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Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
city_n	great_a	king_n	people_n	9,166	5	4.4099	3	false

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A54625	A treatise of taxes and contributions shewing the nature and measures of [brace] crown-lands, assessments, customs, poll-moneys, lotteries, benevolence, penalties, monopolies, offices, tythes, raising of coins, harth-money, excize, &c. : with several intersperst discourses and digressions concerning [brace] warres, the church, universities, rents and purchases, usury and exchange, banks and lombards, registries for conveyances, beggars, ensurance, exportation of money/wool, free-ports, coins, housing, liberty of conscience, &c. : the same being frequently applied to the present state and affairs of Ireland.	Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687.	1662 (1662)	Wing P1938; ESTC R33399	59,466	94

Highwayes building Bridges and Causeys and the making of Rivers Navigable in England would make English Horses an exportable Commodity and help to vend the Commodities of Ireland Ibid. The Causes of unquiet bearing of Taxes viz. 14 First That the Sovereign exacts too much 15 Secondly That Assessments are unequally laid Ibid. Thirdly That the Moneys levied are vainly expended Ibid. Fourthly Or given to Favourites Ibid. Fifthly Ignorance of the Number Trade and Wealth of the People 16 Sixthly Obscurity about the right of imposing Ibid. Seventhly Fewness of People Ibid. Eighthly Scarcity of Money and confusion of Coins 17 Ninthly That scarce an hundredth part of the Riches of this Nation is Coined Bullion Ibid. Tenthly The non-acceptance of Some Commodities in specie in discharge of Taxes Ibid. The Consequences of a Tax too heavy if there be too much Money in a Nation which may be or is there be too little and that either in a State well or ill governed 17 18 19 The first way of providing for the Publick Charge is the excinding or setting apart of a proportion of the Territory in the nature of Crown-Lands 20 The second is taking away the same proportion of the Rents of all Lands 21 The Nation is happy where either of the said two wayes is practised ab antiquo and upon original agreement and not exacted as a sudden contingent Surcharge upon the People 21 The Owners of settled Rents bear the burthen of a Land-Tax or Assessment others probably gaining thereby Ibid. A Land-Tax upon free Estates resolves into an Excize upon Consumptions 22 Assessment upon Housing more uncertain then that of Land Housing being of a double nature viz. either an instrument of gain or way of expence Ibid. The heavy taxing of Housing no discouragement to new Buildings nor is the discouragement of new Buildings any means to prevent the populousness of a City Ibid. Prohibition to build upon new Foundations serves onely to fix the Ground-plot of a City 23 The reason why the City of London removes its Ground-plot Westward Ibid. That 't is probable the King of Englands Palace will in process of time be towards Chelsey Ibid. That the present Seat of London will be the greatest Cohabitation of People ever whilst this Island is inhabited 24 The nature and natural Measures of the Rent of Land computed in Commodities of the growth of the said Land Ibid. The Par between food or other proceed of Land and Bullion or Coin 25 The Par between Gold and Silver Ibid. Gold and Silver are not natural Standards of the Values of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 26 The prime Denominations of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are but two viz. Land and Labour as the Denominations of Money in England are Pounds Shillings Pence Ibid. Of the Par between Land and Labour Ibid. The reason of the number of years Purchase that Land is worth in several Countreys 27 Why Land in Ireland is worth fewer years Purchase then in England 27 28. The Description and Ratio formalis of Usury 29 The same of Exchange Ibid. The Measures of both 29 30 Why Usury hath been limited more then Exchange 30 A Parallel between the Changes of the Prince of Money and that of Land Ibid. How to compute and compare the Rents of Lands in order to a just Land-Tax or Assessment 31 The intrinsick value of Land is found by Surveys of the Quantity Figure and Scituation Ibid. And by the Survey of the Quality viz. its aptitude to bear first precious Commodities secondly the best of the kinde thirdly most in quantity Ibid. The extrinsick or accidental value depends upon the plenty of Money luxurious or frugal living the Opinions Civil Natural and Religious of the People Ibid. It is necessary to these Enquiries to know how to tell the Gold and Silver Coins of this present Age and compare the same with that of former times 32 How to compare not onely the Money of this present Age with that of the former but the entire Riches of the present with the former