Duke of Braganza's Brother and Children who were in Exile that he might not in the beginning of his Reign shew that he had a Design to change what Iohn the Second his Predecessor had done and that he might not make them his Enemies to whom Iohn had given their confiscated Estates Ch. 13. of his History to more rigid Customs which had so long been accustom'd to a soft voluptuous way of Living The Year of Rome 768. XLVIII Under the Consulship of Drusus and Norbanus a Triumph for Germanicus was decreed though the War was yet in being And though he had made great Preparations for the Summer following yet he anticipated the Time by a sudden Irruption in the beginning of the Spring into the Country of the Catti For there were Grounds of Hope that Factions would arise among them some taking part with Arminius others with Segestes both of them very considerable to the Romans one by his breach of Faith the other by his Constancy Arminius had disturb'd the Peace of Germanicus and kindl'd the War against the Romans Segestes had openly declar'd in the last solemn Festivals and many times before they rose in Arms that a Conspiracy was hatching to Revolt at the same time advising Varus 1 The good Opinion which most Great Men have of their Ability or of their Strength makes them often neglect to search the bottom of the Cabals and Conspiracies which are formed against them I never saith Commines knew a Prince who was able to know the difference betwixt Men until he came into Necessity and into Trouble They who act in Fear provide well against Contingencies and oftner succeed than those who proceed with Pride For which Reason 't is no Shame to be Suspicious but it is a great Shame to be deceived and to be ruined by Negligence C. 12. of l. 1. the 4 th of the 2 d. and the 5th of the 3 d. About the middle of the last Age there happened a Revolution at Sienna which serves for a Lesson to Governours A Spark of this general Conspiracy against the Emperour saith Iohn Ant. de Vera flew from the Kingdom of Naples to Sienâ—a where Don Diego de Mendosa then commanded but this Spark entred so subtilly that although Don Diego had Notice given him of it he yet found somewhat in the outward Carriage of the People wherewith to flatter his Incredulity which in the end cost him very dear for the People of Sienna coming to cry out Liberty drove the Spaniards and the Florentines out of their City and received a French Garison in their stead Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth And this was the cause that Don Diego who had been so great a Man in his Youth was not employed in his old Age so that his riper Years paid for the Faults of his younger Thus Le Dom Baltazar de Suninga speaks of him in the Extract of his Life which he hath prefixed to his History of the Wars of Grenada in which he hath very much imitated the Stile of Tacitus to secure Arminius and himself and all the Leading Men of the Germans the People not being in any capacity of Rebelling when they were unfurnish'd of Commanders And this once done Varus would have sufficient Leisure to distinguish afterwards betwixt the Guilty and the Innocent 2 This is what all Governours ought to do upon Notice given them of Conspiracies which are a forming against the Prince and the State immediately to secure saith a Politician the Persons suspected and the Places which they command that they may afterwards at leisure inform themselves what there is in it and finding them guilty punish them according to the Exigence of the Case For in such Occurrences Incredulity is perilous all Delays are dangerous the least Iealousie is reputed a Crime and the slightest suspicious make room for Iustice to take place which cannot be too rigorous Rigour in such a case passing for Clemency and Favour for Rigour Thus Princes and Ministers of State in Treasonable Practices ought in the first place to take the Buckler of Resolution and afterwards to unsheath the Sword of Iustice either against the Heads only of the Conspiracy for Example or against all that are engaged in it for the Offence In the Memoirs of Montresor The Cardinal de Richelieu strongly maintains this Maxim In the course of ordinary Affairs saith he Iustice requires an authentick Proof but it is not the same in those which concern the State For in such a case that which appears by pressing Conjectures ought sometimes to be held to be sufficiently proved because Conspiracies which are formed against the publick Safety are commonly managed with so much Cunning and Secrecy that there is never any evident Proof thereof but by their Event which admits of no Remedy In these cases we must sometimes begin with the Execution whereas in all others legal Evidence by Witnesses or undeniable Papers is preferable to all other Ways Pol. Test. p. 2. c. 5. But Varus perish'd by his Destiny 3 The Power of the Destinies saith Paterculus is not to be surmounted when they will destroy any one they pervert his Counsels and take away his Iudgment Ch. 57. and 118. Commines saith When God is so highly offended that he will no longer endure a Person but will shew his Power and his Divine Iustice then he first diminishes the Understanding of Princes so that they shun the Counsel of the Wise c. Cap. ult of l. 5. of his Memoirs Ierom Moron Chancellor of Millain was esteemed the greatest Politician that was in Italy and yet he fell into the Nets of the Marquis of Pesquera whom all his Friends advised him to beware of as of a Man who would infallibly sacrifice him to Charles the Fifth A Thing which appeared so much the stranger to me saith Guichardin because I remember that Moron often told me in the time of Leo the Tenth That there was not a worse nor a more perfidious Man in Italy than the Marquis of Pesquera His History l. 6. and by the Valour of 4 It is no small Question amongst Politicians and Soldiers Whether it is better for a General of an Army to have great Courage with a moderate Understanding or a great Understanding with moderate Courage The Cardinal de Richelieu gives the Preference to great Courage and afterwards adds This Proposition will appear it may be surprising it being contrary to what many have thought of this matter but the Reason of it is evident Men of great Courage are not put into a Consternation by danger and consequently all the Understanding and Iudgment which God hath given them is serviceable to them on such Occasions On the contrary Men of little Courage being easily put into a Consternation find themselves so disordered at the least Danger that how great an Understanding soever they have it is utterly unserviceable to them because their Fear deprives them of the Use of it As
able Man both in Government and War has given a good reason for it Wavering in Counsels says he has never been found good and whatever probability there may be that time will â—urnish better Expedients yet 't is safer to resolve to master the present Difficulties than to expect they will cease for we know not nor can certainly but greater may happen Livre 8. dâ— son Histoire 〈◊〉 Guerres dâ— Flandres For Florus pursuing his Designs laboured to corrupt a Regiment of Horse raised at Treves and used to our Discipline inciting them to begin the VVar with destroying the Roman Merchants there A few only were gained most continued in their Duty Other Bankrupt Men and some of his Dependants took Arms and would have thrown themselves into the Forest of Arden but the Legions from both Armies n They were encamped upon the Rhine Duo apud ripam Rheni exercitus erant cui nomen superiâ—ri sub C. Silio legâ—to inâ—eriorem A. â—â—cina curaâ—â—t Ann. 1. which Ursellius and C. Silius sent prevented them And Iulius Indus being sent before with a Detachment glad of an occasion to shew himself against Florus his Countryman and particular Enemy 3 Great Men often revenge the Injuries done to a Prince or State out of Malice to the Offenders Cardinal Richlieu had reason to say Such Men did good upon an ill Principle When a great Man Rebels in a Province a Prince cannot do better than to give another great Man of the same Province who has been his Rival and Enemy a Commission against him defeated the disordered multitude Florus escaped by sculking in divers places but finding all Passages stopt and that he was like to be taken killed himself And thus ended the Rebellion at Treves XLV That at Angiers was greater because that City was more populous and the Army distant Sacrovir made himself Master of this City where all the Youth of France studied to oblige their Relations and Friends to him by such Pledges and distributed Arms among them His Troops consisted of near Forty thousand Men a Fifth Part were arm'd as the Legions the rest with Hunting-staves Hangers and such other Arms as Huntsmen carry These were join'd by some Fencers cover'd over with Armour of Iron they were call'd Crupellarii Cuirassiers unfit to assault and impenetrable The Forces daily augmented by a Confluence from the Neighbouring Cities not that they declar'd for them but all long'd for Liberty To which contributed the Dissentions of the Roman Generals 1 There is not a better Opportunity to revolt than when there are Dissenâ—ions and consequently Disorder in the Armies of a Prince whose Authority you would shake off So a Prince that hath discontented Subjects ought at any rate to prevent a Misâ—nderstanding among his Generals For when he is 〈◊〉 serv'd by them as ever happens when they differ he is exposed to the Practices of his Enemiâ—s both coveting to command the Army But Visellius being Old yielded to Silius who was in his Prime 2 Health of Body is almost as necessary to a Genâ—â—al as a Capacity of Mind for it is an Employ will exercise both According to Caâ—dinal Richelieu a General to be Excellent shouâ—d be young in Years but not in Service and Experience And though those that are Old are commonly the Wisest yet they are not the Best to undertake because they often want the heat of Youth that is requisite on such Occasions Besides that 't is certain Fortune smiles upon Youth and turns her back upon Old Age. Section 4. du Chap. 9 de la seconde partie du Testament Politique XLVI In the mean time it was reported at Rome that besides Tours and Argiers 64 Cities had rebell'd that the Germans had join'd them that Spain was wavering all as the Manner of Report is made much greater than they were Every good Man was concern'd for the Common-wealth many out of Hatred to the Present Government desir'd a Change 3 The Great Men in a Kingdom govern'd by such a Prince as Tiberius that is by a Prince that will endure no Companion are apt to desire he may have Troubles and Wars either to make them the more necessary or to have the Pleasure of seeing him perplex'd and his Affairs in an ill Condition The Count S. Paul Constable of France says Commines and certain of the Duke of Guiâ—n's Servants with several others desir'd rather War than Peace betwixt the King and the Duke of Burgundy for two Reasons the one because they fear'd their great Offices and Pensions would be lessen'd if Peace conâ—inu'd for the Constable paid four hundred Men every Muster without controul and besides the Profits of his Office aboâ—e thirty thousand Livres a year in Pension and the Revenues of many good Places he held the other was because they were persuaded the King was of such a Disposition he could never be idle so that unless he was busied with Princes abroad he would be with his Servants and Officers at home The Constable offer'd to take Saint-Quintin when he pleased and boasted of Intelligence in Flanders and Brabant and that he could make many Towns revolt from the Duke The Duke of Guien and his principal Servants offer'd to serve the King in this Quarrel but their Design was other than the King expected Chap. 1. du Livre 1. de ses Memoires Claudian explains in three Words Why great Men hate Peace Mandataque fortius urget Imperiosa quies and rejoyc'd in their Dangers Blaming Tiberius for employing himself in reading Informers Accusations when there was so great Commotions What said they have the Senate found Iulius Sacrovir guilty of Treason Some have had the Courage to suppress by Arms the Bloody Libels o That is the Secret Orders a Prince gives to his Centurions and Soldiers to Murder Men in their Houses that they suspect They are called in other Places his Letters his Codicils and the Execution of his Orders Ministeria militum Ann. 1. of a Tyrant War is a good Change for a Miserable Peace But he neither chang'd Place nor Countenance 4 Able Princes little regard the Censures of the People it satisfies them to arrive at their End which is the good of the State Pope Urban VIII used to say he would willingly sacrifice his Reputation to the Good of the Publick and to Peace provided he could any way obtain it repeating St. Paul's words per gloriam ignobilitatem per 〈◊〉 bonam famam Lettres de M. de Marquemont Ambassadeur a Rome dans le 1. Tome des Memoires du Cardinal de Richelieu affecting to shew he was not afraid either through Courage or that he knew things to be less than they were reported XLVII Silius march'd with two Legions having sent some Auxiliary Troops before he laid waste the Towns in the Franche Comte which joyn'd to the Anjovins and were their Confederates Then marched speedily to Autun p Autun an ancient City in the Dutchy
make a general Shout and at Day-break the glittering Ensigns appeared In this Conâ—lict the Britains Courage abated and the Romans returned not fighting for Safety but Glory and Honour Now the Romans were Aggressors there was a cruel Fight in the narrow Gates of the Camp 'till the Enemy was routed one part of the Army contending to bring Succour the other fighting to shew they did not want it If the Fens and the Woods had not hid them in their flight we had ended the War by gaining this Victory XXVII Upon the fighting this Battle so resolutely and the winning of it so bravely the Army grew fierce and bold presuming nothing could resist their Courage They cried out to be led into Caledonia that by a continued Series of Victories they might be brought to the utmost Limits of Britain And our late cautious and wise Counsellors began to speak big and to be very daring now the Danger was over This is the unjust Condition of War that all claim their Share in good Success but bad is imputed but to one The Britains supposing themselves defeated not by the Courage of their Adversaries but Conduct of their General who had watched his Opportunity abated nothing of their Arrogance but listed the stoutest Men they had and carried their Wives and Children to Places of the greatest Security The Cities conâ—ederated together meeting frequently and by Religious Rites and offering up Sacrifices confirmed their Association And thus both Armies parted with equal Animosity XXVIII This Summer there was a horrid but memorable Fact committed by a Troop of Vsipians raised in Germany for our Service in Britain who having slain the Centurion and some Souldiers put over their Parties and mixed with them for their Example and Government they seized three small Vessels compelling the Masters to execute their Office but only one discharging his Duty they kill'd the rest as suspected Persons It not being yet discovered they miraculously set out but by and by they were toss'd hither and thither and had several Encounters with the Britains who defended their own in which they sometimes were worsted and sometimes had the better but at laâ—t they were reduced to that Extremity that they had no Food to sustain them but the Infirm when they were spent they cast Lots who should be kill'd for the Provision of the Rest. Thus roving about Britain they lost their Ships for want of Skill to sail them and being taken for Pirates they were first intercepted by the Suevians and the Frisans and were bought and sold till at last in Traâ—fick they came on our side of the River which fully discovered the whole Adventure In the beginning of the Summer Agricola had a severe Affliction in his Family the Loss of his Son born the Year before he did not like some Great Men vent his Sorrow vain-gloriously or express his Concern in an effeminate Lamentation but made War the Diversion of his Grief XXIX Therefore sending his Fleet before which plundred many Places the Enemy was struck with a great and perplex'd Fear and making the Army ready to which he had joyned the bravest and by a long Peace well assured Britains he marched to the Hill Grampius which the Britains had possessed who were not in the least daunted with their former Defeat knowing now they had nothing to expect but Revenge or Slavery and having learned that Common Danger was to be repulsed by Concord The Cities by sending Ambassadors had united their Force and entred into a strict League of Defence Now they had an Army of about Thirty thousand fighting Men and the Youth of the Country daily came in to them with such Old Men as continued lusty and strong every one telling his old and past Exploits But Galgacus was preferr'd for his high Birth and great Virtue who made a Speech to this vast Multitude earnestly desiring Battle XXX As oâ—ten as I revolve in my Mind the Cause and Necessity of this War I am perswaded that this Day and your unanimous Agreement will be the beginning of the British Liberty We are all sensible of Slavery we have no Land or Sea left secure the Roman Fleet riding on our Coasts To take Arms and Fight as it is honourable for the Brave so it is safest for the Coward Our former Combates with the Romans were various in their Success yet we had Hopes and a Reserve still in our own Power For we the Flower of the British Nation and therefore seated in the innermost Recess never beheld the slavish Shoars nor had our Eyes violated with the Prospect of a Foreign Government For this little Corner has preserved us the small Remains of our Country and Liberty But now the Bounds of Britain are discovered and to attempt what is unknown is reputed great We have no Nation behind us but a raging Sea and sensless Rocks The Romans are in the Bowels of our Country whose Pride you vainly seek to evade by Modesty and Submission They are the Rapparees of the Universe when Lands are wanting they riâ—le the Ocean If their Enemy is rich they are covetous if poor ambitious So that neither East nor West can satisfie their unruly Passions They are the only greedy Men that with equal Avarice make Wealth and Poverty their Prey To kill plunder bear-away they call by the false Name of Empire and Desolation they term a setled Peace XXXI Nature commands us all to hold our Children and Relations dear these are pressed carried somewhere to be Slaves Our Wives and Sisters are not ravished in a hostile Manner but they are deluded and debauched under the specious Pretence of Frienpship and Hospitality Our Estates are wasted in paying Tribute our Corn in supplying the Army with Provisions Our Bodies and Hands are worn out partly by Stripes and partly by Contempt while we are set to work on Bogs and Woods They that are born Slaves are sold but once and then maintained at the Charge of the Purchasers but Britain daily buys and maintains its own Servitude As in a private Family new Servants are always a Laughing-stock to the old so in this old Family of the Universe we being newly discovered and vile are sought out for Scorn and Destruction There are no Fields no Mines no Ports for which we may be reserved to Till to Dig to Trade in The Gallantry of Subjects is very distasteful to their Lords and yet Distance and Privacy as it is most safe is more suspected Having lost all Hopes of Pardon let us act as Men that hold their Liberty as well as their Glory dear The Brigantes led by a Woman burnt their Colony and took their Forts and if Success had not made them careless had broke their Yoke We are as yet entire unsubdued born to be free and not the Vassals of proud Rome We 'll let them see at our first Meeting what Men Calidonia has reserved 'till last XXXII D' ye think the Romans Prowess in War equals their Licentiousness in
