Philosophie But I pray you my very good friend quoth I unto him forbeare this vehement and accusatorie humour of yours and be not angry if haply you see that some because they be borne of leud and wicked parents are punished or else doe not rejoice so much nor be ready to praise in case you see nobilitie also of birth to be so highly honored for if we stand upon this point and dare avow that recompence of vertue ought by right and reason to continue in the line and posteritie we are by good consequence to make this account that punishment likewise should not stay and cease together with misdeeds committed but reciprocally fall upon those that are descended of misdoers and malefactors for he who willingly seeth the progenie of Cimon honoured at Athens and contrariwise is offended and displeased in his heart to see the race of Lachares or Ariston banished driven out of the citie he I say seemeth to be too soft tender and passing effeminate or rather to speake more properly over-contentious and quarrelsome even against the gods complaining and murmuring of the one side if the children childrens children of an impious wicked person do prosper in the world and contrariwise is no lesse given to blame and find fault if he doe see the posterity of wicked and ungracious men to be held under plagued or altogether destroied from the face of the earth accusing the gods if the children of a naughtie man be afflicted even as much as if they had honest persons to their parents But as for these reasons alledged make you this reckoning that they be bulwarks and rampars for you opposed against such bitter sharpe accusers as these be But now taking in hand again the end as it were of a clew of thread or a bottom of yearne to direct us as in a darke place and where there be many cranks turnings and windings to and fro I meane the matter of gods secret judgements let us conduct and guide our selves gently and warily according to that which is most likely probable considering that even of those things which we daily manage and doe our selves we are not able to set downe an undoubted certaintie as for example who can yeeld a sound reason wherefore we cause and bid the children of those parents who died either of the phthisick and consumption of the lungs or of the dropsie to sit with their feet drenched in water until the dead corps be fully burned in the funeral fire For an opiniō there is that by this meanes the said maladies shall not passe unto them as hereditarie nor take hold of their bodies as also what the cause should be that if a goat hold in her mouth the herbe called Eryngites that is to say Sea-holly the whole flocke will stand still untill such time as the goat-herd come and take the said herbe out of her mouth Other hidden properties there be which by secret influences and passages from one to another worke strange effects and incredible as well speedily as in longer tract of time and in very truth we woonder more at the intermission and stay of time betweene than we doe of the distance of place and yet there is greater occasion to marvell thereat as namely that a pestilent maladie which began in Aethiopia should raigne in the citie of Athens and fill every street and corner thereof in such sort as Pericles died and Thucydides was sicke thereof than that when the Phocaeans and Sybarits had committed some hainous sins the punishment therefore should fall upon their children go through their posteritie For surely these powers and hidden properties have certaine relations and correspondences from the last to the first the cause whereof although it be unknowen to us yet it ceaseth not secretly to bring foorth her proper effects But there seemeth to be verie apparent reason of justice that publicke vengeance from above should fall upon cities many a yeere after for that a citie is one entire thing and a continued body as it were like unto a living creature which goeth not beside or out of it selfe for any mutations of ages nor in tract and continuance of time changing first into one and then into another by succession but is alwaies uniforme and like it selfe receiving evermore and taking upon it all the thanke for well doing or the blame for misdeeds of whatsoever it doth or hath done in common so long as the societie that linketh holdeth it together maintaineth her unitie for to make many yea innumerable cities of one by dividing it according to space of time were as much as to go about to make of one man many because he is now become old who before was a yong youth in times past also a very stripling or springall or else to speake more properly this resembleth the devises of Epicharmus wherupon was invented that maner of Sophisters arguing which they cal the Croissant argument for thus they reason He that long since borrowed or tooke up mony now oweth it not because he is no more himselfe but become another he that yesterday was invited to a feast cōmeth this day as an unbidden guest cōsidering that he is now another man And verily divers ages make greater difference in ech one of us than they do commonly in cities and States for he that had seene the citie of Athens thirtie yeeres agoe and came to visit it at this day would know it to be altogether the very same that then it was insomuch as the maners customes motions games pastimes serious affaires favours of the people their pleasures displeasures and anger at this present resemble wholly those in ancient time whereas if a man be any long time out of sight hardly his very familiar friend shall be able to know him his countenance will be so much changed and as touching his maners and behaviour which alter and change so soone upon every occasion by reason of all sorts of labour travell accidents and lawes there is such varietie and so great alteration that even he who is ordinarily acquainted and conversant with him would marvell to see the strangenesse and noveltie thereof and yet the man is held and reputed still the same from his nativitie unto his dying day and in like case a citie remaineth alwaies one and the selfe same in which respect we deeme it great reason that it should participate aswell the blame and reproch of ancestours as enjoy their glorie and puissance unlesse we make no care to cast all things in the river of Heraclitus into which by report no one thing entreth twise for that it hath a propertie to alter all things and change their nature Now if it be so that a citie is an united and continued thing in it selfe we are to thinke no lesse of a race and progenie which dependeth upon one and the same stocke producing and bringing foorth a certeine power and communication of qualities and the same doth
warred against the Lacedaemonians and when the time was come that magistrates should be elected at Thebes himselfe in person repaired thither having given order and commandement in the meane while unto his sonne Stesimbrotus in no wise to fight with the enemie The Lacedaemonians having intelligence given them that the father was absent reproched and reviled this yoong gentleman and called him coward wherewith he was so galled that he fell into a great fit of choler and forgetting the charge that his father had laid upon him gave the enemies battell and atchieved the victorie His father upon his returne was highly offended with his sonne for transgressing his will and commandement and after he had set a victorious crown upon his head caused it to be strooken off as Ctesiphon recordeth in the third booke of the Boeotian histories The Romanes during the time that they maintained warre against the Samnites chose for their general captain Manlius surnamed Imperious who returning upon a time from the camp to Rome for to be present at the election of Consuls straightly charged his son not to fight with the enemies in his absence The Samnites hereof advertised provoked the yoong gentleman with most spitefull and villanous tearmes reproching him likewise with cowardise which he not able to endure was so farre mooved in the end that he gave them battel and defeated them but Manlius his father when he was returned cut him shorter by the head for it as testifieth Aristides the Milesian 13 Hercules being denied marriage with the Ladie Iole tooke the repulse so neere to heart that he forced and sacked the citie Oechalia But Iole flung herselfe headlong downe from the wall into the trench under it howbeit so it fortuned that the winde taking hold of her garments as she fell bare her up so as in the fall shee caught no harme as witnesseth Nicias of Malea The Romans whiles they warred upon the Tuskans chose for their commander Valerius Torquatus who having a sight of Clusia their kings daughter fancied her and demanded her of him in marriage but being denied and rejected he wan the citie and put it to the saccage The ladie Clusia flung herselfe downe from an high tower but through the providence of Venus her habillements were so heaved up with the winde that they brake the fall and albeit shee light upon the ground shee escaped alive Then the captaine before named forced her and abused her bodie in regard of which dishonour and vilanie offered unto her by a generall decree of all the Romanes confined he was into the Isle of Corsica which lieth against Italy as witnesseth Theophilus in the third booke of his Italian historie 14 The Carthaginians and Sicilians being entred into league banded themselves against the Romanes and prepared with their joint forces to warre upon them whereupon Metellus was chosen captaine who having offered sacrifice unto all other gods and goddesses left out onely the goddesse Vesta who thereupon raised a contrarie winde to blow against him in his voiage Then Caius Julius the soothsayer said unto him that the winde would lie in case before he embarked and set saile he offered in sacrifice his owne daughter unto Vesta Metellus being driven to this hard exigent was constrained to bring foorth his daughter to be sacrificed but the goddesse taking pitie of him her in stead of the maiden substituted a yoong heyfer and carried the virgin to Lavintum where she made her a religious priestresse of the Dragon which they worship and have in great reverence within that citie as writeth Pythocles in his third booke of Italian affaires In like manner is the case of Iphigenia which hapned in Aulis a citie of Boeotia reported by Meryllus in the third booke of Boeotian Chronicles 15 Brennus a king of the Galatians or Gallo-Greekes as he forraied and spoiled Asia came at length to Ephesus where he fell in love with a yoong damosell a commoners daughter who promised to lie with him yea and to betray the citie unto him upon condition that he would give unto her carquanets bracelets and other jewels of gold wherewith ladies are woont to adorne and set out themselves Then Brennus requested those about his person to cast into the lap of this covetons wench all the golden jewels which they had which they did in such quantitie that the maiden was overwhelmed under them quick pressed to death with their waight as Clitipho writeth in the first booke of the Galatian historie Tarpeia a virgin and yoong gentlewoman of a good house having the keeping of the Capitoll during the time that the Romanes warred against the Albanes promised unto their king Tatius for to give him entrance into the castle of mount Tarpeius if in recompence of her good service he would bestow upon her such bracelets rings and carquanets as the Sabine dames used to weare when they trimmed up themselves in best manner which when the Sabines understood they heaped upon her so many that they buried her quick underneath them according as Aristides the Milesian reporteth in his Italian historie 16 The inhabitants of Tegea and Phenea two cities maintained a lingring warre one against the other so long until they concluded in the end to determine all quarrels and controversies by the combat of three brethren twinnes of either side And the men of Tegea put soorth into the field for their part the sonnes of one of their citizens named Reximachus and those of Phinea for themselves the sonnes of Damostratus When these champions were advanced foorth into the plaine to performe their devoir it fortuned that two of Reximachus his sonnes were killed outright in the place and the third whose name was Critolaus wrought such a stratagem with his three concurrents that he overcame them all for making semblance as though he fled he turned suddenly back slew them one after another as he espied his advātage when they were singled and severed asunder in their chase after him At his returne home with this glorious victorie all his citizens did congratulate and rejoice with him onely his owne sister named Demodice was nothing glad therefore because one of the brethren whom he had slaine was espoused unto her whose name was Demoticus Critolaus taking great indignation hereat killed her out of hand The mother to them both sued him for this murder and required justice howbeit hee was acquit of all actions and enditements framed against him as writeth Demaratus in the second booke of Arcadian acts The Romans and the Albanes having warred a long time together chose for their champions to decide all quarrels three brethren twinnes both of the one side and the other For the Albanes were three Curiatii and for the Romans as many Horain The combate was no sooner begun but those of Alba laid two of their adversaries dead in the dust the third helping himselfe with a feigned flight killed the other three one after the other as they were divided asunder
in pursuit after him for which victorie all other Romanes made great joy only his owne sister Horatia shewed herselfe nothing well pleased herewith for that to one of the other side she was betrothed in marriage for which he made no more ado but stabbed his sister to the heart this is reported by Aristides the Milesian in his Annales of Italy 17 In the citie Ilium when the fire had taken the temple of Minerva one of the inhabitants named Ilus ranne thither and caught the little image of Minerva named Palladium which was supposed to have fallen from heaven and therewith lost his sight because it was not lawfull that the said image should be seene by any man howbeit afterwards when he had appeased the wrath of the said goddesse he recovered his eie sight againe as writeth Dercyllus in the first book of Foundations Metellus a noble man of Rome as he went toward a certaine house of pleasure that hee had neere unto the citie was slaied in the way by certaine ravens that slapped and beat him with their wings at which ominous accident being astonied and presaging some evill to be toward him he returned to Rome and seeing the temple of the goddesse Vesta on fire he ran thither and tooke away the petie image of Pallas named Palladium and so likewise suddenly sell blind howbeit afterwards being reconciled unto her he got this sight againe this is the report of Aristides in his Chronicles 18 The Thracians warring against the Athenians were directed by an oracle which promised them victorie in case they saved the person of Codrus king of Athens but he disguising himselfe in the habit of a poore labourer and carrying a bill in his hand went into the campe of the enemies and killed one where likewise he was killed by another and so the Athenians obtained victorie as Socrates writeth in the second booke of Thracian affaires Publius Decius a Romane making warre against the Albanes dreamed in the night and saw a vision which promised him that if himselfe died he should adde much to the puissance of the Romans whereupon he charged upon his enemies where they were thickest arranged and when he had killed a number of them was himselfe slaine Decius also his sonne in the warre against the Gaules by that meanes saved the Romans as saith Aristides the Milesian 19 Cyanttpus a Siracusian borne sacrificed upon a time unto all other gods but unto Bacchus whereat the god being offended haunted him with drunckennesse so as in a darke corner he deflowred forcibly his owne daughter named Cyane but in the time that he dealt with her she tooke away the ring off his finger and gave it unto her nourse to keepe for to testifie another day who it was that thus abused her Afterwards the pestilence raigned fore in those parts and Apollo gave answere by oracle that they were to offer in sacrifice unto the gods that turned away calamities a godlesse and incestuous person all others wist not whom the oracle meant but Cyane knowing full well the will of Apollo tooke her father by the haire and drew him perforce to the altar and when she had caused himto be killed sacrificed her selfe after upon him as writeth Dositheus in the third booke of the Chronicles of Cicily Whiles the feast of Bacchus called Bacchanalia was celebrated at Rome there was one Aruntius who never in all his life had drunke wine but water onely and alwaies despised the power of god Bacchus who to be revenged of him caused him one time be so drunke that he forced his owne daughter Medullina abused her bodie carnally who having knowledge by his ring who it was that did the deed and taking to her a greater heart than one of her age made her father one day drunke and after she had adorned his head with garlands chaplets of flowers led him to aplace called the altar of Thunder where with many teares she sacrificed him who had surprised her takē away her virginity as writeth Aristides the Milesian in his third booke of Italian Chronicles 20 Erechiheus warring upon Eumolpus was advertised that he should win the victorie if before he went into the field he sacrificed his owne daughter unto the gods who when he had imparted this mater unto his wife Praxithea he offered his daughter in sacrifice before the battell hereof Euripides maketh mention in his tragoedie Erechtheus Marius maintaining warre against the Cimbrians and finding himselfe too weake saw a vision in his sleepe that promised him victory if before he went to battell he did sacrifice his daughter named Calpurnis who setting the good of the weale publicke and the regard of his countrimen before the naturall affection to his owne blood did accordingly and wan the field and even at this day two altars there be in Germanie which at the verie time and hower that this sacrifice was offered yeeld the sound of trumpets as Dorotheus reporteth in the third booke of the Annales of Italy 21 Cyanippus a Thessalian borne used ordinarily to go on hunting his wife a young gentle woman intertained this fancie of jealousie in her head that the reason why he went forth so often and staied so long in the forrest was because he had the companie of some other woman whom beloved whereupon she determined with her selfe to lie in espiall one day therefore she followed and traced Cyanippus and at length lay close within a certaine thicket of the forrest waiting and expecting what would fall out and come of it It chanced that the leaves and branches of the shrubs about her stirred the hounds imagining that there was some wild beast within seised upon her and so tare in pieces this young dame that loved her husband so well as if she had beene a savage beast Cyanippus then seeing before his eies that which he never would have imagined or thought in his mind for verie griefe of heart killed himselfe as Parthenius the Poet hath left in writing In Sybaris a citie of Italy there was sometime a young gentleman named Aemilius who being a beautifull person and one who loved passing well the game of hunting his wife who was young also thought him to be enamoured of another ladie and therefore got her selfe close within a thicket and chanced to stirre the boughes of the shrubs and bushes about her The hounds thereupon that ranged and hunted thereabout light upon her and tare her body in pieces which when her husband saw he killed himselfe upon her as Clytonimus reporteth in his second booke of the Sybaritick historie 22 Smyrna the daughter of Cinyras having displeased and angred Venus became enamored of her owne father and declared the vehement heat of her love unto her nourse She therefore by a wily device went to worke with her master and bare him in hand that there was a faire damosell a neighbours daughter that was in love with him but abashed and ashamed to come unto him openly or to be
Not long after there fell out to be a great drouth and the the citie was sore visued with famine insomuch as the Corinthians sent unto the oracle for to know by what meanes they might be delivered from this calamitie unto whom the god made this answer That the wrath of Neptune was the cause of all their miserie who would by no meanes be appeased untill they had revenged Actaeons death which Archias hearing who was himselfe one deputed to this embassage he was not willing to returne againe to Corinth but crossed over the seas into Sicily where he founded and built the city Syracusa and there hee begat two daughters Ortygia and Syracusa but in the end was himselfe trecherously murdred by one Telephus whom in his youth he had abused as his minion and who having the conduct of a shippe had sailed with him into sicilie 3 A poore man named Scedasus who dwelt in Leuctra a village within the territorie of the Thespians had two daughters the name of the one was Hippo and of the other Miletia or as some write clepid they were Theano and Enippe Now this Scedasus was a bounteous and kind person yea and a good fellow in his house and curteous to all strangers notwithstanding he had but small store of goods about him So there fortuned to visit him two yoong men of Sparta whom hee friendly and lovingly enterteined who being fallen into fancie with his two daughters had thus much power yet of themselves that in regard of their father Scedasus and his kindnesse unto them they attempted nothing prejudiciall unto the honest pudicitie of the virgins for that time but the next morning tooke their leave and went directly toward the city of Delphos unto the oracle of Apollo Pythius for to that purpose expresly tooke they this journey and pilgrimage after that they had consulted with the god about such matters as they came for they returned backe againe into their owne country as they passed thorough Baeotia tooke Scedasus house by the way there for to lodge who at that time was not at Leuctra but gone forth howbe it his daughters according to their courteous bringing up their usual maner of intertainment received these two guests into the house who seeing their opportunitie that they were alone forced defloured the silly maidens and after this deed seeing them exceedingly offended and angry for this villany offered unto them so as by no meanes they would be appeased they proceeded farther murdred them both and when they had so done threw them into a certeine blinde pit and so departed Seedasus being returned home found all things else in his house safe and sound as hee left them onely his two daughters hee could not meet with neither wist he what to say or doe untill such time as a bitch that he had began to whine and complaine running one while to him and another while training him as it were to the pit side whereupon at length he suspected that which was and so drew foorth the dead bodies of his two daughters understanding moreover by his neighbors that the day before they had seene going into his house those two yoong men of Lacedaemon who not long before had beene lodged with him he doubted presently that they were those who had committed this crime and namely when he called to minde that the first time they came they did nothing but praise the maidens saying That they reputed them most happy whose fortune should be to espouse them for their wives Well to Lacedaemon he went for to conferre with the Ephori about this matter and by that time that he entred within the territory of Argos he was benighted so that he took up his lodging in a common inne or hostelry within which he found another poore old man borne in the city Oreos within the province Hestraea whom when Scedasus heard to sigh and groane grievously yea and to fall a cursing of the Lacedaemonians he demaunded what the Lacedaemonians had done unto him that he fared thus against them the old man set tale an end and said That a subject he was of the Spartans and that when one Aristodemus was sent as governour from the State of Sparta into the citie Oreum he had dealt very cruelly and committed many outrages and enormites for being quoth he wantonly fallen in love with a sonne of mine and seeing that he would not frame nor be induced to satisfie his will he assaied to enforce him and by violence to hale him out of the publicke wrestling place where he exercised himselfe with other his feeres and companions the warden of the exercises empeached the said governour with the assistance of many yoong men who ranne into the rescue in such sort as for that present Aristodemus retired without effect but the next morrow having set out and manned a galley of purpose hee came with a second charge and caried away my childe and no sooner was he rowed from Oreum to the otherside of the water but he offred to abuse his body which when the youth would in no wise abide nor yeeld unto he made no more adoo but cut his throat and killed him outright in the place which done he returned backe to Oreum where hee feasted his friends and made great cheere This accident was I soone advertised of quoth the old man whereupon I went and performed the last dutie unto my sonne and solemnized his funerall and so immediately put my selfe upon my journey toward Sparta where I complained unto the Ephori or lords controulers declaring unto them the whole fact but they gave no eare unto me nor made any reckoning of my grievance Seedisus hearing this tale was il appaid troubled in his mind imagining that the Spartans would make as little account of him and therewith to requite his tale related for his part likewise unto the stranger his owne case who thereupon gave him counsel not so much as once to go unto the Ephori but to returne immediately backe into Boeotia and to erect a tombe for his two daughters Howbeit Seedasus would not be ruled by him but held on his journey forward to Sparta opened his griefe unto the lords cōtroulers before said when he saw that they tooke small heed of his words he addressed himselfe to the kings of Sparta yea and afterwards to some particular burgeosies of the citie unto whom he declared the fact and bewailed his owne infortunitie But seeing that all booted not heran up and downe the streets of the citie stretching forth his hands up to heaven and to the sun and stamping upon the ground with his feet calling upon the furies of hell to be revenged and at the last killed himselfe But in processe of time the Lacedaemonians paid deerely for this their injustice for when they were growen to that greatnes that they commanded all Greece and had planted their garrisons in everie citie first Epaminondas the Theban cut the throtes of
