the Barons anâ— People their rights The 11th year is of note foâ— many beneficial Grants made to London by the King The Sheriffwick of London and Middlesex was let 〈◊〉 farm to the Sheriffs of London for 300 l. yearly Oâ— Feb. 18. was granted that all Wears in Thames shoulâ— be pluckt up and destroyed for ever On March 1â—â— the King granted by his Charter ensealed that thâ— Citizens of London should pass Toll-free through thâ— Land and upon any Citizen's being constrained 〈◊〉 pay Toll in any place of England the Sheriffs 〈◊〉 impowered to attach any man of that place cominâ— to London with his goods and to keep and with-hoâ—â— till the Citizens were restored all such Moneys 〈◊〉 from them with costs and damages Aug. 18. 〈◊〉 granted to the Citizens Warren that is free liberâ—â— of Hunting within a certain circuit about Londâ—â— Yet notwithstanding we read in another Author this years History of the Kings compelling the Lâ—â—doners to lay him down a large sum of Money bâ—sides the 15th part of their moveables because 〈◊〉 sooth they had given Lewis who came to their aidâ— K. John's days with an Army 5000 Marks at his â—â—parture out of England It may be the King 〈◊〉 them some of these Priviledges which cost him â—â—thing to induce them to give down their Money 〈◊〉 more willingly and not too much to displease theâ— whose power was so well known in those days 〈◊〉 afterward experienced to some mens cost Roger 〈◊〉 Mayor Stephen Bockerel and Henry Cobham Sheriâ—â— this year and also the next viz. 12. when the Franâ—hises and Liberties of the City were by the King â—onfirmed and to each of the Sheriffs was granted to â—ave 2 Clerks 2 Officers to the Citizens that â—hey should have and use a common Seal This year 〈◊〉 read that the King in a Council held at Oxford â—roclaimed that being of age he would rule himself 〈◊〉 pleasure and forthwith cancelled the Charters of â—iberties as granted in his Nonage Whereupon it â—â—llowed says my Author that whoso would enjoy 〈◊〉 Liberties before granted must renew their Charâ—â—rs of the Kings new Seal at a price awarded But 〈◊〉 Barons shortly after declared to the King that â—â—cept he would restore the Charter lately cancelled â—â—ey would compel him by the Sword Such brisk â—ssertors were they it seems resolved to be of â—â—eir Liberties On the 13th while the Bishop of â—ondon was at high Mass in St. Pauls happened sudâ—enly such dark mists of Clouds and such a Tempest 〈◊〉 Thunder and Lightening that the People got out 〈◊〉 the Church and left the Bishop there in great â—ar with but a small attendance For all the many 〈◊〉 Papists make of their Mass and the wonderâ—â—l power and vertue they would fain persuade us to â—â—lieve there is in it it seems then
Chusing of Aldermen who â—hen had the Rule of the City and its Wards and â—ere yearly chang'd as are the Sheriffs In the 29th â—ear Nicholas Bat contrary to a former Ordinance â—eing Chosen Sheriff again was discharg'd and punish'd â—s being convict of Perjury The Mayor likewise Miâ—hael Tony Chosen anew for the following year was deâ—os'd and punish'd after that by Deposition of the Alâ—ermen he was found guilty in the said Crime Whatâ—ver were the grievances and faults committed in the â—est of the Land some we read complain'd of particuâ—arly among the Clergy the City-Officers shall be sure 〈◊〉 be watch'd if they were not of the side some would â—ave them In the 31th year Pyers Aleyn being Mayor John Voyle and Nicholas Bat Sheriffs the Franchises of London were seized on St. Bartholomews Eve for a Judgâ—ent pretended to be wrongfully given by the Mayor â—nd Aldermen against a Widdow woman named Marâ—aret Vyell and the Rule of the City committed to Will. Haveryll and Edward of Westminster till Lady day when the Mayor and Sheriffs were again admitted 〈◊〉 their Offices How ready were some to carp at the 〈◊〉 of this Honourable Society Rather than fail of an â—casion to diminish the Cities Liberties we find thâ— here wrongfully making a pretence for upon due Eâ—amination afterwards made the former Judgment 〈◊〉 found good and true In the 32th year Queen 〈◊〉 Wharf was Farm'd by the Commonalty of the City 〈◊〉 50 l. yearly and committed to the Sheriffs charge But 〈◊〉 Fabian's time the Profits were so diminished that 〈◊〉 was worth but little more than 20 Marks one yeâ— with another That sublunary things ebb and flow 〈◊〉 no strange thing to be wondered at it is so common 〈◊〉 observation Though the Citizens this year enjoy 〈◊〉 their Liberties without interruption the former pretenâ— proving vain and frivolous and falsly grounded yet 〈◊〉 King is said to have been grieved and displeas'd wiâ—â— them for that they would not at his request exchang the Liberties granted aforetime to them by the King 〈◊〉 Middlesex for others to be had in other places 〈◊〉 these Liberties were on either hand I have not found 〈◊〉 may be they had a suspicion they might be trappan'd 〈◊〉 so be loâ—ers by the change They were excellent good 〈◊〉 seems at hold-fast and did not like Childrens play giâ—â— and take Though some body should have come 〈◊〉 promis'd them in the King's Name that they should haâ—â— such and such Priviledges in exchange and be greâ—â— gainers by the Bargain yet how could they tell he 〈◊〉 sufficient Authority from His Majesty to make so largâ— a Promise Where were his Credentials I read of 〈◊〉 produced Therefore in my opinion they had but 〈◊〉 great reason to suspect to have had the Dy put upoâ— them should they have parted with present Priviledgâ—â— in hopes of future Graces A Bird in the hand is commonly reputed worth two in the bush But when thâ— Bird is carelesly let slip and flown who is that skilfâ—â— Fowler that can be sure of catching a better or perhaps any at all In the 34th year Simon Fitz Marr Alderman of London for his disobedience evil Counsel given to the above-named Widdow with other secret labour and matters by him intended to the City's hurt was discharg'd of his Aldermanship and put out of the Council of the City It behov'd them to turn out of their Society such a one who in contradiction to their former order had once before procur'd the King's Command to make them break it and had given such Advice against them that their Liberties were seized on and their own City Officers for a time discarded for no other than a pretended Crime wrongfully laid to their charge Such false Friends and secret Enemies are most carefully to be watched against as alwaies dangerous too too oft destructive to humane Societies In the 36th year was granted by the King that an yearly Allowance should be made of 7 l. for certain Priviledges or Ground belonging to Paul's Church which Fabian tells us continued also to be allowed in his days by the Barons of the Exchequer to every Sheâ—iff when they make their Accounts This same year was also granted for the Citizens more â—ase that whereâ—s before they us'd yearly to present their Mayor to the King in whatsoever place he was in England that henceâ—orth they should for lack of the King's presence at Westminster present the Mayor when Chosen to the Baâ—ons of his Exchequer there to be sworn and admitted as before-times he was before the King Joh. Toleson Mayor Will. Durham Tho. Wymborn then Sheriffs In the 37th â—ear was granted That no Citizen should pay Scavage â—that is Shewage or Toll for any Beasts by them â—rought as they before-time had The swelling of Thames this year drowned many houses about the waâ—er side to the damage of much Merchandise Thames is one of the best friends the City has by whose means their Riches grow and increase by importing and exporting her Citizens Wares 'T is also a fast friend even in adversity which the power and malice of her Enemies have never yet depriv'd her of and yet you here find that she sometimes receives damage even from so good a friend If the best friends may sometimes accidentally injure us what would our Enemies do were their power as large as their malice For these two last years past you may here perceive the favour K. Henry openly shew'd to the City by the beneficial Grants he made her Citizens Yet in the 38th that Tyde is turn'd by procurement of Rich. Earl of Cornwall the King's Brother for displeasure he bare to the City for exchange of certain Ground to the same belonging So that the King under colour that the Mayor had not done due Execution upon the Bakers for default in their Sizes seized the Liberties of the City The offence pretended in the 25th year was that the Mayor had received a certain Sum of Money of Bakers Brewers and other Victuallers which his Predecessors also had done before him In this 38th year here is another pretence found out What an easie matter is it for such to pretend faults who must not be contradicted or at least not without a great deal of caution and circumspection The manner of this Seizure according to the Author is thus to be understood That whereas the Mayor and Commonalty of the City had by the King's Grant the City to Farm with divers Customs and Offices for a stinted ascertained Sum the King at this time set in Officers at his pleasure which were accountable to him for all Revenues and Profits accruing and arising within the City But about the 19th of Novemb. the Citizens having agreed with the foresaid Earl for 600 Marks they were soon after restor'd unto their Liberties Oh the powerful commanding force of Money that can so often make enemies friends and friends enemies The Mayor this year Rich. Hardell being sent for with the
matter meant cried without discretion Yeâ— Yea Yea nothing regarding the Liberty of the City After the grant thus had of the Commons the said Joâ—â— Mansell discharged the Mayor Sheriffs and Chambeâ—lain of their Offices and delivered the Custody thereunto the Constable of the Tower and put in the rooâ— of the Sheriffs Michael Tony and John Audrian Aâ— over that all Rolls of Tolls and Tallages before madâ— were delivered unto the said John Mansel which 〈◊〉 there sealed and redelivered to the Chamberlain Whâ—â— the Commons had beheld all this business they returnâ—â— unto their Houses all confused Do we wonder at the Commons readiness in this afair that they who usually have been such brisk assertâ— of their Liberties should now be the occasional cause of bringing them into danger We may suppose that this was no proper Common-Hall but rather called by an order from Court and filled with the populace for in those days I do not find there was any express Act made by King Lords and Commons in being to forbid the Council Table from intermeddling in Civil Causes and determining of the Subjects Liberties or so to regulate its Jurisdiction Power and Authority as to leave such matters to be tried and determined in the ordinary Courts of Justice and by the ordinary course of Law Or else we conclude the Restriction of the Common-Hall to the Livery-Men was not then in use so that the Rabble being intermixt it might be no hard matter to get a â—ry raised by some of them in favour of the proceedings â—hen on foot The Mobile being as liable to be wrought â—pon by fear or fair promises as the great and rich to be corrupted by the hopes of Honours and Preferments â—nd the favour of more potent Grandees while as the â—iddle sort of People like the golden mean between â—wo Extreams are not generally so capable of being â—rawn aside after the lure being too many to be brib'd â—nd not few enough to be frighted not so high and wealthy as to aspire after greater Grandeur nor so low â—ean and despicable as to be imposed upon by the empty â—ames of Greatness and Honour without Virtue sprung â—p at first from Vice and nourished by and amidst reâ—eated Debaucheries This matter thus ordered John Mansell with divers â—f the Kings Council kept their Courts daily the Sunâ—ays except till the 1st Sunday of Lent which that yeaâ—â—as Jan. 25. calling before him 12 Wards of the Ciâ—y out of every of which Wards were taken 3 men â—o that 36 men were impannelled and sworn to enquire â—f the aforesaid Articles and what Persons of the City â—ad offended in them This Court being thus kept and holden at Guild-Hall no man was called to answer nor no question put to any Person by the said Inquest or any other Upon the foresaid 1st Sunday of Lent the Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs with the forementioned Inquest and 4 men of every Ward were charged to appear at Westminster before the King at which appearance they were countermanded till the next morning At which season coming into the Kings Exchequer they found sitting there the Earls of Glocester and Warwick Joh. Mansell Hen. Baa Justices the Constable of the Tower the Custos of the City and divers others of the Kings Council Then was called by name Ralph Richard Hardell that year Mayor Nicholas Batts Nicholas Fiz Josne Mathew Bockerel John Tolesham and John 〈◊〉 Minoure Aldermen Then John Mansell said that the King by his Laws and Inquisition of the Citizens had found them culpable that they had wronged and hurt the Commonalty of his City by divers means as by the saiâ— Inquisition appeared and forthwith caused it to be read before them When the more part thereof was read he said unto them Thus may you see that the Commonalty of the City hath been by you grievously oppressed and by your means and Counsel the Commonwealth 〈◊〉 the same destroyed as by altering of the Tolls and otheâ— good ancient Customs turning them to your singular advantage and lucre All which matters the said Ralpâ— Richard and his Company denied and that the Commons were not grieved or hurt by them or any of them by any such means and offered to be justified and judged by the Law and Customs of the City Then Heâ—â—â— Baa Justice asked of them whether they would abiâ—â— the adventure of the Inquiry that they had heard reâ—â— before 〈◊〉 stand upon the saying of the other Ward that yet had not beâ—n sworn but they kept to their 〈◊〉 Answer There John Mansell asked of the Mayor whâ—â— was their Law and Custom The Mayor answered 〈◊〉 said that for trespass of a Citizen done against the King he should defend himself by 12 Citizens for Murder or slaying of a man by 30 Citizens and for trespass against a stranger by the Oath of six and himself Then after many reasons made by the said John Mansell and also by the Mayor and Aldermen day was given them to appear the morrow before the King and his Councel Upon the day following the King with many of his Lords sitting in the Exchequer the aforesaid Inquisition was read That done the Mayor and Aldermen were called in by name and two Aldermen more which before were not called viz. Arnâ—ld Thedmare and Henry Waldmode When Ralph Richard Hardâ—ll had heard â—he King speak in the matter he took such fear that he â—nd Nicholas Batt without further Answer put themâ—elves in the King's grace saved to them their Liâ—erties and Franchises of the City But the other six â—esought the King of his wisdom that they might be â—â—dged after the Laws and Customs of the City Then was laid to their charge that over many wrongs by â—hem done to the King and the Commonalty of the Ciâ—y they had alter'd the King's Beam and order'd it to â—e advantage of themselves and other rich men of the City Whereupon the Parties answered and said That â—e alteration of the Beam was not done by them only but 〈◊〉 the advice and consent of 500 of the best of the City â—or where before-time the Weigher used to lean his â—raught toward the Merchandise so that the buyer had â—y that means 10 or 12 pounds in a draught to his adâ—antage and the seller so much disadvantage now for â—â—differency and equality of both persons it was orâ—ain'd that the Beam should stand upright the cleft â—ereof inclining to neither party as in weighing of â—old and Silver and the buyer to have allowed of the 〈◊〉 for all things four pounds only in every draught â—fter these Reasons and others by them made the King commanded that upon the morning following a Folk-moot should be called at Paul's Cross and so that Court was dissolved and the Mayor and the others returned to London Upon the morrow the Folk-moot being at Paul's Cross Assembled these six Aldermen hearing the murmuring of the common people and knowing that the Aldermen or Worshipful of the City should have