their Agreements so by a common Consent their Appointments The Night here seems to guide the Day This Error proceeds from the Liberty they take because they do not meet all at once or upon Command both the second and third Day is wasted by the Delay of their convening They sit down arm'd if the Company approves on 't Silence is commanded by the Priests in whom there is lodg'd then the Coercive Power By and by the King or Prince according to every one's Age their Quality Reputation gain'd in the Wars or Talent in Rhetorick are heard more by the Authority of Perswading than the Power of Commanding if the Opinion displeases it s rejected by a Murmuring if it pleases they clash their Weapons It s the most honourable Manner of Assent to applaud it with their Arms. It 's also lawful to accuse and arraign before the Council The Difference of the Punishment is from the Nature of the Crimes Traytors and Revolters they hang on Trees the Sloathful Timerous and Sodomitical they drown in Mire and Marshes throwing Hurdles upon them The Diversity of the Punishment respects this that Villanies when punish'd ought to be expos'd Scandals conceal'd But for lesser Faults being convicted for the Manner of their Penalty they are fined such a number of Horses and Cattle part of the Mulct goes to the King or City part to him who is injur'd or distributed amongst his Relations Persons of the best Quality are also elected with those Councils who do Iustice to the Towns and Villages A hundred Associates are assistant to every one of them out of the Commonalty together with their Advice and Authority They act nothing of private or publick Business unarm'd but it s not the Custom for any one to go arm'd till the City has adjudg'd him qualified Then in the Council-Chamber some one of the greatest Dignity or his Father or his Relation equips him with a Bucklâ—r and Sword This amongst them is their Gown this is the first Honour of their Youth but before this they seem only part of the Family but now of the Commonwealth A noble Extraction or the great Deserts of the Fathers recommend these young Men to the Favour of their Prince They associate with others that are more robust and long since approv'd Neither do they blush to be seen amongst their Companions although he has his Post in the Retinue at his Discretion whom they follow There 's a great Emulation amongst them who shall be chief Favourite to their Prince and amongst the Princes who shall have the most and the bravest Followers This is their Grandeur these their Forces to be encompass'd with a great Guard of select Youth their Honour in Peace and their Defence in War It gives a Name and a Reputation to every one not only in his own Country but also amongst their Neighbouring Princes if the Associates excel in Number and Courage They 're also apply'd to in Embassies and courted by Presents and for the most part by their very Fame dispatch their Wars When they come into the Field of Battle its dishonourable to the Prince to be overcome in Bravery and for his Retinue too not to equalize the Courage of their Prince But above all things its infamous and during Life reproachful to flie and survive their General slain Their principal Oath is to defend and protect him and attribute all their valiant Actions to his Conduct and Glory The Princes fight for Victory their Adherents for their Princes If the City in which they were born grows stiff and unactive by a long Peace and Repose most of the young Noblemen go Voluntiers into those Nations which are then engag'd in War because also Quiet is ungrateful to that Nation and with the more Facility they grow Famous amongst dubious Enterprizes nor can they maintain their great Attendance unless by Violence and War They obtain from the Liberality of their Prince such a War-Horse and such a bloody conquering Sword As to Banquets although homely yet a plentiful Table they allow instead of a Salary The Supply of their Munificence proceeds from War and Rapine Nor can you so easily perswade them to Till the Ground and wait for a good Year as to challenge the Enemy and receive Wounds for it looks lazy and dispirited to acquire that by hard Labour which may be compass'd by Blood When they have no War they pass not their time so much in Hunting as Idleness being much addicted to Sleep and Gluttony The most Valiant and Warlike doing nothing at all committing the Care of their House Gods and Fields to their Women and Children and to the most inâ—irm of the Family They have a wonderful Contrariety in their Nature for those Persons who take such delight in Idleness have an aversion to Quiet It s the Custom in those Cities for every Man freely to bestow on their Princes either of their Herds or Fruits which is taken for a Favour and besides supplies their Necessities They take great Delight in the Presents of Neighbouring Nations which are not only sent from particular Persons but from the Publick as choice Horses large Armours Trappings and Chains And we have been inform'd they now receive Money It s very well known that Cities arâ— not inhabited by the Germans nor do they indeed suffer Houses to be join'd together They plant themselves separately and divided as the Spring Field or Wood pleases them best They found their Villages not according to our Manner with connex'd and contiguous Buildings Every one leaves a Space about his House either as a Remedy against any Accident of Fire or from their Unskilfulness in Building They use no Tyles or Mortar amongst them but make use of in all things a shapeless Stuff without either Form or Delight Some Places they curiously parget with an Earth so pure and shining that it imitates a Picture or the first Draught of Colours They are wont to open Subterranean Caves and those they cover with a great Quantity of Dung which serves as a Refuge in Winter and a Granary and when the Enemy advances he ravages the open Country But those things which are conceal'd or lie hid under Ground they are either ignorant of or for that Reason are deceiv'd because they are to be search'd for Their Cloathing is a loose Coat join'd together with a Button but for want of that with a Thorn Being uncover'd as to any thing else they lie basking whole Days upon the Hearth by the Fire The most wealthy are distinguish'd by a Garment not flowing like the Sarmathians and Parthians but close and representing every Ioint They wear also the Skins of wild Beasts those next the Sea-side with less Curiosity but those that are higher in the Country are more nice as having no other Attire by Commerce They make choice of the Beasts and having taken off their Hides spot them with the Skins of those Monsters which the outermost Ocean and the unknown Sea produces Nor have
of all the Magistrates except the Tribunes of the People who sometimes had the better of him At first the Dictatorship was conferr'd only on the Nobles but afterwards the Commons were admitted to it as well as to the Consulship The Dictatorship saith Machiavel deserves to be reckon'd amongst those things which contributed most to the advancement of the Roman Empire For in Republicks which are always slow in their motions because no Magistrate can dispatch any business singly and one having need of anothers agreement in their opinions the time insensibly slips away The ordinary remedies are very dangerous when they are to provide against some pressing Evil which doth not give time to wait for the Consultation of many whence I conclude that Common-Wealths which in pressing dangers have not recourse either to a Dictator or some other Magistrate of the like Nature will certainly run a-ground upon some sudden accident Heretofore the Dutchy of Brabanâ— created a Râ—vert or a Protector on whom the Province conferr'd an Absolute Power for the time The Prince of Orange got himself chosen Ruvert Anno. 1577. Cabrera c. 24. l. 11. of his Philip II. and Strada lib. 1. dec 1. Dictatorship was granted but as necessiâ—y requir'd and for some time And the Authority of the d Ten Men who govern'd the Common-Wealth instead of Consuls It was under them that the XII Tables were compos'd i. e. a Compilation of the best Laws of Greece but particularly of Athens whose Polity was esteem'd the most Excellent For all those which the Kings had made were abolish'd in hatred of Monarchy The first year each made his Table according to the several matters which fell to their lot and the Year following they made two more in common to supply what was wanting in the ten former But as they were endeavouring to perpetuate their Government which began to degenerate into Tyranny the Deâ—emvirate was abolished for Ever and the Consulship restored The Decemvirs had greater Authority than the Dictator for the Dictator could make no alteration in the ancient Laws of the City nor do any thing which was prejudicial to the State the Tribunes of the People the Consuls and the Senate who still subsisted put a Bridle upon him which kept him from breaking out of the right way saith Machiavel on the contrary the Consulship and the Tribuneship having been abolish'd by the Creation of the Decemvirs to whom the People transferred all their Rights these Ten who had their hands at liberty there remaining no appeal from them to the People had an opportunity of becoming insolent Decemvirate continu'd only for two Years 1 The surest way to preserve Liberty saith Livy is not to permit the Magistracy wherein the Supreme Authority is lodg'd to be of long duration There is no place in the World where this Maxim is so well observed as at Venice and it may be this is the chief Cause which hath made it out-live so many Ages and so many States which were more powerful than theirs and not surrounded with so many dangerous Neighbours Machiavel saith that the short Duration of the Dictatorship hinder'd the Dictator from transgressing the Bounds of his Duty Discourses lib. 1. ch 34. The Consular Power of the e The Patricii or the Nobles being at discord with the People who would have the Commons admitted to the Consulship as well as the Nobles â—ound an Expedient to create Military Tribunes in the room of the Consuls so that as often as the People and the Nobility could not agree in the Election of the Consuls they created Military Tribunes who exercised all the Military Functions A Testimony saith Machiavel Discourse l. 1. c. 34. that it was rather the Name of Consul that they hated than the Authority of the Consulship And this Custom lasted about 80 Years not in a continu'd Succession for there was sometimes of Consuls and sometimes of Tribunes Tacitus says nothing here of the Tribunes of the People who held notwithstanding a considerable Rank in the ancient Common-Wealth as having been instituted to moderate the Power of the Consuls and to protect the meaner sort against the Insolence of the Great ones besides their Persons were Sacred and Inviolable They were instituted fifty years before the Creation of Military Tribunes when the People jealous of the Power of the Nobles and weary of their Insults retired to the Crustumerin Hill call'd afterward the Sacred Hill because of the happy accommodation of this quarrel There was at first but two Tribunes of the People but a little while after there was four other and in process of time they were multiply'd to ten and the Nobility excluded from this Office which was not observed in following times C. â—â—â—inius Stolo and Sextius Lateranus put a stop to the Elections of Consuls for the space of five years and by these means the Senate was forced to admit Plebeans to the Consulship which was conâ—err'd upon them the first time in the Persons of Sextus and Liciâ—â—us Sylla the sworn Enemy of the Common People had much humbled these Tribunes but after lus Death they resumed all their Authority Military Tribunes remain'd in force but for a little space 1 All Power that is Established by Sedition as was that of these Tribunes can never subsist long Neither was the Arbitrary Dominion of Cinna or that of Sylla of any long continuance 2 Nothing is so weak and so obnoxious to a reverse of Fortune as a Power which hath neither Right nor Reason for its Foundation Cinna was sâ—ain in a Sedition by his own Soldiers and Sylla constrain'd to renounce the Dictatorship Upon which Caesar said pleasantly that Sylla could not Read seeing he knew not how to Dictate The Power of Pompey and Crassus were soon transferr'd to Iulius Caesar and the Arms of Marc Anthony and Lepidus gave place to those of his Successor Augustus Then it was that the Civil Wars having exhausted the Forces of the Common-wealth Augustus Caesar assum'd the Government 1 Ambition and the Quarrels of Great Men are the Shelves on which the Liberty of Common-Wealths are always split for the State is weakned in Proportion as particular Persons fortifie themselves by Arms under pretence of revenging their Injuries or of securing themselves against the Resentments of their Enemies or the Violence of these that are stronger And as the People suffer themselves in the end to be the Prey of their Dissentions they are constrain'd to receive an absolute Master that they may have Peace Thus Tacitus had good reason to say that the Factions of Citizens are much more dangerous in Common-Wealths and that Regal Power came not into the World but since Equality and Modesty went out of it Periculosiores sunt inimicitiae juxta libertatem In Germania Postquam exui aequalitas pro modestia ac pudore ambitio vis incedebat provenere dominationes Ann. 3. To conclude Tacitus seems to observe here that
this Family within thirty years last past Memoirs L. 8. Ch. 14. Thus the Author of the Satyr Menippe had reason to say that the House of Austria do as the Iews and lie with one another like May Bugs They allow'd him to have suffer'd the Luxury of Quintus Atedius and Vedius Pollio 8 Princes are reproach'd not only with their own Vices and Irregularities but also with those of their Ministers and their Favourites For people suppose they have the Vices which they tolerate in persons who are in their Service or their Favour his Minors and also of having given himself up to be govern'd by Livia 9 Where is the Difference saith Aristotle in being govern'd by Women or by Men who leave the Management of affairs to Women Polit. Lib. 2. Ch. 7. a heavy Burden to the Common-Wealth and a worse Step-mother to the Family of the Caesars That he had made himself a Fellow to the Gods commanding Temples to be dedicated to him as to a Deity with the Pomp of Images Priests and Sacrifices That for the rest he had appointed Tiberius to succeed him 10 A Prince who voluntarily chuses a bad Successor instead of augmenting effaces the Glory of his Reign for his Memory becomes as odious as his Successor's person To leave a good one saith Cabrera after the younger Pliny is a kind of Roman Divinity Hist. Philip II. Lib. 1. Ch. 8. If some of the better actions of the most moderate Princes are ill interpreted after their Deaths as Tacitus sheweth by the Example of Augustus whom they railed at with so much Liberty they have Hatred enough to bear without loading themselves also with that which the choice of an unworthy Successor draws upon them not out of any Affection which he bore him nor out of any Consideration for the Publick Good but only to add a Lustre to his own Glory by the Foyl of that Comparison as having a perfect Insight into his Nature and knowing him at the bottom to be Proud q Dio and Sueton don't differ much from Tacitus Suspicio saith the first quosdam tenuit consulto Tiberium ab Augusto satis â—um qualis esset cognescenâ—â— successorem ordinatum quo magis ipsius gloria floreret Lib. 56. Nec iâ—â—ud ignore saith the other aliquos tradidisse Augustum etiam ambitione tractum ut â—ali successore desiderabilior ipse quandoque fieret In Tib. cap. 23. So that P. Bouhours censures all at once these three Roman Historians when he speaks thus Is it probable that Augustus preferred Tiberius to Agrippa and Germanicus for no other Reason but to acquire Glory by the comparison which would be made of a cruel and arrogant Prince such as Tiberius was with himself his Predecessor For although Tacitus puts this in the Mouth of the Romans 't is visible enough that the Reflection is his own as well as that which he makes on the same Augustus for having put in his Will amongst his Heirs the principal Persons of Rome of whom the greatest part were odious to him that he had put them in I say through Vanity to make himself estemed by Posterity Dialogue 3. de sa manier de bien penser If this Reflection is Tacitus's own it ought to be attributed likewise to Dio and Sueton who are esteemed nevertheless true and well-informed Historians And consequently we may say of Pere Bouhours what Raphael dalla Torre said of Strada on occasion of the Censure of this Passage of History and many others that he knew better how to accuse Tacitus than to justifie Augustus For although Sâ—eton saith Raphael declares in the place forementioned that so sinister an Opinion is not agreeable to the Goodness of Augustus yet in stead of confuting it by any Reason he confirms it by the Knowledge which he owns Augustus had long before of the Evil Qualities of Tiberius 〈…〉 Livia veteres quosdam ad se Augusti codicillos de acerbitate intolerantia morum ejus è sacrario protulit atque recitavit And by the Words which he saith Augustus spoke after the last Discourse which he had with Tiberius crying out Unhappy is the People of Rome who 〈◊〉 to fall under such heavy 〈◊〉 Sueton therefore may say as much as he will that he cannot believe that so prudent a Prince could be willing to choose a Successor of so Tyrannical a Temper to make himself the more regretted but seeing he consellâ—â— that Augustus knew the Ill-Nature of him that he chose he ought at least to have given us some pertinent Reason to excuse so bad a Choice câ—p 4. of his Astrolabe of State and 11 In Princes the Vices of the Man don't unqualifie him for good Government Thus Augustus made no scruple to demand the Tribuneship for Tiberius although he knew he had many Personal Vices because he knew he had the Virtues of a Prince to ballance them Commines after having observed in several places of his Memoirs all the Vices of Lewis the Eleventh his Inquietude his Iealousie his Levity in Discourse his Aversion to great Men his Natural Inclination to Men of mean Birth his Insincerity his Cruelty concluded notwithstanding that God had made him wiser and more virtuous in all things than the Princes who were contemporary with him because without flattering him he had more of the Qualities requisite to a King than any Prince that he had â—ver seen lib. 6. cap. 10. And speaking of Iohn Galeas Duke of Millain he saith That he was a great Tyrant but Honourable l. 7. c. 7. Cabrera speaking of Cardinal Henry King of Portugal saith That he had the Virtues of a Priest and the Faults of a Prince which was as much as to say That he wanted the Qualities that are necessary to a King cap. 24. lib. 12. of his Philip Iâ— There have been saith the same Author Princes and Governours who notwithstanding great Vices have been Venerable for having had Qualities that deserve Reverence as Eloquence Liberality Civility the discernment of good and bad Counsels the Art of governing Cities and commanding Armies and other Natural Virtues resembling Moral ones whence arise great Advantages which make the Persons who are the Authors of them highly Esteemed and Respected It is for this Reason that some have said by way of Proverb A bad Man makes a good King A severe Prince who doth not violate Natural and Divine Laws is never called a Tyrant The Imperious Majesty of King Francis I. although it was excessive was more useful than the Sweetness and Humanity of his Son who authorised Vice and Licentiousness and who by the Gifts and Favours which he conferred on Flatterers converted the Publick Good into Private Interest and left the People to the Mercy of Great Men and never punished the Injustice of his Officers cap. 8. lib. 2. of the same History Cruel For not many Years before Augustus requesting the Senate once more to confer the Tribunitial Power on Tiberius r
restrain their Madness Their Rage was chiefly bent against Auâ—idieâ—â— Rufus who from a private Soldier had been rais'd to a Centurion and from thence to a Prefect or Mareschâ—l de Camp 1 Those Men who from private Soldiers 〈◊〉 to the great Offices of 〈◊〉 Army are commonly the most 〈◊〉 because they know better â—han 〈◊〉 the Licentious Humour of Soldiers and all the Tricks which 〈◊〉 use to dâ—ceive the Vigilance of 〈…〉 as also all the 〈◊〉 and Injuries which they 〈◊〉 in the Towns where they 〈◊〉 Garison Such a one in the 〈◊〉 Age was Colonel 〈…〉 who from a private Soldier and a very poor Gentleman rose by his Merit to be one of the General 〈◊〉 of the Spanish Army and 〈…〉 He was 〈◊〉 to say That he was Fransisco for the good Soldiers and Verdugo for the bad A Name that in Spanish signifies a Hangman D. Carlos Colomâ— lib. 8. of his Wars of Flanders They pull'd him from his Chariot they loaded him with Baggage and made him march at the Head of a Battalion asking him in scorn If he were not pleas'd to carry such a Burden and to travel so far on Foot For Rufus was an indefatigable Man who restor'd to use the strictness of the ancient Discipline 2 Rigour is the Soul of Military Discipline and we see every Day by Experience that there are no worse Soldiers than those who serve under an indulgent Captain But we must observe by the way that as Military Seditions which arise from the Severity of a General are less frequent so they are more dangerous and of longer continuance than those whereof Indulgence is the cause and who spar'd their Labour so much the less because he had undergone himself what he had impos'd on others XV. The arrival of these Mutineers renew'd the Tumult and roaming lawlesly round the Country they made Waste of all Things in their way Blesus caus'd some of them who return'd loaden with their Plunder to be beaten and made Prisoners thereby to imprint a greater Terror in the rest For the Centurions and the sober part of the Soldiers still continu'd in their Duty The Pillagers thereupon resist those who force 〈◊〉 to Prison embrace the Knees of their Camerades implore their Succour either in particular by their Names or in general the Company the Cohort or the Legion in which they serv'd crying out Their own Turn must be next in the same Usage They pour out a thousand Reproaches against their General and call the Gods to witness his Injustice In short they omit nothing to move Compassion to raise Envy and Fear and to foment Sedition The Soldiers run in heaps to their Relief break open the Prisons deliver their Companions and strengthen their Party with Deserters and Criminals condemn'd to Death XVI From thence the Mutiny grew more outragious and the Numbers of their Heads inâ—reas'd One Vibulenus a private Soldier 1 Nam hi saith Tacitus Hist. 1. 〈◊〉 temporibus partâ—m se Reipub. faciunt For in troublesome 〈◊〉 the meanest People make a Figure in a State and private Soldiers have more Authority than Generals Civilibus bellis plus militibus quam ducibus licere Hist. 2. being hoisted on the Backs of his Companions was carried as it were in Triumph before the Tribunal of the General and the Soldiers big with expectation of his Speech and thronging to hear him thus began 'T is true Companions you have restor'd to Life and Liberty our innocent Fellow-Soldiers but who shall give me back my Brother who being Commission'd to you from the Army now in Germany for our common Interests has this Night been butcher'd by the Gladiators who are purposely entertain'd by Blesus for our General Massacre Tell me Blesus where thou hast thrown this murder'd Body Even Enemies refuse not Burial to the Slain When I have satisfied my Grief with Tears and Kisses command me to be murder'd and I consent to my own Death provided thou wilt order us to be laid in one common Grave like Brothers who suffer'd Death not for the Guilt of any Crime but only for defending the Cause of the r When the Duke of Maiâ— heard at Lyons the News of the Duke and the Cardinal of 〈◊〉 his Brothers he caused it to be published through the whole City that Henry the Third had taken away their Lives for no other Reason but because they protected and defended the Catholick Religion against the Huguenots Herrera l. 5. of the Third Part of his History c. 3. Notwithstanding the Duke of Guise being at the Estates of Blois had refused to sign a Declaration which the King caused to be offered to him by a Secretary of State wherein he promised and swore to make War on the Hugâ—â—â—ots provided that his Subjects would assist him with their Forces and would make no League with Foreigners without his Approbation and that those who should act contrary to this Condition should incur the Penalties of High-Treason c. 11. l. 4. of the same Part. I cite this Historian here because being a Spaniard his Testimony is of greater force against the Guises whom all the Spanish Writers make to be Maccabees notwithstanding at the bottom they were acted only by Ambition to make themselves Kings of France with the Catolicâ—â—â— of Spain against all Laws both Divine and Humane Ligions 2 All Rebels and Traitors cover their wicked Designs with the Cloke of publick Good The Count de Charolois and other Princes of France having taken Arms against Lewis the Eleventh this War was afterwards called the Publick Good because it was undertaken as they said for the Publick Good of the Kingdom Memoirs of Câ—â—mines l. 1. c. â— The Demands of the Lords adds he in cap. 12. weâ— great The Duke of Berry demanded Normandy for his Share the Count de Charolois the Cities seated on the River of Somme as Amiâ—ns Abbeville S. Quentin and Perenne and several other Demands for each with some Overtures for the Good of the Kingdom But this was not the bottom of their Designs for their Publick Good was turned into Private Interest and as Salust saith speaking of Cataline and his Accomplices Bonum publicum simulantes pro sua quisque potentia â—â—rtabant XVII He animated this Discourse with Sobs and Groans and with the Blows which he gave himself on his Face and Breast then getting loose from those who had carried him on their Shoulders he threw himself hastily at the Feet of the Assistants and mov'd them so much to Compassion and Revenge 1 In Seditions he is always the most mutâ—nous who is most hearkned to that one part of the Soldiers seiz'd on the Gladiators of Blesus another secur'd his Menial Servants whilst many of them ran searching here and there for the Body of their slain Companion And if by good Fortune it had not been immediately discover'd that Vibulenus never had a Brother that there was no such Body to be found and that the