most sant oblations that is for so saith Epaminondas the Thebane fighting valiantly and exposing your selves to the most honorable and bravest services that be in defence of countrey of your auncestors tombes and sepulchers and of your temples and religion mee thinks also I see their victories comming toward mee in solemne pompe and procession not drawing or leading after them for their prize and reward an ox or a goat neither be the said victories crowned with ivie or smelling strong of new wine in the lees as the Bacchanales doe but they have in their traine whole cities islands continents and firme lands as well mediterranean as maritime sea-coasts together with new colonies of ten thousand men a piece to be planted heere and there and withall crowned they be and adorned on every side with trophaes with triumphes pillage and booty of all sorts the ensignes badges and armes that these victorious captaines give the images also that they represent in shew be their stately beautiful temples as the Parthenon the Hecatompedos their city walles on the south side the arcenals to receive lodge their ships their beautifull porches and galleries the province of the demy isle Chersonesus the city Amphipolis as for the plaine of Marathon it goeth before the laureat garland and victorie of Miltiades Solanius accompanieth that of Themistocles trampling under his feet and going over the broken timber and shipwracke of a thousand vessels as for the victory of Cimon it bringeth with it an hundred Phaenician great gallies from the rivers Eurymedon that of Demosthenes and Cleon comes from Sphacteria with the targuet of captaine Brasidas wonne in the field and a number of his souldiers captive and bound in chaines the victory of Conon walled the city and that of Thrasibulus reduced the people with victorie and liberty from Phyle the sundry victories of Alcibiades set upright the State of the city which by the infortunate overthrow in Sicilie reeled and was ready to fall to the ground and by the battel 's fought by Neleus and Androclus in Lydia and Carta Greece saw all Jonta raised up againe and supported And if a man demaund of each one of the other victories what benefit hath accrued unto the city by them one will name the isle Lesbos and another Samos one will speake of the Euxine sea and another of sive hundred gallies and he shall have another talke of ten thousand talents over and above the honour and glory of trophaees These be the causes why this city doeth solemnize and celebrate to many festivall daies and heereupon it is that it offreth sacrifices as it doeth to the gods not iwis for the victory of Aeschylus or Sophocles nor for the prizes of poetry no nor when Carcinus lay with Aerope or Astidamus with Hector But upon the sixth of May even to this present day the city holdeth festivall the memory of that victory in the plaines of Marathon and the sixth day of * another * moneth maketh a solemne offring of wine unto the gods in remembrance of that victorie which Chabrias obteined neere unto the isle Naxos and upon the 12. day of the same moneth there is another sacrifice likewise performed in the name of a thankes-giving to the gods for their liberty recovered because upon the same day those citizens which were prisoners and in bondage within Phyle came downe and returned into the city upon the third day of March they wonne the famous field of Platea and the sixteenth day of the said March they consecrated to Diana for on that day this goddesse shone bright and it was full moone to the victorious Greeks before the isle of 〈◊〉 The noble victory which they archieved before the citie of Mantinea made the twelfth day of September more holy and with greater solemnity observed for upon that day when all other their allies and associates were discomfited and put to flight they onely by their valour wonne the field and erected a trophae over their enemies who were upon the point of victory See what hath raised this city to such grandence Lo what hath exalted it to so high a pitch of honor and this was the cause that Pindarus called the city of Athens the pillar that supported Greece not for that by the tragedies of Phrynichus or Thespis if set the fortune of the Greeks upright but in regard of this that as himselfe writeth in another place along the coast of Artemisium Where Athens youth as poet Pindar said Of freedome first the glorious ground worke laid And afterwards at Salamis at Mycale and Plataees having setled it firme and strong as upon a rocke of diamonds they delivered it from hand to hand unto others But haply some man will say True it is indeed all that ever poets doe are no better than sports and pastimes But what say you to oratours they seeme to have some prerogative gative and ought to be compared with martiall captaines whereupon it may seeme as Aeschynes scoffing merily and quipping at Demosthenes said That there is some reason why the barre or pulpit for publicke orations may commence action and processe against the tribunall seat of generals and their chaire of estate Is it then meet and reasonable that the oration of Hyperides intituled Plataicus should be preferred before the victory which Aristides wonne before the city Platea or the oration of Lysies against the thirty tyrants goe before the massacre and execution of them performed by Thrasybelus and Archias or that of Aeschines against Timarchus being accused for keeping harlots and a brothell house before the aide that Phocion brought into the city of Byzantium besieged by which succour he impeached the Macedonians and repressed their insolent vilanies and outrages committed in abusing the children of the Athenian consederates or shall we compare the oration of Demosthenes as touching the crowne with those publicke and honorable coronets which Themistocles received for setting Greece free considering that the most excellent place of all the said oration and fullest of eloquence is that wherein the said oratour conjureth the soules of those their auncestors and citeth them for witnesses who in the battell of Marathon exposed their lives with such resolution for the saftie of Greece or shall we put in balance to weigh against woorthy warriours these that in schooles teach yoong men rhetoricke namely such as Isocrates Antiphon and Isaeus But certeine it is that this city honored those valiant captaines with publicke funerals and with great devotion gathered up the reliques of their bodies yea and the same oratour canonized them for gods in heaven when he sware by them although he followed not their steps and Isocrates who extolled and highly praised those who manfully sought willing were to spend their hartbloud in the battell of Marathon saying that they made so little account of their lives as if their owne soules had bene else-where other mens in their bodies magnifying this their resolution and the small
stumbling blocks of feare of paine of lusts and desires And verily the deciding and judgement of this disputation lieth in the sense which feeleth aswell the one as the other and is touched with them both For say that the one doth surmount and hath the victorie it doth not therefore defeit utterly and destroy the other but drawen it is thereto perforce and making resistance the while As for example the wanton and amorous person when he checketh and reprooveth himselfe therefore useth the discourse of reason against the said passion of his yet so as having them both actually subsisting together in the soule much like as if with his hand he repressed and kept downe the one part enflamed with an hot fit of passion and yet feeling within himselfe both parts and those actually in combat one against the other Contrariwise in those consultations disputes and inquisitions which are not passionate and wherein these motions of the brutish part have nothing to do such I meane as those be especially of the contemplative part of the soule if they be equall and so continue there ensueth no determinat judgement and resolution but a doubt remaineth as if it were a certaine pause or stay of the understanding not able to proceed farther but abiding in suspense betweene two contrarie opinions Now if it chance to encline unto one of them it is because the mightier hath overweighed the other annulled it yet so as it is not displeased or discontent no nor contesteth obstinately afterwards against the received opinion To be short to conclude all in one generall word where it seemeth that one discourse and reason is contrarie unto another it argueth not by and by a conceit of two divers subjects but one alone in sundrie apprehensions and imaginations Howbeit whensoever the brutish and sensuall part is in a conflict with reason and the same such that it can neither vanquish nor be vanquished without some sense of grievance then incontinently this battell divideth the soule in twaine so as the warre is evident and sensible And not onely by this fight a man may know how the source and beginning of these passions differeth from that fountaine of reason but no lesse also by the consequence that followeth thereupon For seeing that possible it is for a man to love one childe that is ingenuous and towardly disposed to vertue as also affect another as well who is ill given and dissolute considering also that one may use anger unjustly against his owne children or parents and another contrariwise justly in the defence of children or parents against enemies and tyrants Like as in the one there is perceived a manifest combat and resistance of passion against reason so in the other there may be seene as evident a yeelding and obeisance thereof suffering it selfe to be directed thereby yea and willingly running and offering her assistance and helping hand To illustrate this by a familiar example it hapneth otherwhiles that an honest man espouseth a wife according to the lawes with this intention onely to cherish and keepe her tenderly yea and to companie with her duly and according to the lawes of chastitie and honestie howbeit afterwards in tract of time and by long continuance and conversing together which hath bred in his heart the affection of love he perceiveth by discourse of reason and findeth in himselfe that he loveth her more deerely and entirely than he purposed at the first Semblably yoong scholars having met with gentle and kinde masters at the beginning follow and affect them in a kinde of zeale for the benefit onely that they reape by them Howbeit afterwards in processe of time they fall to love them and so in stead of familiar and daily disciples they become their lovers and are so called The same is usually to be seene in the behaviour and carriage of men toward good magistrates in cities neighbours also kinsfolke and allies For they begin acquaintance one with another after a civill sort onely by way of dutie or necessitie and use but afterwards by little and little ere they be aware they grow into an affectionate love of them namely when reason doth concurre perswading drawing unto it that part of the mind which is the seat of passions and affections As for that Poet whosoever he was that first wrate this sentence Two sorts there be of bashfulnes the one we cannot blame The other troubleth many an hower and doth decay the same Doth he not plainely shew that he hath found in himselfe by experience oftentimes that even this affection by meanes of lingring delay and putting off from time to time hath put him by the benefit of good opportunities and hindred the execution of many brave affaires Vnto these proofes and alle gations precedent the Stoikes being forced to yeeld in regard they be so cleere and evident yet for to make some way of evasion and escape they call shame bashfulnesse pleasure joy and feare warinesse or circumspection And I assure you no man could justly finde fault with these disguisements of odious things with honest termes if so be they would attribute unto these passions the said names when they be raunged under the rule of reason and give them their owne hatefull termes indeed when they strive with reason and violently make resistance But when convinced by the teares which they shed by trembling and quaking of their joints yea by chaunge of colour going and comming in stead of naming Dolour and Feare directly come in with I wot not what pretie devised termes of Morsures Contractions or Conturbations also when they would cloke and extenuate the imperfection of other passions by calling lust a promptitude or forwardnes to a thing it seemeth that by a flourish of fine words they devise shifts evasions and justifications not philosophicall but sophisticall And yet verily they themselves againe do terme those joies those promptitudes of the will and warie circumspections by the name of Eupathies i. good affections and not of Apathies that is to say Impassibilities wherein they use the words aright and as they ought For then is it truly called Eupathie i. a good affection when reason doth not utterly abolish the passion but guideth and ordereth the same well in such as be discreet and temperate But what befalleth unto vicious and dissolute persons Surely when they have set downe in their judgement and resolution to love father and mother as tenderly as one lover may another yet they are not able to performe so much Mary say that they determine to affect a courtisan or a flatterer presently they can finde in their hearts to love such most deerely Moreover if it were so that passion and judgement were both one it could not otherwise be so soone as one had determined that he ought to love or hate but that presently love or hate would follow thereupon But now it falleth out clean contrarie for that the passion as it accordeth well with some judgements and obeieth
disperst and spred in brest To keepe the tongue then apt to barke and let it lie at rest The consideration of these things collected thus together serveth not onely to take heede alwaies unto them that are subject to yre and therewith possessed but also besides to know throughly the nature of anger how it is neither generous or manfull nor yet hath anie thing in it that savoreth of wisedome and magnanimitie Howbeit the common people interpret the turbulent nature thereof to be active and meet for action the threats and menaces thereof hardinesse and confidence the peevish and froward unrulinesse to be fortitude and strength Nay some there be who would have the crueltie in it to be a disposition and dexteritie to atchieve great matters the implacable malice thereof to be constancie and firme resolution the morositie and difficultie to be pleased to be the hatred of sinne and vice howbeit herein they do not well but are much deceived for surely the very actions motions gestures and countenance of cholerike persons do argue and bewray much basenesse and imbecilitie which we may perceive not onely in these brain-sicke fits that they fall upon little children and them pluck twitch and misuse flie upon poore seely women and thinke that they ought to punish and beat their horses hounds and mules like unto Ctesiphon that famous wrestler and professed champion who stucke not to spurne and kicke his mule but also in their tyrannicall and bloudly murders wherein their crueltie and bitternesse which declareth their pusillanimity base mind their actions which shew their passions their doing to others bewraying a suffering in themselves may be compared to the stings and bitings of those venemous serpents which be very angric exceeding dolorous and burne most themselves when they do inflict the greatest inflamation upon the patients and put them to most paine For like as swelling is a symptome or accident following upon a great wound or hurt in the flesh even so it is in the tenderest and softest minds the more they give place and yeeld unto dolor and passion the more plentie of choler and anger they utter foorth as proceeding from the greater weaknes By this you may see the reason why women ordinarily be more waspish curst and shrewd than men sicke folke more testie than those that are in health old people more waiward and froward than those that be in the floure and vigor of their yeeres and finally such as be in adversitie and upon whom fortune frowneth more prone to anger than those who prosper and have the world smiling upon them The covetous mizer and pinching peni-father is alwaies most angrie with his steward that laieth foorth his monie the glutton is ever more displeased with his cooke and cater the jealous husband quickly falleth out and brawleth with his wife the vaine-glorious foole is soonest offended with them that speake any thing amisse of him but the most bitter and intollerable of all others are ambitious persons in a citie who lay for high places and dignities such also as are the heads of a faction in a sedition which is a trouble and mischiefe as Pindarus saith conspicuous and honorable Loe how from that part of the mind which is wounded greeved suffreth most and especially upon infirmitie and weakenesse ariseth anger which passion resembleth not as one would have it the sinewes of the soule but is like rather to their stretching spreines and spasmatick convulsions when it streineth and striveth overmuch in following revenge Well the examples of evill things yeeld no pleasant sight at all onely they be necessary and profitable and for mine owne part supposing the precedents given by those who have caried themselves gently and mildly in their occasions of anger are most delectable not onely to behold but also heare I begin to contemne and despise those that say thus To man thou hast done wrong be sure At mans hand wrong for to endure Likewise Downe to the ground with him spare not his coate Spurne him and set thy foote upon his throate and other such words which serve to provoke wrath and whet choler by which some go about to remoove anger out of the nurcery and womens chamber into the hall where men do sit and keepe but heerein they do not well For prowesse and fortitude according in all other things with justice and going fellow-like with her me thinkes is at strife and debate with her about meekenesse and mildnesse onely as if she rather became her and by right apperteined unto her For otherwhiles it hath beene knowne that the woorst men have gone beyond and surmounted the better But for a man to erect a Trophee and set up a triumphall monument in his owne soule against ire with which as Heraclnus saith the conflict is hard and dangerous for what a man would have he buieth with his life it is an act of rare valour and victorious puissance as having in trueth the judgement of reason for sinewes tendons and muskles to encounter and resist passions Which is the cause that I studie and am desirous alwaies to reade and gather the sayings and doings not onely of learned clearks and Philosophers who as our Sages and wise men say have no gall in them but also and much rather of Kings Princes Tyrants and Potentates As for example such as that was of Antigonus who hearing his souldiors upon a time revile him behinde his pavilion thinking that he heard them not put forth his staffe from under the cloth unto them and said A whorson knaves could you not go a little farther off when you meant thus to raile upon us Likewise when one Arcadian an Argive or Achaean never gave over reviling of King Philip and abusing him in most reprochfull tearmes yea and to give him warning So far to flie untill he thither came Where no man knew nor heard of Philips name And afterwards the man was seene I know not how in Macedonia the friends and courtiers of king Philip were in hand with him to have him punished and that in any wise he should not let him go and escape Philip contrariwise having him once in his hands spake gently unto him used him courteously sending unto him in his lodging gifts and presents and so sent him away And after a certeine time he commanded those courtiours of purpose to enquire what words he gave out of him unto the Greekes but when everie one made report againe and testified that he was become another man and ceased not to speake woonderfull things in the praise of him Lo quoth Philip then unto them Am not I a better Physician than all you and can I not skill how to cure a foule tongued fellow Another time at the great solemnitie of the Olympian games when the Greekes abused him with verie bad language his familiar friends about him said they deserved to be sharply chastised and punished for so miscalling and reviling him who had beene so good a benefactor of
treatise as touching the amitie of brethren a gift common unto you both as those who are woorthie of the same for seeing that of your owne accord you practise that alreadie which it teacheth and exhorteth unto you shall be thought not so much to be admonished thereby as by your example to confirme and testifie the same which therein is delivered and the joy which you shall conceive to see that approoved and commended which your selves do shall give unto your judgement a farther assurance to continue therein as if your actions were allowed and praised by vertuous and honest beholders of the same Aristarchus verily the father of Theodectes scoffing at the great number of those Sophisters or counterfeit sages in his daies said That in old time hardly could be found seven wise men throughout the world but in our daies quoth he much adoo there is to finde so many fooles or ignorant persons But I may verie well and truely saie That I see in this age wherein we live the amitie of brethren to be as rare as their hatred was in times past The examples whereof being so few as they were among our auncients were thought by men in those daies living notable arguments to furnish Tragedies and Theaters with as matters verie strange and in a manner fabulous But contrariwise all they that live in this age if haply they meete with two brethren that be good and kind one to another woonder and marvell thereat as much as if they saw those Molionides of whom Homer speaketh whose bodies seemed to grow together in one and as incredible and miraculous doe they thinke it that brethren should use in common the patrimonie goods friends and slaves which their fathers left behind unto them as if one and the same soule alone ruled the feet hands and eies of two bodies And yet nature her selfe hath set downe a lively example of that mutuall behaviour and carriage that ought to bee among brethren and the same not farre off but even within our owne bodies wherein she hath framed and devised for the most part those members double and as a man would say brethren-like and twinnes which be necessarie to wit two hands two feet two eies two eares and two nose thrils shewing thereby that she hath thus distinguished them all not onely for their naturall health and safetie but also for a mutuall and reciprocall helpe and not for to quarrell and fight one with another As for the hands when she parted them into many fingers and those of unequallength and bignesse she hath made them of all other organicall parts the most proper artificious and workemanlike instruments insomuch as that ancient Philosopher Anaxagoras ascribed the verie cause of mans wisedome and understanding unto the hands Howbeit the contrarie unto this should seeme rather to be true for man was not the wisest of all other living creatures in regard of his hands but because by nature being eudued with reason given to be wittie and capable of arts and sciences he was likewise naturally furnished with such instruments as these Moreover this is well knowen unto everie man that nature hath formed of one and the same seed as of one principle of life two three and more brethren not to the end that they should be at debate and variance but that being apart and asunder they might the better and more commodiously helpe one another For those men with three bodies and a hundred armes apiece which the Poëts describe unto us if ever there were any such being joined and growen together in all their parts were not able to doe any thing at all when they were parted asunder or as it were without themselves which brethren can doe well enough namely dwell and keepe within house and go abroad together meddle in affaires of State exercise husbandrie and tillage one with another in case they preserve and keepe well that principle of amity and benevolence which nature hath given them For otherwise they should I suppose nothing differ from those feet which are readie to trip or supplant one another and cause them to catch a fall or they should resemble those hands and fingers which enfolded and claspe one another untowardly against the course of nature But rather according as in one and the same bodie the cold the hot the drie and the moist participating likewise in one and the same nature and nourishment if they doe accord and agree well together engender an excellent temperature and most pleasant harmonie to wit the health of the bodie without which neither all the wealth of the world as men say Nor power of roiall majestie Which equall is to deitie have any pleasure grace or profit but in case these principall elements of our life covet to have more than their just proportion and thereupon breake out into a kind of civill sedition seeking one to surcrease and over-grow another soone there ensueth a filthie corruption and confusion which overthroweth the state of the bodie and the creature it selfe semblably by the concord of brethren the whole race and house is in good case and flourisheth the friends and familiars belonging to them like a melodious quire of muscicians make a sweet consent and harmonie for neither they doe nor say not thinke any thing that jarreth or is contrarie one to the other Wher as in discord such and taking part The worse est soones do speed whiles better smart to wit some ill-tongued varlet and pickthanke carrie-tale within the house or some flattering claw-backe comming betweene and entring into the house or else some envious and malicious neighbour in the citie For like as diseases do ingender in those bodies which neither receive nor stand well affected to their proper familiar nourishment many appetites of strange and hurtfull meates even so a slanderous calumniation of jealousie being gotten once among those of a blood kindred doth draw and bring withal evill words and naughtie speechs which from without are alwaies readie enough to runne thither where as a breach lieth open and where there is some fault alreadie That divine master and soothsaier of Arcadie of whom Herodotus writeth when he had lost one of his owne naturall feet was forced upon necessitie to make himselfe another of wood but a brother being fallen out and at warre with a brother and constrained to get some stranger to be his companion either out of the market place and common hall of the citie as he walketh there or from the publike place of exercise where he useth to behold the wrestlers and others in my conceit doth nothing else but willingly cut-off a part or limme of his owne bodie made of flesh and engraffed fast unto him for to set another in the place which is of another kinde and altogether a stranger For even necessitie it selfe which doth entertaine approove and seeke for friendship and mutuall acquaintance teacheth us to honor chearish and preserve that which is of the same nature and kind