People Ibid. By the numbers of People and the proportion of Money amongst them the accidental values of Lands are to be computed 33 How to proportion the Rates of a Commodity in one place unto the Rates of the same in another place Ibid. That the Day-wages of Labourers and several other of the most vulgar Tradesmen ought to be ascertain'd and well adapted to the changes of time Ibid. That though the difficulty of computing the contingent values of Land be great yet there be greater reasons for undergoing it 34 The nature of Credit as the said word is commonly used among Tradesmen and otherwise Ibid. That the Sovereigns exact knowledge of the Subjects Estates would do them no harm Ibid. A descriptiou of the Duty of Customs 35 A Conjecture that Customs at first were a kinde of praemium for ensurance against Pyrates Ibid. The measures of the said Duty upon exported Goods 36 The inconvenience of too heavy Customs Ibid. What Commodities may be forced to pay Customs 37 The measures of Customs upon imported Goods Ibid. The inconveniences of raising money by the way of Customs Ibid. A Proposal that instead of Tunnage and Poundage upon shipped Goods a Tunnage were paid out of the ships Fraight 38 Or that the Customs were taken as an Ensurance praemium Ibid. Of prohibited Commodities in general Ibid. Of prohibiting the exportation of Money and Bullion 39 The said prohibition of Money serves as a sumptuary Law Ibid. About the exportation of Wool Ibid. The lessening of our Sheep-trade and encrease of Corn-tillage is an expedient in this case for many reasons 40 Other considerations tending to shew that the too vehement prohibitions of Wool may be ineffectual or to do more harm then good 41 Of prohibiting Importations Ibid. It were better to make and raise Commodities though to burn them then not to make them or let the makers lose their Faculty and be idle Ibid. Of Free Ports and in what cases they may do good or harm 42 Of Poll-money and the sorts of it Ibid. The faults of the late Poll-moneys 43 Of the most simple Poll-money where all pay alike its conveniencies and inconveniencies Ibid. Of Poll-money upon Titles Offices and Faculties 44 Harth-money is of the same nature with simple Poll-money but both are rather Accumulative Excizes 45 Grants for publick Lotteries are Taxes upon the people Ibid. Why Lotteries ought not to be allowed but by good authority Ibid. Raising of Money by Benevolence is a real Tax 46 Three cases where the way of a Benevolence may be made good Ibid Several reasons against it 46 47 The several species of Penalties 47 A doubt whether the Penalties set down in Moses Law ought to be inflicted now 47 The proper use and reason of every sort of Penalty 48 Perpetual Imprisonment is a kinde of slow death 49 In what case death mutilation imprisonment disgrace c. ought to be commuted for pecuniary mulcts

bring Death Mutilations and Impisonments according to the present Laws which are Mischiefs and Punishments as well unto the State as to the particular sufferers of them CHAP. IV. Of the several wayes of Taxe and first of setting a part a proportion of the whole Territory for Publick uses in the nature of Crown Lands and secondly by way of Assessement or Land-taxe BUt supposing that the several causes of Publick Charge are lessened as much as may be and that the people be well satisfied and contented to pay their just shares of what is needfull for their Government and Protection as also for the Honour of their Prince and Countrey It follows now to propose the several wayes and expedients how the same may be most easily speedily and insensibly collected The which I shall do by exposing the conveniencies and inconveniences of some of the principal wayes of Levyings used of later years within the several States of Europe unto which others of smaller and more rare use may be referred 2. Imagine then a number of people planted in a Territory who had upon Computation concluded that two Millions of pounds per annum is necessary to the publick charges Or rather who going more wisely to work had computed a twenty fifth part of the proceed of all their Lands and Labours were to be the Excisium or the part to be cut out and laid aside for publick uses Which proportions perhaps are fit enough to the affairs of England but of that hereafter 3. Now the question is how the one or the other shall be raised The first way we propose is to Excize the very Land it self in kinde that is to cut out of the whole twenty five Millions which are said to be in England and Wales as much Land in specie as whereof the Rack-rent would be two Millions viz. about four Millions of Acres which is about a sixth part of the whole making the said four Millions to be Crown Lands and as the four Counties intended to be reserved in Ireland upon the forfeitures were Or else to excize a sixth part of the rent of the whole which is about the proportion