at 24 â— â— Quarter Scarcity of Corn in those days made this a considerable summ Dâ—arer we are told it would have been had not some been brought out of another Counâ—ry which made People flock to the City because 't was â—heaper there than in many Shires of England This is the year wherein the K. kept his high Court â—f Parliament at Oxford which of some Writers is named the mad Parliament because of many Acts there madâ— for Reformation of the State the prosecution of which prov'd in event the death and destruction of many Nobâ—â— Men by means of that famed strife then begun anâ— called at this day the Barons War True the accidental Consequences proved fatal to many But if unfortunate broils give to any Laws the denomination of evil I know not but in time some may grow so presumptuously bold as upon the like account prophanely to branâ— even the Christian Religion which we have been assured at first from the divine Oracles should prove thâ— occasion of much strife in the world and the Experience of these latter times confirm it plain enough to our Understandings Whether the forementioned Parliamenâ— justly and really deserves the opprobrious Title thâ—â— some have given it I shall very willingly submit to the Judgment of any experienc'd Reader who hath throughly perused weighed and considered the Equity Justice and reasonableness of the English Liberties and Priviledges contained in the grand Charter sealed and given to the Nation by K. John Father to this Hen. 3 d which was confirmed in this very same Oxford Parliament according to Matthew Paris as the chief thing then desired and insisted on by the Nobles and whereon were likewise grounded the other Acts and Ordinances then and there made by the King and his Lords For that the King his Brethren the Noblemen and Bâ—rons took their Oaths to see the same observed I appeal to Stow's Annals for proof That these Acts might be kept firm and stable we read of 12 Peers then chosen to whom Authority was given to correct all such as offended in breaking of these Ordinances and others by the said Peers to be devised and ordered touching and concerning the same matter and purpose It was not long after the end of this Parliament before strife and variance began to kindle between the King and the Earls of Leicester and Glocester by reason of such Officers as the Earls had removed and put others in their room Amongst which John Mansell of whom enough is mentioned above was discharged of his Office and Sir Hugh Bygot admitted for him Upon occasion of this difference beginning to arise between the King and his Barons we meet with an eminent Instance of the City's Power and esteem for when the Peers heard of the murmur at Court fearing that the King would be advised to alter his Promise to make their party the stronger they are said to have come about Maudlintide to the Guild-Hall at London where the Mayor Aldermen and Commonalty of the City were assembled to whom they shewed an Instrument or Writing at which hung many Labels with Seals as the King's Seal Edward his Son's Seal with many others of the Nobles of the Land wherein were contained the Articles ordained and made at Oxford willing as saith the Book the Mayor and Aldermen considering the said Acts were made to the Honour of God Fidelity to the King and profit of the Realm that they would also in upholding of the same set their common Seal of the City thereto After this Request the Mayor and Citizens at first indeed desired to be excused till they knew the Kings Pleasure but no excuse at that time being to be granted at last by the labour of the Lords and such solicitors as they had within the City the common Seal was put to the forementioned Writing and the Mayor with divers of the City sworn to maintain the same their Allegiance saved to the King with preservation of their Liberties and Franchises After this obtain'd we find the 12 Peers assembling day by day as if now they feared no colours the City being on their side and valued no ones Threats keeping their Councils and Courts for the Reformation of old grievances removing from the King divers of his Menial Servants and setting others in their places and moreover a Proclamation comes forth that none of the Kings Takers should take any thing within the City without the owners will except a small customary matter therein excepted upon which what the Kings Officers took was straight paid for within the City and Liberty of the same and so continued to be for a while Can any one then desire a better proof of the City's repute in those days Yet within few years following we shall meet with more Instances of her power in the History In the 42d year Sir Hugh Bygot with Rogâ—â— Turkelay and others kept his Court at St. Saviours and held there the Itinerary Pleas to the sore punishment â—â— many convicted offending Officers Though this Hugh Bygot was put in by the Peers to reform as may be supposed old grievances yet power seems to have made him also go astray or else corruption or to colloguâ— with another party Whereof the City in General waâ— like to have tasted deeply could he have had his Will some of the particular Citizens scaped him not for hâ— summoned the Citizens to the aforesaid Court for Toll taken on the further side of the Water And though it was answered that they were taken lawfully and they were ready to prove it in places and Court convenienâ— within the Precinct of their Liberty Yet notwithstanding he charged upon Inquest 12 Knights of Surry to enquire thereof who acquitted the Citizens and sheweâ— that the said Toll belonged to them of Right Afterwards coming to Guild-Hall he kept his Court anâ— Pleas there according to my Author without all order of Law and contrary to the Liberties of the City inflâ—cting new punishments on the Bakers and ordered many things at his Will This year the Citizens had opportunity of shewing their Respect to the Kings Brother Ricbard Earl â—â— Cornwall coming over from beyond Sea where he had been dealing in the affairs of the Empire unto London where he was joyfully received the City being richly hang'd with Silk and Arras In the 43d year John Gysours being Mayor and John Adrian and Robert Cornhill Sheriffs Fryday after Simon and Jude's day we hear of the reading in the Parliament kept at Westminster in presence of all the Lords and Commonalty at sundry times of all the Acts and Ordinances made at Oxford with other Articles added by the Peers After which reading we find all those very solemnly accursed that attempted in word or deed to break the said Acts or any of them The Form of the Curse which was most solemnly denounced against the Violaters and Infringers of Magna Charta is to be seen in Matthew of Paris and this here intimated was in probability
much like that which I find in a modern Author thus Englished BY the Authority of God Omnipotent of the Son and of the Holy Ghâ—st and of the glorious Mother of God the Virgin Mary and of the blâ—ssed Apostles Peter and Paul and of all other Apostles and of the holy Martyr and Archbishop Thomas and of all the Martyrs and of the blessed Edward King of England and of all Confessors and Virgins and of all the Saints of God We excommunicate and Anathematize and sequester from our â—oly Mother the Church all those which henceforth knowingly and maliciously shall deprive or spoil the Church of her right and all those that shall by any Art or Wit rashly violate diminish or change secretly or openly in deed word or Counsel by crossiâ—g in part or in whole those Ecclesiastical Liberties or ancient approved Customs of the Kingdom especially the Liberties and free Customs which are contained in the Charters of the Common Liberties of England and the Forrests granted by our Lord the King to the Archbishops Bishops Prelates Earls Barons Knights and Freeholders And all those who have published or being published have observed any Statutes Ordinances thing against them or any thing therein contained which have brought in any Customs to the contrary or 〈◊〉 served them being brought in and all Writers of such Oâ—dinances or Councils or Executioners and all such as shâ— presume to judge according to such Ordinances All 〈◊〉 every such Persons as are or at any time shall be knowingly guilty of any such matters shall ipso facto incur thâ— Sentence such as are ignorantly guilty shall incur the saâ—â— if being admonished they within 15 days after amend 〈◊〉 For everlasting memory whereof we hereunto put our Seaâ— Thus far the words of the Curse Nor was the maâ—ner of pronouncing less solemn in open Parliament 〈◊〉 King with all the chief Nobility of the Realm in the Robes and the Bishops in their Vestments with buâ—â—ing Tapers in their Hands standing to hear this 〈◊〉 read and immediately as soon as the Charters and 〈◊〉 were read and signed all throwing down their Tapeâ—â— extinguished and smoaking cry out So let all 〈◊〉 who incur this Sentence and go against this Curse 〈◊〉 extinct and have no better savour than these Snuffs 〈◊〉 then the King having stood all this while with 〈◊〉 hand upon his Breast said with a loud voice So 〈◊〉 me help I will observe all these things sincerely and faitâ—fully as I am a man as I am a Christian as I am Knight and as I am a King crowned and anointed But what could any one think these so solemn 〈◊〉 would avail without a suitable Power and strength Arms to make them good per force When as 〈…〉 known that there lived in those days a Clergy-man Rome who pretended to dispense even with the Almigâ—ty's Laws whose Power was at that time openly prâ—fessed to be believed sufficient by the â—â—nerality of Eâ—rope to absolve all manner of Oaths and Covenantâ— and from whom Dispensations more than a good maâ— might be had for Money The confirmation of the foâ—mentioned Acts we may believe well paid for by the Parliament For we read of a Tax called Scutage that â—s 40 s. of every Knights Fee through England then granted to the King which extended to a large summ of Money viz. Six score Thousand Pounds or more For upon occasion of this large Tax I find the number of the Knights Fees in England at those days in possesâ—ion of Spiritualty and Temporalty summ'd up by my Author to 60000 l. and above Upon supposition that â—he Clergy paid nothing it is said that the Tax would â—ot have amounted over the summ of 64000 l. whereâ—y we may guess what a deal of the Land even almost â—ne half was then belonging to the Clergy Devotion as the times went then brought forth Riches and the Daughter since devoured the Mother Nov. the 6th we are told the King came to St. Pauls and commandâ—ng a Folk-moot to be assembled according to the forâ—er Ordinances made asked license of the Commonalâ—y of the City to pass the Sea and promised there in â—resence of a great multitude of People that he would â—e a good and gracious Lord unto the City by the â—outh of Sir Hugh Bygot Chief-Justice and to mainâ—ain their Liberties unhurt whereupon the People for â—y made an exceeding shout Observe here the turn of â—hings the Courtiers seem to have sought not long time â—â—nce to oppress the Head Rulers of the City by a Folk-â—oot of the Commons Now the King to prevent the â—ffect of ill mens advice hath bound himself to ask their â—ave before he goes out of the Land for a season E're while the Folk-moot or Common-Hall was abused to â—â—rve for a property to destroy their own Cities Liberâ—â—es Now the conservation of the whole Nations welâ—â—re is put into their hands What greater Evidence can â—e demanded to prove this Honourable Cities Power â—nd Influence than to find the Citizens entrusted by â—ing Lords and Commons with so high a charge We may presume the Reason of entrusting the Commons of the City with so large a Grant as the Kinâ— could not pass the Sea without License first obtain'â— of them was to prevent the Evil and Mischief thâ—â— might happen to the Land by advice of ill Counselloâ— who might be persuading the King at every turn to gâ— out of the Realm he having also Lands beyond the 〈◊〉 that they might have the better opportunity to 〈◊〉 out their own ends though to the Peoples oppressioâ— in his absence What trouble affliction and oppressioâ— the land suffered under this Kings Uncle Richard thâ— first 's Imprisonment at the Hands of the Kings Officeâ—â— who rak'd and pill'd what they could of Clergy 〈◊〉 Laity on pretence of raising Money for the Kings Râ—demption I had rather send the Reader back to pag. to satisfie himself where I have related somwhat of thâ— charge of the Kings Ransom than stay to repeat it ovâ—â— again A fuller description the curious may meet wiâ—â— in Neubrigensis l. 4 cap. 35. treating particularly therâ—of Some I believe may have observed in these unsettlâ—â— times that they have fared much better and more eâ—sily avoided the malitious attempts of their Fellow Suâ—jects who have liv'd as it were in the Sunshine of thâ— Kings presâ—nce than such who being many scores â—â— may be Hundreds of Miles distant have liv'd so â—â— phrase it in the shadow I know not but 〈◊〉 â—resence of the head Governour 〈◊〉 as needful always 〈…〉 as is the General in 〈◊〉 Army Certâ—in enough it is by the History that 〈◊〉 this Kinâ— Henry was thus absent from his Kingdom 〈…〉 ways in France that Dissention arose'â— Englaâ—d between the Kings Son Edward and the 〈◊〉 of Gloucestâ—r which might have immediately brougâ—â— no small trouble to the Land had not there been greâ—â— endeavours used to prevent it wherein this Honourabâ—â— City shew'd much of her