displeased nor to be straight laced and stiffely stand against them when they come to justifie or excuse themselves but rather both when our selves have saulted oftentimes to prevent their anger by excuse making or asking for givenesse and also by pardoning them before they come to excuse if we have beene wronged by them And therefore Euclides that great scholer of Socrates is much renowmed and famous in all schooles of Philosophie for that when he heard his brother breake out into these beastly and wicked words against him The soule ill take me if I be not revenged and meet with thee and a mischiefe come to me also quoth he againe if I appease not thine anger perswade thee to love me as well as ever thou didst But king Eumenes not in word but in deed effect surpassed all others in meekenesse and patience for Perseus king of the Macedonians being his mortall enimie had secretly addressed an ambush and set certeine men of purpose to murder him about Delphos espying their time when they sawe him going from the sea side to the said towne for to consult with the oracle of Apollo now when he was gone a little past the ambush they began to assaile him from behinde tumbling downe and throwing mightie stones upon his head and necke wherewith he was so astonished that his sight failed and he fell withall in that manner as he was taken for dead now the rumour heereof ran into all parts insomuch as certeine of his servitors and friends made speed to the citie Pergamus reporting the tidings of this occurrent as if they had beene present and seene all done whereupon Attalus the eldest brother next unto himselfe an honest and kinde hearted man one also who alwaies had caried himselfe most faithfully and loyally unto Eumenes was not onely declared king and crowned with the royall diademe but that which more is espoused and maried Queene Stratonice his said brothers wife and lay with her But afterwards when counter-newes came that Eumenes was alive and comming homeward againe Attalus laid aside his diademe and taking a partisan or javelin in his hand as his maner before time was with other pentioners and squires of the bodie he went to meet his brother king Eumenes received him right graciously tooke him lovingly by the hand embraced the Queene with all honour and of a princely and magnanimous spirit put up all yea and when he had lived a long time after without any complaint suspition and jealousie at all in the end at his death made over and assigned both the crowne and the Queene his wife unto his brother the aforesaid Attalus and what did Attalus now after his brothers decease he would not foster and bring up as heire apparant so much as one childe that he had by Stratonice his wife although she bare unto him many but he nourished and carefully cherished the sonne of his brother departed untill he was come to full age and then himselfe in his life time with his owne hands set the imperiall diademe and royall crowne upon his head and proclaimed him king But Cambyses contrariwise frighted upon a vaine dreame which he had That his brother was come to usurpe the kingdome of Asia without expecting any proofe or presumption thereof put him to death for it by occasion whereof the succession in the empire went out of the race of Cyrus upon his decease and was devolved upon the line of Darius who raigned after him a Prince who knew how to communicate the government of his affaires and his regall authoritie not onely with his brethren but also with his friends Moreover this one point more is to be remembred observed diligently in all variances and debates that are risen betweene brethren namely then especially and more than at any time else to converse and keepe companie with their friends and on the other side to avoide their enemies and evill-willers and not to be willing so much as to vouchsafe them any speech or entertainment Following herein the fashion of the Candiots who being oftentimes fallen out and in civill dissension among themselves yea and warring hot one with another no sooner heare newes of forrein enemies comming against them but they rancke themselves banding jointly together against them and this combination is that which thereupon is called Syncretesmos For some there be that like as water runneth alwaies to the lower ground and to places that chinke or cleave asunder are readie to side with those brethren or friends that be fallen out and by their suggestions buzzed into their cares ruinate and overthrow all acquaintance kinred and amitie hating indeed both parties but seeming to beare rather upon the weaker side and to settle upon him who of imbecillitie soone yeeldeth and giveth place And verily those that be simple and harmlesse friends such as commonly yong folke are apply themselves commonly to him that affecteth a brother helping increasing that love what he may but the most malicious enemies are they who espying when one brother is angrie or fallen out with another seeme to be angrie and offended together with him for companie and these do most hurt of all others Like as the hen therefore in Aesope answered unto the cat making semblance as though he heard her say she was sicke and therefore in kindnesse and love asking how she did I am well enough quoth she I thanke you so that you were farther off even so unto such a man as is inquisitive and entreth into talke as touching the debate of brethren to sound and search into some secrets betweene them one ought to answere thus Surely there would be no quarrell betweene my brother and me if neither I nor he would give care to carrie-tales and pick-thankes betweene us But now it commeth to passe I wot not how that when our eies be fore and in paine we turne away our sight from those bodies and colours which make no reverberation or repercussion backe againe upon it but when we have some complaint and quarrell or conceive anger or suspicion against our brethren we take pleasure to heare those that make all woorse and are apt enough to take any colour and infection presented to us by them where it were more needfull and expedient at such a time to avoid their enimies and evill willers and to keepe our selves out of the way from them and contrariwise to converse with their allies familiars and friends and with them to beare company especally yea and to enter into their owne houses for to complaine and blame them before their very wives frankly and with libertie of speech And yet it is a common saying That brethren when they walke together should not so much as let a stone to be betwixt them nay they are discontented and displeased in minde in case a dog chance to runne overthwart them and a number of such other things they feare whereof there is not one able to make any breach or division betweene brethren but
have not libertie IOCASTA A spight it is no doubt and that of servile kind For men to be debard to speake their mind POLYNICES Besides they must endure the foolishnesse And ignorance of rulers more or lesse But herein I cannot allow of his sentence and opinion as well and truely delivered For first and formost not to speake what a man thinketh is not the point of a slavish and base person but rather he is to be counted a wise and prudent man who can hold his tongue at those times and in such occasions as require taciturnitie and silence which the same Poet hath taught us in another place more wisely when he saith Silence is good when that it doth availe Likewise to speake in time and not to faile And as for the folly and ignorance of great and mightie persons we must abide no lesse when we tarrie at home than in exile nay it falleth out many times that men at home feare much more the calumniations and violence of those who injustly are in high places of authoritie within cities than if they were abroad and out of their owne countries Againe this also is most false and absurd that the said Poet depriveth banished persons of their libertie and franke speech Certes this were a woonderfull matter that Theodorus wanted his freedome of tongue considering that when King Lysimachus said unto him And hath thy countrey chased and cast thee out being so great a person among them Yea quoth he againe for that it was no more able to beare me than Semele to beare Bacchus neither was he daunted and afraid notwithstanding that the King shewed unto him Telesphorus enclosed within an iron cage whose eies he had caused before to be pulled out of his head his nose and eares to be cropt and his tongue to be cut adding withal these words See how I handle those that displease and abuse my person And what shall we say of Diogenes Wanted he thinke you his libertie of speech who being come into the campe of King Philip at what time time as he made an expedition against the Grecians invaded their countrey and was ready to give them battell was apprehended and brought before the king as a spie and charged therewith I am indeed quoth he come hither to spie your infariable avarice ambition and folly who are about now to hazard in one houre as it were with the cast of a die not onely your crowne and dignitie but also your life and person semblably what thinke you of Annthall the Carthaginian was he tongue-tied before Antiochus banished though himselfe were and the other a mightie monarch For when he advised Antiochus to take the opportunitie presented unto him and to give battell unto the Romans his enemies and the king having sacrificed unto the gods answered againe that the entrails of the beast killed for sacrifice would not permit but forbad him so to do Why then quoth he by way of reproofe and rebuke you will doe that belike which a peece of dead flesh biddeth you and not that which a man of wisedome and understanding counselleth you unto But neither Geometricians nor those that use linearie demonstrations if haply they be banished are deprived of their libertie but that they may discourse speake frankly of their art and science of such things as they have learned and knowen how then should good honest and honorable persons be debarred of that freedome in case they be exiled But in trueth it is cowardise and basenes of minde which alwaies stoppeth the voice tieth the tongue stifleth the wind-pipe and causeth men to be speechlesse But proceed we to that which followed afterwards in Eurpides IOCASTA But thus we say those that are banished With hopes alwaies of better dates be fed POLYNICES Good eies they have a farre off they doe see Staying for things that most uncertaine be Certainely these words implie rather a blame and reprehension of folly than of exile For they be not those who have learned and doe know how to apply themselves unto things present and to use their estate such as it is but such as continually depend upon the expectance of future fortunes and covet evermore that which is absent and wanting who are tossed to and fro with hope as in a little punt or bote floting upon the water yea although they were never in their life time without the wals of the citie wherein they were borne moreover whereas we reade in the same Euripides IOCASTA Thy fathers friends and allies have not they Beene kind and helpfull to thee as they may POLYNICES Looke to thy selfe from troubles God thee blesse Friends helpe is naught if one be in distresse IOCASTA Thy noble blood from whence thou art descended Hath it not thee advanc'd and much amended POLYNICES I hold it ill to be in want and need For parentage and birth doth not men feed These speeches of Polynices are not onely untrue but also bewray his unthankfulnesse when he seemeth thus to blame his want of honor and due regard for his nobility and to complaine that hee was destitute of friends by occasion of his exile considering that in respect of his noble birth banished though he were yet so highly honoured he was that he was thought woorthie to be matched in marriage with a kings daughter and as for friends allies and confederates hee was able to gather a puissant armie of them by whose aide and power he returned into his owne countrey by force of armes as himselfe testifieth a little after in these words Many a lord and captaine brave here stands With me in field both from Mycenae bright And cities more of Greece whose helping hands Though loth I must needes use in claime of right Much like also be the speeches of his mother lamenting in this wise No nuptiall torch at all I lighted have To thee as doth a wedding feast besceme No mariage song was sung nor thee to lave Was water brought from faire Ismenus streame whom it had become and behooved rather to rejoice and be glad in heart when she heard that her sonne was so highly advaunced and married into so roiall an house but in taking griefe and sorrow her-selfe that there was no wedding torch lighted that the river Ismenus affoorded no water to bathe in at his wedding as if new maried bridegroomes could not be furnished either with fire or water in the city Argos she attributeth unto exile the inconveniences which more truly proceed from vanitie and follie But some man will say unto me That to be banished is a note of ignominie and reproch true it is indeed but among fooles onely who thinke likewise that it is a shame to be poore to be bald to be small of stature yea and to be a stranger forsooth a tenant in-mate or alien inhabitant For certes such as will not suffer themselves to be caried away with these vaine perswasions nor do subscribe thereto esteeme have in admiration good and
to be afraid much more to do ill than to receive and sustaine harme for asmuch as the one is the cause of the other And this is a civill and generous feare proper and peculiar to a good prince namely to be afraid lest his subjects should ere he be aware take wrong or be hurt any way Much like as dogs that be of gentle kinde Who watchfully about the folds attend In case they once by subtill hearing finde A savage beast approch and thit her tend feare not for themselves but in regard of the cattell which they keepe In like maner Epaminondas when the Thebanes fell dissolutely to drinke and make good cheere at a certeine festivall time himselfe went all alone to survey the armour and wals of the citie saying That he would fast and watch that all the rest might quaffe the while and sleepe with more securitie Cato likewise at Utica proclaimed by sound of trumpet to send away by sea all those who escaped alive upon the overthrow which there hapned and when he had embarqued them all and made his praiers unto the gods to vouchsafe them a bon voiage he returned into his owne lodging and killed himselfe shewing by this example what a prince or commander ought to feare and what he should contemne and despise Contrariwise Clearchus the tyrant of Pontus shutting himselfe within a chest slept there as a serpent within her hole and Aristodemus the tyrant of Argos went up into a hanging chamber aloft which had a trap dore whereupon he caused a little bed or pallet to be set and there he slept and lay with his concubine and harlot which hee kept and when he was gotten up thither the mother of the said concubine came ordinarily to take downe the ladder and brought it thither againe every morning How thinke you did this tyrant tremble for feare when he was in a frequent theater in the palace in the counsell house and court of justice or at a feast considering that he made a prison of his bed chamber To say a verie truth good princes are afraid for their subjects sake but tyrants feare their subjects and therefore as they augment their puissance so doe they encrease their owne feare for the more persons that they commaund and rule over the greater number they stand in dread of for it is neither probable nor seemely as some philosophers affirme That God is invisibly subsistent and mixed within the first and principall matter which suffreth all things receiveth a thousand constreints and adventures yea and is subject to innumerable changes and alterations but hee sitteth in regard of us above and there is resiant continually in a nature alwaies one and ever in the same estate feated upon holy foundations as Plato saith where he infuseth his power and goeth through all working and finishing that which is right according to nature and like as the sunne in heaven the most goodly and beautifull image of him is to be seene by the reflexion of a mirror by those who otherwise can not endure to behold himselfe as he is even so God ordeineth in cities and societies of men another image of his and that is the light of justice and reason accompanying the same which wise and blessed men describe and depaint out of sentences philosophicall conforming and framing themselves to that which is the fairest and most beautifull thing in the world and nothing is there that doth imprint in the soules and spirits of men such a disposition as reason drawne and learned out of philosophie to the end that the same should not befall unto us which king Alexander the great did who having seene in Corinth Diogenes how generous he was esteemed highly and admired the haughtie courage magnanimitie of the man insomuch as he brake foorth into these words Were I not Alexander surely I would be Diogenes which was al one in maner as if he should have said That he was troubled encombred with his wealth riches glory and puissance as impeachments and hinderances of vertue and bare an envious and jealous eie to the homely course cloke of the philosopher to his bagge and wallet as if by them alone Diogenes was invincible and impregnable and not as himselfe by the meanes of armes harnish horses speares and pikes for surely he might with governing himselfe by true philosophicall reason have beene of the disposition and affection of Diogenes and yet continue neverthelesse in the state and fortune of Alexander and so much the rather be Diogenes because he was Alexander as having need against great fortune like a tempest raised with boisterous winds and full of surging waves of a stronger cable and anchor of a greater helme also and a better pilot for in meane persons who are of low estate and whose puissance is small such as private men be follie is harmelesse and sottish though such be yet they doe no great hurt because their might is not answerable thereto like as it falleth out in foolish and vaine dreames there is a certeine griefe I wot not what which troubleth and disordereth the mind being not able to compasse bring about the execution of her desires lusts but where might malice are met together their power addeth folly unto passion affections most true is that speech of Denys the tyrant who was wont to say That the greatest pleasure contentment which he enjoied by his tyranny was this that whatsoever he would was quickly done presently executed according to that verse in Homer No sooner out of mouth the word was gone But presently withall the thing was done A dangerous matter it is for a man to will and desire that which he ought not being not able to performe that which hee willeth and desireth whereas malicious mischiefe making a swife course through the race of puissance and might driveth and thrusteth forward every violent passion to the extremitie making choler and anger to turne to murder love to proove adultery and avarice to growe into confiscation of goods for no sooner is the word spoken but the partie once in suspition is undone for ever and presently upon the least surmise and imputation ensueth death But as the naturall philosophers do hold that the lightning is shot out of the cloud after the clap of thunder like as bloud issueth after the wound is given and incision made and yet the said lightning is seene before for that the eare receiveth the sound or cracke by degrees whereas the eie meeteth at once with the flash even so in these great rulers and commanders punishments oftentimes go before accusations and sentences of condemnation before evident proofes For wrath in such may not long time endure No more than flouke of anchor can assure A ship in storme which taketh slender hold On sand by shore whereof none may be bold unlesse the weight of reason doe represse and keepe downe licentious power whiles a Prince or great Lord doth after the manner of