that the Adventurers and Souldiers in Ireland retribute to the King as Quit Rents Of which two wayes the latter is manifestly the better the King having more security and more obliges provided the trouble and charge of this universal Collection exceed not that of the other advantage considerably 4. This way in a new State would be good being agreed upon as it was in Ireland before men had even the possession of any Land at all wherefore whosoever buyes Land in Ireland hereafter is no more concerned with the Quit Rents wherewith they are charged then if the Acres were so much the fewer or then men are who buy Land out of which they know Tythes are to be paid And truly that Countrey is happy in which by Original Accord such a Rent is reserved as whereby the Publick charge may be born without contingent sudden superadditions in which lies the very Ratio of the burthen of all Contributions and Exactions For in such cases as was said before it is not onely the Landlord payes but every man who eats but an Egg or an Onion of the growth of his Lands or who useth the help of any Artisan which feedeth on the same 5. But if the same were propounded in England viz. if an aliquot part of every Landlords Rent were excinded or retrenched then those whose Rents were settled and determined for long times to come would chiefly bear the burthen of such an Imposition and others have a benefit thereby For suppose A. and B. have each of them a parcel of Land of equal goodness and value suppose also that A. hath let his parcel for twenty one years at twenty pound per annum but that B. is free now there comes out a Taxe of a fifth part hereupon B. will not let under 25 l. that his remainder may be twenty whereas A. must be contented with sixteen neat nevertheless the Tenants of A. will sell the proceed of their bargain at the same rate that the Tenants of B. shall do The effect of all this is First that the Kings fifth part of B. his Farm shall be greater then before Secondly that the Farmer to B. shall gain more then before the Taxe Thirdly that the Tenant or Farmer of A. shall gain as much as the King and Tenant to B. both Fourthly the Tax doth ultimately light upon the Landlord A. and the Consumptioners From whence it follows that a Land-taxe resolves into an irregular Excize upon consumptions that those bear it most who least complain And lastly that some Landlords may gain and onely such whose Rents are predetermined shall loose and that doubly viz. one way by the raising of their revenues and the other by exhausting the prices of provisions upon them 6. Another way is an Excisium out of the Rent of Houseing which is much more uncertain then that of Land For an House is of a double nature viz. one wherein it is a way and means of expence the other as 't is an Instrument and Tool of gain for a Shop in London of less capacity and less charge in building then a fair Dining-Room in the same House unto which both do belong shall nevertheless be of the greater value so also shall a Dungeon Sellar then a pleasant Chamber because the one is expence the other profit Now the way Land-taxe rates housing as of the latter nature but the Excize as of the former 7. We might sometimes adde hereunto that housing is sometimes disproportionally taxed to discourage Building especially upon new Foundations thereby to prevent the growth of a City suppose London such excessive and overgrown Cities being dangerous to Monarchy though the more secure when the Supremacy is in Citizens of such places themselves as in Venice 8. But we say that such checking of new Buildings signifies nothing to this purpose forasmuch as Buildings do not encrease until the People already have increased but the remedy of the abovementioned dangers is to be sought in the causes of the encrease of People the which if they can be nipt the other work will necessarily be done But what then is the true effect of forbidding to build upon new foundations I answer to keep and fasten the City to its old seat and ground-plot the which encouragement for new Buildings will remove as it comes to pass almost in all great Cities though insensibly and not under many years progression 9. The reason whereof is because men are unwilling to build new houses at the charge of pulling down their old where both the old house it self and the ground it stands upon do make a much dearer ground-plot for a new house and yet far less free and convenient wherefore men build upon new free foundations and cobble up old houses until they become fundamentally irreparable at which time they become either the dwelling of