to have been there kept and that the King and his Lords parted thence all at Discord Besides the mutual Strength of People on either side The Barons had the Acts of Parliament made by the King Lords and Commons for of such I have elsewhere read these Assemblies were composed in those days to fight for which to observe the King and many others had been sworn besides a solemn Curse denounced against the Attempters to break them The King with his Party had the Popes Bull of Absolution the Sentence of the Council of Lords at Westminster and the Judgment given on the Kings side by Lewis the French King for their Incitement Such then being the cause contended for these being the mutual advantages to strengthen either side the difference is brought in the Spring into the Field to be decided All things in a manner thus tending to War the Barons drew towards London that 's their Place of Rendezvous where new Assurances by Writing indented was made between them and the Commonalty of the City without Consent of many of the Rulers thereof Whether they were swayed in their minds to the other side by Reasons they carried in their Pockets I find not or thinking they had most to lose they feared to be the greatest Sufferers if the chance of War should fall cross or else out of Envy and Emulation to the Commons who had already been entrusted with so much Power by the so often named Statutes and were in probability likely to get more if the Barons should prevail or at least keep what they had gotten Hence 't is plain that the Commons of the City were the men that stood by the Lords in defence of the Parliament Acts Many of the Rulers seem not to have appeared Wherefore the Commons as men enraged made to themselves Two Captains Thomas de Pywelden and Stephen Bukkerel whom they named Constables of the City At whose Commandment by tolling the great Bell of St. Pauls all the City should be ready in Arms to give Attendance upon the said Captains About the beginning of Lent the Constable of the Tower Sir Hugh Le Spencer came with a fair Company of men at Arms into the City and desired Assistance of the forenamed Constables who commanded the said Bell to be toll'd By means whereof the People shut their Shops and came out in Arms in great Multitudes who after Proclamation made that they should follow their Captains without knowledge what to do or whither to go followed them unto Thystleworth beyond Westminster and there spoiled the Manour of the King of the Romans Richard the King's Brother setting it on Fire and afterwards with great noise and cry returned unto London This Richard King of the Romans appears to have been a Mediator of Peace between the Two Parties but after this outrage what else could be expected but that he should become the Barons Enemy to the utmost of his Power Though 't is commonly seen that from War most come home by Weeping Cross yet there are still too too many found that desire to fish in troubled Waters Would any but such as were in Love with Blood and Wounds have counselled such a Fact as this in the midst of Civil broils thus to compel the only Mediator of Peace likely to prevail to become a man of War and which was worse an Enemy a powerful Enemy instead of a peaceable Friend In the time of these intestine Jarrs between Men of the same Country and Religion 't was much if the Jews should have escaped free who were strangers of different Rites and Customs and so odious to the Common People That they did not escape the enraged Multitudes Fury we find by mention made of Five Hundred of them said to be slain at one time in London on Palmsunday week The occasion is related to be for that a Jew would have forced a Christian to have given him more than Two Pence a Week for the use of Twenty Shillings This being the stinted Usury then permitted the Jews by the King's Grant According to which rate they might take iâ— any Summ lent greater or lesser A reasonable man would have thought this might have satisfied the greedy Minds of most ordinary griping Extortioners Eight Shillings Eight Pence by the Year in the Pound Forty three Pounds Six Shillings Eight Pence in the Hundred Usury unconscionable enough of any sense While the Land stood thus divided into Parties the Jews felt the Peoples rage in the City and the Country did not altogether scape tasting the miseries of Civil Wars King Henry by divers places came at length into Sussex with a strong Power whereof the Lords hearing made preparation to go towards him Accordingly in the end of April the Barons with many of the Citizens in the vaward departed from London taking their Journey towards the King and hearing he was at Lewes with a great power by common consent drawing up a Letter sent it in the name of all the Barons to the King But the Answers were so rough and in such a stile that it plainly shewed that the Sword could be the only decider of the Quarrel and final determiner of the Contest so much were their Minds exasperated each towards other though of the same Nation and Kindred The Barons well perceiving by these Answers that there was no other way but to decide the Quarrel by dint of Sword they went forward towards the King Wednesday May the 24th 1263. is the day that may be writ in Red Letters for the great quantity of Blood spilt thereon in the Battle fought at Lewes between the King and his Barons wherein by the Will of Providence the Victory sell to the Barons with such a total rout to the other Party that they took Prisoners the King his Brother his Son with many other Noble-Men to the number of Twenty five Barons and Banerets above Twenty Thousand being slain according to my Author's Account After this so compleat a Victory the other Prisoners being sent elsewhere the Barons kept the King his Brother and Son till they came to London This was the place wherein they had found Shelter and had had such considerable Assistance from the Londoners that there seemed a kind of Obligation lying on them and it implied somwhat of a Recompence due to the City there to shew the Trophies of their Victory Now we may easily conclude that the forenamed Statutes are to stand in full force even by the Kings Consent And so acccordingly we find a Grant made and an Agreement that if any were thought unreasonable they were to be corrected and amended by four Noble Men of the Realm Two of the Spiritualty and Two of the Temporalty And if the four accorded not the Earl of Anjou and the Duke of Brittain were to be Judges in the case To continue this accord the firmer the King's Son and his Brother were to remain the Barons Prisoners till it was compleated A Parliament was also appointed to be
of the Castle and Lodged by his Assignment except these five Persons viz. Tâ—â—mas Fizt Thomas Mayor Michael Tony Steven Bukkerâ—â— Thomas Pywellyson and John Dâ—flete These five 〈◊〉 the King given to his Son Edward at whose coâ—mandment they remained in the said Tower long â—â—ter notwithstanding the King 's safe Conduct to 〈◊〉 before made What became then of the King's worâ— But who durst oppose a waking Lyons The 〈◊〉 Hunter in the fable lik't not to deal roughly wiâ—â— him till his long Teeth were broken out and his 〈◊〉 cut off When upon the bruit of Queen Mary'◠〈◊〉 with Child King Philip of Spain her Husband 〈◊〉 to be chosen the Childs Guardian if the 〈◊〉 should Decease and offered the Parliament great â—â—surances and Bonds of Security for his redelivery 〈◊〉 the Kingdom at the appointed time that Gentlemâ—â— shew'd himself no Fool who when the assurancâ— were likely to find acceptance stood up and inqâ—â—â—ed who should 〈◊〉 the Bond And the Parliameâ—â— enough approv'd him when they immedintly theâ—â— upon rejected the King's specious offers 'T is very dâ—â—advantagious and often injurious to the Weak to 〈◊〉 making of bargains with the more Powerful who 〈◊〉 strong enough to break their Promises and Covenaâ—â— with Impunity or keep them but e'en as they pleasâ— When the tydings of the usage of the Mayor and thâ— rest at Windsor came to London whereas many 〈◊〉 fear had absented themselves before upon this newâ— many more convey'd away themselves and their good secretly into diverse parts of England so that many of them are said never to have return'd after In the 49th Year November the 6th We find thaâ— the King came to Westminster and shortly after gave to diverse of his Houshold-Servants near about sixty Houses and Housholds within the City so that the Owners were compell'd to redeem their Houses and Housholds with all the goods in them or else to depart and suffer such Persons to enter to whom thâ—â—nd Houses were given This grant is said to have â—â—â—ended likewise to all the Lands Tenements Gooâ—◠〈◊〉 Chattels which the said Citizens had in any other â—â—â—ces of England Riches have often made Persons 〈◊〉 singled out for offendors while the poor Man â—â— the mean time scapes free few envying him his Poveâ—ty After this was 〈◊〉 Constable of the Tower â—â—de Custos or Guardian of the City who chose 〈◊〉 Adrian and Walter Hervy Citizens to be Bayliffs 〈◊〉 him and to him to be accountable to the King's 〈◊〉 Then took the King pledges of the best Men's 〈◊〉 of the City that 〈◊〉 peace should be surely kept 〈◊〉 thâ— same These were put into the Tower â—nd 〈◊〉 kept at their Parents cost Shortly after 〈…〉 Labour and Sâ—it made the foresaid Londoners â—â— the keeping of the Bayliff of the Castle of Windsor 〈◊〉 deliver'd and came to London except 〈…〉 viz. Richard Bonaventure Symon De'Hadâ—stâ—k William De Kent and William De Glocester who with 〈◊〉 other five afore excepted were still kept in the Towâ—r of Windsor Then dayly Suit and Labour waâ— made to the King to have his Gracious Favour and â—o know his Pleasure what fine he would have of the City for their Transgressions and Displeasure by them â—o him done The former Transactions seem to beaâ— a Tendency hereunto The Citizens were prevail'd upon to resign up themselves their Lives and Goods into the King's hands submitting all to his Mercy that a good large fine might be the easier levied of them and the Nation the better made to beleive that the City was well dealt with for paying no more when as the King might have seiz'd upon all they having surrendred in a manner wholly upon discretion To what else tend the many preparatives before rehears'd but to make this bitter Pill go down 〈◊〉 smoother and quieter with them The Book â—â—quaiâ—ts â—â— that the King asked 40000l and 〈◊〉 stood at â—0000 Marks I But the City alledged 〈◊〉 themselves that the poor Commons of the City 〈◊〉 of many were gone away were the Trespassers 〈◊〉 that the best of the City by these riotous Persoâ— were robid and spoilâ—â— and had lost a great part oâ— their Substance in this 〈◊〉 some time by the Râ—vers of the Sea as the Wardens of the five Ports and others For these and many other considerations 〈◊〉 Citizens besought the King of his most Gracious 〈◊〉 your and Pity to take of them as they might â—ear This matter thus depending the King departâ—◠〈◊〉 Westminister to Northampton having a little 〈◊〉 his departure Ordain'd Sir John Lynd and Mâ— John 〈◊〉 Clerk to be Guardians of the City and Towâ—â— they â—eing nam'd in the King 's Writing 〈…〉 Steward 's of the City Upon the Day after thâ— King was gone these Two Stewards sent for Twâ—â—ty Four of the most notable Men of the City anâ— warned them to appear the Day following before thâ— King's Councel at Westminster At their appearaâ—â—â— it was shown unto them by Sir Roger Leyborn that tâ—â— King's mind was That they should have the Rule oâ— the City in his absence under the foresaid Seneschaâ—â— and for to see good Rule kept in the City they should be sworn there before his Councel They were there upon sworn and countermanded unto the City The City's fine was inagitation till about Christmas 〈…〉 End was made with the King by such friends aâ— the City had about him for the Sum of 20000 Marks for all transgressions and offences by them before done some Persons excepted whom the King had giv'n to his Son Edward being those afore nam'd kept in the Tower of Windsor For the payment of this Sum at Days by agreement set where Sir 〈…〉 and Mr. Robert Wareyn Clerk assign'd to take 〈…〉 After Surety by them receiv'd and sent to 〈◊〉 King at Northampton the King sent immediately 〈◊〉 to thâ— Citizens a Charter under his Broad 〈…〉 may be seen in Eabian my Author in these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 needless to make many comments 〈…〉 upon this affair Through the whole it is â—â—â—ifest that the City was of considerable Power and 〈◊〉 so that the King thought not good to exaspeâ—â—â— the Citizens too much least evil should have 〈◊〉 of it To make a Bridge of Gold for a flying 〈◊〉 is no mean Policy Doubtless it was well 〈…〉 Court that they us'd not the 〈◊〉 violence 〈…〉 Baron's Party was not wholy destroyed as yet in 〈◊〉 hand though it was very much crush'd How 〈◊〉 the whole City joyn'd therewith might haâ—e 〈…〉 pois'd if not turn'd the Scales had shâ— been 〈◊〉 â—arâ—hly dealt with I rather crave leave to 〈…〉 the Readers consideration than hastily presume 〈…〉 'T is certain enough that within less than 〈◊〉 Years the Cause was in great likelihood to have 〈◊〉 reviv'd to purpose had not convenient course 〈◊〉 taken to â—ush it a sleep again without rashly â—â—â—ceeding to the highest extremities as you may find 〈◊〉 the sequel of the History After the aforesaid 〈◊〉 was receiv'd by