not deliver his mind so eloquently when he came before the people said no more but thus My masters of Athens that which this man here hath said I will do And verily such good fellowes as these acknowledge no other goddesse or patronesse than Minerva the artisan surnamed Ergane and who as Sophocles saith Upon the massive anvile tame With weightie strokes of hammer strong A livelesse barre of yron and frame Obeisant to their labours long But the minister or prophet to Minerva Polias that is to say the protectresse of cities and to Themis or Justice the protectresse of counsell Who of mens counsels president Dissolves or holds them resident he I say having but one instrument to use and occupie which is his speech by forming and fashioning some things to his owne mould and others which he findeth untoward and not pliable to the desseine of his worke as if they were knurres and knots in timber or flawes and risings in yron by softning polishing and making plaine and smoothe embelisheth in the end a whole citie By this meanes the Common-wealth of Pericles in name and outward appearance being popular was in trueth and effect a principality and regall State governed by one man the principall person of the citie and what was it that did the deed surely the force and power of his eloquence for at the same time there lived Cimon a good man Ephialtes also and Thucydides who being one day demanded by Archidamus the king of the Lacedaemonians whether hee or Pericles wrestled better That were quoth hee very hard to say for when in wrestling I beare him downe to the ground he is by his words able to perswade the standers by and beholders that he is not fallen and so goeth cleere away with it And verily this gift of his brought not onely to him honour glorie but also safetie to the whole citie which being by him ruled and perswaded preserved and mainteined full well the wealth and estate which it had of her owne and forbare to desire the conquest of any other whereas poore Nicias although hee had the same good meaning and intention yet because he wanted that perswasive facultie with his smooth tongue and eloquent speech like unto a gentle bit when he went about to bridle restraine the covetous desire of the people could not compasse it but mauger and in spight of his heart was overswaied caried away and haled by the very necke into Sicilie such was the violence of the people An olde said saw it is and a true proverbe That it is not good holding of a wolfe by the eares but surely of a city or State a man must principally take hold by the eares and not as some doe who are not sufficiently exercised nor well seene in the feat of eloquence search other absurd and foolish handles to catch hold by for to win and draw the people unto them for divers you shall have who thinke to draw and leade the multitude by the belly in making great feasts and banqueting them others by the purse in giving them largesses of silver some by the eie in exhibiting unto them goodly sights of plaies games warlike dances and combats of fencers at the utterance which devices are not to draw and leade the people gently but to catch them rather cunningly for the drawing or leading of a multitude is properly to perswade them by force of eloquence whereas the other allurements and enticements resemble very well the baits that are laied for to take brute and wilde beasts or the fodder that herd-men use to feed them with Since then it is so that the chiefe instrument of a wise and sage governour is his speech this principall care would be had that the same be not too much painted and set out as if he were some yoong gallant that desired to shew his eloquence in a Theater and frequent assembly of a great faire or market composing his oration as a chaplet of flowers with the most beautifull sweet and pleasant phrases or tearmes that he can chuse neither ought the same to be so painfully studied and premeditated as that oration of Demosthenes was which Pytheas said by way of reproch that it smelled of lamp-oile nor full of over-much sophisticall curiositie of enthymemes and arguments too witty and subtile nor yet with clauses and periods exactly measured to the rule and compasse But like as Musicians are desirous that in touching and stroke of their strings there should appeare a sweet and kinde affection and not a rude beating even so in the speech of a sage ruler whether it be in giving counsell or decreeing any thing there ought not to be seene the artificiall cunning of an Oratour nor any curious affection neither must it in any wise tend to his owne praise as if he had spoken learnedly formally subtilly wittily and with precise respect and distinctions let it be full rather of naturall affection without arte of true heart and magnanimitie of franke and fatherly remonstrance as may become the father of his countrey full of forecast and providence of a good mind and understanding carefull of the common-weale having together with honest and comely dignitie a lovely grace that is attractive consisting of grave tearmes pertinent reasons and proper sentences and the same significant and perswasive For in trueth the oration and stile of a Statesman and governour admitteth in comparison of a lawier or advocate pleading at the barre in court more sententious speeches histories fables and metaphors which do then move and affect the multitude most when the speaker knoweth how to use them with measure in time and place convenient like as he did who said My masters see that you make not Greece one-eied speaking of the citie of Athens when they were about to destroy it and according as Demades also did when he said that he sat at sterne to governe not a ship but the shipwracke of a citie and Commonwealth Semblably Archilochus in saying Let not the stone of Tantalus This isle alwaies hang ouer thus Likewise Pericles when he gaue advice and commanded to take away that eie-sore of the haven Pirean meaning thereby the little isle Aegina In the same maner Phocion speaking of the victorie atchieved by Generall Leosthenes said thus The stadium or short race of this warre is good but I feare quoth he the dolichus thereof that is to say the afterclaps and length thereof In summe a speech standing somewhat of hautinesse grauitie and greatnesse is more besitting a gouernour of State and for example heereof go no further than to the orations of Demosthenes penned against king Philip and among other speeches set downe by Thucydides that which was delivered by the Ephorus Sthenelaidas also that of king Archidamus in the citie Plataeae likewise the oration of Pericles after that great pestilence at Athens As for those long sermons cariyng a great traine of sentences and continued periods after them which Theopompus Ephorus and Anaximenes bring
commeth to a feast or a rude traveller who seeketh for lodging when it is darke night for even so thou wouldest remoove not to a place nor to a region but to a life whereof thou hast no proofe and triall As for this sentence and verse of Simonides The city can instruct a man true it is if it be meant of them who have sufficient time to be taught and to learne any science which is not gotten but hardly and with much ado after great studie long travell continuall exercise and practise provided also that it meet with a nature painfull and laborious patient and able to undergo all adversities of fortune These reasons a man may seeme very well and to the purpose to alledge against those who begin when they be well stricken in yeeres to deale in publike affaires of the State And yet we see the contrary how men of great wisedome and judgement divert children and yoong men from the government of common-weale who also have the testimonie of the lawes on their side by ordinance whereof at Athens the publicke Crier or Bedle calleth and summoneth to the pulpit or place of audience not such as yoong Alcibiades or Pytheas for to stand up first and speake before the assemblie of the people but those that be above fiftie yeeres of age and such they exhort both to make orations and also to deliver their minds and counsell what is most expedient to be done And Cato being accused when he was fourescore yeeres olde and upward in pleading of his own cause thus answered for himselfe It is an harder matter my masters quoth he for a man to render an account of his life and to justifie the same before other men than those with whom he hath lived And no man there is but he will confesse that the acts which Caesar Augustus atchieved a little before his death in defaiting Antonius were much more roiall and profitable to the weale-publicke than any others that ever hee performed all his life-time before and himselfe in restraining and reforming secretly by good customes and ordinances the dissolute riots of yoong men and namely when they mutined said no more but thus unto them Listen yoong men and heare an olde man speake whom olde men gave eare unto when he was but yoong The government also of Pericles was at the height and of greatest power and authoritie in his olde age at what time as he perswaded the Athenians to enter upon the Peloponesiacke warre but when they would needs in all haste and out of season set forward with their power to encounter with threescore thousand men all armed and well appointed who forraied and wasted their territorie he withstood them and hindered their dessigned enterprise and that in maner by holding sure the armour of the people out of their hands and as one would say by keeping the gates of the citie fast locked and sealed up But as touching that which Xenophon hath written of Agesilaus it is worthy to be delivered word for word as he setteth it downe in these tearmes What youth quoth he was ever so gallant but his age surpassed it what man was there ever in the flower and very best of all his time more dread and terrible to his enemies than Agesilaus was in the very latter end of his daies whose death at any time was more joyfull to enemies than that of Agesilaus although he was very olde when he died what was he that emboldened allies and confederates making them assured and confident if Agesilaus did not notwithstanding he was now at the very pits brincke and had in maner one foot already in his grave what yoong man was ever more missed among his friends and lamented more bitterly when he was dead than Agesilaus how olde so ever he was when he departed this life The long time that these noble personages lived was no impediment unto them in atchieving such noble and honourable services but we in these daies play the delicate wantons in government of cities where there is neither tyrannie to suppresse nor warre to conduct nor siege to be raised and being secured from troubles of warre we sit still with one hand in another being roubled onely with civill debates among citizens and some emulations which for the most part are voided and brought to an end by vertue of the lawes and justice onely with words Wee forbeare I say and draw backe from dealing in these publicke affaires for feare confessing our selves herein to be more cowardly and false-hearted I will not say than the ancient captaines and governours of the people in olde time but even worse than Poets Sophisters and Plaiers in Tragedies and Comedies of those daies If it be true as it is that Simonides in his olde age wan the prize for enditing ditties and setting songs in quires and dances according to the epigram made of him which testifieth no lesse in the last verses thereof running in this maner Fourescore yeeres olde was Simonides The Poet and sonne of Treoprepes Whom for his carrols and musicall vaine The prize he won and honour did gaine It is reported also of Sophocles that when he was accused judicially for dotage by his owne children who laied to his charge that he was become a childe againe unfitting for governing his house and had need therefore of a guardian being convented before the judges he rehearsed in open court the entrance of the chorus belonging to the Tragedie of his entituled Oedipus in Colono which beginneth in this wise Wel-come stranger at thy entrie To villages best of this countrie Renowmed for good steeds in fight The tribe of faire Colonus hight Where nightingale doth oft resort Her dolefull moanes for to report Amid greene bowers which she doth haunt Her sundrie notes and laies to chaunt With voice so shrill as in no ground Elswhere her songs so much resound c. And for that this canticle or sonet wonderfully pleased the judges and the rest of the company they all arose from the bench went out of the Court and accompanied him home to his house with great acclamations for joy and clapping of hands in his honour as they would have done in their departure from the Theater where the Tragedie had bene lively acted indeed Also it is confessed for certeine that an epigram also was made of Sophocles to this effect When Sophocles this sonnet wrote To grace and honour Herodote His daies of life by just account To fiftie five yeeres did amount Philemon and Alexis both comicall Poets chanced to be arrested and surprised with death even as they plaied their Comedie upon the stage for the prize and were about to be crowned with garlands for the victorie As for Paulus or Polus the actour of Tragedies Eratosthenes and Philochorus do report That when he was threescore yeeres olde and ten he acted eight Tragedies within the space of foure daies a little before his death Is it not then a right great shame that olde men
making a solemne speech in the assembly of the people grew to these tearmes with him before them all And what are you sir if we may be so bold as to know that you beare your selfe so bigge and thinke so well of your selfe are you a man at armes are you an archer a pike man or a footman or what are you I am not indeed quoth he any of these but he I am who knowes how to command and direct all these TIMOTHEUS had the name to be a fortunate captaine rather than otherwise a speciall warriour and some who envied his good estate shewed him a picture wherein certaine cities were entrapped and of themselves fallen into the compasse of net and toile whiles hee lay asleepe whereupon he said unto them Consider now if I can catch and take such cities lying asleepe what shall I be able to doe when I am awake When one of these venturous and too forward captaines shewed upon a glorious braverie unto the Athenians what a wound he had received upon his bodie But I quoth he my selfe was greatly abashed and ashamed one day being your captaine generall before the citie of Samos that a shot discharged from the walles light but neere unto me When the oratours highly praised and recommended captaine Chares saying Lo what a brave man is here to make the generall of the Athenians shewing his goodly personage Timotheus answered againe with a loud voice Never say Generall but rather a good stout groome to carrie the truste of a captaines bedding after him CHABRIAS was woont to say that they were the best captaines who had most intelligences of their enemies desseignes proceedings Being accused together with Iphicrates of treason he gave not over for all that to frequent the publicke place of exercises and to take his dinner at his accustomed howers and when Iphicrates rebuked him for being so rechlesse standing in such danger as he did hee answered him in this manner In case the Athenians proceede against us otherwise than well they shall put you to death all foule and fasting but me full and faire cleane washed anointed and having well dined This was his ordinarie speech That an armie of stags and hindes having a lion for their leader was better than an armie of lions led by a stag HEGESIPPUS surnamed Crobylus solicited and incited the Athenians to take armes against King Philip and when one spake unto him alowd from out of the assembly What Sir will you that we draw upon us war Yea verily quoth he and bring in among us blacke mourning roabes solemne and publicke obsequies yea and funerall orations too if we desire to live free still and not to be servile and subject to the Athenians PYTHEAS being but yet verie yoong presented himselfe one day in open place to crosse and contradict the publike decrees which had passed by the peoples voices in the honour of King Alexander what saith one unto him Dare you presume so yoong as you are to speake of these so weightie matters And why not quoth he seeing that Alexander whom you will needs make a god by your suffrages is yoonger than my selfe PHOCION the Athenian was a man of so staied and constant behaviour that he was never seene of any person either to laugh or weepe Upon a time in a great assembly of the citie one said unto him You are verie sad and pensive Phocion it seemeth you are in a deepe studie Guesse againe quoth he and guesse not so for I am indeed studying and devising with my selfe how I may cut-off somewhat of that which I have to speake unto the Athenians The Athenians understood by an oracle that they had one man among them in the citie who was thwart contrary to the opinion advice of all others Now when they caused diligent search enquirie to be made for this fellow and cried out upon him in great furie whosoever he was Phocion stood up and with a loud voice I am the very man quoth he seeke no further for I am he alone who am nothing at al pleased with whatsoever the people either doth or faith One day when he had delivered his advice in a frequent assembly of the people he pleased the whole au dience very well and seeing that they all with one accord approoved his speech he was abashed thereat and turning toward his friends What quoth hee have I let fall and escaped some words that are not good and otherwise than I meant The Athenians were minded upon a time to solemnize a great and festivall sacrifice and for the better furnishing of this solemnitie they demanded of every man a contribution of money toward it all other gave liberally only Phocion after he had bene called upon by name sundry times to do the like in the end said thus unto them I would be abashed to give any thing I trow unto you and not be able to pay him there pointing with his finger to an usurer unto whom he was indebted When Demades said unto him The Athenians will one of these daies kill thee if they fall once into their furious fits True indeed quoth he they will kill me in their mad mood but thee they will put to death when they be come againe into their right wits Aristogiton the sycophant or false promotor being condemned to death for troubling men with wrongfull imputations and at the point to be executed within the prison sent unto Phocion requesting him to come and speake with him but Phocions friends would not let him goe to talke with such a leaud and wicked wretch Why quoth he unto them in what place may honest men more willingly and better speake with Aristogiton When the Athenians were highly offended and angrie with the Bizantines for that they would not receive into their citie captaine Chares whom they had sent with a power for to aid them against king Philip Phocion came among them and said That they were not to be displeased with their confederates for being mistrustfull but rather with such captaines as they mistrusted upon which remonstrance of his hee was immediatly himselfe chosen captaine who being admitted and well trusted by the Bizantines defended them so valiantly against king Philip that he forced him to raise his siege and retire from thence without effect King Alexander the great sent unto him a present of one hundred talents but he demanded of the messengers that brought it why the king their master sent unto him alone cōsidering there were so many Athenians besides himselfe they answered It was because he esteemed him to be the onely honest and vertuous man among them all Why then quoth he could not hee let me both to seeme and also to be a good man still Alexander upon a time demanded of the Athenians certeine gallies whereupon the people called unto Phocion by name for to give his advice and to counsell them what was best to be done in this case then he stood up
and said My counsell unto you is this That you make meanes either to be your selves the stronger in armes or els at the least-wise friended by them who are mightier than you When a brute was blazed abroad without any certeine authour that king Alexander the Great was deceased the oratours at Athens mounted the pulpits by-and-by and strave avie who could perswade the people most even in all haste to put themselves in armes and rebell but Phocion was of a contrarie minde to them all and his opinion was That they should stay and rest quiet until more assured newes came of his death For saith he if he be dead to day he will be so to morow yea and afterwards also When Leosthenes had set the citie all upon warre feeding the peoples hearts with great hopes of recovering their freedome and the sovereigntie of all Greece Phocion compared these projects of theirs unto the Cypres trees For they quoth hee be saire streight and tall but not a whit of fruit do they beare howbeit when the Athenians at the first sped well in sundrie battels and wan the field whereupon the citie made sacrifices unto the gods for the good newes thereof some would come unto him and say How now Phocion are you not pleased heerewith and would you wish all undone againe I am contented very well quoth he that it hath so fallen out but yet I repent never a whit of my former counsell The Macedonians immediatly after this made rodes into the countrey of Attica and beganne to overun harrie and spoile all the sea coasts for remedie whereof he caused all the lustie men of the citie who were of age to beare armes to enter into the field and when many of them came running unto him some calling upon him to seize such an hill others as instant with him to put his men in battell-ray in such a place O Hercules quoth he what a number of captaines doe I see and how few good souldiers howbeit he gave the enemies battell wan the victorie and slew Nicion the captaine generall of the Macedonians in the place Not long after the Athenians being vanquished in warre were constreined to receive a garrison from Antipater and Menillus captaine of the said garrison sent unto him in free gift certeine money wherewith he being offended said That neither Menillus was better than Alexander nor the cause so good for which he should take any gift at his hand at this present considering that he refused the like from Alexander Moreover Antipater was wont to say That he had two friends at Athens the one of whom to wit Phocion he could never perswade to take any thing and the other who was Demades he could not satisfie whatsoever he gave him When Antipater was in hand with him to do a thing which was not just You cannot quoth he ô Antipater have me to be your friend and a slatterer to After the death of Antipater when the Athenians had recovered their libertie and free state or popular government concluded it was and pronounced in a generall assembly and councell of the people that Phocion together with his friends and associats must suffer death as for the rest they went weeping and lamenting as they were led to execution but Phocion marched gravely and gave not a word now as he was going upon the way one of his enemies met him and spet upon his face whereupon he turned backe to the magistrates and said Is there no man here to represse the insolencie and villanie of this wretched varlet one of them who were to suffer with him tooke on and tormented himselfe exceedingly What quoth he to him ô Euippus doth it not thee good that thou goest to take thy death with Phocion And when the deadly cup was presented to him to drinke his last draught of hemlocke he was asked the question whether he had any more to say or no then addressing his speech unto his sonne I charge thee quoth he and beseech thee not to cary any ranckor and malice in thy heart to the Athenians for my death PISISTRATUS a tyrant of the Athaniens being advertised that some of his friends having revolted and conspired against him had seised upon the fort called Phyle went towards them carying himselfe about at his backe a fardell of his bedding and the furniture thereto belonging whereupon they demaunded of him what he would I come quoth he with an intent either to perswade you to returne with me or else with a resolution to tarrie heere with you my selfe and therefore have I brought my baggage with me He was advertised that his mother loved a yoong man who secretly kept her and used to lie with her howbeit in great feare and refusing her company many times whereupon he invited the man to supper and after supper he asked him how he did and how he liked his enterteinment Gaily well quoth he Thou shalt quoth Pisistratus finde no woorse every day so thou content and please my mother Thrasibulus cast a good liking and fancie to his daughter and as he met her on a time upon the way bestowed a kisse upon her whereat her mother was offended so as she exasperated her husband against him for it but he mildely answered her in this wise Why woman if we set our selves against them that love us and grow to malice them what shall we doe to those who hate us and so he gave the maiden in mariage to Thrasibulus Certeine lustie yoonkers after they had taken their cups well went in a maske and plaid the fooles through the citie and chauncing to meete with his wife abused her both in worde and deed very unseemely and dishonestly but the morrow after they came weeping before Pisistratus acknowledging their fault and craving pardon who made them this answer As for you endevour to be more wise and sober from hence foorth but I assure you my wife yesterday went no whither abroad nor stirred out of her dores When hee was about to marrie a second wife the children whom he had by the former demanded of him whether he were in any respect discontented with them that he should in despight of them espouse another No quoth he that is the least of my thought but cleane contrary i is because I like and love you so well I would willingly have more children to resemble you DEMETRIUS surnamed Phalereus counselled king Ptolomaeus to buy and reade those books which treated of pollicie and government of kingdomes and seigneories for that which courtiours and minions durst not say unto their princes was written within those books LYCURGUS who did set downe and establishe the lawes of the Lacedaemonians accustomed his citizens to weare their haire long For that saith he side haire maketh those who are faire seeme more faire and amiable but those who were foule more hideous and terrible In the reformation of the Lacedaemonian State some one there was