the infancies of those places were obnoxious These Offices are thererore Taxes upon such as can or will not avoid the passing through them and are born as men endure and run themselves into the mischiefs of Duelling the which are very great which side soever prevails for certainly men do not alwayes go to Law to obtain right or prevent wrong which judicious neighbours might perform as well as a Jury of no abler men and men might tell the Judge himself the merits of their Cause as well as now they instruct their Councel This therefore of Offices is a voluntary Tax upon contentious men as Excize upon Drink is to good Fellows to love it CHAP. XII Of Tythes THe Word Tythes being the same with Tenths signifie of it self no more then the proportion of the Excisium or part retrenched as if Customs upon imported and exported Commodities should be called by the name of Twentieths as it is sometimes called Tunnage and Poundage wherefore it remains to say that Tythes in this place do together with the said proportion consignifie the use of it viz. the maintenance of the Clergy as also the matter or substance out of which this Maintenance is cut viz. the immediate fruit of the Land and Waters or the proceed of mens Labour Art and Stock laid out upon them It signifies also the manner of paying it viz. in specie and not but upon special and voluntary causes in money 2. We said the matter of Tythes was the immediate Fruits of the Earth viz. of Grain as soon as 'c is ready to be removed from the ground that bare it and not of Bread which is Corn thresht winnowed ground tempered with liquor and baked 3. 'T is also the second choice out of the young of multipa●ous Cattle taken in specie so soon as the said Younglings can subsist without their Dams or else a Composition in Money for the Uniparons 4. 'T is Wool so soon as it is shorn 't is Fowl and Fish where Fowling and Fishing is rather a Trade then a meer Recreation sic de caeteris 5. Moreover in great Cities Tythes are a kinde of composition in Money for the labour and profit of the Artisans who work upon the materials which have paid Tythes before 6. Tythes therefore encrease within any Territory as the labour of that Countrey increases and labour doth or ought to increase as the people do now within four hundred years the people of England are about quadrupled as doubling every two hundred years and the proportion of the Rent of all the Lands in England is about the fourth part of the Expence of the people in it so as the other three parts is labour and stock 7. Wherefore the Tythes now should be twelve times as good as they were four hundred years ago which the rates of Benefices in the Kings books do pretty well shew by comparing of times something of this should be abated because the proportion between the proceed of Lands and Labour do vary as the hands of Labourers vary Wherefore we shall rather say that the Tythes are but six times as good now as four hundred years ago that is that the Tythes now would pay six times as many Labourers or feed six times as many mouthes as the Tythes four hundred years ago would have done 8. Now if there were not onely as many Parishes then as now more Priests in every Parish and also more Religious Men who were also Priests and the Religion of those times being more operose and fuller of work then now by reason of Confessions Holydayes Offices c. more in those dayes then now the great work in these dayes being a compendious teaching above a thousand at once without much particular Confession and Catechising or trouble about the Dead it seems clear that the Clergy now is far richer then heretofore and that to be a Clergy-man then was a kinde of a Mortification whereas now praised be God 't is matter of splendour and magnificence unless any will say that there were golden Priests when the Chalices were wood and but wooden Priests when the Chalices were gold or that Religion best flourisheth when the Priests are most mortified as was before said of the Law which best flourisheth when Lawyers have least to do 9. But what ever the increase of the Churches Goods are I grudge it them not onely wish that they would take a course to enjoy it with safety and peace to themselves whereof one is not to breed more Churchmen then the Benefices as they now stand shred out will receive that is to say if there be places but for about twelve thousand in England and Wales it will not be safe to breed up 24000. Ministers upon a view or conceipt that the Church means otherwise distributed might suffice them all for then the twelve thousand which are unprovided for will seek wayes how to get themselves a livelihood which they cannot do more easily then by perswading the people that the twelve thousand Incumbents do poison or starve their souls and misguide them in their way to Heaven Which needy men upon a strong temptation will do effectually we having observed that Lecturers being such a sort of Supernumeraries have preached more times in a week more hours in the day and with greater vehemence every time then the Incumbents could afford to do for Graeculus esuriens in Coelum jusseris ibit Now this vehemence this pains this zeal and this living upon particular