the Citizens the pledges in the 〈◊〉 of London and the Four last mention'd to be 〈◊〉 in the Tower of Windsor were deliver'd The 〈◊〉 renam'd Stewards were also discharged and the 〈◊〉 chose of themselves for Mayor William Fiz 〈◊〉 and for Sheriffs Thomas de la Founde and Gregoâ—â— de Rokisâ—y as Fabiâ—n acquaints us For Levying of 〈◊〉 foresaid Fine were set as well Servants and Coveâ—â—nt-men as Housholders and many refus'd the Liberties of the City to be quit of that charge 〈◊〉 which we may give some part of a guess at the 〈◊〉 of the fine what a considerable summ◠〈…〉 marks was in those days before the â—â—dies were 〈◊〉 into Europe some hundreds of years This controversy with London being thus 〈◊〉 towards an end the King had leasure to mind 〈◊〉 suppressing the remains of the Baron's Party 〈◊〉 de Mountford upon certain conditions was 〈…〉 be at large in the Kings Court and so 〈◊〉 a Season But when the King was come to London suddenly departed to Winchelsea where he accompâ—nied with the Rovers of the Sea till after some 〈◊〉 taken he departed from them into France and 〈◊〉 himself into the Service of the French King So 〈◊〉 an end of the Potent Earl of Leycester's Family in Eâ—â—land This Powerful Earl bid fair for the Rule of 〈◊〉 whole Kingdom but had he reviv'd the Battail◠〈◊〉 a Conqueror how much further he 〈◊〉 have gone I may think but not positively 〈◊〉 mine Another Act of the Kings this year in order to 〈◊〉 total rooting out of the Barons remains was his â—â—ing a Seige to Kenelworth-Castle with a mighty 〈◊〉 but this prov'd a task not quickly at an end Now 〈◊〉 time comes to revenge old slights and neglects 〈◊〉 sides Strangers prepar'd to come over into Englâ—â—â— the Queen had also purchas'd a curse of the 〈◊〉 a womans aid to accurse all the Barons their 〈◊〉 and helpers Commissions were directed to 〈◊〉 Bishops of England to execute but they for fear 〈◊〉 the Barons are said to have deny'd and deferred 〈◊〉 Execution and Sentence of the said curse Wherefoâ—â— she made new labour to the Pope and had it granâ—â—â— that the said Bishops should be corrected for their diâ—â—bedience Whereupon Octobon the Pope's Legate 〈◊〉 Councel by him and the Clergy held this year at Paul's â—â—ch in London suspended those Bishops and sent 〈◊〉 to Rome to be absolv'd of the Pope A pretty 〈◊〉 to go nine Miles with Waltham's calf to Suck a 〈◊〉 In the 50th year about Christmas was Kenelworth 〈◊〉 yielded after near half a years Siege upon 〈◊〉 of life Limb Horse Armes and all things 〈◊〉 in the Castle to the defendants belonging and 〈◊〉 to carry them away and not to be disinherited 〈◊〉 is it any wonder that they had such 〈◊〉 granted them if that be true which Stow relates 〈◊〉 that at the King 's coming to besiege the Castle 〈◊〉 force was so great and those in the Castle so 〈◊〉 daunted at their Enemyes presence that they 〈◊〉 â—pen their Gates and never closed them day no◠〈◊〉 and come whoso would they came to their 〈◊〉 Thus you see the King found it no easy matter 〈◊〉 to suppress the remainders though he had 〈◊〉 power'd the heads of the Baron's party About 〈◊〉 were the Wardens of the five Ports reconcil'd to 〈◊〉 King by favour of Edward the King's Son Observe 〈◊〉 by the way his policy In his Father's time he 〈◊〉 to crush that power which might have 〈◊〉 him in his own Reign and having pretty well 〈◊〉 it he after seems a pretender to Popularity 〈◊〉 mediating with his Father in behalf of many that â—ddressed themselves to him for reconciliation It much â—ails to apply our selves to a fit Intercessor So have known a Stepmother when requested prevail with 〈◊〉 Father her Husband in her Son in Law 's behalf 〈◊〉 he himself could not The Conditions of this reconciliation of the Barons â—â—que Ports are not unworthy of the remark We 〈◊〉 that in Anno. 47. these Wardens of the five Ports 〈◊〉 the Sea with Ships that no Strangers should enter the Land to the King's Aid In 48 we are told 〈◊〉 they rob'd and spoild all men that they might 〈◊〉 sparing neither English Merchants nor others 〈◊〉 which preys as the Common Fame-went the 〈◊〉 of the Land had a good part In 49. we find 〈◊〉 Londoners alledging for themselves in mitigation 〈◊〉 the great Fine required of them that they had 〈◊〉 great part of their Substance by the Rovers of 〈◊〉 Sea among whom are named the Wardens of 〈◊〉 Cinque Ports And yet notwithstanding all these 〈◊〉 Harms done they are Recorded to have had all 〈◊〉 former Priviledges confirmed to them and 〈◊〉 was Granted That if any English-man or 〈◊〉 would Sue for Restitution of Goods by them 〈◊〉 taken or for the Death of any of their Friends â—â—fore Slain that all such Complaints should 〈◊〉 Sued in their Courts there to have their 〈◊〉 determin'd and not elsewhere What greaâ— Assurance could these Barons desire for their own â—â—curity They might well promise themselves impâ—nity when they were in such fair probability to 〈◊〉 their own Judges in their own Cause unless we 〈◊〉 suppose Juries were to be chosen elsewhere 〈◊〉 we might in good reason that the King would 〈◊〉 to such Terms of Accomodation had we it not upâ—â— Record that the common Fame at that Day ran 〈◊〉 the said Wardens of the Five Ports had then the Dâ—minion of the Sea Whereupon the King was after sort compell'd to follow their Pleasures When Man is to take an unpleasant Potion after he 〈◊〉 drunk up the greatest part thereof it not rarely haâ—pens that the Remains in the bottom are harder 〈◊〉 get down than was all the rest About the Feast of Philip and Jacob we hear of 〈◊〉 King's holding a Parliament at Northampton◠〈◊〉 which were confirm'd the old Franchises and Libertâ—â—â— by the King's Progenitors before Granted in the City â—f London with a new Grant for the Shire of Midâ—lesex 'T is good to make things as sure as we 〈…〉 this Parliament were likewise disinherited many Noble-men of the Land who before-time had taken the Barons Party For which cause they accompaâ—â—ed together Robbed in divers parts of the Land â—ook Lincoln and spoil'd it and after Ransomed many of the Rich Burgesses of the Town And taking the â—sle of Ely so strengthened it that they held it long 〈◊〉 Anno 51 At the choosing of the Mayor of London â— Controversie arose between the Rulers and Comâ—ons of the City Wherefore by advice of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen Sir Roger Leyborn a Courtier plain enough by his Actions related before with others â—ame to Guild-hall being Armed under their Gowns â—nd upon Fryday following Alhallon day called the Commons to the Election of the new Mayor How â—â—ee was this Election likely to be whither men came â—ecretly Armed to assist their Party Fabian tells us â—hat the best of
the City gave the Nomination to Aleyn â—â—wch and divers of the others cryed upon Thomas 〈◊〉 Thomas at that time Prisoner in Windsor Castle â—herefore the said Sir Roger with the Assistance of â—he Mayor and others took those Persons and sent â—â—emun to divers Prisons So that what they could not â—o well get by fair means some seem resolved to obâ—ain by force And yet 't is not unlikely but they â—ould be ready enough to bear People in hand that â—uch was a free Election The Act against Disturbance 〈◊〉 Free Elections wherein the King commandeth upon Forfeiture that no man by force of Arms nor by â—alice or menacing shall disturb any to make Free â—lection was not at that time dreaded as not being 〈◊〉 yet enacted for it is plac'd in the third of Edward the First the following King wherefore the Distâ—â—bers might not then think they had such cause 〈…〉 having the Court also on their side as 〈◊〉 must have had since as soon as ever they should 〈◊〉 acted so imprudently as to bring themselves 〈◊〉 the laâ—h of that standing Law Observe we here 〈◊〉 Power and Esteem that usually accompanie◠〈◊〉 Mayoralty of this Honorable City since that 〈◊〉 Faction were for choosing one of their own 〈◊〉 Shall I further remark upon the whole of this 〈◊〉 what Party in a Nation 't is that sticks not at 〈◊〉 nor force to effect their Designs when fair 〈◊〉 is too weak to compass them But who will 〈◊〉 me that this will not be offensive Therefore to 〈◊〉 In this Year the Gentlemen who kept the 〈◊〉 Ely and liv'd there like Outlaws broke out 〈◊〉 times and did much harm in Norfolk Suffolk 〈◊〉 Cambridge Shire took Norwich and after spoiling 〈◊〉 carried away with them many of the rich men 〈◊〉 ransomed them at great sums of Mony This 〈◊〉 occasion the story says to Thieves and other 〈◊〉 dispos'd People to do many other hurts and 〈◊〉 in divers places of the Land and the blame was 〈◊〉 to those Gentlemen Then the Pope's Legate labouâ—â— with the King that those disinherited Gentlemâ—â— might purchase their Lands of him by Fine and 〈◊〉 some Whereupon it was agreed that they 〈◊〉 have their Lands again at five Years value some 〈◊〉 excepted and others of small Possessions to 〈◊〉 Fined at the discretion of the King's Councel 〈◊〉 this took no conclusion saith my Author Anno 52. Aleyn Sowch being Mayor Thomas â—â—singâ— and Robert de Cornehyll Sherists we read of anâ—ther broyl beginning which was like to have creaâ—â— no little disturbance in the Land had it not 〈◊〉 timely appeas'd and brought to an end by the inteâ—cession of wise Mediators For Gilbert de Clare Earl 〈◊〉 Glocester formerly a powerful Man among the Bâ—rons Party by reason of difference and disgust â—â—ising between him and the no less Potent Earl of 〈◊〉 of the same Party having turn'd to the King's side adding to it such considerable strength that it soon over powr'd the weakend Barons but â—â—w upon what occasion Fabian expresses not he refused the King and gathered to him a strong 〈◊〉 in the Marches of Wales To him likewise drew Sir John Eyvile and others of the disinherited 〈◊〉 So that after Christmas he comes with a â—ear Host near unto London When the Mayor and Aldermen of the City were aware of the Earls â—â—ming with so strong a Power and not knowing 〈◊〉 he were the Kings Freind they shut the 〈◊〉 against his Fore-Riders And for that neither 〈◊〉 King nor any of his Councel were then near 〈◊〉 City they went unto the Legate at that time â—â—dged in the Tower and required his Councel â—hether they should suffer the Earl to enter into the â—ay or not whereunto the Legate answered that 〈◊〉 thought not the contrary for the knew well that 〈◊〉 was the Kings true Subject and Friend Not 〈◊〉 after came a Messenger from the Earl to the â—ayor to have Licence to pass through the City 〈◊〉 Southwark where he intended to lodge with 〈◊〉 People which was granted and so the Earl â—â—ssed through the City and was lodg'd in Southâ—ark To him came shortly after by Surry-side 〈◊〉 John Eyvile with a great Company Then the â—ayor kept the Gate of the Bridge shut watchâ—â—g it dayly with armed Men and every night 〈◊〉 the Draw-Bridge to be drawn and the Waterside daily and nightly to be watched with Men in Arms. In short time after the Legate and the Earl agreed in such wise that the Earl by his advice was suffered with certain of his People to be lodged in the City By means whereof he daily drew more and more of his People into it so that finally many things were ordered by him and many of the Commons took his part against the Mayor and Aldermen The Commonalty of the City had had great Power put into their hands by the Statutes made at Oxford as appears before in the Meeting of the Folâ—moot at Pauls Cross they had been lately fin'd after the Barons overthrow for their standing in defence of those Parliament-Acts and but the last year had been disturb'd by the Mayor in their Election of a new Mayor by force of Arms and therefore now we may beleive it all remembred What shall we loose so seasonable an opportunity we may suppose they might then think if not to regain our former power yet at least to vindicate our selves against future affronts Here we may note not a little of the Earls policy After he had gathered together his People he comes away to London and getting leave to pass through it 〈◊〉 part of his Forces he settles himself as near the City as he might in Southwark and then by degrees gets himself and his Power into the City hoping doubtless to find a Party therein willing to second him which hopes we perceive by the sequel were not ill grounded Is not this a plain instance of the Cities Power Esteem and Influence in these days If any can produce plainer proof hereof let them as soon as they please I think here 〈◊〉 Mathematical Demonstration matter of Fact not of Fancy In Easter week we read that the Earl took the Keys of the Bridge and of the Gates from the officers of the City and deliver'd them to such as pleased him and received into the City many of the disinherited Perfons and gave them free liberty to pass the Bridge at all hours of the day and night Of all this the Mayor sent word to the King who then was gathering of this Power in Norfolk and made hasty speed towards London In the mean time the Earl with his Company made Bulwarks and â—â—â—bicanes between the Tower and the City casting 〈◊〉 and Trenches in some places thereof and forfâ—ited it wonderfully saith my Author Then many of the Citizens fearing a new Insurrection deparred from the City as secretly as they could whose goods the Earl seized to his own use or suffered his men to spoile them at his pleasure
Then the Commons fâ—â—getting their late punishment or rather too much remembring it and intending revenge withouâ— fear or dread of their King took certain of the Aldermen and cast them into Prison sequestring their Goods and spoiling much thereof And thereupon ran to Guild-hall and chose for their Mayor 〈◊〉 or Ruler of the City take which name you please Sir Richard de Culworth Knight and for Bayliffs Robert de Lynton and Roger Marshal and discharg'd the old Mayor and Sheriffs These the fruits of Civil Broils This being done we read in the next place that all such Prisoners that were in Newgate Ludgate and Criplegate or in any other Prisons within the City because of the Baron's War before passed were delivered and set at liberty Thus each Party when in Power strives to weaken and suppress their opposites and strengthen theâ—â— own side What avails Laws Customes and Ordinances in the midst of Armies How suddainly â— how unexpectedly is the wheele turn'd who knoâ—â— how soon the Barons War had been anew reviv'd had not Powerful Mediators interceded to the pâ—â—vention of more blood shedding The Oxford Sâ—â—tutes stood in deed repeal'd by the Winchester Parliament but who can divine what new devices the wit of men backt with Power might in time haâ—â— found out to retreive their late overthrown cause had not Providence so dispos'd mens minds to peaceable Councels as to bring these new troubles to 〈◊〉 quicker end When the Legate beheld all this Discord we are told he repented him of his former Counceâ— given to the Mayor which we may easily belieâ—â— without looking for any proofs thereof For thâ— Legate might well think himself accus'd in manâ— men's thoughts as one of the occasional Causes 〈◊〉 much of this disorder though it may be they migâ—â— not be so uncharitable as to believe him any otheâ—â— then an accidental not designed Causer thereof 〈◊〉 seems by the History to have endeavour'd somewhâ—â— to vindicate his Reputation when he saw he coulâ— not reform the Earl by threatning him with 〈◊〉 Censures of the Church and to accurse him as thâ— Disinherited were For that was always one oâ— the best Weapons the Popish Clergy were most deâ—trous at If any grievously displeas'd them no maâ—ter what the cause was good or bad allowable by the Divine Laws or not to Curse him with Bell Book and Candle was their usual accustomed Practise Whosoever believes me not let him go