expert warriours indeed whether of them twaine performed his service and devoir better Being created censour he deprived a yoong gallant of his horse for that being given excessively to feast and make good cheere whiles the citie of Carthage was besieged he had caused a certeine marchpaine to be made by pastry-worke in forme of a citie and called it Carthage and when he had so done set it upon the boord to be spoiled and sacked forsooth by his companions and when this youth would needs know of him why he was thus disgraced and degraded as to lose his horse of service which was allowed him from the State Because quoth he you will needs rifle and pill Carthage before me During the time that he was censour he seeing one day C. Licinius as he passed by Now surely I knew this man quoth he for a perjured person but for that there is none to accuse him I will not be both his judge and a witnesse also to give evidence against him Being sent by the Senate a third commissioner with other Triumvirs according as Clitomachus said Mensmanners to observe and oversee Where they doe well and where they faultie bee to visit also and looke into the States of cities nations and kings When he was arrived at Alexandria and disbarked as he came first to land he went hooded as it were with his robe cast over his head but the Alexandrians running from all parts of the citie to see him requested him to discover his head that his face might be the better seene and he had no sooner uncovered his visage but they all cried out with great acclamations applauding and clapping their hands in signe of joy And when the king himselfe of Alexandria streined and strived with great paine so grosse so idle and delicate he was otherwise to keepe pace with him and the other commissioners as they walked Scipio rounded Panaetius softly in the eare and said The Alexandrians have reaped already the frure and enjoied the benefit of my voyage for that by our meanes they have seene their king to walke and go afoot There accompanied him in this voiage a friend of his and a Philosopher named Panaetius and five servitors besides to wait upon him and when one of these five hapned to die in this journey he would not buy another in a foreine countrey for to supply his place but sent for one to Rome to serve in his turne It seemed to the people of Rome that the Numantines were invincible and inexpugnable for that they had vanquished and defeated so many captaines and leaders of the Romans whereupon they chose this Scipio Consull the second time for to manage this warre now when many a lustie yoong gallant made meanes and prepared to follow him in this service the Senat empeached them alleaging colourably that Italy thereby should be left destitute of men for the defence of the countrey what need soever should be so they would not suffer him to take that money out of the treasurie which was prest and ready for him but assigned and ordeined certaine monies from the Publicanes and fermers of the cities customes and revenues to furnish him whose daies of paiment were not yet come As for money quoth Scipio I stand not in such need thereof that I should stay therefore for out of mine owne and my friends purses I shall have sufficient to defray my charges but I complaine rather that I may not be allowed to levie leade forth my soldiors such as I would and be willing to serve considering that it is a dangerous warre which we are to wage for if it be in regard of our enemies valour that our people have so often beene beaten and foiled by them then we shall finde it a hot peece of service and a hard to encounter such but if it be long of our owne mens cowardize no lesse difficult will it be because we are to fight with the slender helpe of such When he was newly arrived at the campe he found there great disorder much loosenesse superstition and wastfull superfluity in all things so he banished presently all diviners prophets and tellers of fortune he rid out of the way all sacrificing priests all bauds likewise that kept brothel-houses he chased foorth and he gave slreight charge that every man should send away all maner of vessels and utensils save onely a pot or kettle to seeth his meat in a spit to roast and a drinking jugge of earth as for silver plate he allowed no man more in all than weighed two pounds he put downe all baines and stouphes but if any were disposed to be annointed he gave order that every man should take paine to rubbe himselfe for he said that beasts who had no hands of their owne needed another for to rub and currie them he ordeined that his soldiers should take their dinner standing and eate their meat not hot and without fire but at supper they might sit downe who that list and feed upon bread or single grewell and plaine potrage together with one simple dish of flesh either boiled or rost as for himselfe he wore a cassocke or soldiors coat all blacke buttoned close or buckled before saying That he mourned for the shame of his armie He met with certaine garrons and labouring beasts belonging to one Memmius a collonel of a thousand men carying drinking cups and other plate enriched with precious stones and wrought curiously by the hands of Thericles whereupon he said unto him Thou hast made thy selfe unsit to serve me and they countrey for these thirtie daies being such an one as thou art and surely being given to these superfluities thou art disabled for doing thy selfe good all the daies of thy life Another there was who shewed him what a trim shield or target he had finely made and richly adorned Here is a faire goodly shield indeed quoth he my yoong man but I 〈◊〉 thee a Romane soldior ought to trust his right hand better than his left There was one who carying upon his shoulder a bunch of pales or burden of stakes for to pitch in the rampar complained that he was over-laden Thou art but well enough served quoth he in that thou reposest more confidence in these stakes than in thy sword Seeing his enemies the Numantines how they grew rash desperate and foolishly bent he would not in that fit charge upon them and give battell but held off still saying That with tract of time he would buy the surety and securitie of his affaires For a good captaine quoth he ought to doe like a wise physician who will never proceed to the cutting or dismembring of a part but upon extremitie namely when all other means of physicke doe faile howbeit when he espied a good occasion and fit opportunitie he assaulted the Numantines and overthrew them which when the old beaten soldiers or elders of the Numantines saw they rebuked and railed upon their owne men thus defaited asking them
effect but in the battell of Mantinea he admonished and advised the Lacedaemonians to take no regard at all of other Thebans but to bend their whole forces against Epaminondas onely saying That wise and prudent men alone and none but they were valiant and the sole cause of victorie and therefore if they could vanquish him they might easily subdue all the rest as being blockish fooles and men in deed of no valour and so in truth it proved for when as the victory now enclined wholy unto Epaminondas and the Lacedaemonians were at the verie point to be disbanded discomfited and put to flight as the said Epaminondas turned for to call his owne together to folow the rout a Lacedaemonian chanced to give him a mortall wound wherewith hee fell to the ground and the Lacedaemonians who were with Agesilaus called themselves made head againe and put the victorie into doubtfull ballance for now the Thebanes abated much their courage and the Lacedaemonians tooke the better hearts Moreover when the citie of Sparta was neere driven and at a low ebbe for money to wage warre as being constrained to entertaine mercenarie souldiers for pay who were meere strangers Agesilaus went into Aegypt being sent for by the King of Aegypt to serve as his pensioner but for that hee was meanely and simply apparelled the inhabitants of the countrey despised him for they looked to have seene the King of Sparta richly arraied and set out gallantly and all gorgeously to be seene in his person like unto the Persian King so foolish a conceit they had of kings but Agesilaus shewed them within a while that the magnificence and majestie of Kings was to be acquired by wit wisedome and valour for perceiving that those who were to fight with him and to make head against the enemie were frighted with the imminent perill by reason of the great number of enemies who were two hundred thousand fighting men and the small companie of their owne side he devised with himselfe before the battell began by some stratageme to encourage his owne men and to embolden their hearts which policie of his he would not communicate unto any person and this it was He caused upon the inside of his left hand to be written this word Victorie backward which done he tooke at the priests or sooth-saiers hand who was at sacrifice the liver of the beast which was killed and put it into the said left hand thus written within and so held it a good while making semblance as if he mused deeply of some doubt and seeming to stand in suspense to be in great perplexity untill the characters of the foresaid letters had a sufficient time to give a print and leave their marke in the superficies of the liver then shewed he it unto those who were to fight on his side and gave them to understand that by those characters the gods promised victory who supposing verily that there was in it a certaine signe presage of good fortune ventured boldly upon the hazard of a battell And when the enemies had invested and beleaguered his campe round about such a mightie number there were of them and besides had begun to cast a trench on everie side thereof King Nectanebas for whose aid he was thither come sollicited and intreated him to make a sally and charge upon them before the said trench was fully finished and both ends brought to gether he answered That he would never impeach the deseigne and purpose of the enemies who went no doubt to give him meanes to be equall unto them and to fight so many to so many so he staied until there wanted but a verie little of both ends meeting and then in that space betweene he raunged his battell by which device they encountred and fought with even fronts and on equall hand for number so he put the enemies to flight and with those few souldiers which he had he made a great carnage of them but of the spoile and booty which he wan he raised a good round masse of money and sent it all to Sparta Being now ready to embarke for to depart out of Aegypt upon the point of returne home he died and at his death expresly charged those who were about him that they should make no image or statue whatsoever representing the similitude of his personage For that quoth he if I have done any vertuous act in my life time that will be a monument sufficient to eternize my memorie if not all the images statues and pictures in the world will not serve the turne since they be the workes onely of mechanicall artificers which are of no woorth and estimation AGESIPOLIS the sonne of Cleombrotus when one related in his presence that Philip K. of Macedon had in few daies demolished and raced the citie Olinthus Par die quoth he Philip will not be able in many more daies to build the like to it Another said unto him by way of reproch that himselfe king as he was and other citizens men growen of middle age were delivered as hostages and neither their children nor wives Good reason quoth he and so it ought to be according to justice that we our selves and no others should beare the blame and paine of our faults And when he was minded to send for certaine dog-whelps from home one said unto him that there might not be suffered any of them to goe out of the countrey No more was it permitted heeretofore quoth hee for men to be lead foorth but now it is allowed well enough AGESIPOLIS the sonne of Pausanias when as the Athenians said to him That they were content to report themselves to the judgement of the Megarians as touching certaine variances and differences between them and complaints which they made one against another spake thus unto them Why my masters of Athens this were a great shame indeed that they who are the chiefe and the verie leaders of all other Greeks should lesse skill what is just than the Megarians AG is the sonne of Archidamus at what time as the Ephori spake thus unto him Take with you the yoong able men of this citie go into the countrey of such an one for he wil conduct you his owne selfe as farre as to the verie castle of his city And what reason is it quoth he my masters you that be Ephori to commit the lives of so many lustie gallants into his hands who is a traitour to his native countrey One demaunded of him what science was principally exercised in the citie of Sparta Marie quoth he the knowledge how to obey and how to rule He was woont to say that the Lacedaemonians never asked how many their enemies were but where they were Being forbidden to fight with his enemies at the battell of Mantinea because they were far more in number He must of necessity quoth he fight with many that would have the cōmand rule of many Unto another who asked what number there might be
serve for foure obols by the day After that the Thebans had defaited the Lacedaemonians at the battell of Leuctres they invaded the countrey of Laconia so farre as to the verie river Eurotas and one of them in boasting glorious maner began to say And where be now these brave Laconians what is become of them a Laconian who was a captive among them straight waies made this answer They are no where now indeed for if they were you would never have come thus farre as you doe At what time as the Athenians delivered up their owne citie into the hands of the Lacedaemonians for to be at their discretion they requested that at leastwise they would leave them the isle Samos unto whom the Laconians made this answer When you are not masters of your owne doe you demand that which is other mens hereupon arose the common proverbe throughout all Greece Who cannot that which was his owne save The Isle of Samos would yet faine have The Lacedaemonians forced upon a time a certaine citie and wan it by assault which the Ephori being advertised of said thus Now is the exercise of our yoong men cleane gone now shall they have no more concurrents to keepe them occupied When one of their kings made promise unto them for to rase another citie and destroy it utterly if they so would which oftentimes before had put those of Lacedaemon to much trouble the said Ephori would not permit him saying thus unto him Doe not emolish and take away quite the whetstone that giveth an edge to the harts of our youth The same Ephori would never allow that there should be any professed masters to teach their yong men for to wrestle and exercise other feats of activitie To this end say they that there might bee jealousie and emulation among them not in artificiall slight but in force and vertue And therefore when one demaunded of Lysander how Charon had in wrestling overcome him and laid him along on the plaine ground Even by slight and cunning quoth he and not by pure strength Philip king of Macedonia before he made entrie into their country wrote unto them to this effect Whether they had rather that he entred as a friend or as an enemie unto whom they returned this answer Neither one nor the other When they had sent an embassador to Demetrius the sonne of Antigonus having intelligence that the said embassadour in parle with him eftsoones gave him the name of King they condemned him to pay a fine when he was returned home notwithstanding that hee brought as a present and gratuitie from the said Demetrius in time of extreme famine a certain measure of corne called Medimnus for every poll throughout the whole citie It hapned that a leud and wicked man delivered in a certaine consultation very good counsell this advice of his they approoved right well howbeit receive it they would not comming out of his mouth but caused it to be pronounced by another who was knowen to be a man of good life Two brethren there were at variance and in sute of law together the Ephori set a good fine upon their fathers head for that he neglected his sonnes and suffred them to maintaine quarrell and debate one against another A certaine musician who was a stranger and a traveller they likewise condemned to pay a summe of money for that he strake the strings of his harpe with his fingers Two boies fought together and one gave the other a mortall wound with a sickle or reaping hooke when the boy that was hurt lay at the point of death was ready to yeeld up the ghost other companions of his promised to be revenged for his death and to kill the other who thus deadly had wounded him Doe not so I beseech you quoth he as you love the gods for that were injustice and euen I my selfe had done as much for him if I had beene ought and could have raught him first There was another yong lad unto whom certaine mates and fellows of his in that season wherin yong lads were permitted freely to filtch whatsoever they could handsomely come by but reputed it was a shamefull and infamous thing for them to be surprized and taken in the maner brought a yong cub or little foxe to keepe alive which they had stollen those who had lost the said cub came to make search now had this lad hidden it close under his clothes the unhappie beast being angred gnawed bit him in the flanke as far as to his very bowels which he endured resolutely and never quetched at it for feare he should be discovered but after all others were gone and the search past when his companions saw what a shrewd turne the curst cub had done him they child him for it saying That it had been far better to have brought forth the cub and shewed him rather than to hide him thus with danger of death Nay Iwis quoth he for I had rather die with all the dolorous torments in the world than for to save my life shamefully to be detected so for want of a good heart Some there were who encountred certaine Laconians upon the way in the countrey unto whom they said Happie are you that can come now this way for the theeves are but newly gone from hence Nay forsooth by god Mars we sweare we are never the happier therefore but they rather because they are not fallen into our hands One demaunded of a Laconian upon a time what he knew and was skilfull in Mary in this to be free A yoong lad of Sparta being taken prisoner by King Antigonus and sold among other captives obeied him who had bought him in all things that he thought meet for to be done by a freeman but when he commaunded to bring him an urinall or chamber-pot to pisse in he would not endure that indignitie but said Fetch it your selfe for me I am no servant for you in such ministeries now when his master urged him thereto and pressed hard upon him hee ran up to the ridge or roofe of the house and said You shall see what an one you have bought and with that cast himselfe downe with his head forward and brake his owne necke Another there was to be sold and when the partie who was about him said thus Wilt thou be good and profitable if I doe buy thee Yea that I will quoth he though you never buy me Another there was likewise upon market and when the crier proclaimed aloud Here is a slave who buies him who A shame take thee quoth he couldst not thou say a captive or prisoner but a slave A Laconian had for the badge or ensigne of his buckler a slie painted and the same no bigger than one is naturally whereupon some mocked him and said That he had mad choise of this ensigne because he would not be knowen by it Nay rather quoth he I did it because I would be the better marked for I meane
and yet consideratly waiting the time and opportunitie of revenge on the other side Synorix followed his sute verie earnestly soliciting and intreating 〈◊〉 nately neither seemed he to alledge vaine and frivolous reasons but such as carried some colourable pretense of honestie namely that he had alwaies shewed himselfe a man of more valor worth than Sinatus and whereas he took away his life induced he was thereto for the 〈◊〉 love that hee bare to Camma and not mooved thereto by any malice otherwise This yoong dame at the first seemed to denie him but yet her denials were not verie churlish and such as he might take for his finall answer for daily by little and little she made semblant that she relented and inclined unto him for that divers kinsfolk and friends also of hers joined with him to second his sute who for to gratifie and doe pleasure unto Synorix a man of the greatest credit and authoritie in his countrey perswaded yea forced her to yeeld unto this match To be short in the end she gave her consent Synorix was sent for to come unto her where she kept her resiance that in the presence of the said goddesse the contract of marriage might passe the espousals be solemnized when he was come she received and welcomed him with an amiable and gracious countenance lead him unto the very altar of Diana where rehgiously with great ceremonie she powred forth before the goddesse a little of a potion which shee had prepared out of a boule the one part thereof she drunke herselfe the other she gave unto Synorix for to drinke now this potion was mead mingled with ranke poison when she saw that he had taken his draught she fetching a loud and evident groane doing reverence also unto the goddesse I protest and call thee to witnesse quoth she most powerfull and honourable goddesse that I have not survived Sinatus for any other cause in the world but onely to see this day neither have I had any joie of my life all this while that I have lived since but onely in regard of hope that one day I might be revenged of his death which seeing that now I have effected I go most gladly and joifully unto that sweet husband of mine and as for thee most accursed wicked wretch in the world give order to thy kinsfolke and friends in stead of a nuptiall bed to provide a grave for thy burial the Galatian hearing these words and beginning withal to feele the operation of the poison and how it wrought troubled him within his bowels and all parts of his body mounted presently his chariot hoping that by the jogging and agitation thereof he might vomit and cast up the poison but immediately he alighted againe and put himselfe into an easie litter but did he what he could dead he was that very evening as for Camma she continued all the night languishing and when she heard for certaintie that he was deceased she also with joy and mirth departed out of this world STRATONICE THe selfesame province of Galatia affoorded two other dames woorthy of eternall memorie to wit Stratonice the wife of king Deiotarus and Chiomara the wife of Ortiagon as for Stratonice she knowing that the king her husband was desirous to have children lawfully begotten for to leave to be his successors inheritors of the crowne and yet could have none by her praied and intreated him to trie another woman and beget a childe of her body yea and permitted that it should be put unto her and she would take it upon her as her owne Deiotarus woondered much at this resolution of hers and was content to doe all things according to her mind wherupon she chose among other captives taken prisoner in the warres a proper faire maiden named Electra whom she brought into Deiotarus bed chamber shut them in both together and all the children which this concubine bare unto him his wife reared and brought up with as kinde an affection and as princelike as if she had borne them herselfe CHIOMARA AT what time as the Romans under the conduct of Cn. Scipio defaited the Galatians that inhabit in Asia it befell that Chiomara the wife of Ortiagon was taken prisoner with other Galatian women the captaine whose captive she was made use of his fortune did like a soldier and abused her bodie who as he was a man given unto his fleshly pleasure so he looked also as much or rather more unto his profit and filthie lucre but so it fell out that overtaken he was and entrapped by his owne avarice for being promised by the woman a good round quantitie of gold for to deliver her out of thraldome and set her at libertie he brought her to the place which she had appointed for to render her and set her free which was at a certeine banke by the river side where the Galatians should passe over tender him the said monie and receive Chiomara but she winked with her eie thereby gave a signall to one of her own companie for to kill the said Romane captaine at what time as he should take his leave of her with a kisse and friendly farewell which the partie did with his sword at one stroke fetched off his head the head she herselfe tooke up and wrapped it in the lap of her gowne before and so gat her away apace homeward when she was come to her husbands house downe she cast his head at his feet whereat he being astonied Ah my sweet wife quoth he it is a good thing to keepe faithfull promise True quoth she but it is better that but one man alive should have my companie Polybius writeth of the same woman that himselfe talked with her afterwards in the citie of Sardis and that he found her then to be a woman of an high minde and of woonderfull deepe wit But since I am fallen to the mention of the Galatians I will rehearse yet one story more of them A WOMAN OF PERGAMUS KIng Mithridates sent upon a time for threescore of the principall lords of Galatia to repaire unto him upon trust and safe-conduct as friends into the citie Pergamus whom being come at his request he enterteined with proud imperious speeches whereat they al took great scorn and indignation insomuch as one of them named Toredorix a strong tal man of his hands besides woonderfull couragious Tetrarch of the Tossepians country undertooke this one day enterprise to set upon Mithridates at what time as he sat in judgement gave audience from the tribunal seat in the publike place of exercise and both him and seat together to tumble downe headlong into the pit underneath but it fortuned that the king that day came not abroad as his maner was up into that place of open exercise but commanded al those Galatian lords to come and speake with him at his house Toredorix exhorted them to be bold and confident and when they were