donations makes the people think that those who act them are withall more Orthodox nay better assisted from God then the others Now let any man judge whether men reputed to be inspired will not get help to lift themselves into Church-livings c. But these things are too plain from the latest experiences 10. Now you will ask how shall that be done or how may we know how to adjust our Nursery to our Orchard To which I answer that if there be twelve thousand Church-livings in England Dignitaries included then that about four hundred being sent forth per ann into the Vineyard may keep it well served without luxuriency for according to the Mortality-Bill-observation about that number will dye yearly out of twelve thousand Adult-persons such as Ministers are as to age and ought to be as well as to speculative knowledge as practical experience both of themselves and others 11. But I have digressed my main scope being to explain the nature of the Tax of Tythes nevertheless since the end of such explanation is but to perswade men to bear quietly so much Tax as is necessary and not to kick against the pricks and since the end of that again and the end of all else we are to do is but to preserve the publick Peace I think I have not been impertinent in inserting this little Advertisement making so much for the Peace of our Jerusalem 12. But to return to Tythes as a Tax or Levy I say that in England it is

Ibid. The meaning of the double and multiple Restitutions mentioned in the Law of Moses Ibid. Of the wayes for punishing or permitting Heterodox Believers in Religion 50 That the Sovereign may do either 51 That all Pseudodoxies whatsoever may be safely muzzled from doing harm by pecuniary mulcts 51 52 That the Sovereign by punishing them with death mutilations or imprisonments doth therein punish himself and that too re infecta very often 51 That the Pastours ought in some measure to be punished for the errours and defections of their Flocks 52 The true use of the Clergy is rather to be patterns of Holiness then to teach men variety of Opinions de rebus divinis 53 The substance of all that hath been said in this whole discourse about the Church Ibid. The abuse of Penal Laws 54 Of Monopolies Ibid. The use and reason of instituting Monopolies 55 A Digression about new Inventions and the vexations incident to the Projectors of new practices Ibid. Offices instituted by the State with Fees of their own appointment are of a parallel nature to Monopolies 56 Why the Fees of Offices were great heretofore Ibid. How Offices are become as a saleable Commodity 57 Why many superfluous Offices are not abolished Ibid. A description of Tythes in several particulars 58 The causes why Tythes encrease Ibid. The Rent of the Lands of England is but a quarter of the Expence of the people 59 The Tythes in England are six times as much as they were four hundred years ago Ibid. The Clergy are far richer now then they were in ancient times and yet have less work to do Ibid. The danger of too many Church men 60 How to adjust the number of Church-men and Students in Divinity Ibid. Tythes is now no Tax or burthen upon the people 61 The way of Tythes is a good pattern for a Tax Ibid The way of paying Tythes in the City and Countrey is very disproportionable 61 The inconveniences of contributing to the Publick Charge after the manner of Tythes Ibid. A reason why the wayes of Taxing the people are often shifted 62 The State gains in several Countreys by being the common Cashier Usurer Ensurer Monopolist c. 63 The case of the Jews every where subject to great Taxes briefly stated 64 The way of leavying an aliquot part of mens Estates very dangerous Ibid. Alterations in the values of Coins is a Tax upon such as live by determined Rents Pensions Fees c. 65 What is embasing of Moneys and what is not Ibid. Of Tin and Copper money as well curiously as coursly wrought Ibid. Of the Tokens coined by retailing Shop-keepers Ibid. What is Gold and Silver embased 66 The reasons for embasing of money Ibid. Reasons against the same Ibid. What is properly raising of Money 67 The effect of raising both domestick and forreign Coins Ibid. Raising of money changes the species of moneys but lessens the Bullion Ibid. Why many wise States have raised their Moneys 68 Raising of Forreign money to a double value or abating the price of our Native commodities to half is not all one but the former is better 69 The way of computing and comparing the prices of Commodities upon natural grounds 69 70 Men are really and actually rich according to what they spend and enjoy in their own persons 71 Excize being a Tax upon such riches is a just way by which to defray the Publick Charge Ibid. That a proportion ought to be pitched between the Expence or Consumption of the whole Nation and the Publick Charge thereof ib. Commodities ought not to be taxed until they be just ripe for Consumption 