to the Martyrologies see whether he can then beleive his 〈◊〉 eyes Yet I do not find let the instance here 〈◊〉 that this their Cursing had so general an 〈◊〉 upon all men as they would have had it 〈◊〉 they got it well backt by the Civil Magistrates â—â—thority Therefore their common use was as 〈◊〉 had opportunity to inch out the Spiritual 〈◊〉 with the Temporal What did many value 〈◊〉 have their Souls given away to the Devil if they 〈◊〉 keep their Bodies out of Prisons from being â—â—livered over to the Secular Power by the Clergy 〈◊〉 seem thus as it were by craft to call the Maâ—istrate the Devil A plain case when Men to exalt â—â—eir own Worldly grandure or out of Animosity to â—â—venge a particular private peek or quarrel under â—â—â—tence of Religion usurpe a Power over Men's 〈◊〉 and Consciences which belongs not at all to 〈◊〉 or else turn the Edge of it to a use quite â—â—â—trary to the Primitive Institution it quickly 〈◊〉 its Ancient Vigour and Esteem and from a â—â—error it becomes a scorn to persons of understanâ—â—â—g able enough to discern men's wicked prevaâ—â—cation from true Religion Were it not for the 〈◊〉 De Excommunicato câ—piendo in some Cases Men 〈◊〉 little value Excommunication or look upon 〈◊〉 otherwise than a Scare-Crow to fright Children and Fools what 's hanging were it not for choakâ—â—g To proceed after this menace and threat of the 〈◊〉 we are told that he commanded Divine Service to be said without Note and the Church doors to be shut in time thereof and that no Bell â—â—ould be rung unto it to the Intent that the disinherited who stood accursed should not enter the Churches to hear it Upon three Weeks after Easter we hear that the King came to Ham a few miles from London whether likewise came the Legat soon after Then the King's host made divers assaults upon the City but it seems with little or no hurâ—to the Town it was so strongly fortified My Author makes mention of Guns and other Ordinances but I question whether he speakes not rather after the fashion of the Age he liv'd in than after the true use of armes in those more elderly times For the first invention of Gunpowder by Bertholdus Swart the Gâ—rman Monk is plac'd by Chronologers a considerable time after In this time of variance the Legate upon his Party and the King of Romans upon the other party for alliance between him and the Earl of Glocester labour'd so to the King that Peace was spoken of During the Treaty the Soldiers lying in Southwarke made many Robberies in Surry and other places Neither did the King's Palace at Westminister escape for we hear that some of them rowd over thereto and Spoil'd it drunk up the Kings wine brake the glass of the Windows wasting and destroying other Necessaries thereunto belonging and came likewiâ—â— sometimes into London and Robbed there Disorderly unruly Soldiers little regard any one unless they be kept under Strict discipline Sacred or Prophaâ—â— much the sameto many of them Some of these â—avenous Spoilers being taken are recorded to have had a severe Punishment inflicted on them through the Earl of Derby's means whose Body or Câ—gâ—zance they bare viz. bound hands and leggs put into a Sack and â—o cast into Thames About 〈◊〉 day was the Peace between the King and the Earl câ—â—cluded After this Conclusion the Earl removed out of the City and was lodg'd again in Southwark The King entred the City the Sunday before Midsâ—â—er day according to the Book And forthwith the King's Proclamation were made through it of the peace made between the King and the Earl Afâ—â—r was liberty given to the disinherited Persons of Eleven Days respit to shift for themselves either to depart to such Places where they might be in some Surety or else to agree to the former Composition made by the Legate viz. To pay the Fifth part of the Yearly Value of their Lands certain Persons only excepted as is before related As touching the Earl and such other as before were not disinherited together also with the Citizens of London they were clearly to be forgiven and Pardoned Then were restored to their Offices Aleyn Sowch Mayor Thomas Basynge and Robert de Cornhil Sheriffs And the Aldermen before deposed were again likewise restored to their Wards and Offices A happy Reconciliation Next comes the relation of the Legate's interdicâ—ing all the City the Wednesday following which endured from six of the clock in the Morning till three the next
was the name â—hen usually given to Canaan the Land of Promise wherein our blessed Saviour was Crucified to compleat the works of our Redemption the 〈◊〉 penny of every mans Substance moveable throuâ—â— out the Land of the lay fee and of the Spiritâ—â—â—ty by the Pops Assent three Dysmes to be 〈◊〉 three years A politick pretence vsed in those days get mony An invention somewhat suitable here 〈◊〉 to have latter ages found out and sometimes as bâ—neficial viz. To pretend war with a neighbour Nâ—tion and then get mony towards the raising an 〈◊〉 to carry it on If they could afterwards compass 〈◊〉 take mony on both sides to lay it again that 〈◊〉 good advantage but to get mony twice to 〈◊〉 it was double gain Much about this time t is that 〈◊〉 read in Stows Annals of a Quo Waranto set on foot 〈◊〉 an Assembly of Nobles met at London by the Kinâ— Command where by many to their no small 〈◊〉 were called before the Justices to shew by 〈◊〉 right they held their Lands But it was thought 〈◊〉 afterwards to cease any further prosecution thereâ—â— After that John Warren Earl of Surry being demanâ—ed on that writ what right he had to his Landâ— boldly drew out his Sword and said that thereâ—â— he held his Grand-Fathers Lands and by that 〈◊〉 keep them Wherein doubtless he would not 〈◊〉 failed of many Powerful Abettors and assistants 〈◊〉 the Kings Justices too rigorously proceeded in 〈◊〉 aâ—â—air We find it cost the Lord Cheif Justice of 〈◊〉 Allen dela Zâ—nch his life and the Earl only a 〈◊〉 of mony notwithstanding that he made that allaâ—â— upon the other before the other Justices of the 〈◊〉 He having affirmed by the Oath of 25. Knights at Wiâ—chester that he committed not that Fact upon any pâ—â—tended malice nor in contempt of the King this 〈◊〉 the Issue of the Quo Warranto in those days 55 was the year wherein my Author acquaints 〈◊〉 that the Citizens so well contented Prince Edâ—â—rds mind that he labour'd to the King his Father for them and procur'd their Charter in such 〈◊〉 confirm'd that they should after their Ancient â—riviledges choose of themselves a Major and two Sheriffs which Sheriffs were to have the Offices thereunto belonging to farm as before had been â—ccustomed except that instead of 350 l. paid aâ—â—retimes for the Fee-farm they should then pay 450 l. But that a quam diu placuerit was then thought of I don't find After this Confirmation thus granted and pass'd by the Kings broad Seal upon July the 14th we find the Citizens assemâ—led at Guildhal where they chose for their Major John Adryan 〈◊〉 and for Sheriff Walter 〈◊〉 and John 〈◊〉 And upon the 16th Presenâ—ed them to the 〈◊〉 at Westminster Edward being â—resent 〈◊〉 â—â—ey were admitted and Sworn â—nd Hugh Son of Othon discharg'd of the Rule of â—he City Then the Citizens of their free Will â—o writes Fabian gave unto the King an 100 Marks â—nd to Edward 500 Marks which the King well â—ccepted And soon after they receiv'd their Charâ—â—er of Confirmation bearing date July 21st and â—5th of the Kings Reign The Annals of this year my Author ends with 〈…〉 mischance hapning in London viz. The falâ—â—ng down of Saint Mary Bow Steeple in Cheapside â—o the slaying of Women and Children In the next year 56 he gives us the Relation of â—n other unfortunate accident that fell out in Norâ—ich through occasion of a fray between some Serâ—ants of the Monastery there standing and some of â—he Citizens This was carried on to such an height â—â— violence and fury that many of the Town were wounded and slain and the Abbey with all it's buildings except a little Chappel burnt down and destroyed But this afterwards cost the place the death of near upon 30 young Men of the Town who were Indicted Judg'd Cast Hang'd and Burnt as Occasioners and Executors of that Deed to the great sorrow of the Citizens and so much the rather for that they thought the Prior of the place was the Occasioner of all that mischief but he was born out it seems and defended by the Bâ—shop of Norwich Hard medling in those times with any of the Church-men they were grown so powerful and high Crested What destroy goods of the Church hah In days much later what a difference arose between Pope Paul and Fum'd the Common-wealth of Venice upon their Imprisoning an offending Church-man guilty 〈◊〉 less an offence than Murder The Thunderbolt oâ— Excommunication had been but a small matter had his Popeship but had power to have vented his Rage in an higher manner If the Romish Clergy so domineer over those Countries which have for many ages continued in Popery can we Englishmen rationally hope to be free their utmost revenge if they can but once get such an head over us as they have long desired and hop'd for No No thâ— thinking part of the Nation are all pretty weâ— satisfied of their purposes Plots and designs Leâ— them do their worst gnash upon us with their teeth and think to eat us up as bread Let them begiâ— a Massacre if they durst as soon as they pleasâ— it 's much but they 'll find to their cost free Englisâ— Spirits in English bodies who will not so easiâ— be brought to their lure as they may perhaps haâ— foolishly perswaded themselves from their converâ— with a few debauch'd unthinking men amongst 〈◊〉 King Henry dyes in the 57th year of his 〈◊〉 while his Son Edward was absent in th◠〈…〉 But upon notice hereof he returns for 〈◊〉 and in Auguâ—t comes to London where of the Cittizens he is received with all Joy and honoâ—â— and so conveyed to Westminster He had newly got for the Citizens their Priviledges restorâ—d in his Fathers days let us now see how matters were carried in his Reign between the City and the Court We shall find the City a powerful match still tho she met with many troubles and Enemies yet she weather'd them out in spight oâ— all attempts In the second year of this King Edward there was a great contest at Guildhal about the Major Certain attempts we hear of made the year before by some of the Citizens to have made such a Major as they listed but being then disappointed of their Accessaries it was hinder'd for that time but in this years beginning took further effect On Simon and Jude's day when Philip le Taylor before chosen Major should have taken his charge at the Guildhal divers Citizens put him beside the Majors seat and set therein Sir Walter Harvy who the year before had been Major This contention being brought before the King upon hearing the reasons of both parties when he could not bring them to an agreement he took occasion to put both the Candidates aside and chose Henry Forâ—ick for Custos of the City who so continued for a time So ready were some always to deprive the City of the use of her Liberties upon her
in this Case be by the advice and discretion of the Justices thereto assigned To mitigate it doubtless not inhance it at pleasure to ruin particular persons and annihilate the City's Liberties by pretending the loss of her Charter How respectful King Lords and Commons in Parliament assembl'd shew'd themselves to this honourable City hath been sufficiently declar'd prov'd and made manifest I presume already in the foregoing Relation Let us now call off our Meditations from this particular point and fix our thoughts upon an other Argument highly demonstrative of the City's power drawn from no less uncouth a Topick than tumults and disorders insurrections and Outrages of unruly people There having pass'd an Act of Parliament in the fourth of this King to impower him to Collect and Gather Poll money throughout the Land and many exactions thereupon and incivilities being committed by the new Collectors and other Officers some of the Courtiers having procur'd the Kings Commissions for a review and a more exact Collection under the notion of the Kings being cheated and defrauded through the unfaithfulness of his former Tax gatherers the Commons thought themselves so abus'd and oppress'd that in many places they took Counsel together to make resistance and in several Counties assembled themselves in great numbers to the no small disturbance of the Land Amongst these the Commons of Kent and Essex are reckon'd the greatest bodies gathered together under such heads as Wat Tyler Jack Straw and the like obscure Fellows These we find quickly coming to London where they soon obtain entrance notwithstanding the Mayors intended opposition and then quickly carry all before them behead whom they thought good do what they would burn great mens Palaces at their Pleasure the Gates of the Tower are set open to them the King rides to 'm in fear unarm'd and ill guarded at their sending for and grants them as large Charters as they desired none of his Courtiers daring to oppose or resist their Insolencies so that they seem to have had all things for a small season under their sole Power Direction and Command as remaining Masters of the Field without a stroak stricken by any opposite Party such a terrour did their numbers and boldness strike into mens minds at the first and so effectual was their success in getting within the Walls of London either through the joynt assistance of many Commons there inhabiting or else rather under the repute of having the whole City at their beck But when the first brunt was over and it was visible that the greatest best and most of the Citizens joyn'd not with the Country Commons to approve or abet them in their furious outrages and violences the tide was soon turn'd and deliverance brought both to the King and Court by the courage of this Loyal City The Mayor himself as their Head made the first open beginning was seconded by his Brethren the Aldermen and quickly followed by the worthy Citizens He being a man of great boldness by the Kings permission first arrested and afterwards grievously wounded one of the chiefest of the Rebells Jack Straw saith Fabian Wat Tyler saith Stow to the great encouragement of those about the King among whom this Arch Rebel receiv'd his death and daunting of the Rebellious Commons to which valiant Deed the City is indebted for Walworths Dagger some say inserted upon this Account in her Coat of Arms. After this Act away rides the Mayor with one Servant only the Annalist tell us into the City and crying out to the Citizens to come speedily to the Kings assistance raises a considerable strength who well arm'd under the leading of Sir