Weakness of others but upon their own Strength l. 12. c. 29. Don Iuan Antonio de Vera saith on the contrary That Charles the Fifth had never found a more effectual Remedy against Seditions and Insurrections than to go thither in Person and that those who are of the other Opinion upon the Maxim of Tiberius don't consider the Difference that there is betwixt a Monarchy and a Commonwealth i. e. What is safe for a Commonwealth is pernicious to a Monarchy Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth or put to hazard his own Life or the Safety of the Commonwealth His Mind was perplex'd with many Cares and contrary Thoughts The German Army was the stronger and the Pannonian nearer Rome one was supported by the Gauls and the other had an easie Passage into Italy f Through the Cities of Newport and Tergesta now Triest which â—order on Pannonia Italiam saith Pâ—terculus 〈◊〉 sibi Nauporti ac Tergeâ—tis confinio Hist. 2. c. 120. To which of these should he go first For the Legions which were last visited would take Offence and think themselves neglected On the other side by sending his two Sons both Armies might be at once contented and the Majesty of the Supream Power preserved which is always most respected at a distance Besides that Germanicus and Drusus might be held excus'd if they sent extravagant Demands from the Legions to their Father who would still be in condition either to appease or punish the Rebellious when ever they should transgress the Limits of Respect to the young Princes but if they should once despise the Person of the Emperour what other Remedy remain'd In the mean time he neglected not to prepare a Fleet to provide his Equipage and set on foot an Army of choice Soldiers as if they were to follow him to the Wars and he just upon the March But sometimes he excus'd his Iourney by the approach of Winter and at other Times by the multiplicity of Business 3 A Prince who knows he is hated by his People can never commit a greater Error than in leaving his capital City for if that once come to shake off the Yoke in his Absence he immediately loses his whole State The Complaints which Tacitus saith that the whole City of Rome made against Tiberius sufficiently shew how much his Preâ—ence there was a Burden to the Senate and to the People and consequently he did very wisely not to remove thence If Henry Duke of Guise who hath so highly extoll'd his Capacity in the Memoirs which he hath left us of his Government of Naples had read Tacitus perhaps he would not have been guilty of the Folly of going out of this City to give a Meeting to a Lady who sold him to the Spaniards which interven'd By which Pretences he at first impos'd on the most Intelligent then on the Vulgar and for a long time kept the Provinces in suspence g Philip the Second King of Spain used the same Artifice sending word to Margaret of Parma Governess of the Low-Countries that every thing was ready for his Voyage and that nothing retarded him but a Tertian Ague and for which also he would not stay till he was cured although he was ready to die of it Strada dec 1. l. 5. He communicated the same Advice to all Princes and demanded a Passport of the King of France and Counsel of the Duke of Savoy what Road was best to take The whole Sixth Book of Strada's History is full of these Feints and Pretences which Philip made use of to â—lude his own Promises and the Entrâ—aties of the Governess and his other Ministers But there was this diffâ—reâ—ce betwixt him and Tiberius that this Emperour sent his Sons to his revolted Armies and that Philip feared nothing more than to hear any Discourse of sending his Son Don Carlos into Flanders and repented much that he had sent thither Don Iohn of Austria his Natural Brother XLI But Germanicus though he had assembled his Forces and was in a condition to punish the Oâ—fenders yet thought it more expedient to give them leisure to Repent and make Trial if by the Example of the two other Legions they would prevent his Vengeance In order to this he wrote first to Cecina and gave him notice that he was already on his march with a powerful Army fully determin'd to put all the Rebels to the Sword without sparing the Life of any one if they themselves did not Iustice on the Criminals before his arrival Cecina read these Letters privately to the Chief Commanders h Tacitus saith Aquiliâ—eris signiferisque i. e. the Ensign-Colonels who carried the Eagles of their Legions and the Ensigns of the Cohorts who carried Wolves Vultures Lions Dragons Centaurs Minotaurs and other Figures in Relief of Copper Cast Brass or Silver and to some others who had no Hand in the Sedition at the same time adjuring them to preserve themselves from Death and save their Companions from the Infamy of that Punishment which attended them Representing also to them that Reason might be heard in Times of Peace but in War the Innocent perish'd with the Guilty Upon this the Officers sound the Intentions of those Soldiers whom they thought most proper for the Execution of their Design and finding that the greater Number still continu'd Loyal they agree with Cecina on a Time appointed to put to Death the most Seditious The Signal being given they fall at once upon the Factious and execute them in their Tents none but the Contrivers and Assistants in the Action knowing from whence began the Slaughter nor when it would conclude XLII Of all the Civil Wars which ever were none resembled this It was not in Battle nor by the Hands of Enemies that this Massacre was made but by Men who the same Day convers'd familiarly and eat in Company and at Night were lodg'd together in one Bed i There happen'd in my Time a like Adventure at Venice betwixt the Sâ—iri and the Guards appointed for Entries who having been condemned to Banishment for having shot with their Carbines at the French Ambassador's Watermen endeavoured to kill one another that they might obtain their Pardon by bringing the Heads of their Companions On the sudden they are divided into Parties opposite nothing but Outâ—ries and Bloodshed the rest was govern'd by blind Chance and the cause of Enmity unknown by those who perish'd Many fell who deserv'd not Death for the Guilty had taken Arms in their own Defence when once they found on whom the Slaughter was design'd Neither Cecina nor the Tribunes gave themselves the Trouble to stop their Fury the common Soldiers had all manner of Freedom to exercise their Vengeance till they were tir'd with killing Germanicus soon after enter'd the Camp and beholding so many Corps extended on the Ground said with many Tears That this was not a Remedy nor the breathing of a Vein but a Butchery and commanded the Bodies to be burn'd
particularly by the Great Men. And he hath often said to me that he should find it if his affairs went ill Ch. 1. Lib. 2. of his Memoirs II. After the Death of Phraates and the two succeeding Kings the Principal Men amongst them being weary of domestick slaughters 1 To preserve Peace in a Monarchical State it is necessary that the Great Men intermeddle not with the Administration of Affairs for their ambition never suffers them to agree together The weaker desiring an Equality and the more powerful not being contented with that they perpetually bandy into Factions one against another so that the State is torn with their quarrels until a Prince comes who hath the Courage and the Skill to resume all the Authority which both sides have usurped sent Ambassadors to Rome to demand Vonones the Eldest of his Sons Tiberius looking on this to be much for his honour 2 The greatest Honour that a Foreign Nation can do to a Prince is to be willing to receive a King from his hands especially when it is a Nation equal or very near equal in power as the Parthians were to the Romans Sociis virium aemulis saith Tacitus cedentibusque per reve rentiam Ann. 12. i. e. The Parthians who do not give place to the Romans but out of Respect and Friendship sent him away with rich presents and the Barbarous People receiv'd him with joy as they usually do new Kings 3 A new Reign saith Cabrera or a new Minister always pleaseth the People best who in this cross the Custom that is almost Universal to praise the past and condemn the present As the Successor differs from his Predecessor either in Age or Manners how good qualities soever the Predecessor had he that succeeds is always more acceptable People grow weary of and in time disrelish every thing and particularly every thing that is Uniform the same kind of Dish served up two days successively becomes insipid a way that is all even and alike tires if it be long Lib. 7. Cap. ult Cardinal Delfin said one day to me that at Rome no Popes were hated more than those who reigned long and that la longhezza del dominare it was the Expression he used made a good Pope as insupportable as a Bad one But they soon began to be asham'd 4 Tacitus saith that the Parthians regretted their Princes when they were absent and disliked them when they were present Parthos absentiunâ— aequos praesentibus mobiles Ann. 6. By the first Vonones who had been so long absent ought to have been very agreeable to them at his return but by the second he could not fail of soon experiencing their Inconstancy Besides it is common for Men to have a good Opinion of the Absent majora credi de absentibus Hist. 2. and to find themselves deceived when they see them because it is much easier to form a great Idea of those whom we love before we know them than it is to answer a great Expectation when we arâ— known that they had so far degenerated as to go to another World for a King that had been trained up in the Arts of their Enemies and that the Kingdom of the Arsacidae was thereby esteem'd and dispos'd of as a Roman Province Where said they is the Glory of those that slew Crassus e He was slain with the greatest part of the Roman Army by the Cavalry of King Oâ—odes the Father of Phraates and the Parthians were going to posses themselves of Syria whereof he was Governor if Calus Cassius who served in the Roman Army in the Quality of Quâ—estor had not prevented them Paterc Cap. 46. Lib. 2. and put Anthony f Having entred Armenia with 16 Legions he marched through Media in order to attack the Parthians But as he advanced in the Enemy's Country 〈◊〉 met 〈◊〉 King of the Parthians and Artavasdes King of Media who hinder'd him from passing the Euphrates and defeated his Lieutenant Oppius Statianus with two Legions and all the Cavalry which he had under his Command Afterwards he was forced to raise the Siege of Praaspes the Capital City of Media and to send to beg Peace of Phraates who gave it him on such Conditions as used to be impos'd on the 〈…〉 Lib. 42. Anthony saith Paterculus stuck not to call his 〈…〉 because he had escaped out of the hands of his Enemies with his 〈◊〉 although he had lost the fourth part of his Army all his Baggage and Artillery Chap. 82. to flight if the Parthians are to be govern'd by one that hath been so many years a Slave to the Roman Emperor He himself heightned their Indignation and Contempt by differing so much from the Manners of his Ancestors loving neither 5 According to Xenophon Hunting is the truest Image of War for there is nothing to be seen in War which is not seen in Hunting and consequently Hunting is the most profitable Diversion that a Prince can take who deâ—igns to be a great Captain David offering himself to Saul to fight with Goliah alledges as a Proof of his Courage and of his Experience that he had pursued the Lyon and the Bear and that he had strangled and slew them in stopping their mouths with his hands â— Sam. 17. An instance of the Reâ—emblance that there is betwixt Hunting and War Commines saith that of all Diversions Lewis XI took the greatest Delight in Hunting but that he scarce returned from it but he was angry with somebody For it is a thing saith he that is not always â—anag'd to please those who are the Principal Persons in the Field An Observation for Princes who love this Diversion and for those who accompany them at it Chap. 13. Book 6. of his Memoirs Hunting g 〈◊〉 in the Preface to his Cataline reckons Hunting amongst â—ervile 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 Non fuit consilium socordia atque defidia bonum otiuâ— conterere neque vero agrum colendo aut venando servilibus officiis intentum aetatem aegere Reasoning in this like a Roman for in his time the Romans did not hunt and it is taken notice of by Suâ—tonius that Tiberius branded a Commander of a Legion with infamy for sending some Soldiers a Hunting Here we ought to observe that Republicans have never been great Hunters because they are always taken up with affairs of Government So we are not to wonder if the Nobleâ—Venetians are neither Hunters nor Soldiers They don't so much as understand how to sit a Horse for besides that they have no Horses in their City they don't care to be Horsemen because they dont make War but by Sea all their Military Land-Offices being given to Strangers Cabrera calls Hunting a Royal Exercise Real exercicio de la casa and saith that Philip II. took great delight in it Chap. of his History nor Horses 6 In a Nation such as the Parthians whose whole strength â—ay in Cavalry a King cannot have a greater Fault than not
Camillus as others call him that the Gauls were beaten from Rome but it was his Collegue Caius Flaminius who gain'd this Victory without Furius's having any share in it Therefore Livy makes no mention but of the Triumph of Flaminius M. Iunius Dictator saith he sex millia hominum gallicis spoliis quae triumpho C. Flaminii translata fuere armavit And in another place speaking of this Consul's Death who was slain by Haâ—â—ibal in the Battel of the Lake of Perousa he puts these words in Hannibal's Mouth Consul hic est qui legiones nostras c. So that this Passage of Tacitus which seems to ascribe the Expulsion of the Gauls to Furius is to be understood of the Year of his Confulship and not of his Person and his Son Camillus had left to other Families the glory of furnishing Generals And he of whom we now speak was never before esteem'd a Soldier 4 Place shews the Man saith the Proverb To know the Capacity of a Man he must be employ'd Nothing doth more honour to the Prince than the Choice which he hath made of a Minister who succeeds in his Employment much otherwise than the World expected of him Commines relates that Lewis XI having told him that he had sent Master Oliver his Barber to Ghant to reduce that City under his Obedience and others to other great Cities He said to the King That he doubted that Master Oliver and the rest would not succeed in their Designs on those Cities Cap. 13. Lib. 5. of his Memoirs But in the 14th Chapter he saith That although this Commission was too great for Oliver yet he shew'd in what he did that he had some understanding For being forc'd to â—ly from Ghaâ—t he made to Tournay and found a way to put this fine City into the King's Hands And this Honour as Commines concludes was procur'd to the King by the said Oliver A Wiser and a Greater Man had probably fail'd in the Management of this Enterprize for which reason Tiberius was the more forward to extol this Action to the Senate who decreed him Triumphal Ornaments which Honour drew no Envy upon him because he always behaved himself with wonderful Modesty 6 A Minister or a Favourite can't long keep the Favour of his Prince but by Submission and Dependance When he will rise of himself the Prince never fails of depressing him as one that will be no longer his Creature Lisander saying to Agesilaus whose chief Confident he had been before Truly you know very well how to slight your Friends Yes answered Agesilaus When they would be greater than my self Plutarch in his Life It is just so with all Princes And this ought to be well consider'd by Great Men who have a great Military Reputation for it is that which gives Princes the greatest Iealousie there being nothing which the People speaks of with so much applause as of Battels and Victories Don Bernardin de Mendoza saith That that Victory which the Count d'Egmont gain'd at Gravelin was possibly one of the Principal Causes of his Misfortune because it exalted him so much Cap. 4. Lib. 3. of his Memoirs of Flanders 5 Princes more freely praise an ordinary Man than they do a great Person because the praising of one is an Act of Grace but the praising of the other is no more than an Act of Iustice And Princes would have Men oblig'd to them for every thing LIV. The Year following Tiberius and Germanicus were chosen Consuls which was the third Consulship of the Former and the second of the Latter who receiv'd this Dignity when he was at Nicopolis s A City built by Augustus in memory of the Victory that he obtain'd over Anthony a City of Achaia whither he came by the Coast of Illyria after he had visited his Brother Drusus in Dalmatia and having in his passage met with two Storms one in the Adriatick the other in the Ionian Sea he stay'd a few Days there to refit his Ships in which time he went to see the Bay of Actium famous for the Fight there He view'd also the Spoils consecrated by Augustus and the Place of Anthony's Camp and was mightily affected 1 It is an advantage to Princes to see the very Places where their Ancestors have done some Memorable thing for this Sight makes a strong Impression on their Minds and inspires them as the Trophies of Miltiades did Themisâ—ocles with a generous Desire to imitate or to excell them Philip II. King of Spain was curious to see where-ever he travell'd the Ediâ—ices and the Tombs of his Predecessors He caused their very Coâ—â—ins to be open'd and stood uncover'd before their Bodies with as much respect as if they had been living Being at Segovia he repair'd the Town-House for the sake of a great Hall called sala de los Reges where are the Statues of the Kings under which he caus'd to be set their Names and a short account of their Reign with an equal Number of Lines and Letters in every Elogy thus to revive their Memories Cabrera c. 12. l. 9. of his History with these lively Images of the Success of one of his Ancestors and the Misfortunes of the other for Augustus as hath been said before was his great Uncle and Anthony his Grand-father Thence he came to Athens and in regard to the ancient Renown of this City and its Alliance with the Romans he enter'd it with no more than one Lictor The Graecians entertain'd him with the most study'd Honours 2 The more Modest and Popular a Prince is the greater Honours are paid him The People are never more prodigal thereof than to those who exact none Spreta in tempore gloria saith Livy cumulatior rediâ— i. e. The Honours Great Men don't seek for are paid them with Usury Charles V. won the Heart of the Catalans a Nation not to be conquer'd when their Privileges are at stake by answering those who were deputed to know his pleasure how he would make his Entry into Barcelona That he was contented to be receiv'd as their Counts i. e. The Counsellors of the City not to alight from their Horses to salute him because he said that he held it a greater Honour to be Count of Barcelona than to be King of the Romans Don Iuan Antonio de Vera in the Epitomy of his Life and after a more refin'd sort of Flattery carried before him Pictures representing the Great Actions and Memorable Sayings of his Ancestors 3 Nothing makes a greater Impression on the Minds and Hearts of Princes than the Examples of their Ancestors it is almost the only instruction which they receive with delight or at least with respect After that Nero had got rid of his Governor Burrhâ—s whose Wisdom was not agreeable to him and had begun to be disgusted at his Praeceptor Seneca he was told That he wanted no other Masters nor Counsellors than the Examples of the Princes from whom he
descended Charles V. and Philip II. conferring together about Don Carlos Prince of Spain who had very Evil Inclinations which his Governor Don Antonio de Rojas was never able to correct nor moderate concluded that there should be set before the Eyes of this Young Prince Pictures which might excite Noble Idaeas in his Imagination and which might incline his Mind to the love of Glory by a Desire to imitate the Great and Generous Actions which he shall see represented That he should be sufâ—er'd to hear no Discourses but such as might imprint in him good Maxims and Good Manners That the Conversation of Persons of Wit and Probity who should be about him would insensibly give him a Relish and a Delight in good things which would be of greater advantage to him than Precepts and Lessons which are always disagreeable to Princes by reason of that Superiority which those who instruct them in the Quality of Masters seem to usurp over them Cabrera l. 4. â— 2. of his History LV. Hence taking Eubaea t Now Negropont in his way he pass'd to Lesbos where Agrippina was deliver'd of Iulia u Or Livia who was married to Marcus Viniâ—ius to whom Paterculus Dedicates his History which was her last Child After which sailing by the Coasts of Asia he visited Perintheis and Byzantium two Cities of Thrace and entred the Streights of Propontis and the Mouth of the Euxine Sea being carry'd on with a desire to see ancient and famous Places and at the same time he relieved those Provinces which were oppressed by Magistrates or harass'd by intestine Divisions 1 It is absolutely necessary for a Prince from time to time to visit his Provinces for he learns upon the spot all those things which it was the Interest of his Officers to hide from him It is there that he hears with his own Ears the Complaint which a Daâ—matian Lord made heretofore to Tiberius Instead of sending us Shepheards and Dogs to keep your Flocks you send us Wolves which devour them Dion lib. 55. The Prince is not touch'd with the Miseries and Oppressions of his People if he does not see them for there are always â—latterers who make him believe that the Evils which are only reported to him are aggravated And consequently there is need of the Remedy which the Sisters of Lazarus desir'd Comâ— Lord and see He must come and see otherwise the Remedy will not be equal to the Grievance In his return he intended to have seen the Religious Rites of the Samothracians but the North-winds beating him back from that shore he directed his course to Troy venerable for the Variety of its Fortune and its last Fate and for being the Mother-City to Rome Whence coasting back by Asia he puts to shore at Colophon to consult the Oracle of Clarius Apollo It is not a Priestess as at Delphos but a Priest officiates there who is chosen out of certain Families and commonly from Miletus As soon as he is inform'd only of the Number and Names of those who are come to consult the Oracle he descends into a Cave where he drinks water of a Secret Fountain and then though he is generally a Person of no Learning nor of any skil in Poetry he gives his answers in Verse to what things each Inquirer hath in his thoughts and it was said that he predicted to Germanicus his approaching Fate but in such Dark and ambiguous Phrases 2 Princes would never heaâ— Death spoken of but in obscure hints Lewis XI deserv'd compassion who could not hear that cruel wordd Deâ—th pronounc'd and who commanded all his Servants that when his own approach'd they should not give him 〈◊〉 of it but by saying to him Spâ—â—k lâ—ttâ—s Comâ—â—â—es Memoirs l. 0. â— 12. as Oracles always use LVI But Cn. Piso that he might lose no time for his Designs entred Athens with great Precipitation and made a Speech that surpriz'd them as much as his coming In which he not only severely rebuk'd them but made some oblique Reâ—lections on Germanicus as if he had proâ—tituted the Majesty of the Empire by treating them with two much respect 1 It is good to be Civil and Popular but 〈◊〉 as not to lessen the Majesty of the Prince The Ministers who represent him ought to avoid nothing more than to derogate from the Rights of their Character to which too great a Reverence can't be paid who said he are not Athenians those having been long since extinguish'd by the many terrible Misfortunes that City had under-gone but the Offâ—scouring of several Nations who had been Confederates with Mithridates against Sylla and with Anthony against Augustus He reproach'd them also with their ill success against the Macedonians and their ill treatment of the Bravest of their own Citizens 2 When Men speak with Passion they are very apt to contradict themselves Piso reproach'd the Athenians for being the Dregs and the Offscouriâ—g of divers Nations of Greece and notwithstanding he imputed to them all the Faults of this ancient Republick for which they could not be responsible without being genuine Athenians Things that had been done some ages past for he had a Particular quarrel against them because they had refus'd to pardon at his Intercession one Theophilus 3 It is common for great Men to revenge their Private Quarrels under the Name of those of the State Velut pro Repub conquerentes suum dolorem proâ—erebant Tacitus Hist. 3. There are many Ministers saith Anthony Perez who invest their Prince with their private Passions and Wrongs In the Aphorisms of his Relations Who under specious pretences convert the Publick Interests into their own and instead of regulating private Affairs by the Publick do the direct contrary with Equal Injustice and Boldness Part 1. Sect. 3. Cap. 8. of the Politick Testament condemn'd for Forgery by the Areopagus Departing from Athens he passed in great haste by the shortest cut of the Sea through the Cyclades and at the Isle of Rhodes overtakes Germanicus who tho' he had been inform'd of the Invective Speech which he had made against him had nevertheless the Humanity to send out Galleys to save him when a Tempest had cast him amongst the Shelves where he might have been rid of his Enemy and his Death imputed to Chance 4 For saith Tacitus Ann. 14. Nothing is so subject to accidents as the Sea and besides no Man is so Unjust as to make another responsible for the Misfortunes which are caus'd by the Sea and Winds But this Kindness could not soâ—ten Piso 5 Violent Spirits are capable of very little Gratitude because they impute the Complaisance which People have for them to the Fear which they believe they have of offending them Piso did not doubt but that Germanicus fear'd him seeing that this Prince was not ignorant wherefore Tiberius had taken the Government of Syria from Silanus and had given it to Piso. Thus Germanicus was so far