72 Commodities of equal value may be unequally excized with justice ibidem Of accumulating the Excize of many things upon some one thing Ibid. Whether Native Commodities exported ought to pay Excize Ibid. The explication of Accumulative Excize 73 Reason for accumulating the Excize of all things upon some one thing Ibid. Why Beer ought not to be that one thing 74 Harth or Smoak-money is an Accumulative Excize with the reasons for and against it Ibid. Reasons in behalf of the Excize 75 Of framing persons to be fit for great Trusts as to be Cashiers Store-keepers Checques c. Ibid. CHAP. I. Of the several sorts of Publick Charges THe Publick Charges of a State are That of its Defence by Land and Sea of its Peace at home and abroad as also of its honourable vindication from the injuries of other States all which we may call the Charge of the Militia which commonly is in ordinary as great as any other Branch of the whole but extraordinary that is in time of War or fear of War is much the greatest 2. Another branch of the Publick Charge is the Maintenance of the Governours Chief and Subordinate I mean such not onely as spend their whole time in the Execution of their respective Offices but also who spent much in fitting themselves as well with abilities to that end as in begetting an opinion in their Superiours of such their ability and trustworthiness 3. Which Maintenance of the Governours is to be in such a degree of plenty and splendour as private Endeavours and Callings seldom reach unto To the end that such Governours may have the natural as well as the artificial Causes of Power to act with 4 For if a great multitude of men should call one of their number King unless this instituted Prince appear in greater visible splendour then others can reward those that obey and please him and do the contrary to others his Institution signifies little even although he chance to have g●●●ter corporal or mental faculties then any other of the number 5. There be Offices which are but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Sheriffs Justices of the Peace Constables Churchwardens c. which men may attend without much prejudice to their ordinary wayes of livelihood and for which the honour of being trusted and the pleasure of being feared hath been thought a competent Reward 6. Unto this head the Charge of the administring Justice may be referred as well between man and man as between the whole State or Commonalty and particular members of it as well that of righting and punishing past injuries and crimes as of preventing the same in time to come 7. A third branch of the Publick Charge is that of the Pastorage of mens Souls and the guidance of their Consciences which one would think because it respects another world and but the particular interest of each man there should not be a publick Charge in this Nevertheless if we consider how easie it is to elude the Laws of man to commit unproveable crimes to corrupt and divert Testimonies to wrest the sense and meaning of the Laws c. there follows a necessity of contributing towards a publick Charge wherewith to have men instructed in the Laws of God that take notice of evil thoughts and designs and much more of secret deeds and that punisheth eternally in another

the Rascality or in process of time return to waste and Gardens again examples whereof are many even about London Now if great Cities are naturally apt to remove their Seats I ask which way I say in the case of London it must be Westward because the Windes blowing near ¾ of the year from the West the dwellings of the West end are so much the more free from the fumes steams and stinks of the whole Easterly Pyle which where Seacoal is burnt is a great matter Now if it follow from hence that the Pallaces of the greatest men will remove Westward it will also naturally follow that the dwellings of others who depend upon them will creep after them This we see in London where the Noblemens ancient houses are now become Halls for Companies or turned into Tenements and all the Pallaces are gotten Westward Insomuch as I do not doubt but that five hundred years hence the Kings Pallace will be near Chelsey and the old building of Whitehall converted to uses more answerable to their quality For to build a new Royal Pallace upon the same ground will be too great a confinement in respect of Gardens and other magnificencies and withall a disaccommodation in the time of the work but it rather seems to me that the next Palace will be built from the whole present contignation of houses at such a distance as the old Pallace of Westminster was from the City of London when the Archers began to bend their bowes just without Ludgate and when all the space between the Thames Fleet-street and Holborn was as Finsbury-Fields are now 10. This digression I confess to be both impertinent to the business of Taxes and in it self almost needless for