Robert Knowles came in good time into the Field where the King was among the tumultuous Commons not so well attended but that the unexpected coming of the Mayor and the armed Citizens is expresly said to have caus'd rejoycing in the minds of the King and those few Knights and Esquires then about him and the Issue acquaints us with the great consequence hereof when we read of the Commons throwing down their weapons immediately falling also themselves upon the ground and beseeching pardon who but a little before gloried that they had the Kings life in their own power and so possibly might have continued boasting had not the Citizens thus rous'd up themselves to the Kings relief and timely dispers't these seditious Rioters in the midst of their insulting Pride That this was a piece of Loyalty as well as valour most timely and seasonably shewn is evident from the great influence what was but barely done at London though without London's consent had upon the Countrey For from the Annalist we are given to understand that there were the like Insurrections in Suffolk and Norfolk and in express words told that these overthrew House and Mannors of great Men and of Lawyers slew the Students of the Law c. according to the manner of them at London having for their Captain an ungracious Priest nam'd John Wraw who had been at London just before had seen what was done there and came thence with Instructions from Wat Tyler So that what 's done in the City is very likely to be imitated in the Countrey A disorderly Rout of people were got together round about and within the City and committed many unsufferable Outrages and several parts of the Country were resolv'd to follow the Fashion and do the like The Citizens courage quel'd these Tumultuous Commons in London and then they were quickly suppress'd we hear in other Places Then had the King reason to reward the Mayor and several Aldermen with the honour of Knighthood and other recompences and time to assemble an Army of his Loyal Friends and Subjects at London to guard him till the Principals of these dispersed Rebels were brought to condign Punishment by Law which was quickly done thanks to the worthy Londoners who had thus vigorously asserted the Kings Right defended his Royalty rescued his Person and regained him the exercise of his Kingly Power well near lost before through the Rebellion of his meaner Commons and cowardly Faintheartedness of his Courtiers Men it seems that could speak big at the Council-board and talk high upon the Bench under the shelter of the Kings Authority but when they were to come into the Field of War to fight for their Prince they prov'd meer Courtiers all words and no deeds The Citizens were the Men of valour They lay still the King was like to be undone and the Court ruin'd They appear'd to oppose the vaunting Enemies they fled before them and the King regain'd his own This one famous City the terror of her Enemies the joy of her Friends cooperates in the grand turns and changes of affairs in the Brittish world or else such attempts for the most part at least if not always prove vain fruitless and insignificant And where 's the wonder of this The whole City as a compact Body with Strength and Beauty fitly united may well be
against his lawful Soveraign and not be Treason If you say by Election of the State you speak not reason for what Power hath the State to Elect while any is Living that hath Right to Succeed But such a Successor is not the Duke of Lancaster as descended from Edmund Crouchback the Elder Son of King Edward the Third though put by the Crown for deformity of his Body for who knows not the falseness of this Allegation Seeing it is a thing Notorious that this Edmund was neither the Elder Brother nor yet Crook-Back't though called so from some other reason but a goodly Personage and without any deformity And your selves cannot forget a thing so lately done who it was that in the Fourth Year of King Richard was declared by Parliament to be Heir to the Crown in case King Richard should dye without Issue But why then is not that Claim made Because silent Leges inter Arma What dispuâ—â—ng of Titles against the stream of Power But however it iâ— extream Injustice that King Richard should be condemn'd without being heard or once allowed to make his Defence And now My Lords I have spoken thus at this time that you may consider of it before it be too late for as yet it is in your Power to undo that justly which you have unjustly done Much to this Purpose was the Bishop's Speech but to as little purpose as if he had gone about to call back Yesterday The Matter was too far gone and scarce a Person there present that had not a Hope of either a private or publick Benefit by that which was done Yet against this Speech of the Bishop there was neither protesting nor excepting It passed in the House as but one Man's Opinion And as for the King it was neither fit he should use much Severity against any Member of that Parliament which had so lately shewed so much Indulgence towards him nor indeed safe to be too hot in his Punishment when he was yet scarce warm in his Government Yet for a warning to use their Liberty of Speech with more Moderation hereafter the Bishop was Arrested by the Marshal and Committed to Prison in the Abby of St. Albans but afterwards without further Censure set at Liberty till upon a Conspiracy of Lords wherein he was a Party he was Condemned to Dye though through Extremity of Grief he prevented Execution Thus far the Chronicle King Henry is now got into the Throne Richard being thrust into a Prison and afterwards into his Grave and yet I don't find him so secure and well settled but that he had many 〈◊〉 Enemies ever and anon to Contest with and 〈◊〉 a few secret disguis'd Ones to fear and suspect with so many prickly Thorns was his new-gotten Crown lin'd Therefore we have little reason to believe he would ever wilfully disoblidge that City whose Power and Strength he so well knew The Mummery design'd by some discontented Lords to be acted upon him at Twelfthtide at Windsor in the First of his Reign The Battle fought between him and Sir Henry Hotspur at Shrewsbury in the Third The Rising about York in the Sixth And the Battle of Bramâ—am Moore in the Eighth besides several other secret Attempts and Conspiracies were as so many Admonitions to him to Fortify himself what be could with the Citizens love and affection as his surest earthly Bulwark and Defence next to his prosperous Success in the aforesaid Contests which prevented the discontented from coming near enough to London to attempt the raising there of new Broils and Commotions to disturb his Repose and the Cities Peace if he had any Evil-willers therein capable of receiving ill Impressions As perhaps he had but few there such Care he took to oblidge them and scarce any occasion given to breed Murmurs and Complaints among them For He who meerly at the Commons request in the Fifth of his Reign remov'd Four of his Menial Servants out of his House when he openly declar'd in Parliament he then knew no cause thereof but only for that they were hated of the People and so often gratified his House of Commons in their Petitions about his prime and principal Officers and privy Councellors must needs be thought more ready to encrease the Number of his Friends than to make himself more Enemies especially in a City of such 〈◊〉 Riches Power and Strength as London was 〈◊〉 known to be beyond denial dispute or contradiction The City flourished under this King in the Renovation of old the Guildhall of London and the Erecting of new publick Structures the Conduit upon Cornhil and the Stocks-Market-House was famous abroad for the abundance of her Traffique and number of her Traders and increas'd at home in Repute and Renown by the prevailing of her Mayor and Commonalty in their Contest with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and other Lords and Knights about pulling up the Wares in Thames over which by their Charter they claim'd a large Power as Conservators of that their beloved River besides the many grounds and reasons the King had to Glory in his confidence of the Love and Loyalty of her Citizens and rejoyce in the continuance of their Affection to him and his Family As is evident from the timely Advertisement the Mayor brought him in the First of his Reign of the Conspiracy of the discontented Lords who under the colour of Christmas Pastimes as Mumming c. design'd Treacherously to have Slain him to the forcing him very seasonably as incredulous as he was before into a belief of the reality of the Plot and accompanied him the same Night from Windsor to London whereby he purchas'd to himself Security disappointed the Conspirators and got time and opportunity to punish the Plotters And may also be inferr'd from the successful care the Mayor Sheriffs and other Citizens took in stilling the midnight difference happening in Eastcheap on Midsomer-Eve in the Twelfth of his Reign when two of his younâ—â—â— Sons Sup't there late at Night and might 〈◊〉 have been greatly indanger'd had the 〈◊〉 lasted any time These are Instances I 〈◊〉 expresly mention'd in History and who knows â—ow many more there might be that were never so â—uch taken Notice of by the Writers of that Age â—s to be carefully transmitted to Posterity by their 〈◊〉 Peradventure there were many more Evidenâ—â—s But I will not so much insist upon an Argument â—hat is but barely possible and probable nor with â—â—lly and impertinence enough stay to beg the â—oint of the Reader upon an uncertain surmise and â—â—njecture Though it would be as absurd in him 〈◊〉 affirm That all things ever done in the World 〈◊〉 the Invention of Letters have been commitâ—â—d to Paper as it would be monstrously Ridiculous 〈◊〉 to pretend to have seen and read all things remarkable that ever were Wrote of this Honourable City and her praise-worthy Actions 'T is enough for my weakness and inability if I can tolerably make out what I have here design'd concerning
the Duke upon hopes that it might be better accepted from him as the publick Mouth of the City Full loth we may well think was he an honest Man and newly come to his Honour and Preferment having never spoken to the Citizens before from that place to begin upon so harsh and unpleasing a Subject But however the Mayor's Commands must be obey'd He therefore makes a Rehearsal of the Duke's Words but so far from being transpos'd alter'd or augmented that he plainly shew'd whaâ— he did was in Obedience to the Lord Mayor's Commands not out of affection or good will to thâ— Cause or the Duke What then could it avail thâ— Mayor and his Party that Mr. Recorder was compell'd to be their Mouth when 't is plain from hiâ— Speech that he spoke others Sentiments not hiâ— own And this was easily perceiv'd on all handâ— For the Citizens stood still as mute as Fishes or deaâ— as Adders that would not hearken to the Voicâ— of the Charmer nor tune their Pipes to the Sonâ— of a base flattering Courtier Well then conseâ—â— they could get none Hitherto not a word of approbation what must be done next Why when we despair of Citizens Words and Wishes we 'll e'en pretend to reject them as useless and unnecessary seeing they will not be model'd to our minds And therefore at last the Citizens are plainly told that all the Nobles of the Realm are resolv'd already upon the Point a thing as true as the Mayor was Honest or the Duke Loyal and their ultimate Answer was demanded Upon which follow'd secret Whisperings and a confused Bur among the People till at last some of the Duke's Servants and others of their procuring Prentices and other Lads thrust into the Hall among the Press set up their Notes at the lower end threw up their Caps in token of Joy and loudly cry out upon King Richard This the Duke and Mayor seeing they could have not better take advantage of and would have it forsooth pass for an unanimous Consent and the universal Approbation of the City though the whole multitude of Citizens answer'd them not a word only cast back their heads and marvelled what those meant behind them with their whoopings and hollowings A goodly Cry quoth the Duke and thanks them and so departs The next News we hear is of a Petition immediately made the Morrow after to the Protector at Baynard's Castle to take upon him the Rule and Government of the Realm as rightful King to which with much ado and intreaty poor Man he at last yielded as if altogether compell'd through meer necessity and others importunity the Duke of Buckingham coming in the Name of himself the Lord Mayor and his Brethren as indeed we find them there amongst others to see this notorious piece of dissimulation acted over So slips this dissembling Yorkist into the Throne over his young Nephew's head whom afterwards he cruelly caus'd to be murder'd is Crowned and Reigns as King for a time the Holla's and Huzza's of a few Courtiers and Prentices being impos'd upon the Nation for the Universal Consent of the City of London though the Duke's Party could not obtain so much as that Complement from the Citizens themselves Seeing therefore they could not embrace the Substance they were resolv'd I would say to grasp at the Shadow were I sure the Criticks would not Censure the Expression For being not able to prevail upon the Masters they endeavour'd to try Experiments on the Apprentices and failing of the Majority of the Men are content to be playing with the Boys And if this now may be call'd the Concurrence of the City 't is easie doubtless to be had at any time with Feasting and Fudling Let the distrustful or evil thinking person consult Mr. Stow about the Life and Reign of King Edward the Fifth and then he may see Authority enough for the precedent Relation Thus we see the Duke is mounted at last up into the Saddle and from a Protector that might have been legal he becomes a King most unlawfully by very unjust Means and indirect Methods by defrauding his poor innocent Nephew of his Birth-right and afterwards depriving him of his Life aspersing his own Mother with Adultery imputing Bastardy to his Brethren and bringing a dishonourable Reflection upon his Father But can we think such an ill-gotten Crown could ever prosper with him No sure 'T was improbable and impossible The Furies are stirr'd up to torment him for Providence sleeps not nor could Vengeance lag long behind The City never gave her full consent notwithstanding all the endeavours of that false Knave her Mayor therefore she had reason and occasion enough for the deepest Resentments to see her Name without her Authority basely abus'd by Treachery and Deceit to promote other Mens corrupt Designs and the Duke so lately transpos'd into a King sufficient Grounds for continual Fears Jealousies and Suspicious about the fickleness and unsetledness of his own State and Condition being so insecure and uncertain of the City's hearty good will and affections as knowing the Cheat he had newly put upon the Nation and the Affront he had offered to the whole Body of the Citizens in making use of their Names without their Consent and Concurrence to settle himself in his intended Usurpation Bosworth-field also is drawing nigh a pace where he shall be forc'd to pay Nature her last Debt Justice shall have her due and a full period shall be put to all his villanous Acts and Enterprizes after a short Reign or Usurpation of two Years two Months and a Day or two the shortest Term by far of any Kings Reign since the first William unless we admit Edward the Fifth for Method and Customes sake into the Number of our Kings who for Ten Weeks space bore the Name though it may be more properly call'd the Tyranny of the Duke than the Reign of the King Enter next the Earl of Richmond a Lancastrian a Family directly opposite to the House of York till now in Combination against Crook-back Richard that did endeavour to destroy them all and on a design of a union of both Interests in the persons of the Heirs on both sides with a few Friends and foreign Mercinaries at Milford-Haven in Wales and the hopes of a considerable Number of Auxiliaries ready to joyn and assist him in his March up directly towards the City of London For this seems to have been his main aim and intended purpose from his Letters sent to his Friends to come in with all speed to his Assistance as in whose Affections doubtless he put much trust and confidence neither was he deceiv'd therein in that after his successful Victory over his Enemies at Bosworth where we date the first beginning of his Reign under the Name of Henry the Seventh upon his remove towards London and his near approach to the City we find the City so far from the least shadow of opposition that on the contrary they prepar'd to