he the great Cardinal Baronius who had always declared to Aldobrandin he would never go to the Adoration of such a Man spoke publickly That he they were going to Elect was unworthy of that Charge that it would bring a great Plague upon the Church that he would make no Schism but would be the last to Adore him This was an ardent Zeal for the Honour of God and an Example very rare that one Cardinal alone when they were going to Adoration and when the rest were agreed should dare to speak with so much Freedom The Cardinal Aldrâ—brandin proposed to me Cardinal Borghese conjuring me by all the Services he he had done your Majesty and by the Memory of Clement VIII to agree I consulted Cardinal Montalto if he approved him He told me he not only liked him very well but that we should oblige him very much to accept him Aldrobrandin supplicating us to do him that Favour I answered I thanked God that in serving two Persons whom we honoured very much we might have him Pope whom your Majesty desired most so good a Man and of so exemplary a life And as soon as I said so Bâ—rghese was made Pope Thus Sir succeeded this Negotiation from which I believe your Majesty will have great satisfaction to see Affairs here in such a Condition that the Cardinals your Subjects are as it were the Arbitrators of the Conclave and have prevented the Church having a Head whose Life and Reputation were a little blemished and instead thereof to have one that without contradiction is esteemed very good and very wise I will also believe it will be acceptable to your Majesty and advantageous to France that he owes his Election to the Cardinals your Subjects for it cannot be denied that they under God have prevented the Holy See's being filled with another Person to reserve it for him to whom God had destined it for the Good and Service of the Church Dans l'Histoire du Cardinul Ioyeuse XIX A few days after Tiberius persuades the Senate to advance Vitellius Veranius and Serveus to the Priesthood and having promised Fulcinius his Vote for any Dignity advised him not to lessen his Eloquence by too much Eagerness 2 Logo Diarrhaea which Quintilian calls Os Praeceps is a great fault in an Orator We see Preachers whose Mouths go like the Alarum of a Clock and whose Sermons are â— continual labour to them The vulgar calls that Apostolical Preaching as if the Apostles could not otherwise deliver God's Word This fault the Italian and Spanish Preachers abound with whose Gesture was violent as their Pronunciation I will add to this a Reflection on the Advice Tiberius would give Fulcinius It is that the Precipitation and Vehemence of this Advocate displeased him because very contrary to his easie and composed way of speaking They that are to speak before Princes ought to accommodate their Discourse to their liking if they would be well heard In Augustus's Reign the Harangues were long his being so because of the care he took to deliver his Thoughts clearly Under Tiberius they were short and pertinent because his Style was concise and close Which shews Eloquence has its Modes and that the Fashion and Rules of Graminar and Rhetorick are used according to the conformity they have with the present Genius of the Court. This was the end of Revenging Germanicus's Death which was differently reported then 3 It is very difficult to discover the Truth of those matters that have been differently reported when they happened The older they are the more obscure they become and are intermixed with ingenious Circumstances that make them pass for Romances Therefore the Chancellor Chivergny said in his Memoirs he thought good to deliver the Truth of the most remarkable Things wherein most Historians deceive Posterity and in subsequent times So dark are all great Affairs some believe all they hear others disguise Truth with Falshood and Posterity adds to both XX. Drusus left the City to enquire his Fortune y Without which he could not fall again to his publick Imployments which had been interrupted ever since his return to Rome nor enjoy the Honour of the Triumph was decreed him This Ceremony consisted in Prayers that those made who took upon them any Civil or Military Employments to the God's to be propitious to them and entred with a small Triumph z The Ovation some fancy to have derived its Name from shouting Evion to Bacchus but the true Original is Ovis usually offered in this Procession as an Ox in the Triumph The Procession generally began at the Albanian Mountain whence the General with his Retinue made his Entry into the City He went on Foot with many Flutes or Pipes sounding in Consort as he passed along wearing a Garland of Myrtle as a Token of Peace with an Aspect rather raising Love and Respect than Fear and within a few days Vipsania his Mother died the only one of Agrippa's Children that died a natural Death For it is certain or at least believed the rest died by the Sword Poison or Famine a Caius and Lucius by Poison Agrippa Posthumus by the Sword Agrippina by Famine XXI This year Tacfarinas who I told you was beat the last Summer by Camillus begun the War again in Africk first by plundering in which his quick marches secured him then he burnt Towns and carried off great Booties and lastly Besieged a Roman Fort not far from the River Pagys Decrius was Governor a Man of Courage and an Experienced Soldier and looking on such a Siege a Dishonour to him he encouraged his Men to Fight in the open Field and drew them up before the Fort 1 Tho' Sallies says Commines are sometimes necessary yet they are dangerous for the loss of Ten Men to them is more than an Hundred to the Besiegers because their number is not equal and cannot Recruit at pleasure and if they lose their Commander which often happens it causes the loss of the place Chap. 11. du Liv. 2. de ses Mem. He that is afraid of losing a Fort ought not to make Sallies often for Ten of the Besiegers will not recompence the loss of one of his Men because they can Recruit and he has no hopes of doing it Dis. 3. du Liv. 20. de son Commentaire sur Tacite They were beaten back at the first Engagement he run among them that fled rebuking the Ensigns for turning their Backs to Traitors and Deserters And tho' he received several Wounds and lost an Eye yet he faced the Enemy and continued Fighting till he was forsaken by his Men and Slain XXII Which when L. Apronius who succeeded Camillus understood being more concerned for the shame of his own Men than Glory of the Enemy he decimated b 〈◊〉 majores nostri says Cicero speaking of Decimation ut 〈◊〉 mâ—ltis esset 〈◊〉 rei militaris admissum sorâ—ione in quosdam animadverâ—eâ—etur ut metus videlicet adonmes
Inhabitants of the Isle of Candia Lycurgus the Lacedemonians and Solon the Athenians but his were more numerous and more refined 6 The more cunning and discerning People are the more numerous the Laws should be for as a Law-Maker can never foresee all Cases that may happen nor all the Subtilties and Cavils will be thought on for evading his Law or at least the Exceptions will be found that is the Reasons against obeying it hic nunc he is obliged to explain his Law or rather to make as many Laws as new Cases shall arise There is no Country where there are better Laws nor more than in Normandy for the Normans have always been very cunning and are in France like the Athenians in Greece Romulus ruled as he pleased Numa established a Form for Divine Worship and Religious Ceremonies Tullus and Ancus made some Laws but our chiefest Law-Maker was Servius Tullius whose Laws Kings themselves were bound to Obey 7 According to Plato Monarchy is the worst and best sort of Government The worst if absolute the best if limited Those that teach Kings and Sovereign Princes the contrary learn them to Tyrannize not Reign not to keep the People in Duty and Obedience but to make them Rebel No Princes have ever been better Obeyed nor consequently more Princes than those that have not set themselves above the Laws Commines gives a very good instance in Charles VIII of France that at his Accession to the Crown obtained of the States at Tours a Gift of Two Millions and Five Hundred Thousand Livres which was says he rather too much than too little tho' the Kingdom had been under griâ—vous Taxes for Twenty Years On the contrary when a Prince will do every thing according to his Will and inordinate Desire his People will not Obey him nor Succour him in his Necessities but instead of aiding him when he has great Affairs upon his Hands they despise and run into Rebellion against him Chap. dernier du liv 5. de ses Memoires XXVIII After Tarquinius Superbus was expelled 8 See the end of Independent Arbitrary and Unlimited Authority which Flatterers make Princes assume See what happened to Henry III. of France of whom it is said he forbid the French make any Applications to him and taught them there was no other measure of Iustice than his Will Mezeray de sa Vie One thing that most hurâ— this poor Prince says the Chancellor de Chiverny was the Opinion he had entertained of his own Sufficiency despising others Iudgments which is the greatest Misfortune that can befal a Prince or any other Person Dans sâ—s Mâ—moirs the People made many against the Factions of the Senators 9 The Nobility always love a Prince whatever he is better than a popular Government where the People never fail bringing them to an Equality which they cannot bear being used to Distinction For it is the same with Great Men as it was with Agrippa Augustus's Son-in-Law who according to Paterculus willingly obeyed one but in revenge would command all others Parendi sed uni scientissimus aliis sanè imperandi cupidus to defend their Liberties and establish Union The Decemviri l See Decemviri in the Historical Notes of the Preface to Tacitus were chosen to collect the best 10 Nothing is more useful to a Prince that has great Dominions and consequently great Affairs to Transact with other Princes than an exact Knowledge of the Laws and Customs of other Countries Besides that it teaches him to distinguish good and bad in every Government shews him proper Expedients for Reforming Abuses that daily happen in Government whether in his Revenue in his Military Discipline in his Courts of Iustice and in all other Parts thereof Mariana says That Henry III. of Castile sent Ambassadors to Christian Princes and to Mahometans only to inform him their manner of Governing so to collect the Wisdom of all Courts in his own and to know the better how to shew the Majesty of a King in all his Actions What might have been expected from this Prince who died at 27 years old and was the ablest that had Reigned in Spain Chap. 14. de liv 19. de son Histoire Laws of other Countries out of which they composed the Twelve Tables the sum of Law and Iustice. As for the Laws that followed though some were made against Malefactors yet they were most commonly brought in through the Dissensions of the People and Senate for obtaining unlawful Dignities driving out Noblemen or other Disorders Witness the Gracchii and Saturnini the Incendiaries of the People and Drusus who was no less prodigal in the Name of the Senate and corrupted his Companions by Hopes or deluded them Neither the War of Italy nor the Civil War m That this Recital of the History of the ancient Commonwealth may be the better understood in which Tacitus is so short it is in my Opinion proper to give an Extract here of some Chapters of Paterculus which relate very well those Dissentions Scipâ—o Nasica says he was the first advised Force against the Tribune Tiberius Gracchus his Cosin to prevent the Execution of the Legeâ— Agrariae made in favour of the People Ten years after Nasica was followed by the Consul Opimius taking up Arms against Caius Gracchus who either to revenge his Brother Tiberius's Death or to open a way to Sovereignty which he affected exercised the Tribunate with greater Violence than his elder Brother and subverted the Governmeâ—t of the City and State The Gracchi being Dead Opimius caused all their Friends or Servants to be put to Death which was not liked as procâ—â—ding rather from his particular Hatred to the Gracchi than a desire to make publick Examples of them The Gracchi were succeeded by Servilius Glaucia and Saturninus Apuleius who to keep the Tribunate longer than the Laws allowed and to prevent others being chose in their Places which Tacitus expresses by apisci inlicitos Honores dissolved by Fire and Sword the meetings of the People which obliged Marius then Consul the sixth time to Sacrifice them to the publick Hatred The Tribunate of Livius Drusus who would have restored to the Senate the right of judging Causes which Caius Gracchus had transferred to the Knights was neither more quiet nor happier all the Senators opposing him in those things he designed in their Favour chusing rather to bear the Insults of his Colleagues than be beholding to him for the Honour he would procure them So much enviâ—d they his Glory which appeared to them too great The Death of Drâ—sus who was killed as the Gracchi for extending the Priviledges of the City of Rome to all Italy which explains Tacitus Corrupâ—i spâ— aut 〈◊〉 per intercessionem socii kindles a War in Italy or of the Contederates 〈…〉 who presently demanded this Honour complaining with good Reason that they were treated like Strangers by a City maintained by their Arms tho' of the same Nation
the same Blood and Rome obliged to them for her great Power This War was the first occasion of raising Cn. Pompâ—ius Marius and Sylla who turned those Arms against the City they were entrusted with against the Allies For Sylla that was of a noble Family out much lessened in their Greatness valuing himself upon the Credit of ending the War in Italy demanded the Consulate and obtained 〈◊〉 by the Suâ—â—ragâ—s of almost all the Citizens At the same time the Government of Asia â—alling to Sylla Pub. Sulpicius the Tribune declared for Marius who at 70 years of Age would Command all the Provinces and by a Law turn'd Sylla out of the Government to give it to Marius whence presently began Sylla's Civil War who drove Marius and Sulpicius with their Accomplices out of Rome This War was succeeded by that of Cinnâ— who was no more moderate than Marius or Sulpicius He to Revenge himself of the Senate that deposed him from the Consulate and put another in his place recalled Marius and his Son from Exile and all of their Party that were Banished to strengthen his own to which by great Promises he drew all the Officers of the Roman Army at Nola. While he made War with his Country Cn. Pompeius seeing himself disappointed in his hopes of being continued Consul stands 〈◊〉 'twixt the Commonwealth and Sylla to watch an opportunity to mâ—nd his Condition by going with his Army to that side had the Advanâ—age For it often happens in Civil Wars that great Men Sacrifice their Alâ—egiance to their Interest Pompey dying after he had given Cinna Battle he and Marius became Masters of Rome whose Entry was followed with the Death of the Consuls Octavius killed by their Order and Cornelius Merula who cut his Veins to prevent Cinna's Revenge for being in his Place Marius dying next year at the beginning of his Seventh Consulate Cinna that entred upon his Second had all the Power of the Government but being very violent the great Men retired to Sylla in Greece which made him return into Italy to revenge the Nobles who made him their Chief as Marius was of the People and Cinna was slain by the Soldiers who Mutined against him when he would have had them Embarkt to Fight the Nobles Sylla endeavours to end all Differences by a good Accommodation and upon â—easonable Terms but Peace would not please those that hoped to advantage themselves by Fishing in Troubled Waters The Ambition of young Marius elected Consul at 26 years of Age continued the War but after he lost a Battle he was slain by some that Sylla hired to do it He was surnamed The Happy so much was his Courage valued This Victory made Sylla Dictator who so much abused his Authority that Marius and Cinna were regretted For he was the first invented Proscription i. e. by publick Authority gave a Reward to any one should kill a Citizen of Rome so that more was noâ— given for the Head of an Enemy slain in Battle than for a Citizen's killed in his own House After Cinna Marius and Sylla came Pompey the Great who according to Tacitus was not better than they but knew more how to Dissemble Post quos Cn. Pompeius occultior non melior Hist. 2. As soon as Pompey was in the Management of Publick Affairs not content to be the first he would be alone from thence came Caesar's Iealousie which in Conclusion produced another Civil War where Fortune leaving Pompey Caesar became Master of the Empire Paterâ— Hist. 2. Chap. 6. â— 12. 13. 15. 17. 19. 20. 21. 22. 25. 28. 33. 47. 48. hindred them making many Laws and very different till Sylla the Dictator changed or abolished them to make all new Then there was some Intermission which continued not long by reason of Lepidus's turbulent Demands and the Licentiousness of the Tribunes who managed the People as they pleased and made as many Laws as they had Persons to accuse so that the Commonwealth being corrupt the Laws were infinite 1 The multitude of Laws says Plato de Republica is as sure a sign of the Corruption of a State as a multitude of Physicians is of a Complication of Distempers It may truly be said adds a great Minister That new Laws are not so much Remedies for the Disorders of States as Testimonies thereof and sure toâ—ens of the weakness of a Government if old Laws have been well executed there will be no need of renewing them nor making others to stop new Disorders which then had never been settled Chap. 5. de la seconde partie du Testament Politique However it be Mezeray had reason to say That the multiplying Regulations in France served only to multiply the Abuses Dans la Vie d' Henry III. XXIX Then Cneius Pompeius was a third time Consul n Paterculus says That in this Consulate he had no Colleague and that this extraordinary Honour gave Caesar so much Iealousie that from that time they were irreconcileable Enemies He adds Pompey used all his Authority against Canvasing for Offices Chap. 47. and chose for Reformation of Manners but being more severe 2 In making Laws the Disposition of the People is to be observed No Laws are worse than those that require Perfection for the difficulty of observing them brings them into a Disuse Practice never reaches Speculation and consequently things are not to be adjusted in such a manner as will be best but in such a manner as will last longest Cardinal Pallavicini very properly calls too severe Laws the Bane of publick Tranquillity than the Offences deserved was the Subverter of the Laws he made and lost by Arms what he had gain'd by them o All good Men says the same Author would have Pompey and Caesar both quit their Commands Pompey agreed with those would have Caesar do it but was against doing it himself too And thence began the Civil War Chap. 48. From that time there were continual Troubles for Twenty Years no Custom no Law observed the greatest Crimes went unpunished and many good Actions were fatal At length Augustus Caesar being the Sixth time Consul and settled in his Authority he abolished those things he commanded in his Triumvirate and gave new Laws to be observed in time of Peace and under a Monarch And that they might be the better kept he appointed some to look after them The Law Papia Poppaea provided the People as common Parent should inherit their Goods that left no Children p By the Lex Papia those who had never been Married nihil capiebant â—x testamentis they were incapable of taking any thing by Will But the Orbâ— i. e. those who had been Married but had no Children lost only a Moiety And it is in this Sense Iuveâ—al makes the Adulterer say to the Husband Quod tibi filiolus vel filia nascitur ex me Iura parentis habes propter me scriberis haeres Legatum omne capis nec non dulce caducum Sat. 9.