why should we trouble our selves what shall be five hundred years hence not knowing what a day may bring forth and since 't is not unlikely but that before that time we may be all transplanted from hence into America these Countreys being over-run with Turks and made waste as the Seats of the famous Eastern Empires at this day are 11. Onely I think 't is certain that while ever there are people in England the greatest cohabitation of them will be about the place which is now London the Thames being the most commodious River of this Island and the seat of London the most commodious part of the Thames so much doth the means of facilitating Carriage greaten a City which may put us in minde of employing our idle hands about mending the High-wayes making Bridges Cawseys and Rivers navigable Which considerations brings me back round into my way of Taxes from whence I digrest 12. But before we talk too much of Rents we should endeavour to explain the mysterious nature of them with reference as well to Money the rent of which we call usury as to that of Lands and Houses aforementioned 13. Suppose a man could with his own hands plant a certain scope of Land with Corn that is could Digg or Plough Harrow Weed Reap Carry home Thresh and Winnow so much as the Husbandry of this Land requires and had withal Seed wherewith to sowe the same I say that when this man hath subducted his seed out of the proceed of his Harvest and also what himself hath both eaten and given to others in exchange for Clothes and other Natural necessaries that the remainder of Corn is the natural and true Rent of the Land for that year and the medium of seven years or rather of so many years as makes up the Cycle within which Dearths and Plenties make their revolution doth give the ordinary Rent of the Land in Corn. 14. But a further though collaterall question may be how much English money this Corn or Rent is worth I answer so much as the money which another single man can save within the same time over and above his expence if he imployed himself wholly to produce and make it viz. Let another man go travel into a Countrey where is Silver there Dig it Refine it bring it to the same place where the other man planted his Corn Coyne it c. the same person all the while of his working for Silver gathering also food for his necessary livelihood and procuring himself covering c. I say the Silver of the one must be esteemed of equal value with the Corn of the other the one being perhaps twenty Ounces and the other twenty Bushels From whence it follows that the price of a Bushel of this Corn to be an Ounce of Silver 15. And forasmuch as possibly there may be more Art and Hazzard in working about the Silver then about the Corn yet all comes to the same pass for let a hundred men work ten years upon Corn and the same number of men the same time upon Silver I say that the neat proceed of the Silver is the price of the whole neat proceed of the Corn and like parts of the one the price of like parts of the other Although not so many of those who wrought in Silver learned the Art of refining and coining or out-lived the dangers and diseases of working in the Mines And this also is the way of pitching the true proportion between the values of Gold and Silver which many times is set but by popular errour sometimes more sometimes less diffused in the world which errour by the way is the cause of our having been pestred with too much Gold heretofore and wanting it now 16. This I say to be the foundation of equallizing and ballancing of values yet in the superstructures and practices hereupon I confess there is much variety and intricacy of which hereafter 17. The world measures things by Gold and Silver but principally the latter for there may not be two measures and consequently the better of many must be the onely of all that is by fine silver of a certain weight but now if it be hard to measure the weight and fineness of silver as by the different reports of the ablest Saymasters I have known it to be and if silver granted to be of the same fineness and weight rise and fall in its price and be more worth at one place then another not onely for being farther from the Mines but for other accidents and may be more worth at present then a moneth or other small time hence and if it differ in its proportion unto the several things valued by it in several ages upon the increase and diminution thereof we shall endeavour to examine some other natural Standards and Measures without derogating from the excellent use of these 18. Our Silver and Gold we call by severall names as in England by pounds shillings and pence all which may be called and understood by either of the three But that which I would say upon this matter is that all things ought to be valued by two natural Denominations which is Land and Labour that is we ought to say a Ship or garment is worth such a measure of