Arms and forwardness of Service as if the City had been a Camp and they not Men of the Gown but all profess'd Soldiers which they perform'd to their great Cost but greater Commendation saith Sir Richard Baker But the greatest Inducement may be supposed to have been that they never appear'd prone to join with the King's Enemies of which he had good store abroad besides Domestick Troubles and private Insurrections at home especially towards the latter end of his Reign when he had taken away the Pope's Supremacy excluded his Authority and suppressed the Abbies and Monasteries the chief Fortresses and Pillars thereof either by force of an Act of Parliament or by vertue of the Resignations of their Governours either over-aw'd by fear or brib'd with Pensions Not long after which there were several Commotions in the Land which might have much shaken the Throne had the Citizens openly shew'd any inclination to joyn with these disturbers of the Kings rest and repose but they continuing quiet thâ—se troubles were quickly compos'd and so the foundation undesignedly doubtless was laid for a publick Reformation which was more vigorously carried on in the next Kings Reign though I hardly think it hath yet arriv'd to such perfection as to render it so compleat as might be piously desired Short was the Reign of this pious Prince Edward the sixth yet not so short but that it gave such an Addition of strength to the Protestant Religion by removing out of the way many of the Relicks of Popery and openly encouraging the Preaching of the Gospel that hitherto it could never be rooted out of the Land notwithstanding the damage it sustained under the next Successor a most violent and rigid Papist and the many secret Plots and practices of Popish Emissaries to undermine it and introduce Popery again into England prov'd upon them Thus was the outward face of Religion visibly chang'd in the City under this Religious King but yet her power we find not in the least diminished nor the esteem our great men had thereof of which we meet with an evident instance in History on account of the difference arisen between the potent Earl of Warwick and some of the Privy Council on the one hand and the Lord Protector Seymour the Kings Mâ—ternal Uncle on the other The Privy Counsellors having designs upon the Protector and withdrawing themselves from Court got to London with their attendance and taking possession of the Tower made it their business to secure the City to their side by sending for the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to Ely house in Holborn where they were assembled and entertaining them with a long Oration about the ill government of the Protector and the many mischiefs that came thereby as they affirm'd upon the Kingdom attended with a request of their joynt assistance to help them to remove him wherein they were so successful that upon the arrival of two Letters almost at the same instant to the Common Council held at Guildhall one from the King and Lord Protector for a thousand of the City to be arm'd in defence of the Kings Person and the other from the Lords to have two thousand men to aid them with the same Plea for defence of the Kings Person and that the City should be well kept with Watches day and night the Citizens shew'd themselves so inclinable to the Lords that they arm'd an hundred horse men and four hundred foot men in defence of the City suitable to the motion of the Lords and sent no Assistance to the Protector though it had been desir'd in the Kings Name but rather suffered a Proclamation containing diverse Articles against him to be made in several Parts of the City and the Lords were entertain'd with a Dinner at one of the Sheriffs the eighth of October after they had been themselves in Person at Guildhall and on the tenth they din'd at the other Sheriffs after that by a Common Council the same day in Stows Computation five hundred men of the City had been granted to be ready on the next morning Evident marks signs and tokens doubtless which way the City bended and the event is a sufficient confirmation thereof For the next News we hear is the removal of the Protector from about the King and the sending him to the Tower within two or three days after where an humble Confession and Submission was his best security for that time by which he got his Liberty some time after and was sworn again a Privy Counsellor but no more a Protector Had the City sent him the Aid requâ—sted he would possibly have had little reason to have stood infear of the combined Lords or had but her Magistrates continued Neuters in the Case and not been so openly favourable to his Enemies he might perhaps have been able enough to have cop't with them with little or no bazard for he had raised much People about Hampton Court in the Kings Name and conveyed him to Windsor with a great number of Horsemen and Footmen But the Strength and Authority of the City was not to be contradicted much less opposed Thus the Protector lost his Place and well it might have been haply for the King and Nation if that had been all For his Enemies having remov'd him from his Protectorship and thereby gain'd the greater access of Power to themselves and the Principal of them the politick Earl of Warwick lately created Duke of Northumberland advanced in Title and Honour equal with and in Authority and Power above the highest whereby his aspiring thoughts were grown ripe to be put in execution they were resolv'd to have the other touch with him for his Life wherein they made use of the Cities Power to secure them for his Tryal by ordering every Housholder in London to take care of his own Family keep his house and have one ready in arms upon call for the day time and that by Night a sufficient Watch of substantial Housholders should be kept in every Ward So litte durst they attempt without ingaging the City therein and so frail and transitory had been their projecting designs had she refused But with her concurrence what could they not do So then at last tryed the late Protector was acquitted of Treason and condemned for Felony and afterwards beheaded on Tower-Hill much against the Kings Will the Constables of every Ward in London by vertue of a Precept directed from the Council to the Lord Mayor strictly charging the Citizens not to stir out of their houses before a prefixt hour for fear perhaps of a Rescue for 't was known he was well belov'd generally by the People and plainly evidenced when upon a mistake thinking him acquitted they gave so great a shout for joy that it was heard Stow tells us from Westminster-Hall to Long-Arce to the Lords astonishment So fell Sommerset by the malice of his Enemies and weakness of his Friends and we may easily believe 't was not design'd the King should be long liv'd
in England and under the auspicious influence of her Reign the City flourish'd to such an height of Grandeur whether we respect the concourse of Forreign Merchants from abroad or the stateliness of her publick buildings at home the freedom and security of Traffick and the flowing in of Riches and Wealth thereby the famous exploits perform'd by her Citizens in other Countries and Climates and the foundation in those times laid for much greater atchievements by the necessary preparatives of skill and knowledge in Military affairs gain'd by the more frequent Musters and Warlike exâ—rcises of her Inhabitants than in former times or learn't at that Grand Nursery of Souldiers the Artillery Garden that 't is easie to conjecture how secure her Majesty was in the Ctiizens love and loyalty and how happy they thought themselves in the favour and protection of so good great and gracious a Princess 'T is not therefore to be expected that such turns and changes should occur in her days wherein the City might have occasion to interpose her Authority to settle and secure the Nation against the furious attempts of arbitrary Pretenders or lye under any unavoidable necessity of shewing her Power and Influence over it in contradiction to other mens aspiring and ambitious Designs However I am not destitute of an Instance to demonstrate the consequence of her Example and how much all England was influenced thereby to the manifestation of their zeal love and duty to their Soveraign In 88. a year so famous for the Spanish Invasion the Queens Counsel had demanded what the City would do for her Majesty and their Country and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen had referr'd it to their Honours to make their Proposals whereupon fifteen Ships and five thousand Men being required and two days respite at the Cities desire granted for Answer they returned in convenient time and season and entreated their Lordships in sign of their perfect love and loyalty to their Prince and Country they are Stows words kindly to accept ten thousand Men and thirty Ships amply furnished double the number of what was asked and even as London saith my Author gave President the whole Nation kept ranck and equipage so ready were the other Cities Counties Towns and Villages to follow where London went before A plain instance of her powerful influence deny it who can As to what concerns the frequency of the visits the Queen made to London and the great splendor wherewith they commonly welcom'd her home at the end of her Country progresses I pass them all over though undeniable demonstrations of the present content and satisfaction they took in Queen Elizabeths good Government Neither shall I take notice of the many Companies of Soldiers she several times rais'd at her own charges for her Soveraigns Assistance it having been commonly done before under Princes in whom she took delight because I would hasten to King James the first Monarch of great Britain in whose Person England and Scotland were first united though his present Majesty King James's Grand-son was the first born Heir of that happy Union that was Crowned King of both Realms and the first English King by Birth of the Scottish race that ever sate upon the English Throne that we read of To tell how this City flourish'd under this Prince in wealth and riches in a general encrease of trade by forreign Merchandizes and home-made Manufactures The great ornament she received from her publick and private buildings the strength that accrued to her by the numerousness of her Inhabitants and the enlarging her borders the conveniences procur'd her for water by Midleton's River for Recreations by Morefields and pleasantness by paâ—'d Streets and the various expressions she made of her glory in the many noble Entertainments of King James and other great personages Forreigners and Natives and the rich presents she frequently gave besides the renown she got abroad by sending greater Numbers of her Ships than formerly into all trading Parts of the World and planting Colonies of her own people in Ireland and Virginia would be tiresome perhaps to the Reader and needless for the Writer since that in Stows Chronicle continued by How these particulars have been so largely treated of whether the curious and inquisitive may apply themselves for further satisfaction Neither shall I trouble my self with making large remarks upon the great honour and dignity for the City's sake belonging to the Lord Mayor thereof of which we seem to have an Instance in the beginning of this Kings reign when Sir Robert Lee then Lord Mayor of London subscrib'd in the first place to the invitation sent the King to come into England before all the great Officers of the Crown and all the Nobility This great Magistrate upon the Kings death being said to be the prime person of England than which what greater honour can there be appertaining to a Subject I have indeed read in Cotton that upon a Poll Bill the Lord Mayor paid four pound as an Earl many years ago in King Richard the second days when but few of the Nobility if any besides the blood Royal bore any higher title And find since at our Kings Coronations that he hath had a principal place and part assigned him particularly at his present Majesties April 23d 61. and in the honourable Cavalcade made from the Tower to Westminster the day before in order thereunto where the Suppliment to Baker's Chronicle out of Elias Ashmole the Windsor Heralds Copy hath placed him between the principal Officers of the Crown and the Duke of York a place doubtless designed him as most suitable to his Dignity and the high Office he bore and yet I count none of these Honours comparable to that before mentioned which seems paramount to all others To be the highest by place in the Kingdom of course for a season sounds greater than to be a Second a Third or a Fourth and is more doubtless to the Honour Credit and Reputation of the City that conferrs this place as she pleases But the chiefest point I intend here to insist on with all convenient brevity and perspicuity is the Declaration of the Cities love and affection to King James and the requital made her by him in return The first I know not how it could be better expressed than by the wonderful readiness and hearty gladness as the Annalist words it of the great City of London where the Magistrates and all other inferior Citizens shewed all possible signs of perfect joy and contentment amidst the general applause of the whole English Nation when he was first proclaimed King of the Realm and we have further demonstrations thereof from the Kings honourable Reception when he came near to London by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen in Scarlet Robes and five hundred grave Citizens in Velvet Coats and Chains of Gold all very well mounted like the Sheriffs and their train one of which had threescore men attending him in fair livery Cloaks Another instance