Difficulties more than the Prudence many would value him for Dans ses Memoirs The Bishop of Beauvais said Cardinal Mazarine was not an able Man because he understood not the Revenues Memoirs de M. de la Chastre and therefore not to be admitted a Candidate for the Government of Asia The Senators on the other side look'd on Lepidus as a Moderate Man more worthy Praise than Blame and his Father leaving him a small Estate his Living without reproach they â—udg'd a Credit rather than Disgrace He was therefore sent into Asia and for Africk they referr'd the Nomination to Tiberius XXXV Upon this Severus Caecina propos'd their prohibiting Women going with their Husbands to their Governments Often declaring how happily he lived with his Wife by whom he had six Children and that he had advised nothing for the Publick but what he observed himself not suffering his to go out of Italy though he had commanded abroad forty Years He added It was with very good Reason our Ancestors forbid it That the Company of Women was burthensome and injurious by their Luxury in Peace and Fear in War 1 There is nothing more contrary to that Application is necessary for Publick Affairs than the Engagement of those to Women that have the Administration As a Woman lost the World nothing is more capable of hurting States than that Sex when they have those in their Power that govern they make them do what seems good to them and consequently what is ill The best Thoughts of Women being always bad in them that are guided by their Passions which is commonly their Reason when Reason it self should be the only Motive to animate and actuate those that manage publick Affairs Sect. 5. du c. 8. de la premier Partie du Testament Politique du Cardinal de Richelieu and made a Roman Army like the Barbarians going to War z The Latin is ad similitudinem barbari incessus because it was the Custom of Barbarous Nations to carry their Wives with them to the Wars as Tacitus remarks Ann. 4. Adsistentes plerisque matres conjuges Ann. 14. Brittaâ—â—orum copiae animo adeo fero â—ut conjuges quoque testes victoriae secum traherent And in his account of Germany Feminarum ululatus audiri vagitus infantium Hi â—uique sanctissimi testes c. That Sex was not only weak and unable to Labour but they got the Ascendant Cruel Ambitious and Arbitrary That Women have lately been seen to march among the Soldiers and commanding the Centurioâ—s were present at their Musters and Exercises That they should consider when any have been charged with Corruption much was objected to their Wives That the greatest Villains in the Provinces have applied to them who have undertaken and transacted their Affairs From hence it is two are courted and two Iudgment Seats That formerly they were restrain'd by the Oppian Laws but have broke through those Ties they govern not only their Families but the Courts of Iustice and the Armies 2 Since Interest is that commonly makes Men behave themselves ill in Office Ecclesiasticks are generally preferable to others says Cardinal Richelieu not as being less subject to Interest but as having neither Wives nor Children are free from those Ties engage others Chap. 7. de la seconde partie du Testament Politique XXXVI Few agreed with him many interrupted 3 'T is always dangerous speaking of Reformation for there are ever more that fear than desire it Cardinal Richelieu declar'd he durst never begin a Reformation of the King's House because he could never do it without encountering the Interest of many that were constantly near the King and in that Familiarity with him they would dissuade him from what was most necessary in the State to prevent the Regulations of his Family that would be very profitable to him Chap. 7. de la premier partie du meme Testament saying That was not the Matter before them a Because not propos'd by the Consuls nor the Prince to whom it belong'd to propose Matters that were to be consider'd and therefore what Câ—cina offer'd was not to the purpose and he was not considerable enough himself to undertake a Reform of Pro-consuls and other great Magistrates that went to govern the Provinces yet Tacitus says in two places of his second Book that it was allow'd them to quit their Subject they were upon when they had any thing to offer more important to the Publick and that was commonly practis'd by the Senators Erat quippe adhuc frequens senatoribus si quid e rep crederent loco sententiae promere And three Pages after A majoribus concessum est egredi aliquando relationem quod in commune conducat loco sententiae proferre and Caecina not a Censor of weight enough for such an Affair And Valerius Messalinus Messâ—la 's Son b Messala Corvinus of whom Quintilian says Cicerone miâ—ior dulcior in verbis magis elaboratuâ— Diâ—logo de Oratoribus who had much of his Eloquence reply'd Many hard Customs of their Ancestors 1 There are things Convenient and Necessary at one time that may be Pernicious at another Those that have the Government of States whether Princes or Ministers should accommodate themselves to the Present which commonly has no agreement with the Past. All Politicians agree in this Machiavel says That the Occasion of every Man 's good or bad Fortune consists in his correspondence and accommodation with the Times Which is the Reason why a Prince's Fortune varies so strangely because she varies the Times and he does not alter the way of his Administration Chap. 9. l. 3. of his Discourse The Duke of Rohan says almost the same thing in his Epistle before his Interest des Princes Dedicated to Cardinal Richelieu That there is no immutable Rule in the Government of States Upon Revolutions in States a Change even in Fundamental Maxims is necessary to govern well Therefore those that in these Matters observe more Examples of what is past than present Reasons necessarily commit great Errors had been changed for others better and more agreeable That the City was not besieged as formerly nor the Provinces in Arms and some Regard should be had to the Satisfaction of the Women who are so far from being troublesome to the Allies they are not so to their Husbands They share with them in all Conditions and are no inconvenience in time of Peace 'T is true we should go to the Wars without Incumbrances but when we return what Comfort more Commendable than that a Man enjoys with his Wife 'T is said some Women have been Ambitioâ—s and Covetous What shall we say of the Magistrates themselves most of them have their Failings will you therefore send none to the Provinces But the Wives have corrupted their Husbands are therefore single Men uncorrupt c If Pilate had taken his Wife Claudia Procula's Counsel who sent a Message to him to the Iudgment-Hall to have
Treason Mathematical Demonstrations of Conspiracies and Cabals says Cardinal Ricâ—lieu are not to be expected those are not to be met with till the Event that is not till they are past Remedy Tome 5. des Memoires de son Ministre And consequently what appears by strong Conjectures should sometimes be thought sufficiently proved Chap. 5. de la seconde partie du Testament Politique that had no Commerce either with Macedonia or Thrace 8 If a great Man is potent in a Frontier Country and behaves himself so as to give cause to suspect his corresponding with the Neighbouring Princes the Prince is in the Right to secure his Person either by calling him to Court or arresting him there if he comes not out And tho' there be not sufficient Evidence against him yet there is no Injustice done him in preventing his return for it is not reasonable Princes should live in Fear and Uneasiness for any Subject nor that the Interest of a particular Person should be considered more than the publick Safety For since Thrace was divided betwixt Rhemetalces and Cotis's Children to whom Trebellienus Rufus was Tutor by reason of their Infancy being not accustomed 9 It is absolutely necessary a Governor should know the Customs Laws and Manners of the Countâ—y where he is sent otherwise he will commit a thousand Errors that will make him be hated or despised which will be in prejudice of his Prince's Authority Cardinal Richlieu says in the first Chapter of his Testament Politique that he was forced to put the Marshal de Vitry out of the Government of Provence tho' his Courage and Fidelity made him very â—it for it because being of an insolent haughty Temper he was not proper to govern a People jealous of their Liberties and Priviledges as the Provensals are And in Arragon they pretend the King of Spain cannot give them a Stranger for their Viceroy that is one that is no Native without breaking the Laws So they call their Liberties and Immunities in Defence whereof all the Kingdom rose for Antonio Perez against Philip II. 1591. to our Government the People were full of Discontents and complained of Rhematalces and Trebellienus that they never punished the Oppressions of the Country 10 A Governor that suffers the People to be insulted by Strangers whether he can remedy it or not may however be assured that upon the first occasion they will Rebel against him The Celaletes Odrusians and other Potent People of Thrace took Arms under divers Captains but for want of Experience 11 The Event of Rebellions is almost always unfortunate because of the Incapaciâ—y of those that Command For on such occasions the People who know not what is â—itting for that time commonly take him for their Captain who first offers came not to any formidable War Some wasted the Country others passed the Mountain Haemus i a Mountain of Thrace continually cold at the foot whereof are the pleasant Fields of Thessaly to raise those lived remote others Besieged Rhemetalces and the City of Philippopoli built by Philip of Macedonia XLI Velleius k He writ an Epitome of the Roman History in very elegant Latin but â—ull of gross Flattery that Commanded an Army near l The Army in Missia having advice of these Disorders sent some Horse and light Footmen against those pillaged the Country or got Recruits while he went himself to raise the Siege All ended prosperously the Foragers were slain and a Dissension arising among the Besiegers Rhemetalces made a seasonable Sally upon the arrival of the Legions This deserved not the name of an Army 12 A good and faithful Historian should relate things plainly and without Aggravation If Truth be the life of History those that write ought carefully to avoid Aggravation which has always a mixture of Lying Câ—mmines speaking of the Battle of Morat where the Duke of Burgundy was beat by the Swissers says Mâ—ny talkt of Millions and reported they know not what making Armies five times greater than they are This is a Fault very common with the greatest part of modern Historians or Battle in which a few unarmed Men were defeated without any Blood-shed on our side XLII The same year the Cities of Gallia began to Rebel by reason of the excessive Debts they had contracted The Incendiaries were Iulius Florus and Iulius Sacrovir both nobly descended whose Ancestors for their great Services were made Citizens of Rome an Honour at that time rare and only a reward for Virtue 1 Those Honours that are rarely conferred and only upon Persons of extraordinary Merit are great Rewards to those that have them M. de Marquemont Archbishop of Lions speaking of the Prince of Poland's arrival at Rome and the Difficulties they were under how to treat him says he received no publick Honours but thoughâ— himself well recompenced in being made a Canon of St. Peter and to be allowed in the Habit of a Canon to shew the Holy Relicks of that Church which was never done by any but Charles V. and another Emperor Dans une lettre du 5 Ianvier 1625. Tome 1. des Mem. du Mâ—nistere du Card. de Rich. By Conferences they gain'd those whose Poverty or Crimes had made desperate Florus was to raise the Low-Countrymen and Sacrovir the French In their Meetings they talkt Seditiously of their Taxes the Excess of Usury m They were 〈◊〉 to borrow Money of the Roman Bankers to pay their heavy Taxes which ruined them with Usâ—ry the Pride and Cruelty of their Governors and that since Germanicus's Death there were great Discontents in the Army And that if they considered the Strength of the French the Poverty of Italy the weakness of the People of Rome who understood nothing of War and that the Strength of our Armies consisted of Foreign Troops they would see this was a proper time to recover their Liberty XLIII There was scarce a City free from this Contagion but Tours and Angiers revolted first The latter was reduced to its Duty by Lieutenant Acilius Aviola who marched speedily thither with some of the Garison of Lyons And those of Tours by those Forces Visellius Varro Lieutenant of Lower Germany sent Aviola with the Succours he had from some of thâ— great Men of France who waited a more favourable opportunity to Rebel themselves Sacrovir fought bare-headed as he said to shew his Courage but the Prisoners said he did it to be better known and that the Romans might not draw upon him XLIV When Tiberius was consulted upon this Rebellion he slighted the Discovery but â—omented the VVar by Irresolution 2 The want of Resolution in Princes says Antonio Perez begets many Inconveniences Dans ses Râ—lations In great Affairs says Cardinal d'Ossat for avoiding a great Evil and obtaining great Good something must be attempted and a Resolution taken to get out of ill Circumstances the soonest and best that may be Lettre 127. Charles Colonna an
of Burgundy in Latin Augustâ—dâ—num and Hedâ—â— the Standard-Bearers striving who should make most haste the Common Soldiers said they would march Night and Day and if they could but see the Enemy would answer for Victory 5 When Soldiers have a great desire to fight a General should not let it cool for it is almost always a Presage of Victory Twelve miles from the City Sacrovir appear'd with his Troops in the open Field drawn up in a Line of Battle The Cuirassiers in the Front his own Troops in the Wings and those that were ill-arm'd in the Rear Among the Principal Officers Sacrovir was on Horse-back riding through their Ranks Magnifying the Exploits of the Gauls and how oft they had beat the Romans laying before them how honourable their Liberty would be if they were Conqueâ—ors and how insupportable their Slavery if Conquer'd 6 Those that fall into the hands of their Prince against whom they have rebell'd should expect to be treated with extreme Rigour Which makes Princes for ever lose those States they might recover if the Rebels despaired not of a sincere Pardon Which made the Hollanders persevere in their Resolution rather to drown themselves and their Country in the Sea than be Subject again to Philip II. concluding what his Resentment would be from the Cruelty of the Duke d'Alva his Minister XLVIII His Harangue was not long 7 Short Harangâ—es are best for Soldiers who can give no long attention nor weigh the Reasons are urg'd Nothing makes greater Impression upon them than this Imperatoria Brevitas whereby they retain all that is said to them Such was the Speech of Hen. IV. of France one day when he was going to give Battle I am King says he and yoâ— are Frenchmen and you cannot thâ—â— but Conquer nor pleasing for the Legions drew near in Battle Array and the Citizens and the Peasants unskill'd in War could neither see nor understand what they were to do On the contrary though Silius might have spared his pains through the Assurance he had of his Men yet told them That it was a shame for them who had conquer'd the Gâ—rmans to be brought against the French as if they were their Equals One band lately reduc'd the Rebels of Tours a few Troops of Horse those of Treves a small Number of theirs those of the Franche Comtâ— These of Autun are richer but weaker and more enervate with Pleasures Conquer them then and look after those that fly The Army answer'd with Acclamations and at the same time the Horse compass'd the Enemy and the Foot engag'd their Front The Wings made little Resistance except the Cuirassiers whose Armour was Proof against the Swords and Arrows which oblig'd our Soldiers to fall on with their Axes and Hatchets as if they were to make a Breach in a Wall Some knock'd them down with Poles and Forks and these Poor Men unable to help themselves 1 There arâ— no worse Arms than those a Man cannot stir in Saul having armed David with his Armour he put an Helmet of Brass on his Head put on his Coat of Mail and girded his Sword upon his Armour but when David had try'd these Arms that they were too heavy for him he said unto Saul He could not go with them and took only his staff in his hand and five smooth stones hâ— had chose out of the Broâ—k and put in his Scrip to conquer Goliah 1. Sam. 17. were left for Dead on the Ground Sacrovir retires first to Autun then for fear he should be deliver'd to the Romans goes with a few of his trustiest Friends to the next Village where he kill'd himself and the rest one another having first set fire to the Place that they might be burnt XLIX Then Tiberius writ the Senate an Account of the Beginning and Ending of the War neither adding nor lessening the Truth ascribing the good Success to the Courage and Fidelity of his Lieutenants and his Counsels And gave Reasons why neither He nor Drusus went to the War magnifying the Greatness of the Empire and that it was not fitting for Princes to leave Rome which governs the rest for the Rebellion of one or two Cities But now that the State had no longer cause to fear any thing he would go and settle that Province The Senate decreed Vows and Supplications for his Return with other Honours Cornelius Dolabella when he endeavour'd to exceed others fell into an absurd Flattery proposing Tiberius should return in Triumph from Campania Upon which he writ to them that after he had conquer'd warlike Nations and receiv'd or refus'd so many Triumphs in his Youth he wanted not Glory so much as to accept vain Honours 2 When Princes have acquir'd a solid Reputation they despise false Honours because their Glory needs it not and what their Flatterers give them serves only to blemish the Good Opinion of their true Merit Therefore Alexander threw into the River Hydaspes the History of the Victory he gain'd of Porus telling the Author when he read it to him it was very rash in him to insert false Exploits as if Alexander had not true ones sufficient to recommend him without Lying Prusias King of Bithynia was despis'd by the Senate of Rome for desiring an Harangue full of Flattery upon a Victory the Romans gain'd in Macedonia in his old Age for taking the Air near Rome L. About the same time he desir'd the Senate Sulpicius Quirinus 3 There is no Kindness more sincere than that Princes shew after the Death of those Ministers who have served them well The Portuguese accuse Philip II. of Ingratitude because he did not forbear according to the Custom of their Kings on the like Occasions appearing in Publick that Day the Duke d'Alva died that conquer'd the Kingdom of Portugal for him And Henry IV. was commended by all the Court of Rome and all the Princes of Italy for celebrating the Obsequies of Cardinal Toledo in the Church of Nostre Dâ—me in Paris and of Nostre Dame in Rouen he having chiefly promoted his Absolution And 't is a wonderful thing says the Wise Cardinal d'Ossat that out of Spain from whence came all the Opposition to so good a Work God should raise a Person of so great Authority to Procure Sollicite Direct Advance and Perfect what the Spaniards most deprecated Letters 24 and 80. might have publick Funerals He was not of the Noble and ancient Family of the Sulpicii but born at a Free City q In Latin 't is render'd Municipium called Indovina and having served Augustus well in the Wars r The Latin has it impiger militia acribus ministeriis was honoured with the Consulate and after with a Triumph for taking the Castles of the Homonadenses in Cilicia Then being Governor to C. Caesar in Armenia he made his Court to Tiberius at Rhodes 1 To be heartily loved by Princes we should court their Friendship in their