voice that he was now at the very bottom she herselfe threw downe a number of stones upon him her women also tumbled downe many others those very big ones and heavy after him untill they had brained him overwhelmed him and in manner filled the pit up which when the Macedonians heard of they made meanes to draw up his dead bodie and for that there was a proclamation published before by sound of trumpet throughout the city that they should not massacre one Theban more they apprehended Timoclia brought her before king Alexander whom they had already acquainted from point to point in particular with that audacious act which she had committed the king judging by her setled confident countenance by her staied gate also and portly pace that she could not chuse but be of some great and noble house demanded of her first what she was and she with rare boldnesse and resolution without shewing any signe that she was daunted and astonied I had quoth she a brother named Theagines who being captaine generall of the Thebans against you in the battell of Chaeronea lost his life fighting manfully in the defence of the libertie of Greece to the end that we might not fall into that wofull misery into which we are at this present fallen but seeing it is so that we have suffred those outrages indignities which be unworthy the place from whence we are descended for my selfe I refuse not to die and peradventure it were not expedient for me to live any longer and trie such another night as the last was unlesse your selfe impeach and debarre such demeanors at these words the noblest and most honorable persons who were present could not forbeare but weepe as for Alexander he thought that the hautie mind and courage of this dame was greater than to moove pitty and compassion and therefore highly praising her vertue and commending her speech which he marked and pondered well enough gave straight charge and commaundement unto his captaines to have a good eie and carefull regard yea and to take order presently that there should no more such abuses be offred in any house of honor and nobilitie and as touching Timoclia he ordeined immediately that she should be set at full libertie both herselfe and also all those who were knowne and found any way to be of her bloud and kinred ERYXO BAttus who was surnamed Daemon that is to say Happie had a sonne whose name was Arcesilaus in nothing at all resembling the maners and conditions of his father for even during his fathers life for raising of battlements and pinnacles round about the walles of his owne house hee was condemned by his father himselfe in a fine of one whole talent and after his death being of a crooked rough and troublesome spirit according as his very name Calepos implied and for that he was governed altogether by the counsell of a minion and favourite of his owne named Laarchus a man of no worth nor respect he proved a tyrant in stead of a king And this Laarchus aspiring likewise to be tyrant either chased and banished out of the citie or els caused to be put to death the best and principall citizens of all Cyrene but when he had so done he derived from himselfe all the blame and imputation upon Arcesilaus and in the end gave him to drinke a cup of poison to wit a sea-hare whereupon he fell into a lingering and languishing disease whereby he pined away and died at the last by which meanes himselfe usurped the seignorie and rule of the citie under a colour of keeping it as Tutour and Lord Protectour for the behoofe and use of Battus the sonne of Arcesilaus for a very childe he was and lame withall so that in regard aswell of his nonage and minoritie as the defect and imperfection of his body he was despised of the people but many there were who drew and ranged themselves unto his mother and were willing to obey and honour her for that she was a wise ladie and of a milde and courteous nature besides most of the mightiest men in those parts were knit to her either in bloud and kindred or els by bond of friendship by meanes whereof Laarchus made court to her yea and sued unto her for her good will by way of marriage offering unto her if she would be affianced and wedded unto him to adopt Battus for his owne sonne and make him partaker of his seigniorie and dominion but Eryxo for that was the name of this noble ladie being advised and counselled thereto before-hand by her brethren willed Laarchus to impart the matter unto them for that upon conference with them if they thought well of this marriage she would be content and condescend thereto Laarchus failed not so to do but went and brake the thing unto her brethren accordingly and they as it was complotted before drew the matter out in length and drave him off from day to day but Eryxo sent unto him secretly one of her waiting maidens to give him notice from her that her brethren in deed for the present did contradict her minde and crossed her will but were the knot once knit and consummate in bed together they would contest and haste no longer but be willing enough to like and approove thereof as a convenient match and therefore she advised him if he thought so good to repaire by night unto her for if the thing were once wel begun the rest no doubt wuld speed accordingly this message pleased Laarchus and fitted his humour passing well being therefore transported wholly besides himselfe with these lovely and sugred words of this dame he promised to attend her at what houre soever she would appoint Now was this device complotted and laid by the counsell of her eldest brother Polyarchus and after that she had set downe the just time when they should meet and company together against that very instant she tooke order that the said brother should secretly be conueied into her chamber who brought with him two lustie tall yoong men well appointed with good swords and who desired nothing more than to revenge their fathers bloud whom lately Laarchus had caused to be put to death when all things were now in readinesse she sent for Laarchus willing him to come alone without any of his guard about him no sooner was he entred into the chamber but these two yoong men charged upon him with their swords wounded him in many parts of his bodie that he died in the place his dead corps they cast over the walles of the house which done they brought the yong prince Battus abroad into the publicke place declared and proclamed him king after the maner and custome of the citie Thus Polyarchus rendered unto the Cyrenians their ancient government which they had from the beginning Now there happened to be at the same time in Cyrene many souldiers of Amasis the king of Aegypt in whom Laarchus reposed his confidence and found
them fast trustie unto him by whose meanes he became dread and terrible to the Cyrenians these sent in post with all speed unto king Amasis messengers of purpose to charge accuse Eryxo Polyarchus for this murder whereat the king was wroth and in great indignation intended out of hand to make sharpe war upon the Cyrenians but as he prepared to set forward this expedition it fortuned that his mother departed this life whiles therfore he was busie about her funerals newes came to Cyrene how this king was highly displeased and resolved to levie warre against them whereupon Polyarchus thought good to addresse himselfe in person to the said king and to render a reason unto him of this late fact committed upon the bodie of Laarchus neither would his sister Eryxo tary behinde but follow him and expose her owne person to the same perill that he entred into yea and the mother of them both named Critola very aged though she was was right willing to goe and accompanied her sonne and daughter in this journey now was she a great ladie and most highly esteemed in this regard especially that shee was the sister in the whole bloud to Battus the first of that name surnamed the Happie When they were arrived in Aegypt all other lords and noble men of the court approved well of that which they had done in this case and Amasis himselfe infinitely commended the pudicitie and magnanimitie of dame Eryxo and after he had honoured them with rich presents and roially enterteined them he sent them all backe Polyarchus I meane and the two ladies with his good grace and favour to Cyrene XENOCRITE XEnocrite a ladie of the citie Cumes deserveth no lesse to be praised and admired for that which she practised against Aristodemus the tyrant whom some thinke to have bene surnamed Malacos that is to say Soft and effeminate in regard of his loose and dissolute carriage but they are deceived and ignorant in the true originall and occasion of his name for the Barbarians gave him this addition Malacos which in their language signifieth a Yonker because being a very youth with other companions of equall age as yet wearing their haire long whom in olde time they tearmed Coronistae of their blacke locks as it should seeme he above the rest in the warres against the Barbarians bare himselfe so bravely for he was not only hardy couragious in spirit stout also and tall of his hands but withall full of wit discretion and forecast and so farre excelled all others in singularitie that hee became right famous and renowmed whereupon he grew into such credit and admiration among his countreymen and fellow-citizens that incontinently promoted he was and advanced by them to the greatest offices of State and highest dignities in common-weale insomuch as when the Tuskans made warre upon the Romans in the right and quarrell of Tarquinius Superbus and namely to restore him againe to his crowne and kingdome from which he was deposed the Cumans made him captaine generall of those forces which they sent to aide the Romans in which expedition and warfare that continued long he carried himselfe so remisly among his citizens which were in the campe under his charge and gave them so much the head to do what they would winning their hearts by courtesies and flatterie rather than commanding them as their generall that he put into their heads and perswaded them upon their returne home to run upon the Senate and to joine with him in expelling and banishing the mightiest persons and best men of the citie By which practice he set up himselfe as an absolute tyrant and as he seemed wicked and violent otherwise in all kinde of oppression and extortion so most of all he was outragious and went beyond himselfe in villanie toward wives and maidens to yoong boies also of good houses and free borne for among other enormities this is recorded of him That he forced yoong lads to weare their haire long like lasses to have also upon their heads borders cawles and attires with spangles of golde contrariwise hee compelled yoong maidens to be rounded polled and notted and to weare short jackets coats mandilians without sleeves after the fashion of springalds howbeit being exceedingly enamored upon Xenocrita the daughter of one of those principall citizens who by him were exiled her he kept not having espoused her lawfully nor woon her good will by faire perswasions supposing that the maiden might thinke her selfe well appaied and her fortune verie happie to be enterteined in any sort whatsoever by him being by that meanes so highly reputed of and esteemed fortunate among all the citizens but as for her all these favors did not ravish and transport her sound judgement and understanding for besides that she was mightily discontented to converse and keepe companie with him not espoused nor affianced and given in marriage by her friends she had no lesse desire to recover the liberty of her countrey than those who were openly hated of the tyrant Now it fortuned about the same time that Aristodemus caused a trench to be cast a bank to be raised round about his territory a piece of worke neither necessarie nor profitable which he did onely upon a policie because he would thereby vexe out-toile consume waste his poore subjects for he tasked every man to cast up cary forth by the day a certaine number of measures full of earth Xenocrita when she saw him at any time comming toward her would turne aside and cover her face with the lappet of her gown but when Aristodemus was passed by gone yong men her play-feres by way of mirth and pastime would aske her why she muffled and masked her-selfe as ashamed to see him onely and was not abashed to see and be seene of other men as well unto whom she would answer demurely that in right good earnest say Iwis I do it of purpose because there is not one man among all the Cumans but Aristodemus this word touched them all very neere but such as were of any noble spirit and courage it galled and pricked for very shame yea and gave them an edge to set in hand and enterprise some manly act for to recover their freedome which when Xenocrita heard she said by report that she would rather herselfe carie earth in a basket upon her owne shoulders as other did for her father if he were there present than participate in all delights and pleasures yea and enjoy great power and authoritie with Aristodemus These and such like speeches cast out by her confirmed those who were conspired and ready to rise against the tyrant of whom the chiefetaine and principall leader was one Themotecles unto these conspiratours Xenocrita gave free accesse and ready entrie unto Aristodemus who finding him alone unarmed and unguarded fell many at once upon him and so quickly dispatched him out of the way Lo how the citie of Cumes was delivered from tyrannie by
all just and honest actions when it hath chased and removed out of the way ire and wrath and therefore men are mollified appeased and become gentle by examples of men when they heare it reported how Plato when hee lifted up his staffe against his page stood so a good while and forbare to strike which hee did as he said for to represse his choler And Architas when he found some great negligence and disorder at his ferme-house in the countrey in his houshold servants perceiving himselfe moved and disquieted therewith insomuch as he was exceeding angrie and readie to flie upon them proceeded to no act but onely turning away and going from them said thus It is happie for you that I am thus angrie with you If then it be so that such memorable speeches of ancient men and woorthy acts reported by them are effectuall to represse the bitternesse and violence of choler much more probable it is that we seeing how God himselfe although he standeth not in feare of any person nor repenteth of any thing that he doth yet putteth off his chastisements and laieth them up a long time should be more wary and considerate in such things and esteeme that clemencie long sufferance and patience is a divine part of vertue that God doth shew and teach us which by punishment doth chastise and correct a few but by proceeding thereto slowly doth instruct admonish and profit many In the second place let us consider that judiciall and exemplarie processe of justice practised by men intendeth and aimeth onely at a counter change of paine and griefe resting in this point That he who hath done evill might suffer likewise proceeding no farther at all and therefore baying and barking as it were like dogges at mens faults and trespasses they follow upon them and pursue after all action by tract and footing but God as it should seeme by all likelihood when hee setteth in hand in justice to correct a sinfull diseased soule regardeth principally the vicious passions thereof if haply they may be bent wrought so as they will incline turne to repentance in which respect he staieth long before that he inflict any punishment upon delinquents who are not altogether past grace incorrigible for considering withall and knowing as he doth what portion of vertue soules have drawen from him in their creation at what time as they were produced first and came into the world as also how powerfull and forcible is the generositie thereof and nothing weake and feeble in it selfe but that it is cleane contrary to their proper nature to bring forth vices which are engendered either by ill education or els by the contagious haunt of leaud company and how afterward when they be well cured and medicined as it falleth out in some persons they soone returne unto their owne naturall habitude and become good againe by reason heereof God doth not make haste to punish all men alike but looke what he knoweth to be incurable that he quickly riddeth away out of this life and cutteth it off as a very hurtfull member to others but yet most harmefull to it selfe if it should evermore converse with wickednesse but to such persons in whom by all likelihood vice is bred and ingendred rather through ignorance of goodnesse than upon any purpose and will to chuse naughtinesse hee giveth time and respit for to change and amend how beit if they persist still and continue in their leaud waies hee paieth them home likewise in the end and never feareth that they shall escape his hands one time or other but suffer condigne punishment for their deserts That this is true consider what great alterations there happen in the life and behaviour of men and how many have beene reclaimed and turned from their leaudnesse which is the reason that in Greeke our behaviour and conversation is called partly 〈◊〉 that is to say A conversion and in part 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the one because mens maners be subject to change and mutation the other for that they be ingendered by use or custome and the impression thereof being once taken they remaine firme and sure which is the cause also as I suppose that our ancients in olde time attributed unto king Cecrops a double nature and forme calling him Double not for that as some said of a good element and gracious prince he became a rigourous fell and cruell tyrant like a dragon but contrariwise because having bene at the first perverse crooked and terrible he proved afterward a milde and gentle lord and if we make any doubt hereof in him yet we may be sure at leastwise that Gelon and Hiero in Sicilie yea and Pisistratus the sonne of Hipocrates all usurpers who atteined to their tyrannicall dominion by violent and indirect meanes used the same vertuously and howsoever they came unto their sovereigne rule by unlawfull and unjust meanes yet they grew in time to be good governours loving and profitable to the common weale and likewise beloved and deare unto their subjects for some of them having brought in and established most excellent lawes in the countrey and caused their citizens and subjects to be industruous and painfull in tilling the ground made them to be civill sober and discreet whereas before they were given to be ridiculous as noted for their laughter and lavish tongues to be true labourers also and painfull who had bene idle and playfull And as for Gelon after he had most valiantly warred against the Carthaginians and defaited them in a great battell when they craved peace would never grant it unto them unlesse this might be comprised among the articles and capitulations That they should no more sacrifice their children unto Saturne In the citie also of Megalopolis there was a tyrant named Lydiades who in the mids of his usurped dominion repented of his tyrannie and made a conscience thereof detesting that wrongfull oppression wherein he held his subjects in such sort ' as he restored his citizens to their ancient lawes and liberties yea and afterwards died manfully in the field fighting against his enemies in the defence of his countrey Now if any one had killed Miltiades at the first whiles he exercised tyrannie in Chersonesus or if another had called judicially into question Cimon enditing him for keeping his owne sister and so being condemned of incest had caused him to be put to death or disfranchised and banished Themistocles out of the citie for his loose wantonnesse and licentious insolencie shewed publickly in the Common place as Alcibiades afterwards was served and proscribed for the like excesse and riot committed in his youth Where had bene then that famous victorie At chieved on the plaines of Marathon Where had bene that renowmed chivalrie Performed neere the streame Eurymedon Or at the mount faire Artemision Where Athens youth as poet Pindare said Freedome first the glorious ground-worke laid For so it is great natures and high minds can bring foorth no meane matters nor the
equitie justice and pietie and in stead thereof hath filed and polluted his life with shame trouble and danger For like as Simonides was woont to say in mirth That he found one coffer of silver and money alwaies full but that other of savors thanks and benefits evermore emptie even so wicked men when they come to examine and peruse aright the vice that is in themselves they finde it presently for one pleasure which is accomplained with a little vaine and glosing delight void altogether and destitute of hope but fully replenished with feares cares anxieties the unpleasant remembrance of misdemeanors past suspicion of future events and distrust for the present much after the manner as we do heare ladie Ino in the theaters repenting of those foule facts which she had committed and speaking these words upon the stage How should I now my friends and ladies deere Begin to keepe the house of Athamas Since that all whiles that I have lived heere Nought hath beene done by me that decent was Or thus How may I keepe ô ladies deere alas The house againe of my lord Athamas As who therein had not committed ought Of those leud parts which I have done and wrought For semblably it is meet that the minde and soule of every sinfull and wicked person should ruminate and discourse of this point in it selfe after this maner After what sort should I forget and put out of remembrance the unjust and leud parts which I have committed how should I cast off the remorse of conscience from me and from hencefoorth being to turne over a new leafe lead another life for surely with those in whom wickednesse beareth sway is predominant there is nothing assured nothing firme constant nothing sincere and sound unlesse haply we will say and maintaine that wicked persons and unjust were some Sages and wise philosophers But we are to thinke that where avarice reigneth excessive concupiscence and love of pleasure or where extreme envie dwelleth accompanied with spight and malice there if you mark and looke well about you shall finde superstition lying hidden among sloth and unwillingnesse to labour feare of death lightnesse and quicke mutabilitie in changing of minde and affection together with vaine glory proceeding of arrogancie those who blame them they feare such as praise them they dread and suspect as knowing well how they are injured and wronged by their deceitful semblance and yet be the greatest enemies of the wicked for that they commend so readily and with affection those whom they suppose and take to be honest for in vice and sinne like as in bad iron the hardnesse is but weak and rotten the stiffenesse also brittle easie to be broken and therefore wicked men learning in processe of time better to know themselves what they are after they come once to the full consideration thereof are displeased and discontented they hate themselves and detest their owne leud life for it is not likely that if a naughtie person otherwise though not in the highest degree who hath regard to deliver again a pawne or piece of money left in his hands to keepe who is ready to be suretie for his familiar friend upon a braverie and glorious minde hath given largesses and is prest to maintaine defend his countrey yea and to augment and advance the good estate thereof soone repent and immediately be grieved for that which he hath done by reason that his mind is so mutable or his will so apt to be seduced by an opinion or conceit of his considering that even some of those who have had the honor to be received by the whole bodie of the people in open theater with great applause and clapping of hands incontinently fall to sigh to themselves and groane againe so soone as avarice returneth secretly in place of glorious ambition those that kill and sacrifice men to usurpe and set up their tyrannies or to maintaine and compasse some conspiracies as Apollodorus did circumvent and defraud their friends of their goods and monies which was the practise of Glaucus the sonne of Epicydes should never repent their misdeeds nor grow into a detestation of themselves nor yet be displeased with that they have done For mine owne part I am of this opinion if it be lawfull so to say That all those who commit such impieties and misdemeanors have no need either of God or man to punish them for their owne life onely being so corrupt and wholy depraved and troubled with all kind of wickednesse is sufficient to plague and torment them to the full But consider quoth I whether this discourse seeme not already to proceed farther and be drawen out longer than the time will permit Then Timon answered It may well so be if peradventure we regard the length and prolixitie of that which followeth and remaineth to be discussed as for my selfe I am now ready to rise as it were out of an ambush and to come as a fresh and new champion with my last doubt and question forasmuch as me thinks we have debated enough already upon the former for this would I have you to thinke that although we are silent and say nothing yet we complaine as Euripides did who boldly chalenged and reproched the gods for that The parents sinne and their iniquitie They turne on children and posteritie For say that themselves who have committed a fault were punished then is there no more need to chastise others who have not offended considering it were no reason at all to punish twise for one fault the delinquents themselves or be it so that through negligence they having omitted the punishment of wicked persons and offenders they would long after make them to pay for it who are innocent surely they doe not well by this injustice to make amends for the said negligence Lke as it is reported of Aesopc who in times past came hither to this city being sent from king Craesus with a great summe of golde for to 〈◊〉 unto god Apollo in magnificent wise yea and to distribute among all the citizens of Delphos foure pounds a piece but it fortuned so that he fell out with the inhabitants of the city upon some occasion and was exceeding angry with them insomuch as he performed in deed the sacrifice accordingly but the rest of the money which he should have dealt among the people be sent backe againe to the city of Sardis as if the Delphians had not bene worthy to enjoy the kings liberalitie whereupon they taking great indignation laied sacriledge to his charge for deteming in such sort that sacred money and in trueth after they had condemned him therof they pitched him downe headlong from that high rocke which they call Hyampia for which act of theirs god Apollo was so highly displeased that he sent upon their land sterilitie and barennesse besides many and sundry strange and unknowen diseases among them so as they were constreined in the end to goe about in