was then hurried I shall not stand to shew how much she was Courted by Oliver and the rest of the Usurping powers on all emergencies and the great care was taken to secure her to their interest and party though both are touch'd upon in the supplement to Bakers Chronicle but passing all over I come now to demonstrate the great influence she had upon the Nation in that remarkable turn of the times which produc'd so unparallel'd a wonder as the peaceable Restauration of an exil'd Prince to his Father's Crown and Kingdom without blood Which to prove I need go no further than the aforesaid supplement where several evidences and convincing circumstances are to be found besides matters of fact already else where related and I doubt not but sufficiently demonstrative These to Marshal in their order I begin first of all with the Citizens discontentedness at the Committee of safety and Fleetwoods doubtfulness of them and proceed to General Monk's Letter sent to the Lord Mayor and Common Council some time after he had declared his Resolution to reduce the Military power under the Civil though principally intending we are since told the Kings Restauration to heigthen their diffâ—rences wherein upon a Declaration of his open intenâ—ions he expresses his Expectation of their Assistance lest it should be too late for them by their own strength to assert their freedom if he miscarried through the want of their timely aid and dishonourable if he succeeded for so Famous a City and so much concern'd that it's Liberties should be asserted without its own help In the next place comes the encouragement the Letter sent from some of the old Council of State privately met at London among whom we find Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper that Fam'd Earl of Shaftsbury a Principal Agent through the whole course of those affairs and an active Instrument in bringing in the King to Monk brought his Officers in Scotland and the reason given thereof viz. That the wisest of them did conclude from these appearances of action at London that their party was encreased in England imagining that otherwise they durst not have so openly acted Then follows the Intelligence he receiv'd when at Coldstream from his Brother Clarges that there were many great differences in London between Fleetwood and the City that the Prentices and several others in favour of him had many Consultations to make disturbances and were framing a Petition to the Lord Mayor and Common Council to press their interposition for the restoring the Parliament and preservation of Magistracy their rising in a Tumultuous manner upon a Proclamation emitted by the Committee of Safety to prohibit all gathering of hands to Petitions and the shutting up of Shops upon Hewson's coming to suppress them the affronts put upon his Soldiers by scornful reproaches and Hissings to that degree that they were asham'd to March and many Officers when they went into the City durst not wear their Swords for fear of the like and which was as material as any that the Lord Mayor and several Aldermâ—n had had many ineffectual Treaties with Fleetwood and the Chief of the Army and Committee of Safety the City deâ—anding the mannagement and conduct of their own Militia and the instant Restauration of the Parliament or the calling another which being refus'd much augmented their discontents These were Preparatives to the resitting of part of the Commons house which soon after was invited to reassume their former power Enter next to General Monk at Morpeth the Sword bearer of London with a very respectful Letter from the Lord Mayor and Common Council After this we hear of Clarges's Advice to Monk to get the Parliament Soldiers remov'd out of London and to march his own men in thither so to be Master of the City with the reason laid down that otherwise he could never expect to do any good for his Country since in all those times it had been experienced that to whatever was done at London where they hâ—d nine or ten thousand men to justifie their actions all the rest of the Regiments submitted Now follow Commissioners from the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common Council of London to the General and their Proposition for the readmission of the sâ—cluded Mâ—mbers that the Parliament might be made full and free Then the discontented carriage of 〈◊〉 City the high debates in the Common Council about the Government and their resolution to pay no publick Taxes till the House were filled up with equal Representatives After this the Generals intercession to those then of the Commons House for a mitigation of their Commands laid on him among other severities to take down Londons Gates and Portcullices for this reason that such sâ—vâ—re acting would highly incense the City and the Compliment of thanks to please the Lord Mayor and Aldermen sent them from the House for their moderation in that time of disorder in the City But to close all with a sutable instance Clarges's Counsel to General Monk to endeavour the speedy recovery of the City's good opinion almost lost by his rough actings therein just before brings up the rear wiâ—h the effectual representation he made him of the ill Consequences of his proceedings in London and the prevalent motives urgent reasons and good grounds laid down by him to back his Advice As that the influence the City had by commerce and other Occasions all over England would quickly diffuse the Infamy of the Fact And all the Cities and Towns would be alarm'd believing if that great City should be made a Village that all their Franchises and Priviledges would be quickly subverted So that he had no way to redeem his Reputation but the very next morning to return into the City with his Army and declare for a free Parliament This Counsel presently followed terminated in a successful event and very happy to King and Kingdom by the Miraculous Restauration of his most gracious Majesty Charles the Second to his Patrimonial inheritance and the Throne of his Father Thus have I muster'd up my Evidences in Rank and File all which conjoyn'd like the old Country-man's rods in the Fable bound up together in one bundle will make doubtless a very convincing Argument of the great power and influence London had upon the Nation in this grand turn of the Times I shall therefore leave it to the Reader to make sutable remarks thereon it being so obvious to an unprejudic'd Person that great was the encouragement General Monk and his Officers receiv'd from London considerable was the hope and confidence he put therein when he undertook so Heroick an Enterprise as the freeing his poor Country from the Tyranical exorbitancies of the unruly Soldiers and thought of marching up thither in Arms with all convenient speed to that end and most highly advantagious to his Designs was the unanimous concurrence of this great honourable and powerful City which was not so furiously rash presently to attempt to run down the encroachers upon their
the same was also Custos of the City So that according to this Account there pass'd about seven years wherein the Londoners had not the full and free use of their Priviledges and Franchises If this be allowed for a Truth we have but little Reason to marvel that we find the Commons so ready to adhere to such as they might hope would vindicate their former Liberty and the Rulers so averse from joyning with such in diminution of that Regal Power to which they seem wholly to have ow'd theirs and not to any Interest and Favour they had among the Commons of the City Who knows if those Writers words be granted but this might be some Reason of the Earl of Glocester's stirring again againâ—â— the Court designs with a little perhaps of Jealouâ—y of the Kings Son Edwards overmuch familiarity with his Wife in a Court hinted to us by Stow but plaid by him an year later In Reg. 53. when 〈◊〉 saw the City which had formerly took part with the same side he once was of deprived of their â—â—berties and Franchises with little hopes of 〈◊〉 them much through his means by his late 〈◊〉 with Edward the Kings Son to the weakning and overthrow of the Barons Party to which the City had so firmly adher'd In this year by Mediatiâ—â— and means of the fame Edward all such difinneâ—ited Persons as kept the Isle of Ely are said to be reconciled to the King and all Fortresses and Deâ—enceâ— therein by them made plucked away and destroyed In July Octobon the Pope's Legate who had interested himself so much in the late Transactions departed towards Rome but not without a great Treasure Levi'd we hear of the Church My Author intimates That he made many good Rules therein if they were not only Rules but anâ— good Rules why should he not be well paid â—or them I don't think these kind of Men did very often Ordain such extraordinary good Rules unless you will call those good which tended to the satisfying the Pope's Avaricious Mind and exalting his and the Clergies Temporal Grandeur Other might be their Pretences but Mony doubtless was 〈◊〉 of their aim when they sent their Legates 〈◊〉 this Land or into other Countries owning the Pope's Jurisdiction and the Event proves it too 〈◊〉 Without all Peradventure it was not for nothing that England was called the Pope's Pack-horse Annals Peterpence Tenths Fâ—rst-Fruits and the like were good Pickings that were drawn hence to Rome And that the Popish Clergy know full well and therefore their fingers are Itching to be Trading here again If the Pope's Mule could once more set his Foot safely on English Ground there 〈◊〉 doubt but they would make us pay for old 〈◊〉 new it should scape them hard else 'T was about Four Years before even in 49 that the Citizens of London compounded with the King 〈◊〉 a Fine of Twenty Thousand Marks and yet in this Year 53 there is another mention made of it as it were hinting to us that it was not yet all Raised or at least that all such that were Assessed towards it had not returned in their demanded Assessment but to avoid that and other Charges had rather chosen to depart from the City with their Housholds and Goods and Inhabit in divers other places of the Land Whence we may without doubt well and truly conclude the scarcity of Coin in those Days and greatness of that Imposed Tax or elfe the Paucity of the Inhabitants of London and smalness of the City in comparison with what it is at this present time If then the City was of such Power and Esteem in those Days as the former passages seem strongly to prove how great and considerable an Influence have we reason to beleive it hath at present upon the rest of the Nation now it is grown by far more Populous and 〈◊〉 more Splendid in Riches Trading and Buildingâ— Though many of the Citizens thus fled the City thinking thereby to be acquitred of the Charge of the aforementioned Imposition yet find not that this availed them ought For the others of the City remaining made we are told Instant labour to the King and had it Granted That all such as for the aforesaid cause had carriâ—d their Goods out of the City should be Distrainâ—â— by the Sheriff of the Shire where they then dwelled and forced to pay all such Sums as they â—â—fore were Assessed at Why should not Men 〈◊〉 the Bad with the Good If they desire to enjoy the City's Priviledges in the Day of her Prosperity there is but little reason why they should not likâ—wise partake with her in the common Calamity and Adversity In September The Five Citizens viz. Thomas 〈◊〉 Thomas c. spâ—ken of before in the Forty 〈◊〉 Year who had hitherto remained Prisoners in Windsor-Tower made an end with Edward the King's Son for great Sums of Mony and were delivered It would have but little availed them to haâ—â— pleaded the Kings safe Conduct before sent theâ— under his Seal T was money it seems that must bâ—y their Deliverance Mony they had doubtless and therefore 't is mony they must produce and so they were â—ain to do or at least agree to pay it before they could get quit out of Edwards Power The 54th year began according to the Chronicle with so hard a frost that the frozen Thames was passable for men and Beasts in diverse places and Merchadize was thereupon brought to London by Land This Forst was not so prejudiaial to their Trading 〈◊〉 the rising and flowing of Thames sometime after 〈◊〉 as injurious and hurtsul about London to the â—â—owning of Cellers by the waterside and spoiling 〈◊〉 much Merchandize lying in them But these are â—â—â—asters we know Commonly happening in this tranâ—â—â—ry World witness the late Inundations through â—he great Rains this Spring and the damage sustaind â—â—ereby in Fleet-ditch Hockly in the Hole and many â—â—her places In this year about the beginning of 〈◊〉 we find that the King gave the Rule of the City 〈◊〉 London to his Son Edward with all Revenues and Prâ—fits thereto belonging Whereupon he made Hugh 〈◊〉 son of Othon Constable of the Tower and Custos 〈◊〉 the City About the End of April he commanded â—he Citizens to present to him six Persons able to be â—â—â—riffs Of whom he admitted to that Office William 〈◊〉 Haddystoke and Ankeâ—yl De Alvern and sware them to be Accountants as their Predecessors were These we read presented in May following at the Gâ—ild-Hall and there charged a new At these days a new Custom or Toll us'd to be paid the King by â—he Citizens which having been let to farme to a Marâ—hant Stranger by Edward the Kings Son for 20. â—arks yearly the Citizens unwilling to be under a â—â—â—angers Rule upon great suit made to the same Edâ—ard agreed with him to buy the said Toll free for â—000 Marks In this year the King had granted towards his â—oyage into the Holy Land which