private Condition or when persecuted by their Predecessors The Friendship of particular Persons is never acquir'd but by time with greater reason then that of Princes should be acquir'd with long Services They have little value for those that come to them when they are in their Thrones because they are commonly such as make Court rather to their Forâ—une than Person and look upon their Reward as near when those that adhere to them in the time of their Rivals and Enemies as Quirinus did to Tiberius while C. Caesar was alive and next Heir to the Empire have full Right to a Prince's Favour who conâ—ideâ—s them as disinherited Friends So the Duke of Beaufort at his return from England was the Favourite of Queen Ann of Spain who not only spoke of him with all marks of Esteem and commanded her Creatures to have a Friendship for him but when the Physitians one day thought Lewis XIII dying chose him to be Governor of the Dauphine and Monsieur A Trust that shewed sufficiently to what Honours and Dignities he was destin'd if he had known how to manage his Fortune Memoires de la Chastre Henry IV. of France never leâ—t asking the Promotion of the Sieur Seraâ—in to be a Cardinal till he obtain'd it because this Prelate he was Auditor of the Roâ—a above 30 Years was always for him and his Crown in the most difficult and dangerous Times So says Cardinal d'Ossat Dans sa Letre 61. which Tiberius open'd to the Senate commending his Dutifulness and accus'd Lollius s Paterculâ—s says so of Lollius That he was a Man that more desir'd to grow rich than to live well and with all the Care he took to conceal his Vice Yet he was and also appear'd to be very vicious Cap. 97 du Livre 2. de son â—pitome And in the 102 Chap. â—â—e adds Augusâ—us chose Lollius to be C. Ceasâ—r's Governor Quem moderatorâ—m juvâ—nâ—ae filii sui Augustus esse voluerat as the Author of C. Caesar's 2 An ill Governor or Tutor is very dangerous for a Young Prince Testa recenâ— imbuta diu servabit odorâ—m Plato says That Kings should have four Masters or Governors for their Children to teach them the four Virtues necessary for those that Reign The first teaches them Prudence the Second Iustice the Third Temperance and to despise Pleasures the Last the Art of War and sets Examples before them of the Courage and Constancy of their Glorious Ancestors Dans son premier Alâ—ibiade Paul Emilius says that Giles Romain Arch-Bishop of Bourges exhorted King Philip the Fair in that to imitate the Kings of Persia Livre 8. de son Histoire de France Sedition and Lewdness But his Memory was not very agreeable to the Senate because he accused Lepida and was sordid and insolent in his Old Age. LI. The end of this Year C. Lutorius Priscus a Roman Knight who had compos'd an Excellent Elegy on Germanicus and received a Reward from the Emperor for it was accus'd for making it for Drusus when he was sick in hopes of a greater Gratuity if he had died 3 There is nothing more disagreeable to Princes than what puts them in mind of their Death In whatever Condition they are they would not be told they shall die When Lewis XI answer'd those that told him he was a Dead Man It may be I am not so bad as you think me He shew'd That those who took upon them this Commission did him a piece of Service he should not thank them for if he recover'd It seems the late King who was much a better Prince than Lewis XI was displeas'd with the Credulity of the Queen and would have her hold a Council as she had done the day before by his Order and made her go out of his Chamber as he was Departing So easily do Princes â—latter themselves with hopes oâ— long Life So M. de Chiverny acted very wisely when he refused to assist at a Consultation of Physitians upon Charles IX because belonging to the King of Poland his Brother and Lawâ—ul Successor he would have been look'd upon at that Meeting as one that deâ—ir'd the King's Death and the Accession of his Master to the Crown Dans ses Memoires If Lutonius did ill in making an Elegy upon Drusus's Death which he thought certain these are no lâ—ss Criminal that make Funeral Orations upon Princes in their perfect Health to be early enough with them when they die and to get the Reputation of great Orators persuading the World they have made a Discourse in five or six days which sometimes has cost them more years However these People shew their Vanity more than their Eloquence C. Lutorius was so vain as to read it in P. Petronius's House to several Noble Ladies And when the Informer cited them to give Testimony only Vitellia denied she heard it read but greater Credit was given to others that testified against him Haterius Agrippa Consul Elect delivers his Opinion that he should die M. Lepidus spoke to this Effect LII If we consider only how Lutorius Priscus hath debauched his Mind and his Auditors â—ars neither Prison nor Halter nor any servile Punishments were enough for him But though his Crimes are without measure yet the Moderation of a Prince their own and your Ancestors Examples will qualifie the Punishments Vanity differs from Wickedness and Words from ill Deeds There may such a Way be found to punish him that we may neither repent our Clemency nor Severity I have heard our Princes complain when any through Despair have prevented their Mercy 4 How cruel soever a Prince is he takes Pleasure in being praised for his Clemency It some times happens that the Commendations given him for Vertue he has not create a desire in him to merit that by his future Practices Lutorius's Life is yet safe and the preserving it will neither endanger the Common-Wealth nor can the taking it away be any Example As his Studies were full of Folly so were they senceless and soon over Neither have we reason to fear any thing great or serious in one that betrays himself to the Women Yet let him leave the City his Goods be seiz'd and he banish'd which I take to be as bad as if he was convict of Treason LIII Among all the Consuls only Rubellius Blandus 5 A Subject that has his Prince against him never finds many Iudges to protect his Innocence and if little guilty all ways are thought on to condemn him Dangerous says Anthony Perez is that Iâ—stice where there is an Inclination to condemn What will it be then if accompanied with absolute Power Displeasure and Flattery Aâ—orismes de ses Relations That puts me in mind of the Spanish Proverb alla van Leyos do quiâ—ren Reyos The Laws go aâ— the Kings please agreed with Lepidus the rest were of Agrippa's Opinion so Lutonius was carried back to Prison and soon suffer'd Tiberius writ to the Senate with his usual Ambiguities
Battels of S. Quintin and Gravelines which was a just Punishment for the Breach of the Truce of Vaucelles and altogether a convincing Evidence that the Absolutions a Violent and Passionate Pope gives are not always sure signs of a Divine Absolution So the wise Cardinal d'Ossat had good reason to say that a Pope should be a Man of Virtue and Understanding that he may not be deceived by the Artifices of ill Men and to make him a common Father in holding the Ballance equal not doing ill to any at the Desire and Suggestion of others Letter 330. Gregory XIV at the beginning of his Papacy declar'd he pretended not to govern according to the Maxims of State but according to the Laws of the Gospel That was speaking like a Pope but as a good Milanese he could not keep his word for he soon declar'd for the League in favour of the King of Spain and the Guises As if Partiality had been an Evangelical Precept for a Common Father Herrerac 10. du Livre 6. de la 3 Partie de son Hist. If the Piety of the Faithâ—ul says Saavedra has given the Popes Temporal Power it were more for the Security of their Grandeur never to use it against Princes but when the Universal Good of the Church made it necessary When the Triple Crown is turn'd into an Helmet there is no Respect paid it but as a temporal Thing when it makes use of Politick Considerations it is lookt upon only as the Crown of a Politick Prince and not a Pope's whose Authority should be supported by Spiritual Power His Pastoral Duty is not for War but Peace His Staff is crooked not pointed for 't is to lead not hurt Empresa 94. I will conclude this with a very judicious Reflection of Don Iuan Antonia de Vera in the Second Discourse of his Ambassador What ancient or modern Example says he can be brought in comparison of that which Cardinal Bembo and Thomas Porcachi relate of Pope Iulius II. who being more an Enemy to the French King Lewis XII thaâ— was fit for an universal Pastor of the Church orders the King of Spain's Ambassador and the Venetians his Allies to acquaint their Masters he had made Peace with France but that they should not be allarm'd at it for he continued still his ill Will to that Crown that his Heart was Spanish and that this Peace was only to lay the French asleep to take them afterwards unprovided If there be then so little Security and Faith in a Pope what may we expect from Secular Princes How can we trust those that are not Catholicks or are born Infidels Words worthy this Spaniard who took for his Motto Veritaâ— Vincit Against this Lentulus the Augur and others differently spoke at last it was resolv'd to refer the Matter to the Emperor's Decision LX. Tiberius defers giving his Opinion in it and moderates the Honours decreed Drusus with the Office of Tribune reproving by Name the Insolence of that Proposition that the Decree should be writ in Letters of Gold contrary to Custom Drusus's Letters were read which were taken to be very arrogant though they had a turn of Modesty too They said Things were come to that pass that Drusus upon receiving so great Honour would not vouchsafe a Visit to the Gods of the City nor shew himself in the Senate or begin at least his Authority in his own Country if the War or his Distance hindeâ—â— him However he is entertaining himself on the Shores and Lakes of Campania f A Province near Rome call'd now Terra di Lavoro Florus says Campania was the â—inest Country in the World Terrarum pulcherrima Thus is he bred that is to govern the World This he learn'd from his Father's Counsels Tiberius might excuse himself from appearing in Publick by reason of his Years and Labours but what hinders Drusus besides his Pride LXI Tiberius daily strengthen'd his Sovereignty but to leave some shew of their ancient State to the Senate he sent them the Petitions of the Provinces to examine The Licentiousness and Impunity of Sanctuaries grew to that in Greece thâ— Cities set them up as they pleased The Temples were filled with Slaves Debtors that defy'd their Creditors and Persons subject of Capital Crimes g As Greece was a Province almost all Maritime and where according to Thucidides Piracy prevail'd much and those that exercised it were in good Esteem the Inhabitants built Temples to protect themselves from the Insults of the Pyrates So these Temples were not like our Churches but like Castles and Forts with Vaults under ground and were not for the Retreat of Criminals but for honest Persons that fled from Oppression And if they were abused they lost the Privilege of the Sanctuaries which at first was allowed to very few Places But the Wickedness of Men ingenious enough in finding out ways to abuse the most sacred things wrought â—o great a Change that what was instituted in Greece for a Protection against Oppression became one against Iustice and the Laws so that the Sanctuaries that were at first only a Refuge for honest Men and such as were afflicted served afterwards only for Criminals This made the Senate of Rome to regulate them and take from the Temples in Greece the Privilege of Sanctuaries except Nine that gave better Testimony than the rest of their Original Too small a Number for so great a Province that was more than a thousand Miles extent There was at this time another kind of Immunity not Instituted in Honour of any God nor in Favour of any Temple but only in consideration of Iustice. It was for those had any Potent Enemy they could not oppose they run to some Statue of the Prince embraced it calling for Publick Authority and then no one durst offer them the least Violence Yet this was not an Immunity but rather an Appeal to Iustice For as soon as the Iudges took Cognisance of the Matter if their Cause was good they awarded them Satisfaction but if Unjust a double Penalty was inflicted one for the Crime the other for their boldnesâ— in running to the Princes Statue when guilty Would to God Churches were only Sanctuaries for the Innocent and that Câ—iminals resorting to them were not only punish'd for their Crimes but also for their Rashness in believing God and the Churches will protect 〈◊〉 Thieves Rebels incestuous Perâ—ons and Villains 〈◊〉 Paâ—lo Sarpi chap. 7. de son Traite â—es Asiles Philo Iudaeâ—s explaining the Law in the 21. of Exodus If a Man come presumptuously upon his Nâ—ighbour to sâ—ay him with Guile that thou shalt take him from mine Altar that he may die says That Wicked Mâ—n should find no Sanctuary in Places consecrated to Piety and Worship Proâ—ani in fano nullum esse receptum lib. de spec legib In Petrarchs Letters there is one to the Pope in which he congratulates his repressing the Liberty of the Cardinals who protected any Offenders pursuâ—d by
their weak side Self-love Plutâ—rch says this pretended Liberty is like Blows from Ladies which instead of hurting irritate and provoke to Pleasure Princes have common Flatteries so continually in their Ears that they would be wearâ—ed with them if this Court-Food was not dress'd different ways which recovers the Appetite their Favouâ—ites are concerned should not be cloy'd Tiberius understood these things rather in the sense they were intended than as they were spoken and persisted in acquitting Ennius This was the more Dishonourable in Capito that he who was so learned in Humane and Divine Laws should so blemish himself the Publick u The Latin is egregium publicum Emanuel Suegro renders it la reputation de la Republicâ— Don Carlos Colonna la reputacion publica Adriâ—no Potiti la reputacione publica M. de Chaâ—vâ—alon I'Etat Rodolphus with this Paraphrase That Capito had tarnished the Lustre of his publick Actions and Domestick Virtues A Sense which appears very reasonable considering this Senator had been Consul and consequently a Publick Magistrate Tacitus had perhaps a mind to speak of his different States of Life and the good Qualities that were so Eminent in him 1 Ill Men says Commines are the worse for their Knowledge but it mends those that are well dispos'd Gentlemen of the Long Robe are very requisite for Princes when honest but if otherwise they are very dangerous Livre 2. Chap. 6. Livre 5. Chap. derniere Pope Nicholas III. was used to say Knowledge without Honesty was Poison without Remedy Pagli Observ. 431. LXXII Then a Question arose in what Temple the Offering should be placed which the Roman Knights had Vowed to Fortuna Equestris for Augusta's Recovery For tho' that Goddess had many Temples in the City none bore that Name x Livy in his 42th Book says the contrary mentioning That Q. Fulvius Flaccus when Praetor in Spain vowed a Temple to Fortuna Equestris which he built after at Rome when Livius Posthumus Albinus and Marcus Popilius Lenas were Consuls and he Censor But this Temple being never dedicated whether by reason of Fulvius his Death who died the year after he was Censor or because this Building was not then finished 't is probable Tacitus therefore said there was no Temple of that Name in Româ— for the Name was not given but at the Ceremony of Dedication There was one found so called at Antium and all the Rites in the Cities of Italy the Temples and Images of the God's being subject to the Roman Empire they appointed it should be placed at Antium And this matter being in Debate Tiberius takes occasion to give his Opinion which he had deferr'd about Servius Maluginensis Priest of Iupiter He produced and read a Decree of the Pontiffs That when the Flamen Dial or Priest of Iupiter fell into any sickness he might with the High Priest's Permission be absent from Rome two days provided it was not on the Days of Sacrifice 2 It is melancholly thing to consider that Pagans should make their false Priests so strictly keep Residence and that the frequent Injunctions and Laws are not suâ—ficient to do the like among Christians A Priest of Iupiter could not be absent from Rome above two days and those when he had no Religious Duty to perform Now it is too common to see Bishops and Clergymen whole years absent from their Diocesses and Cures and are little known but by their receiving Rents and Tithes What would S. Bernard say who so pasâ—ionately desired to see the Church of God in the same Condition as in the Apostle's time when laxabant retia in capâ—uram says he to Pope Eugenius non in capturam auri vel argenti sed in capturam animarum Epist. 237. However says Lewis XIII of France in a Circular Letter that he writ to the Clergy about Residence there is not one can be ignorant that the Canons of the Church which King 's are to see observed and the Laws do oblige to an actual Residence upon which chiefly depâ—nds good Order and Discipline in their Diocesses Tome 5. des Memoires du Cardinal Richlieu Bishopricks says Cardinal d'Ossat are the greatest and most important Charges of the Church which cannot be well administred without the Presence and Residence of Prelates especially in so disorderly a time as this is for a Bishop has enough to do to discharge it well when he is present however careful diligent and zealous he is Lettre 328. What Denis de Marquemont Archbishop of Lyâ—ns writ to Cardinal Richlieu to be recalled into France is stronger and more affecting Rome says he which was formerly my Eden and Delight is become so insuppoâ—table in this my last Voyage that I have no Heart nor Health nor Desire to stay there longer 'T is not fit for an Archbishop of Lyons and an old Man to pass his time in Anti-Chambers I forbear mentioning what is most considerable the Reproaches of my Conscience and those Comforts I am deprived of and continually thirst after which I have had the Experience of in the Exercise of the Duties of my Function Dans les Memories du Ministre du Cardinal de Richlieâ— Don Francisco Sarmiento Bishop of Iaen reâ—used the Office of President of Castille which Philip II. pressed him to take telling him he could not in Conscience do it since he believed Residence of Divine Right nor more than twice in a year Which being ordained in Augustus's time sufficiently shewed they could not be absent a whole year nor consequently govern Provinces He remembred likewise the Example of L. Metellus the High-Priest who kept Aulus Posthumius Iupiter's Priest in the City And therefore Asia came to his share who was next among the Consuls to Maluginensis LXXIII Then Lepidus desired leave of the Senate to Repair and Beautifie at his own Charge Paulus Emilius's Basilica y The Basilicae were very spacious and beautiful Edifices designed not only for the Senate to sit in but for the Iudges to in Decision of all sorts of Causes and for the Lawyers to receive their Clients the Monument of that Family For at that time particular Men endeavoured to shew their Magnificence by publick Buildings and Augustus forbid z Statilus Taurus built an Amphitheatre Philippus the Temple of Hercules surnamed of the Muses and Balbus a Theater Taurus and Balbus who had both made their Fortune in the Wars laid out only the Spoâ—ls thâ—y took from the Enemies but Philippus built out of his own Estate not Taurus Philippus and Balbus bestowing the Spoiles they had taken from the Enemy or their great Riches for the Ornament of the City and Glory of Posterity In imitation of which Examples tho' Lepidus was not very rich yet would he revive the Honour of his Ancestors Pompey's Theatre that was accidentally burnt the Emperor promised to rebuild at his own Charges there being none of that Family left able to do it and that it should still retain Pompey's Name 3 An