that a stone hath beene ingendred in the paunch or guts and yet good reason it were that moisture there should congeale or gather to a stone as it doth within the bladder if true it were that all our drinke descended into the belly and the guts by passing through the stomacke onely but it seemeth that the stomacke incontinently when we begin to drinke sucketh and draweth out of that liquor which passeth along by it in the wezill pipe as much onely as is needfull and requisit for it to mollifie and to convert into a nutritive pap or juice the solid meat and so it leaveth no liquid excrement at all whereas the lungs so soone as they have distributed both spirit and liquor from thence unto those parts that have need thereof expell and send out the rest into the bladder Well to conclude more likelihood there is of truth by farre in this than in the other and yet peradventure the truth in deed of these matters lieth hidden still and incomprehensible in regard whereof it is not meet to proceed so rashly and insolently to pronounce sentence against a man who as well for his owne sufficiency as the singular opinion of the world is reputed the prince and chiefe of al philosophers especially in so uncerteine a thing as this and in defence whereof there may bee so many reasons collected out of the readings and writings of Plato THE SECOND QUESTION What is meant in Plato by this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and why those seeds which in sowing light upon oxe hornes become hard and not easie to be concoted THere hath beene alwaies much question and controversie about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not who or what is so called for certeine it is that seeds falling upon ox hornes according to the common opinion yeeld frute hard and not easily concocted whereupon by waie of Metaphor a stubborne and stiffe-necked person men use to tearme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but as touching the cause why such graine or seeds hitting against the hornes of an ox should come to be so untoward And many times refused I have yea and denied my friends to search into the thing the rather for that Theophrastus hath rendred so darke and obscure a reason raunging it among many other examples which he hath gathered and put downe in writing of strange and wonderfull effects whereof the cause is hard to be found namely That an henne after that she hath laid an egge turneth round about and with a festure or straw seemeth to purifie and halow her-selfe and the egge also that the sea-calfe or seale consumeth the pine and yet swalloweth it not downe semblably that stagges hide their hornes within the ground and burie them likewise that if one goat hold the herbe Eryngium that is to say sea-holly in his mouth all the rest of the flocke will stand still Among these miraculous effects Theophrastus I say hath put downe the seeds falling upon the hornes of an ox a thing knowen for certeine to be so but whereof the cause is most difficult if not impossible to be delivered But at a supper in the citie Delphi as I sat one day certeine of my familiar friends came upon me in this maner that seeing not onely according to the common saying From bellie full best counsell doth arise And surest plots men in that case devise but also we are more ready with our questions and lesse to seeke for answeres when as wine is in our heads causing us to be forward in the one and resolute in the other they would request me therefore to say somewhat unto the foresaid matter in question howbeit I held off still as being well backed with no bad advocates who tooke my part and were ready to defend my cause and by name Euthydemus my colleague or companion with me in the sacerdotall dignitie and Patrocleas my sonne in law who brought foorth and alledged many such things observed aswell in agriculture as by hunters of which sort is that which is practised by those who take upon them skill in the foresight and prevention of haile namely that it may be averted and turned aside by the bloud of a mould-warpe or linnen ragges stained with the monethly purgations of women Item that if a man take the figs of a wilde fig-tree and tie them to a tame fig-tree of the orchard it is a meanes that the fruit of the said fig-tree shall not fall but tarrie on and ripen kindly also that stags weepe salt teares but wilde bores shed sweet drops from their eies when they be taken For if you will set in hand to seeke out the cause hereof quoth Euthydemus then presently you must render a reason also of smallach and cumin of which the former if it be troden under foot and trampled on in the comming up men have an opinion it will grow and prosper the better and as for the other they sow it with curses and all the fowlest words that can be devised and so it will spring and thrive best Tush quoth Florus these be but toies and ridiculous mockeries to make sport with but as touching the cause of the other matters above specified I would not have you to reject the inquisition thereof as if it were incomprehensible Well quoth I now I have found a medicine and remedie which if you do use you shall bring this man with reason to our opinion that you also your selfe may solve some of these questions propounded It seemeth unto me therefore that it is colde that causeth this rebellious hardnesse aswell in wheat and other corne as also in pulse namely by pressing and driving in their solid substance untill it be hard againe for heat maketh things soft and easie to be dissolved and therefore they do not well and truely in alledging against Homer this versicle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The yeere not field Doth beare and yeeld For surely those fields and grounds which are by nature hot if the aire withall affoord a kinde and seasonable temperature of the weather bring forth more tender fruits and therefore such corne or seed which presently and directly from the husbandmans hands lighteth upon the ground entring into it and there covered finde the benefit both of the heat and moisture of the soile whereby they soone spurt and come up whereas those which as they be cast do hit upon the hornes of the beasts they meet not with that direct positure or rectitude called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Hesiodus commendeth for the best but falling downe I wot not how and missing of their right place seem rather to have bene flung at a venture than orderly sowen therfore the cold comming upon them either marreth and killeth them outright or els lighting upon their naked husks causeth them to bring fruit that proveth hard and churlish as drie as chips and such as will not be made tender sidow without they
may be the cause that sonnes cary their Fathers and Mothers foorth to be enterred with their heads hooded and covered but daughters bare headed with their haires detressed and hanging downe loose IS it for that Fathers ought to be honored as gods by their male children but lamented and bewailed as dead men by their daughters and therefore the law having given and graunted unto either sex that which is proper hath of both together made that which is beseeming and convenient Or it is in this regard that unto sorrow and heavinesse that is best beseeming which is extraordinarie and unusuall now more ordinarie it is with women to go abroad with their heads veiled and covered and likewise with men to be discovered and bare headed For even among the Greeks when there is befallen unto them any publike calamitie the manner and custome is that the women should cut off the hayres of their head and the men weare them long for that otherwise it is usuall that men should poll their heads and women keepe their haire long And to prove that sonnes were wont to be covered in such a case and for the said cause a man may alledge that which Varro hath written namely that in the solemnitie of funerals and about the tombs of their fathers they carry themselves with as much reverence and devotion as in the temples of the gods in such sort as when they have burnt the corps in the funeral fire so soone as ever they meet with a bone they pronounce that he who is dead is now become a god On the contrary side women were no wise permitted to vaile and cover their heads And we find upon record that the first man who put away and divorced his wife was Spurius Carbilius because she bare him no children the second Sulpitius Gallus for that he saw her to cast a robe over her head and the third Publius Sempronius for standing to behold the solemnitie of the funerall games 15 How it commeth to passe that considering the Romans esteemed Terminus a god and therefore in honour of him celebrated a feast called thereupon Terminalia yet they never killed any beast in sacrifice vnto him IT is because Romulus did appoint no bonds and limits of his countrey to the end that he might lawfully set out take in where pleased him and repute all that land his owne so far as according to that saying of the Lacedaemonian his speare or javelin would reach But Numa 〈◊〉 a just man and politick withall one who knew well how to govern and that by the rule of Philosophie caused his territorie to be confined betweene him and his neighbour nations and called those frontier bonds by the name of Terminus as the superintendent over-seer and keeper of peace and amitie between neighbours and therefore he supposed that this Terminus ought to be preserved pure and cleane from all blood and impollute with any murder 16 What is the reason that it is not lawfull for any maid servants to enter into the temple of the goddesse Leucothea and the Dames of Rome bringing in thither one alone and no more with them fall to cuffing and boxing her about the eares and cheeks AS for the wench that is thus buffeted it is a sufficient signe and argument that such as she are not permitted to come thither now for all others they keepe them out in regard of a certaine poeticall fable reported in this wise that ladie Jno being in times past jealous of her husband and suspecting him with a maid servant of hers fell mad and was enraged against her owne sonne this servant the Greeks say was an Aetolian borne and had to name Antiphera and therefore it is that heere among us in the citie of Chaeronea before the temple or chappell of Matuta the sexton taking a whip in his hand crieth with a loud voice No man servant or maid servant be so hardie as to come in heere no Aetolian hee or shee presume to enter into this place 17 What is the cause that to this goddesse folke pray not for any blessings to their owne children but for their nephewes onely to wit their brothers or sisters children MAy it not be that Ino being a ladie that loved her sister wonderous well in so much as she suckled at her owne breast a sonne of hers but was infortunate in her owne children Or rather because the said custome is otherwise very good and civill inducing and moving folks hearts to carie love and affection to their kinreds 18 For what cause were many rich men wont to consecrate and give unto Hercules the Disme or tenth of all their goods WHy may it not be upon this occasion that Hercules himselfe being upon a time at Rome sacrifice the tenth 〈◊〉 of all the drove which he had taken from Gerton Or for that he freed and delivered the Romans from the tax and tribute of the Dismes which they were wont to pay out of their goods unto the Tuskans Or in case this may not go current for an authenticall historie and worthie of credit what and if we say that unto Hercules as to some great bellie god and one who loved good cheere they offered and sacrificed plenteously and in great liberalitie Or rather for that by this meanes they would take downe and diminish alittle their excessive riches which ordinarily is an eie-sore and odious unto the citizens of a popular state as if they meant to abate and bring low as it were that plethoricall plight and corpulency of the bodie which being growen to the height is daungerous supposing by such cutting off and abridging of superfluities to do honour and service most pleasing unto Hercules as who joied highly in frugalitie for that in his life time he stood contented with a little and regarded no delicacie or excesse whatsoever 19 Why begin the Romans their yeere at the moneth Januarie FOr in old time the moneth of March was reckoned first as a man may collect by many other conjectures and by this especially that the fift moneth in order after March was called Quintilis and the sixt moneth Sextilis and all the rest consequently one after another until you come to the last which they named December because it was the tenth in number after March which giveth occasion unto some for to thinke say that the Romans in those daies determined and accomplished their compleat yeere not in twelve moneths but in ten namely by adding unto everie one of those ten moneths certain daies over and above thirtie Others write that December indeed was the tenth moneth after March but Januarie was the eleventh and Februarie the twelfth in which moneth they used certaine expiatorie and purgatorie sacrifices yea and offered oblations unto the dead as it were to make an end of the yere How be it afterwards they transposed this order and ranged Januarie in the first place for that upon the first day thereof which they call the Calends of Januarie
the cause that the Eliens when their mares be hot after the horse leade them out of their owne confines to be covered by the stalions IS it for that Oenomaus was a prince who of all others loved best a good race of horses took greatest pleasure in these kind of beasts cursed with al maner of execrations those stalions which covered his mares in Elis And therefore they fearing to fall into any of these maledictions avoid them by this maner 53 What was the reasons of this custom among the Gnosians that those who tooke up any money at any interest snatched it and ran away with all WAS it to this end that if they should denie the debt and seeme to defraud the usurers they might lay an action of felonie and violent wrong upon them and the other by this meanes might be more punished 54 What is the cause that in the citie of Samos they invocate Venus of Dexicreon IS it for that that when in times past the women of Samos were exceedingly given to enormious wantonesse lechery so that the brake out into many lewd acts there was one Dexicreon a mounte-banke or cousening jugler who by I wot not what ceremonies and expiatorie sacrifices cured them of their unbridled lust Or because this Dexicreon being a merchant-venturer who did traffike and trade by sea went into the Isle of Cyprus when he was ready to load or charge his ship with merchandize Venus commanded him to fraight it with nothing else but water and then immediately to hoise up saile according to which he did and having put a great quantie of water within his vessell he set saile and departed Now by that time they were in the maine sea they were verie much becalmed so as for want of a gale of winde many daies to gether the rest of the mariners and merchants a ship boord thought verily they should all die for verie thirst whereupon he sold unto them his water which he had aboord and thereby gat a great quantitie of silver of which afterwards he caused to be made an image of Venus which he called after his owne name Dexicreon his Venus Now if this be true it seemeth that the goddesse purposed thereby not onely to enrich one man but to save also the lives of many 55 How commeth it to passe that in the Isle of Samos when they sacrifice unto Mercurie surnamed Charidotes it is lawfull for whosoever will to rob and rifle all passengers BEcause in times past according to the commandement and direction of a certaine oracle the ancient inhabitants departed out of Samos and went into Mycale where they lived and maintained themselves for ten yeeres space by pyracie and depredation at sea and afterwards being returned againe into Samos obtained a brave victorie against their enemies 56 Why is there one place within the Isle Samos called Panaema IS it for that the Amazones to avoid the furie of Bacchus fled out of the Ephesians countrey into Samos and there saved themselves But he having caused ships to be built and rigged gathered together a great fleet and gave them battell where he had the killing of a great number of them about this verie place which for the carnage and quantitie of blood-shed there they who saw it marvelled thereat and called it Panaema But of them who were slaine in this conflict there were by the report of some many that died about Phloeon for their bones are there to be seene And there be that say that Phloeon also clave in sunder and became broken by that occasion their crie was so loud and there voice so piercing and forcible 57 How commeth it that there is a publike hall at Samos called Pedetes AFter that Damoteles was murdered and his monarchie overthrowen so that the nobles or Senators Geomori had the whole government of the State in their hands the Megarians tooke armes and made warre upon the Perinthians a colonie drawen and descended from Samos carying with them into the field fetters and other irons to hang upon the feet of their captive prisoners the said Geomori having intelligence thereof sent them aide with all speed having chosen ten captaines manned also and furnished thirtie ships of warre whereof twaine readie to saile caught fire by lightning and so consumed in the verie mouth of the haven howbeit the foresaid captaines followed on in their voyage with the rest vanquished the Megarians in battell and tooke sixe hundred prisoners Upon which victorie being puffed up with pride they intended to ruinate the Oligarchie of those noble men at home called Geomori and to depose them from their government and verily those rulers themselves ministred unto them occasion for to set in hand with this their desseigne namely by writing unto them that they should leade those Megarians prisoners fettered with the same gives which they themselves had brought for no sooner had they received these letters but they did impart and shew them secretly unto the said Megarians perswading them to band combine with them for to restore their citie unto libertie And when they devised and consulted together about the execution of this complotted conspiracie agreed it was betweene them to knocke the rings off or lockers of the fetters open and so to hang them about the Megarians legs that with leather thongs they might be fastened also to their girdles about the waste for feare that being slacke as they were they should fall off and be readie to drop from their legs as they went Having in this wise set foorth and dressed these men and given everie one of them a sword they made all the haste they could to Samos where being arrived and set aland they led the Megarians through the market place to the Senate house where all the nobles called Geomori were assembled and sat in consultation hereupon was the signall given and the Megarians fell upon the Senators and massacred them everie one Thus having received the freedome of the citie they gave unto as many of the Megarians as would accept thereof the right of free burgeosie and after that built a faire towne hall about which they hung and fastened the said bolts and fetters of irons calling it upon this occasion Pedetes that is to say the Hall of Fetters 58 What is the reason that in the Isle of Coos within the citie Antimachia the priest of Hercules being arrated in the habit of a woman with a miter on his head beginneth to celebrate the sacrifice HErcules when he was departed from Troy with sixe ships was overtaken with a mightie tempest and with one ship alone for that all the other was lost was cast by the windes upon the Isle of Coos and landed at a place called Laceter having saved nothing else but his armor and the men that were with him in the ship where finding a flocke of sheepe hee desired the shepherd who tended them to give him a ram The shepherds name was Antagoras who being a
life with which words Porsena was so affrighted that he made peace with the Romans according as Aristides the Milesian writeth in the third booke of his storie 3 The Argives and the Lacedaemonians being at war one with another about the possession of the countrey Thyreatis the Amphictyones gave sentence that they should put it to a battell and looke whether side wan the field to them should the land in question appertaine The Lacedaemonians therefore chose for their captaine Othryades and the Argives Thersander when the battell was done there remained two onely alive of the Argives to wit Agenor and Chromius who caried tidings to the citie of victorie Meane while when all was quiet Othryades not fully dead but having some little life remaining in him bearing himselfe and leaning upon the trunchions of broken lances caught up the targets and shields of the dead and gathered them together and having erected a trophee he wrote thereupon with his owne blood To Jupiter Victor and guardian of Trophees Now when as both those parties maintained still the controversie about the land the Amphictyones went in person to the place to be eie-judges of the thing and adjudged the victorie on the Lacedaemonians side this writeth Chrysermus in the third booke of the Peloponnesiack historie The Romans levying warre against the Samnites chose for their chiefe commander Posthumius Albinus who being surprised by an ambush within a streight betweene two mountains called Furcae Caudinae a verie narrow passe lost three of his Legions and being himselfe deadly wounded fell and lay for dead howbeit about midnight taking breath was quick againe and somewhat revived he arose tooke the targets from his enemies bodies that lay dead in the place and erected a trophee and drenching his hand in their blood wrote in this manner The Romans to Jupiter Victor guardian of Trophees against the Samnites but Marius surnamed Gurges that is to say the glutton being sent thither as generall captaine and viewing upon the verie place the said trophee so erected I take this gladly quoth he for a signe and presage of good fortune and thereupon gave battell unto his enemies and won the victorie tooke their king prisoner and sent him to Rome according as Aristides writeth in his third booke of the Italian historie 4 The Persians entred Greece with a puissant armie of 500000. men against whom Leonidas was sent by the Lacedaemonians with a band of three hundred to guard the streights of Thermophylae and impeach his passage in which place as they were merie at their meat and taking their refection the whole maine power of the Barbarians came upon them Leonidas seeing his enemies advancing forward spake unto his owne men and said Sit still sirs and make an end of your dinner hardly so as you may take your suppers in another world so he charged upon the Barbarians and notwithstanding he had many a dart sticking in his bodie yet he made a lane through the presse of the enemies untill he came to the verie person of Xerxes from whom he tooke the diademe that was upon his head and so died in the place The Barbarians king caused his bodie to be opened when he was dead and his heart to be taken forth which was found to be all over-growne with haire as writeth Aristides in the first booke of the Persian historie The Romans warring against the Cathaginians sent a companie of three hundred men under the leading of a captaine named Fabius Maximus who bad his enemies battell and lost all his men himselfe being wounded to death charged upon Anniball with such violence that he tooke from him the regali diademe or frontall that he had about his head and so died upon it as writeth Aristides the Milesian 5 In the citie of Celaenae in Phrygia the earth opened and clave a sunder so as there remained a mightie chinke with a huge quantitie of water issuing thereout which caried away and drew into the bottomlesse pit thereof a number of houses with all the persons great and small within them Now Midas the king was advertised by an oracle that if he cast within the said pit the most precious thing that he had both sides would close up againe and the earth meet and be firme ground So he caused to be throwen into it a great quantitie of gold and silver but all would do no good Then Anchurus his son thinking with himselfe that there was nothing so pretious as the life soule of man after he had lovingly embraced his father and bid him farwel and with all taken his leave of his wife Timothea mounted on horseback and cast himselfe horse and all into the said chinke And behold the earth immediatly closed up whereupon Midas made a golden altar of Jupiter Idaeus touching it only with his hand This altar about that time when as the said breach or chink of earth was became a stone but after a certaine prefixed time passed it is seene all gold this writeth Callisthenes in his second booke of Transformations The river Tybris running through the mids of the market place at Rome for the anger of Jupiter Tarsius caused an exceeding great chinke within the ground which swallowed up many dwelling houses Now the oracle rendred this answere unto the Romans that this stould cease in case they flang into the breach some costly and precious thing and when they had cast into it both gold and silver but all in vaine Curtius a right noble young gentleman of the citie pondering well the words of the oracle and considering with himselfe that the life of man was more pretious than gold cast himselfe on horseback into the said chinke and so delivered his citizens and countrimen from their calamitie this hath Aristides recorded in fortieth booke of Italian histories 6 Amphtaraus was one of the princes and leaders that accompanied Pollynices and when one day they were feasting merily together an eagle soaring over his head chanced to catch up his javelin and carrie it up aloft in the aire which afterwards when she had let fall againe stucke fast in the ground and became a lawrell The morrow after as they joined battell in that verie place 〈◊〉 with his chariot was swallowed up within the earth and there standeth now the citie Harma so called of the chariot as Trismachus reporteth in the third booke of his Foundations During the warres which the Romans waged against Pyrrhus king of the Epirotes Paulus Acmylius was promised by the oracle that he should have the victorie if he would set up an altar in that verie place where he should see one gentleman of qualitie and good marke to be swallowed up alive in the earth together with his chariot Three daies after Valerius Conatus when in a dreame he thoght that he saw himselfe adorned with his priestly vestments for skilfull he was in the art of divination led forth the armie and after he had slaine many of his enemies was devouted quick