This Duke says De Maurier paid Respect to Virtue in an Enemy and a Rebel and not content to Esteem him in his Heart he raised him a Mausoleum Dans la Preface de ses Memoires de Hollande Philip II. of Spain after he cut off Don Iuan de la Nuca's Head who took up Arms in the Defence of the Priviledges of Arragon ordered his Body to be carried to the Burial Place of his Ancestors by ten Noble Persons to pay Respect to his Worth whose Person he had punished Ch. 10. des dits des faits de Philippe II. The Images of Twenty Noble Houses were carried before her Body among which were those of the Mantii Quincti and others of their Rank But Cassius and Brutus were the more remembred because their Images 8 The Glory of Great Persons depends not on the Humour nor Ill Will of Princes They are groâ—â—y mistaken that think that the Suppression of their Images or Praises can bury their Memory in Eternal Oblivion Princes can make Men hold their Tongues but cannot make them forget the good Actions of those have deserved Universal Applause The Complaisance every Man has for his Prince suspends for a time Commendation and Honours that are due to them but when he is Dead Liberty succeeds Restraint and revenges upon the Memory of the Oppressor the Injustice done to those that are oppressed were not seen there The End of the First Volume THE Life of AGRICOLA By IOHN POTENGER Esq I. IT has been usual heretofore to transmit the Deeds and Manners of famous Men to Posterity neither is it omitted in our Times tho' the Age is very careless of its own Transactions as often as any great and noble Virtue proves so transcendent as to baâ—fle Envy and prevent Ignorance Vices equally common to great and little Cities But as our Predecessors were apparently more prone to Actions worthy to be recorded so every celebrated Wit was induced by the meer Reward of doing well to an impartial Publication of their Virtues Nay many have thought â—it to be their own Historians not through Arrogancâ— but a just Assurance of their good Behaviour Neither is it any Discredit or Objection to the Memoirs of Rutilius or Scaurus that they were written by their own Hands so highly is Virtue esteemed when frequently practised But I who am about to write the Life of a dead Man have need of Pardon which I should not crave were I not to write in Times so malignant towards the Virtuous II. We have read of Arulenus Rusticus and Herenius Senicen made Capital Offenders the one for praising Priscus Heluidius the other for commending Petus Thrasea nay the Books as well as the Authors were executed A Triumvirate being appointed to burn those Monuments of famous Men in the Publick Assembly and in the open Market believing by their Flames the Peoples Freedom of Speech the Liberty of the Senate and the good Conscience of Mankind would be destroyed And by the Expulsion of Wise Men and the Banishment of honest Arts Goodness it self would be extirpated We have given ample Proofs of our Patience for as the former Age saw the End of Liberty so we have the Extremity of Servitude being deprived by frequent Inquisitions of the Commerce of the Ear and Tongue so that we had lost our Memory with our Voice could we as easily forget as be silent III. Now at last our Spirits are revived But if in the beginning of this blessed Age Nerva Caesar has reconciled two former Opposites Liberty and Sovereignty and Caesar Trajan daily increases our Happiness under Kingly Government so that we have not only fair Hopes and a longing Desire but a strong Assurance of the Publick Safety Yet such is the Infirmity of Human Nature Remedies work slower than the Disease And as our Bodies that grow by degrees quickly perish so it is easier to suppress than restore Wit and Learning there being a kind of Charm in Idleness that makes Sloth which was at first troublesome turn to Delight What if for fifteen Years a large Space of Human Life many have fallen by Accident but the more Eminent by the Cruelty of the Prince Yet some of us have not only survived our Contemporaries but if I may so speak our selves so many Years being substracted from the middle part of our Age in which if young we grow old if old we 're passing in silence to the last Period of our Lives But I shall without Regret endeavour tho' in a rude Style to relate our past Misery and our present Happiness And I hope this Account being dedicated to the Memory of my Father-in-Law Agricola will for its Piety merit Pardon if not Praise IV. Cnaeus Iulius Agricola was born in the Ancient and Famous Colenny of Forium Iulium Both his Grandfathers were Procurators to their Prince the noble Imploy of a Roman Knight His Father Iulius Graecinus was a Senator eminent for Wisdom and Eloquence good Qualities that provoked the Rage of Caius Caesar who put him to death for refusing to implead Marcus Silanus He being bred up under the Wing of a tender Mother Iulia Procilla a Woman of a singular Chastity pass'd his Minority in acquiring Virtues sutable to his Age. He was not only guarded from the Allurements of the Vicious by a natural Probity but by having in his tender Years Massilia the Seat and Mistress of his Studies a Place that had exactly temper'd a Provincial Parsimony with a Graecian Aâ—â—ability I well remember he frequently would relate how eagerly he was bent in his Youth on the Study of Philosophy and the Law more then was allowed a Roman Senator But his Mother's Prudence corrected this irregular Heat His high Spirit made him more vehement than cautious in the Pursuit of Glory and Renown But Age and Experience made him more temperate but what was most difficult he continued to bound his Desires with Discretion V. He made his first Campaign with great Approbation under Suetonius Paullinus in Britain a diligent and good-natur'd General who did him the Honour to choose him for his Comrade Agricola did not like other Gallants make War the Business of Love and Courtship He was not addicted to Rambling and Pleasure so as to have the Title without the Skill of a Tribune but spent his time in discovering the Country in making himself known to the Army and being informed by the Skilful still following the Brave never attempting any thing out of Ostentation or declining any Attempt for Fear Never were Affairs in Britâ—in more desperate Our old Souldiers slain our Colonies burnt our Army intercepted and we forced first to fight for Safety and then for Victory These Exploits by which the Province was recover'd tho' acted by the Advice or Conduct of another were the General 's Glory and made our young Souldier more emulous as well as more experienced his Soul being fired with an Ambition of Military Fame which was very disagreeable to those Times in
the Land and climbs up to the Tops of Mountains as if they were its proper Road and Channel XI Whether the first Inhabitants of this Island were Natives or imported Strangers is hardly to be found in this or any barbarous Nation We may conjecture at their Original by the various Fashions of their Bodies They that live in Caledonia are red Headed big Limb'd which speaks them of a German Extraction The Swarthiness of the Silures and their curled Hair would induce one to believe by their Situation over-against Spain that the Iberi had heretofore failed over and planted themselves in these parts They that are Neighbours to the French are like them either because the Qualities and Strength of their Progenitors continue in them or because in Countries bordering upon one another the same Climate createth the same Complexion But 't is generally believed the French first Peopled those Parts You may guess at their Religion by their superstitious Opinions Their Speech differs but little with equal Boldness they challenge Dangers and with equal Fear decline them when they come The British Fierceness has the Preference being not at present softned by a long and a sluggish Peace The French were formerly brave but being invaded by Sloth and Idleness they lost their Courage and their Liberty The same Fate attended the Britains heretofore The rest remain such as the French were XII Their greatest Strength lies in their Infantry Some Nations use Chariots in War the greatest Men drive them and their Dependants defend them They were formerly governed by Kings but now they are divided into Faction and Parties by some Ring-Leaders That which contributed most to our conquering these Warlike Nations was their having no Common Council seldom above two or three Cities at a time concerted Methods of repelling the Common Foe So that whilst they fought singly they were universally overcome They have a dropping and a cloudy Sky the Cold here is not sharp the Days are of a greater Length than ours the Night is clear and in the Extream Parts short so that you scarce distinguish the Beginning from the Ending of the Day They affirm if the Clouds did not interpose the Rays of the Sun would be always visible and that he does not rise and set but glide by because the Extream and Plain Parts of the Earth project a low and humble Shadow which makes Night hang hovering under the Stars and Sky The Soil will bear all sorts of Grain besides the Olive and the Vine and such as love a hotter Climate It is very fruitful and every thing springs quickly but ripens slowly which is the effect of moist Grounds and showry Heavens This Country produces Gold and Silver and other Metals which defray the Charge of their Conquest The Sea breeds Pearl not very Orient but pale and wan Some suppose it want of Skill in those that pick them up for in the Red Sea they are plucked from the Rock alive and breathing but in Britain they are gathered as they lie about in the Sea But I believe there is more want of Worth in the Pearl than Skill viz. Greediness in them who gather ' em XIII The Britains suffer patiently the Levying of Men and Money and faithfully discharge all Publick Employments imposed on them if so be they are not abused thereby which to them is intolerable being at present subdued to Obedience but not to Vassalage Iulius Caesar altho' he first made a Descent with his Army and â—righted the People with a successful Battel yet he possessed himself of nothing but the Shoar and seem'd rather to shew than deliver them to Posterity Now the Civil Wars of Rome turned the Great Mens Swords upon the Common-wealth and Britain was forgot during a long Peace Augustus but especially Tiberius termed that Oblivion State-Policy But 't is certainly known Caius had a Design to attack Britain had he not been of a Temper to resolve suddenly and as suddenly to alter his Resolution or had he not been disappointed by the bad Success his Arms had in Germany 't was Claudius who first effectually prosecuted its Conquest transporting Legions and Auxiliaries and taking Vespatian in to the Enterprize which was a Prelude to his future Greatness Now it was that Countries were reduced Kings captivated and Vespatian made known to the World XIV The first Lieutenant-General â— was Aulus Plautius the next Ostorius Scapula both great Commanders By degrees the nearest Parts were brought into the Form of a Province where a Colony of old Soldiers was planted Some Cities were bestowed on King Cogidunus who continued faithful even within our Memory according to an Ancient Practice of the Romans who made Kings the Instruments of the Peoples Slavery What others acquired Didius Gallus preserved and by erecting a few Castles farther up in the Country sought to gain the Reputation of having extended his Trust. Verantius followed Didius and died in a Year's time After that Suetonius Paullinus was very successful for two Years subduing Nations and fortifying Garisons upon Confidence of which he was resolved to make an Attempt on the Island Mona that still furnished the Rebels with fresh Supplies XV. But this turning of his Back gave the Britains a fair Opportunity whose Fear left them with the Lieutenant-General they had now leisure to consider the Mischiefs of Bondage and to compare their Miseries and be inflamed by their reflecting upon them What was the Effect of their Patienâ—e but to have heavier Burdens laid upon their Shoulders as if they were ready to bear any thing They had heretofore but one King at a time but now they had two a Lieutenant to be lavish of their Lives and a Procurator to make havock of their Fortunes Their Governour 's Discord or Concord was equally pernicious to the Subject vexed by the Soldiers and Centurions of the one and the Force and Contumely of the other nothing was exempted from their Luxury and Lust The Brave in Fight should plunder but now their Houses were become a Prey to base ignoble Cowards their Children forced away and Soldiers required of them as if they knew nothing but to die for their Country If the Britains would but Number themselves they would find how few of their Soldiers compared to them had been brought over The Germans shook off their Yoke who had not the Ocean but a River only for their Defence And that they had the juster Cause of War their Country Parents and their Wives whereas their Enemies had no pretence but Avarice and Luxury Would they but emulate their Ancestors and not be daunted at the Event of one or two Battles and consider that Men in Misery are apt to make the braver Attempts and to go on with the greater Perseverance they might make these their Enemies as hastily return as their Ancestors did their first Invader Iulius by calling away the Roman General and by detaining him and his banish'd Army in another Island they had vanquished the greatest Difficulty
which was to Consult to which it may be added that it is more dangerous to be taken Plotting than Fighting XVI Having provok'd each other by such Discourses and made Voadica a Woman their Chief no Sex being excluded the Government they by Consent made War together pursuing those dispersed in Garisons taking their Forts invading their Colonies as the Seat of Slavery and Oppression Neither did these conquering and incensed Barbarians omit any sort of Cruelty If Paulinus had not been acquainted with the Revolt of the Province and speedily sent help Britain had been utterly lost but the Success of one Engagement reduced it to its former Obedience and Patience A great many kept their Arms in their Hands being conscious of their own Guilt and fearful of the Lieutenant-General who otherways a Great Man to revenge this particular Affront behaved himself cruelly towards the poor People that surrendred Petronius Turpilianus was sent a Person more exorable and less acquainted with their Crimes which made him receive the Penitent with greater Mildness When he had composed these Differences he delivered up the Province to Trebellius Maximus who being a less active Man than his Predecessors and wanting Knowledge in Military Affairs maintained his Province by a gentle way of looking after it The Britains were so civil as to pardon an Error so grateful and so easie to themselves A Civil War breaking out gave just Excuse to his Remisness But the Army began to mutiny which having been used to Enterprize now grew Loose for want of Action Trebellius avoided their Fury by Flight and Concealment but lost his Authority being forced to Govern precariously as if it had been agreed between him and the Army that he should live safely provided they might live licentiously This Sedition cost no Blood Vectius Bolanus came in his room but the Civil Wars continuing he could not maintain Military Discipline in Britain the Army being alike careless of the Enemy and troublesome to the Superiour Officer in the Camp but being a harmless Man and not having incurr'd any Ill-will by reason of any Offence he obtained Respect instead of Authority XVII But now Vespatian having won the Empire of the World and Britain his Captains became Great his Armies Famous and the Enemies Hopes little Petilius Cerialis struck them with a present Terror by assaulting the City of the Brigantines which was esteemed the most populous of the whole Province And after many sharp and bloody Conflicts he reduced and wasted the greatest part of the Country The bright Reputation of Cerialis was enough to ecclipse the Diligence and Glory of a Successor but Iulius Frontinus a Man as great as Circumstances would permit sustained the Charge with Honour and Renown overcoming the Difficulties of Defiles and Passes and the Courage of the Enemy he subdued the stout and fighting Nation of the Silures XVIII Agricola passing over in the middle of Summer â—ound Affairs in this Posture and these to be the various Turns of War The Souldiers living securely as if the Business of the Expedition were over and the Enemy as intently watching all Advantages The Ordovices just before his coming cut to pieces almost a Squadron of Horse that lay in their Borders with which Proceeding the rest were so elevated that some desirous of War approved of the Example others staid to see the new Lieutenant's Resolution Agricola tho' the Summer was almost spent and his Men dispersed up and down in the Country the Souldiers dreaming of nothing less than Action which things mightily cross'd and retarded his Warlike Designs Nay many thought it more advisable for the present to guard the Places suspected resolved to meet the Danger gathering together the Ensigns of the Legions and some few Auxiliars the Ordovices not daring to come on even Ground he placed himself at their Head to inspire them with the same Courage exposing himself to the same Hazard and made the Army march and destroy almost the whole Nation knowing very well that now was the time for gaining a Reputation for as things happen at the first so they continue most commonly afterwards He therefore was very intent upon the Reduction of the Isle of Mona which as I have related Paulinus was forced to quit upon the general Defection of Britain But as in dangerous Adventures something is always wanting so now they had no Ships to transport their Men But Agricola by his Contrivance and Constancy carried them over After they had laid aside their Baggage he chose the best and most expert of the Auxiliars who understood all the Fords and were admirable Swimmers and could manage their Arms themselves and their Horses at once and in this manner poured them on their amazed Enemies who thought to have seen a Navy and Ships crossing the Sea and not a War brought in to their Country so miraculously So that they concluded nothing was difficult or impregnable to such bold Adventurers Whereupon they immediately supplicating for a Peace and delivering up the Island Agricola began to be esteemed a great and valiant Commander At his first entring upon the Government he applied that Time to Labour and Hazard which others spent in Shew and Complement He did not let his Success prove fruitless neither would he call the keeping the Vanquish'd in order an Expedition or a Victory he did not crown his Letters of Advertisement with Laurels but encreased the Glory of his Arms by taking no notice of it while Men weighed with themselves how great a Prospect he must have of Things to come who was so regardless of great Things already done XIX Being well acquainted with the Genius of his Province and having learnt at other Mens Cost that Arms avail little towards the setling of a Peace if Injuries are permitted he was resolved to root out all Occasions of War And what was to some as difficult as the Government of a Province beginning with himself and Family he reformed his own House he allowed no Bond or Free Man to share in the Management of Affairs he let no Souldiers immediately attend his Person that were privately recommended by Friends or by the Praises or Entreaties of the Centurions but he esteemed the best Souldier always the most Faithful He would be informed of all things tho' he did not punctually exact their Execution he applied Pardon to small Faults and Punishment to great Ones he prudently chose those Officers that were likely to prove inoffensive rather than be put to the ungrateful Trouble of condemning them when Offenders The Augmentation of Tribute and Corn he mitigated by an equal proportioning the Burden and cut off all Extortion which was more grievous than the Imposition for they made a Iest of the poor People who were forced to wait at the Granaries when lockt up and to buy Corn which they must sell at a Price Several ways and far distant Places were enjoyned by the proud Purveyors that the Cities should carry their Provisions not to the nearest
best of Opportunities delay their Resentments order the Day according to their several Occasions intrench by Night reckon Fortune dubious but Virtue unerring and what is more uncommon unless it 's to be allow'd from the Reason of their Discipline To repose more Confidence in their General than their Army All their Strength lies in the Foot whom besides their Arms they load with Iron Tools and Provisions You may see others go to Battle but the Catti to War They seldom make Incursions or engage accidentally It 's peculiar to the Horse suddenly to gain the Victory or suddenly Retreat Expedition borders upon Fear but Delay comes nearer to Constancy and the particular Courage of every one seldom try'd by the rest of the Germans is grown to an unanimous Consent amongst the Catti that as soon as they attain to the Years of Maturity to let their Hair and Beard grow long nor do they lay aside this Fashion of the Face devoted and oblig'd to Gallantry 'till they have slain an Enemy Upon Blood and Sports they discover the Forehead and declare That they have made a Recompence for their being born and that they are worthy of their Country and Parents that Deformity sticks to the cowardly and timerous Moreover every one of the most valiant wears an Iron Ring as it were a Bond most ignominious to that Nation 'till he can acquit himself of it by the Death of an Enemy This Mode pleases many of the Catti and now these remarkable People grown grey are both shew'd together to their Enemies and their own Soldiers These always give the first Onset This is always the Fore-front distinguish'd by the Figure they make neither in Peace have they milder Aspects They have no House or Land or take Care of any thing according as they come to any one they are provided for are profuse of another's Contemners of their own 'till Bloodless Old Age makes them incapable of such hard Service The Vsipii and Tenecteri Neighbours to the Catti inhabit upon the Rhine now known by the Channel which is suâ—â—icient to be a Boundary The Tenecteri above their accustomed Reputation in War excel in the Art of Horse-Discipline nor have the Catti a greater Repute for Foot than the Tenecteri have of Horse So have their Ancestors instituted and their Posterity imitate them These are the Plays of Children this the Emulation of Young Men and the Aged persevere in them Amongst the Family and Goods as the Rights of Successions Horses are deliver'd The Son receives them not as he does the rest by Priority of Birth but as he is more Couragious and a better Man in War Near the Tenecteri in Times past the Bructeri liv'd Now it s reported that the Chamavi and Angrivarii are come to dwell there having chas'd away and totally extirpated the Bructeri either by the Consent of the bordering Nations or out of Hatred to their Ambition or for the Sweetness of the Booty or by a peculiar Favour of the Gods to us For they did not envy us the Sight of a Battle wherein were slain above Threescore thousand not by the Roman Arms and Darts but what is more Magnificent to give Diversion and to delight the Eye I pray that if the Affection for us from these Countries can't remain and continue that their Aversion for one another may that when the Fates of the Empire are declining Fortune can't perform a Greater Thing than the Discord of our Enemies The Dulgibini and Chasuari shut up on the back the Angrivarii and Chamavi and other Nations not so much as mention'd On the Front the Frisii are ready to receive them They are call'd the Greater or Lesser Frisii from the Proportion of their Forces both Nations spread themselves from the Rhine to the Ocean where Fame hath publish'd that Hercules's Pillars are there as yet remaining Whether Hercules was there or whether what is every-where Magniâ—icent we agree to impute to his Honour Nor was Resolution wanting to Drusus Germanicus but the Ocean oppos'd both him and Hercules from making further Discovery Since no one hath attempted it it looks more holy and reverend to believe rather than be too inquisitive in prying into the Secrets of the Gods Hitherto we have known Germany towards the West Towards the North it returns with a very great Winding And first of the Country of the Chauci Although it begins from the Frisii and possesses part of the Shoar yet it is cover'd by the Confines of all those Nations which I have describ'd until it winds even to the Catti Such an immense Tract of Ground the Chauci don't only inhabit but also replenish The most Noble of all the Germans and who chuse rather to defend their Greatness by their Iustice. Without Covetousness without Weakness quiet and sequestred make no War are wasted by no Theft or Robbery And this is a principal Demonstration of their Courage and Force because that they did not obtain by Injuries a Superiority over others Notwithstanding they are all in a readiness for War And if their State requires an Army they are well provided of Men and Horses and they are in the same Repute when they lie still On the side of the Chauci and Catti the Cherusci being unprovok'd have too long indulg'd a lasting but consuming Peace which was more pleasant than safe because between the impotent and powerful there 's no living in Security When it 's done by Force Modesty and Integrity are Names in the Power of the Superiour So that they which were in former Times the good and just Cherusci are now call'd cowardly and foolish Fortune in the conquering Catti was reputed in them Wisdom and the Fosi a bordering Nation of the Cherusci were affected with the Ruine of the Cherusci by Right their Companious of Adversity whereas they were much their Inferiours in Prosperity The same Coast of Germany next to the Ocean the Cimbrians inhabit now a little City but great in Glory Their Camps on both Shoars are largely the Monuments of their ancient Fame and those Intervals by whose Compass thou may'st compute the Bulk and Strength of the Nation and the Confidence they had of so great an Army Our City had been founded 640 Years when first the Arms of the Cimbrians were heard on Caecilius Metellus and Papirius Carbo being Consuls From whence if we reckon to the Second Consulship of the Emperour Trajan it almost amounts to Two hundred and ten Years so long Germany was conquering During which long Space of Time there were many reciprocal Losses on both sides neither has the Samnite nor the Carthaginians nor the Spaniards nor the Gauls or indeed the Parthians so often check'd us in our Carier because the Liberty of the Germans is more vehemently affected than in the Kingdom of the Parthians For what hath the East to object against us besides the Dâ—ath of Crassus who had lost himself vanquish'd Pacorus cast down by Ventidius But the Germans having slain or taken
Piso by false promises 305 A Statue erected for him 379 Sentences of Death stopped 10 days 352 Sentius Câ—eius Governor of Syria after the Death of Germanicus 271 Sâ—ptimius a Centurion his General constrained to abandon him to the Fury of his Soldiers 72 Servius Governour of Comagena 245 Sibyls Tibrius binders the consulting the Books of the Sibyls 148 Silanus Cret Governor of Syria treats Vanones as King and Prisoner 168 Recalled from Syria because of his Alliance with Germanicus 221 Silanus C. accused 371 Pressed by Tiberius 372 Banished 373 That Sentence mitigated by Tiberius 375 Silanus D. accused for debauching Augustus his Niece banishes himself 318 Returns to Rome but as a private person 319 Silanus M. gives Tiberius Thanks for his Brother's return 318 Tiberius his Answer ib. Dishonours the Consulate by his proposing that all Acts should be dated from the Tribunes 361 Silius C. Lieutenant-General in Germany 70 Receives the Ornaments of a Triumph 130 Enters into the Country of the Catti where he carries away the Wiâ—e and Daughter of the Prince 171 191 Commands the Army against the Rebels 344 Lays waste the Towns in the Franche Comte 345 His Harangue 347 Defeats Sacrovir ib. Soldiers their Pay amongst the Romans 49 Son excused from Rebellion for obeying his Father Vid. Rest. 1. 306 Stertinius Lieutenant to Germanicus defeats the Bructerians 119 Chastizes the Angrivarians 172 Strabo Father of Sejanus the Favourite of Tiberius 21 58 Sylla expelled the Senate 234 Sylla the Dictator his Government not long Vid. Note m. 322 Sylla Lucius his Dispute with Corbulo 330 T. Tacâ—arinas Head of the Robbers becomes General of the Mâ—sulans 236 Overcome by the Romans 237 Renews the War in Africk 312 Is defeated 313 Driven to the Deâ—arts 314 Tacitus a faithful unbyassed Historian 6 Ridicules every where the Flatterers 25 201 373 361 370 376 Recites the Death of Cn. Piso from old Men. 305 Teaches the part of an Historian 370 Teâ—â—tis a City of Asia overturned by an Earthquake 231 Terror Panick Fear in the Camp of Cecina 129 Teutberg a Forest where Varus and his Legions were defeated 120 Thala a Fort besieged by Tacfarinas 313 Tâ—â—bes her ancient Puissance 251 Theophilus condemned by the Arâ—opagus 242 Thrace divided by Augustus between Resâ—uporis and Câ—tys 257 Divided again by Tiberius between their Children 262 Tiberius takes the Command of the Armies 8 9 Is adopted by Augustus who associates him to the Tribunitial Power 9 His accession to the Empire 13 He caused young Agrippa to be assassinated 17 Receives the Oath of Fidelity of the Consuls 20 21 Affects great Modesty in the beginning of his Reign and why 21 Consults the Senate concerning the Funeral of Augustus 23 Speaks ambiguously 35 Says he is not capable to Govern the Empire ib. Retrenches the Honours designed for his Mother 43 Transfers the Peoples Election of Magistrates to the Senate 44 45 Unmov'd at the Murmurs of the People 95 Amuses the Senate and Provinces by the Preparations he makes for a Voyage to the Frontiers 97 Le ts his Wife Iulia die in Want and Misery 104 Loves not the publick Games and Shows 108 Wherefore 151 Refuses the Title of Father of the Country 139 285 Renews and enlarges the Law of High-Treason 139 Assists at the Audiences of Inferior Courts without turning Iudges out of their Places 146 Gives a Senator wherewithal to support his Dignity ib. Sends back others to the Senate 147 Opposes the Suppression of the Hundredth part of the Gain by Commerce 152 Seldom changes the Governors and Officers of Provinces 154 Wherefore 155 Gives the Parâ—hians a King 163 And the Praetorship to Libo whose Death he studies 196 Defers the Reformation of Luxury 203 Severely treats Hortalus the Senator fallen into Poverty 210 Answered well by counterâ—eit Agrippa 216 Discharges Rome of one half of the Payment of the Handâ—eâ— Penny 220 And some Cities of Asia of all Taxes for 5 years 230 231 Will not be Heir of those who made him their Heir to be aveng'd of their Relations 233 His third Consulship 239 His Day of Rejoicing for the two Sons at a Birth Heirs of Drusus 282 His generous Answer to him who offered to poison Arminius 286 His Trouble to see Agrippina adored by the People of 〈◊〉 292 And the Mourning for the Death of Germanicus to hold so long 294 His Prudence at the Process of 〈◊〉 Piso. 300 His fourth Consulship of which he leaves all the Business to his Son 329 His refusal of Honours 348 His Gratitude towards one of his Friends ib. His Order to stop the execution of Iudgments 351 His Answer to the Senate's demand of a Reformation 353 His Popularity the more agreeable to the Senate because very â—are 375 Tiber its Inundations 148 Methods proposed to prevent them â—53 Tigranes made King of Armenia reigns no long time 166 Tours its Revolt against the 〈◊〉 342 Tribunate a Magistracy exercised 37 years by Augustus 27 Invented by Augustus 360 He takes Agrippa and after â—â—â—rius for Associates 361 Trio Fulcinius a celebrated Promoter â—97 Accuser of Piso. 299 His great Heat 〈◊〉 his Eâ—oquence 310 Trophy of Arms taken by Germanicus his Soldiers irritates the Germans 184 Another by Germanicus to the Honour of Tiberius 187 Troy a City famous for giving Birth to the Romans 241 Tubantes a People of Germany destroyed by Germanicus 101 V. Varilia accused for Lampooning Augustus and Livia 234 Acquitted from the Indictment of High-Treason but punished for Adultery 235 Varus surprized by Arminius for neglecting the Advice of Segestes 110 His Body ignominiously treated by the Nephew of Segestes 138 His Legions had a Tomb made for their Bones 121 Demolished by the Bructerians 171 Varro Visellius Lieutenant of Lower Germany 342 He yields the Command to Silius 344 Raises the Siege of Philippopoli Vid. Note 341 Ubians 71 Their City pillaged 79 Their Altar 83 Son of Segestes Priest of that Altar 114 Veranius first Governor of Cappadocia discharged it of part of the Tributes which it payed to its Kings 214 Friend of Germanicus 272 Revenges his Death in pursuing that of Piso. 299 302 307 Is honoured with the Dignity of Priesthood 310 Verus Antistius a Macedonlan Lord accused to keep Intelligence with Rescupori banished 339 Vesâ—als carry the Last Will of Augustus to the Senate 23 Appeared before the Iudge when called to witness 205 Vâ—tera or the old Camp-place upon the Rhine 94 Veterans Soldiers offer the Empire to Germanicus 77 Demand the Legacies of Augustus ib. They are promised it double to appease them 80 They would be paid upon the spot and are so 80 81 Tiberius revokes the Promise he made to free them at the end of 16 years 153 Vibidius Varro expected the Senate wherefore 234 Vibilius General of the Hermunduri 257 Vibuleus a common Soldier devises how to â—eign that they have killed his Brother and to demand his Body 55 Counterfeits so well that General Blâ—sus had been killed if the Imposture had not been discovered 56 Drusus puts him to Death 68 Vipsania first Wife of Tiberius 39 Mother of Drusus 311 The most fortunate of all the Children of Agrippa ib. Vistilia a Roman Lady declares that she will prostitute her self 283 The prudent Answer of her Husband to the Iudges ib. Vitellia will not depose against Luc. Priscus 350 Vitellius Publ. is in danger of drowning with the two Legions 136 137 Goes to receive the Tribute of the Gauls 170 Accuses Piso and Plancina as Authors of the Death of Germanicus 299 Is honoured with Priesthood 310 Vitellius Qu. expelled the Senate 234 Vonones given in Hostage to Augustus by his Father 162 Demanded by the Parthians for King 163 Despised and why ib. Expelled 167 Called to Royalty by the Armenians 168 Whose Inconstancy obliges him to retire into Syria where he is treated as Prisoner ib. Taken from thence by Germanicus and why 248 He corrupts his Guards and flies but is taken 263 An Evocate supposed to be privy to his Escape kills him ib. Urgulania Favourite of Augusta cited to Court but refuses to appear 204 Usipoles cut to pieces by Germanicus 101 Volusius Luc. his Death aâ—d Commendation 327 Z. Zeno Son of the King of Pontus is made King of Armenia by Germanicus 244 FINIS The Family of AUGUSTUS The former is AUGUSTUS's Family Blood this that follows is his Family by Affnity or his Wife LIVIA's Family which was taken into his own by Adoption
to be a good Horseman The Polanders who much resemble the Parthians could never endure a King that was not a good Horseman It is well known how much they contemn'd their King Michael Wisniovecki passing thro' the Cities in a Litter and contemning the Parthian Feasts They made a Iest of the Graecians which he had in his Train and at the â—ealing of the Meanest Utensils of his House But his easie access and his affable way being Virtues that the Parthians were unacquainted with passed for new Vices and they equally hated what was good as what was bad in him because it was contrary to their Customs 7 A Prince who comes to govern a Foreign Country will never be agreeable to his New Subjects if he doth not conform himself to their Manners at least in the beginning of his Reign Those Virtues with which they are unacquainted will appear Vices to them if he hath not the address to accommodate himself for a while to their Vices as if they were Virtues Italas King of the Cheraschi gain'd the Affection of his people in making a Debauch sometimes although he was born at Rome and had been trained up in Maxims directly opposite to those of the Barbarians Charles V. according to the report of Strada had such a Command of his temper that he changed his Manners as easily as his Residence living after the German fashion in Germany after the Italian in Italy after the Spanish in Spain and every where as much belov'd as he was in â—landers the Country where he was born On the contrary Philip II by so much affecting to be and appear Spanish to the whole World render'd himselâ— intolerable to the English and odious to the Netherlands who had been a long time accustomed to the Affable and Popular humour of Charles V. Commines saith that a Prince who goes into a strange Countrey had need be wise to guard every side ch 3. lib. 6. III. Wherefore they call in Artabanus one of the Blood of the Arsacidae educated amongst the Dahae who having been defeated in the first Battel raiseth new Forces and Dispossesseth Vonones who fled into Armenia where he found an empty Throne and a Nation fluctuating betwixt the Parthian and the Roman Power 1 A Prince whose Dominions are situated betwixt two Neighbours stronger than himself is always forc'd to side with the most Powerful or the most Successful of them Now as the Romans and the Parthians were almost equal in strength as I have before observ'd and because Fortune favoured sometimes one and sometimes the other multa Romanis secunda quaedam Parthis evenisse damnis mutuis Armenia which equally depended on each of them for the Romans had the Sovereignty of it in Right but the Parthians in possession espous'd the Interests of That of these two Empires which it feared most being perpetually divided betwixt Obedience and Revolt ever since the Perfidious Act of Anthony who after he had under colour of Friendship invited Artavasdes King of Armenia to come to him put him in Chains h But in chains of Gold saith Patercuius to do the greater Honour to the Royal Character Regeâ— Armeniae Arâ—avasden fraude deceptum catenis sed ne quid honori deesset aureis vinxit Hist. 2. Argenteis catenis vinxit saith Diâ— quia nimirum turpe erat Regem ferreis in catenis haberi Lib. 49. This King had contributed much to the ill success of Anthony's Expedition against the Parthians and at last to Death 2 It is saith Commines a great Folly in a Prince to put himself in the Power of another especially when they are in War or there is any quarrel betwixt them and it is a great Advantage to Princes to have read Histories where there are instances of such Interviews and of the great Treachery that some of the Ancients have used towards one another having seized and Assassinated those who have trusted to such a security The Example of one is sufficient to make many Wise by it and to take care of themselves Chap. 6. Lib. 2. of his Memoirs whose Son Artaxias resenting our base Usage of his Fatheâ— enter'd into an Alliance with the Arsacidae against us with whose assistance he defended himself and his Kingdom until he was assassinated by the Treachery of his own Kindred After which Augustus gave this Kingdom to Tigranes i Brother to Artaxias who was put in possession of it by Tiberius Nero. But he had no long reign nor his Children after him although they according to their Custom k In the East the Brother and Sister marry'd together and reign'd in common There are several Examples in the Families of the Pâ—olâ—my'â— of Aegypt Dio saith that Cleopatra was marry'd to her Eldest Brother Ptolâ—my and Arsinoe to another Ptolomy her Younger Brother were united by Enter-marriages and Partnership in Government Artavasdes succeeded next by the appointment of Augustus and was afterwards dispossess'd but it cost us dear IV. Hereupon the settling of the Affairs of Armenia was committed to Caius Caesar l The Son of Agrippa who plac'd on the Throne Ariobarzanes of Medish extraction the Armenians consenting to it he being a Person of a Majestick Presence 1 A good Meen and fine Shape are not always indications of the Merits of the Persons but they serve at least to impose on the People all whose Iudgment lies in their Eyes So that it is not without reason that Princes take so much care to have a good outside for every one sees their Bodies and very few their Minds Cabrera saith that the first time that the Queens Mary and Eleanor Sisters to Charles V. saw Philip Prince of Spain he appeared of small stature in their Eyes which had been accustomed to the sight of Germans As if Man's Body saith he were a Cage which by being too little or too strait could not lodge the Soul for which the whole Earth is not a Quarry large enough Ch. 3. Lib. 1. of his History Don Iohn Antonio de Vera mentions a Law of King Don Alonso el Sabio the same who compiled the Customary which they call las Partidas by which he recommended to the Kings of Castile to marry none but handsom well-shap'd Women that their Children might be handsome and well-shap'd which is of great importance to the Sons of Kings The same Author adds that the Ambassadors of Poland who brought to the Duke of Anâ—ou the Decree of his Election told him that he was obliged for it in part to his Good Presence and his Charming Meen In the second Discourse of his Ambassador His Sister Queen Margaret said that Beauty which gives a Grace to every action did shine in him to that Degree that it seemed to vie with his good Fortune which of the two should make him most glorious Lib. 1. of his Memoirs and of great Endowments of Mind but he dying suddenly they would not admit his Children to succeed him but were