caused him to be condemned for his contumacy in that he failed to answer at the day assigned for his triall that verie yeere when Theopompus was Provost of the citie under whom the foure hundred conspiratours and usurpers of the common-weale were put downe and overthrowen Now the decree of the Senate by vertue whereof ordained it was That Antiphon should be judicially tried and condemned Cecilius hath put downe in these tearmes The one and twentith day of Prytaneia when Demonicus of Alopece was secretarie or publike notarie Philostratus of Pellene chiefe commander upon the proposition or bill-preferred of Andron the Senate hath ordained as touching these persons namely Archiptolemus Onomacles and Antiphon whom the captaines have declared against that they went in embassage unto Lacedaemon to the losse and detriment of the citie of Athens and departed from the camp first in an enemies ship and so passed by land by Decelia that their bodies should be attached and cast into prison for to abide justice and punishment according to law Item that the captaines themselves with certaine of the Senate to the number of ten such as it pleased them to chuse and nominate should make presentment and give in evidence that upon the points alledged and prooved judgement might passe according Item that the Thesmothetes should call for the said persons judicially the verie next morow after they were committed and convent them before the judges after that they be chosen by lot when and where they should accuse the captaines with the orators abovesaid of treason yea whosoever els would come in he should be heard Item when sentence is concluded and pronounced against them then the judgement of condemnation shall be executed according to the forme and tenure of the law established in case of traitors Vnder the instrument of this decree was subscribed the condemnation of treason in this manner Condemned there were of treason Archiptolemus the sonne of Hippodamus of Agryle present Antiphon the sonne of Sophilus of Rhamus likewise present and awarded it was by the court that these two should be delivered over into the hands of the eleven executors of justice their goods to be confiscate the disme whereof to be consecrate unto the goddesse Minerva their houses to be demolished and pulled downe to the very ground and upon the borders of the plots wherein they stood this superscription to be written Here stood the houses of Archiptolemus and of Antiphon two traitours of the State *** Also that it might not bee lawfull to enter or burie the bodie of Archiptolemus and of Antiphon within the citie of Athens nor in any part belonging to their domain or territorie That their memorie should be infamous and all their posteritie after them as well hastards as legitimate and that whosoever adopted any one of Archiptolemus or Antiphons children for his sonne himselfe should be held infamous Finally that all this should be engrossed and engraven in a columne of brasse wherein also should be set downe the sentence and decree which passed as concerning Phrynichus ANDOCIDES II. ANdocides was the sonne of that Leagoras who somtime made a peace betweene the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians borne in the tribe of Cydathene or Thurie descended from a noble house and as Hellanicus saith even from Mercurie for the race of the Ceryces that is Heraults pertaineth unto him and therefore chosen he was upon a time with Glaucon for to go with a fleet of twentie saile to aide the Corcyreans who warred upon the Corinthians But after all this accused he was of impietie and irreligion for that hee with others had mangled and defaced the images of Mercurie that stood within the citie also for that he had trespassed against the holy mysteries and sacred ceremonies of Ceres in as much as being before time a wild youth and loosely given he went in a maske one night and brake certaine images of the god Mercurie whereupon I say he was judicially convented And because he would not deliver and bring foorth to be examined upon torture that servant of his whom his accusers called for he was held attaint convict of that crime which was laid to his charge yea for the second imputation charged upon him verie deeply suspected for which also he was called into question not long after the setting foorth of the great Armada at sea which went into Sicily when the Corinthians had sent certaine Aegesians and Leontines into the citie of Athens unto whom the Athenians privately were to yeeld aid succour in the night season they brake all the images of Mercury which stood about the market place as Cratippus saith Well being suspected for offending against the sacred mysteries of Ceres thereupon judicially called to his answer he escaped judgement of condemnation and was acquit so that he would discover and declare the delinquents and offenders indeed Now having emploied his whole studie endever there about he wrought so that he found out those who were faultie as touching the sacred mysteries aforesaid among whom was his owne father As for all the rest when they were convicted he caused them to be put to death only his fathers life he saved although he was already in prison promising with all that he would doe much good service unto the common-weale wherein he failed not of his word For Leagoras accused many who had robbed and embezilled the cities treasure and committed other wicked parts by the meanes whereof he was absolved Now albeit Andocides was in great name and reputation for mannaging the affaires of common-weale yet neverthelesse he set his mind to trafficke and merchandize at sea whereby hee got amitie and entred into league of hospitalitie which many princes and great potentates but principally with the king of Cyprus and it was than that he stole and carried away a citizens child the daughter of Aristides and his owne niece without the privitie and consent of her friends and sent her closely for a present to the said king of Cyprus but when he was upon the point to be called in question judicially for this fact he stole her privily away againe out of Cyprus and brought her home to Athens Hereupon the king of Cyprus caused hands to be laid upon him where he was kept in prison but he brake loose and escaped to Athens at the verie time when the foure hundred conspiratours and usurpers governed the State and being by them cast into prison he got away againe when the said Olygarchie was dissolved Howbeit he was drawen out of the citie when the thirtie tyrants ruled all and usurped their government During which time of his exile he abode in the citie of Elis but when Thrasibulus and his adhaerents returned into the city he also repaired thither and was sent in an embassage to Lacedaemon where being taken againe in a trip he was for his ill demeanour banished All these premises appeare evidently by his orations which he hath written for in some of them
and spitefull speeches for envious and malicious persons NARRATIONS OF LOVE The Summarie IN this discourse Plutarch relateth five tragicall histories which shew the pitifull accidents that befell certeine persons transported with the inordinate and irregular affection of Love leaving thereby unto the reader a faire and cleere mirrour wherein to beholde the judgements of God upon those that abandon themselves to be carried away by intemperance and loosenesse NARRATIONS OF LOVE IN the citie Aliartos situate within Boeotia there was sometime a yoong maiden of excellent beautie named Aristoclea and the daughter she was of Theophanes and two yoong gentlemen there were that made sute unto her in way of mariage to wit Straton an Orchomenian Callisthenes of Aliartos aforesaid Now was Straton the richer of the twaine and farre more enamoured of the damosell for seene her he had when she washed herselfe in the fountaine of Ercyne which is in Lebadia against the time that she was to carrie in procession to Jupiter surnamed King a sacred panier as the maner was of the Canephorae to do But Callisthenes had the vantage of him and was deeper in her love for that he was besides neere of kin unto the virgin So Theophanes her father being doubtfull what to doe for he stood in feare of Straton as one who for wealth and noble parentage went well-neere beyond all the Boeotians resolved at length to referre the choise unto the oracle of Jupiter Trophonius but Straton who was borne in hand by those of the house about Aristoclea that she inclined more unto him laboured earnestly that the matter might be put unto the election of the damosell herselfe whereupon when Theophanes the father demanded of her in the face of the world Whom she loved better and would chuse to be her husband she preferred Callisthenes whereat Straton shewed himselfe immediatly not a little discontented for this repulse and disgrace but two daies after he came unto Theophanes and Callisthenes pretending and saying that he would not fall out with them but was desirous still of their good favour and friendship how ever his ill fortune had envied him the marriage of the yoong virgin They approving well of this speech and taking his words in very good part invited him as a guest to the wedding feast meane while he provided himselfe of a good number of his friends and besides no small troupe of servants whom he disposed secretly in their houses heere and there against the time that this maiden after the custome and maner of the countrey should go downe to a certeine fountaine named Cissoeisa there to sacrifice unto the Nymphes before her marriage day now as she passed by those who lay in ambush came all running forth from every side and seized upon her bodie but Straton himselfe principally who drew and haled the damosell unto him as hard as he could Callisthenes againe on the other side for his part as became him held her fast so did they about him thus the silly maiden was tugged and pulled to and fro so long betweene them that before they were aware dead she was among them in their hands upon which strange occurrent what became of Callisthenes it is not knowen whether he presently made away himselfe or fled into voluntary exile for he was no more seene as for Straton in the very sight of all men there in the place he killed himselfe upon the very body of his espoused bride 2 There was one named Phidon a Peloponnesian affecting the seignorie of all Peloponnesus and being desirous that the citie of Argos his native seat should be ladie over all others laied an ambush first for the Corinthians to intrap them for he sent an embassage unto Corinth to demand a levie of a thousand yoong men that were the lustiest and most valourous gallants of the whole citie The Corinthians sent them accordingly under the conduct of one of their captaines named Dexander Now the purpose of this Phidon was to set upon this troupe and kill them every one to the end that he might thereby enfeeble the Corinthians and make the citie serve his owne turne as a strong bulwarke most commodiously seated to command and subdue all Peloponnesus This desseigne of his he communicated unto certeine of his friends for to be put in execution accordingly among whom there was one named Abron who being a familiar friend unto Dexander revealed unto him the conspiracie whereupon the said regiment of a thousand yong men before they were charged by the said ambush retired themselves and recovered Corinth in safetie Then Phidon bestirred himselfe to finde out the man who had thus betraied and discovered his plot which Abron fearing withdrew himselfe to Corinth taking with him his wife children and his whole familie where he setled and remained in a village named Melissa belonging to the territorie of that citie there begat he a sonne whom of the very place which he inhabited he named Melissus and this Melissus in processe of time had a sonne of his owne called Actaeon who proved the most beautifull and withall the modestest lad of all other youths and springals of his age in regard whereof many there were enamoured of him but among the rest one especially named Archias descended lineally from the noble race of Hercules and for wealth credit and authoritie the greatest person in all Corinth This Archias seeing that by no faire meanes and perswasions he could prevaile with yoong Actaeon and winne his love resolved with himselfe to use violence and forcibly to ravish and carrie away this faire boy so he came upon a time as it were to make merrie unto the house of Melissus his father accompanied with a great traine of friends and attended upon with a good troupe of his owne householde-servants where he gave the attempt to have away the boy by force but the father with his friends made resistance the neighbours also came foorth to rescue and did all what they could to holde and keepe the youth with them but what with the one side and what with the other poore Actaeon was so pulled and tugged that betweene them hee lost his lfe which done all the rest went their waies and departed but Melissus the father brought the dead corps of his childe into the market place of the Corinthians presented it there unto them and demaunded justice to be done upon those who had committed this foule outrage The Corinthians made no greater a matter of it but onely shewed that they were sory for his mishap and so he returned home as he came without effect attending and waiting for the solemne assembly at the Isthmicke games where being mounted up to the top of Neptunes temple he cried out against the whole race of the Baccharides and withall rehearsed by way of commemoration the beneficence of his father Abron unto them and when he had called for vengeance unto the gods hee threw himselfe downe headlong among the rocks and brake his necke
the world whereby all things are governed How is it possible then that these two positions should subsist together namely that God is in no wise the cause of any dishonest thing and that there is nothing in the world be it never so little that is done but by common nature and according to the reason thereof For surely among all those things that are done necessarily there must be things dishonest and yet Epicurus turneth and windeth himselfe on every side imagining and devising all the subtill shifts that he can to unloose set free and deliver our voluntary free will from this motion eternall because he would not leave vice excuseable without just reprehension whereas in the meane while he openeth a wide window unto it and giveth it libertie to plead That committed it is not onely by the necessitie of destiny but also by the reason of God and according to the best nature that is And thus much also moreover is to be seene written word forword For considering that common nature reacheth unto al causes it cannot otherwise be but all that is done howsoever and in what part soever of the world must be according to this common nature and the reason thereof by a certeine stint of consequence without impeachment for that there is nothing without that can impeach the administration thereof neither mooveth any part or is disposed in habitude otherwise than according to that common nature But what habitudes and motions of the parts are these Certeine it is that the habitudes be the vices and maladies of the minds as covetousnesse lecherie ambition cowardise and injustice as for the motions they be the acts proceeding from thence as adulteries thefts treasons manslaughters murders and parricides Chrysippus now is of opinion That none of all these be they little or great is done without the reason of Jupiter or against law justice and providence insomuch as to breake law is not against law to wrong another is not against justice nor to commit sinne against providence And yet he affirmeth that God punisheth vice and doth many things for the punishment of the wicked As for example in the second booke of the gods Otherwhiles there happen quoth he unto good men grievous calamities not by way of punishment as to the wicked but by another kinde of oeconomy and disposition like as it falleth out usually unto cities Againe in these words First we are to understand evill things and calamities as we have said heeretofore then to thinke that distributed they are according to the reason and dispose of Jupiter either by way of punishment or else by some other oeconomie of the whole world Now surely this is a doctrine hard to bee digested namely that vice being wrought by the disposition and reason of God is also punished thereby howbeit this contradiction he doeth still aggravate and extend in the second booke of Nature writing thus But vice in regard of grievous accidents hath a certeine peculiar reason by it selfe for after a sort it is committed by the common reason of nature and as I may so say not unprofitably in respect of the universall world for otherwise than so there were no good things at all and then proceeding to reproove those who dispute pro contra and discourse indifferently on both parts he I meane who upon an ardent desire tobroch alwaies and in every matter some novelties exquisite singularities above all other saith It is not unprofitable to cut purses to play the sycophants or commit loose dissolute and mad parts no more than it is incommodious that there should be unprofitable members hurtfull and wretched persons which if it be so what maner of god is Jupiter I meane him of whom Chrysippus speaketh in case I say he punish a thing which neither commeth of it selfe nor unprofitably for vice according to the reason of Chrysippus were altogether irreprehensible and Jupiter to be blamed if either he caused vice as a thing unprofitable or punished it when he had made it not unprofitably Moreover in the first booke of Justice speaking of the gods that they oppose themselves against the iniquities of some But wholly quoth he to cut off all vice is neither possible nor expedient is it if it were possible to take away all injustice all transgression of lawes and all folly But how true this is it perteineth not to this present treatise for to enquire and discourse But himselfe taking away and rooting up all vice as much as lay in him by the meanes of philosophy which to extirpe was neither good nor expedient doeth heerein that which is repugnant both to reason and also to God Furthermore in saying that there be certeine sinnes and iniquities against which the gods doe oppose themselves he giveth covertly to understand that there is some oddes and inequality in sinnes Over and besides having written in many places that there is nothing in the world to be blamed nor that can be complained of for that all things are made and finished by a most singular and excellent nature there be contrariwise sundry places wherein hee leaveth and alloweth unto us certeine negligences reprooveable and those not in small and trifling matters That this is true it may appeere in his third book of Substance where having made mention that such like negligences might befal unto good honest men Commeth this to passe quoth he because there be some things where of there is no reckoning made like as in great houses there must needs be scattered and lost by the way some bran yea and some few graines of wheat although in generality the whole besides is well enough ruled and governed or is it because there be some evill and malignant spirits as superintendents over such things wherein certeinly such negligences are committted the same reprehensible and he saith moreover that there is much necessitie intermingled among But I meane not hereupon to stand nor to discourse at large but to let passe what vanity there was in him to compare the accidents which befell to some good and vertuous persons as for example the condemnation of Socrates the burning of Pythagoras quicke by the Cylonians the dolorous torments that Zeno endured under the tyrant Demylus or those which Antiphon suffred at the hands of Dionysius when they were by them put to death unto the brans that be spilt and lost in great mens houses But that there should bee such wicked spirits deputed by the divine providence to have the charge of such things must needs redound to the great reproach of God as if he were some unwise king who committed the government of his provinces unto evill captaines and rash headed lieutenants suffering them to abuse and wrong his best affected subjects and winking at their rechlesse negligence having no care or regard at all of them Againe if it be so that there is much necessity and constraint mingled among the affaires of this world then is not God the
the tyrant Demylus and having no good successe therein but missing of his purpose maintained the doctrine of Parmenides to be pure and fine golde tried in the fire from all base mettal shewing by the effect that a magnanimous man is to feare nothing but turpitude and dishonour and that they be children and women or else effeminate and heartlesse men like women who are affraid of dolor and paine for having bitten off his tongue with his owne teeth he spit it in the tyrants face But out of the schoole of Epicurus and of those who follow his rules and doctrines I doe not aske what tyrant killer there was or valiant man and victorious in feats of armes what lawgiver what counsellour what king or governour of state either died or suffred torture for the upholding of right and justice but onely which of all these Sages did ever so much as imbarke and make a voiage by sea in his countries service and for the good thereof which of them went in embassage or disbursed any mony thereabout or where is there extant upon record any civill action of yours in matter of government And yet because that Metrodorus went downe one day from the city as far as to the haven Pyraeaeum tooke a journey of five or six miles to aide Mythra the Syrian one of the king of Persias traine and court who had bene arrested and taken prisoner he wrot unto all the friends that he had in the world of this exploit of his and this doubty voiage Epicurus hath magnified exalted in many of his letters What a doe would they have made then if they had done such an act as Aristotle did who reedified the city of his nativity Stagira which had bene destroied by king Philip or as Theophrastus who twice delivered and freed his native city being held and oppressed by tyrants Should not thinke you the the river Nilus have sooner given over to beare the popyr reed than they bene weary of discribing their brave deeds And is not this a grievous matter and a great indignity that of so many sects of Philosophers that have bene they onely in maner enjoy the good things and benefits that are in cities without contributing any thing of their owne unto them There are not any Poets Tragedians or Comedians but they have endevoured to doe or say alwaies some good thing or other for the defence of lawes and policie but these here if peradventure they write ought write of policie that we should not intermeddle at all in the civill government of state of Rhetoricke that we should not plead any causes eloquently at the barre of Roialty that we should avoid the conversing and living in kings courts neither doe they name at any time those great persons who manage affaires of common weale but by way of mockerie for to debase and abolish their glorie As for example of Epaminondas they say that he had indeed some good thing onely in name and word but the same was but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say as little as might be for that is the very terme that it pleaseth them to use Moreover they name him heart of yron demaunding why he marched up and downe through out all Peloponnesus with his armie as he did and sat not rather quiet at home in his owne house with a dainty chaplet upon his head given wholly to make good chere and to sleepe with his belly full in a whole skin But me thinks I should not for any thing omit in this place to rehearse what Metrodorus hath written in his booke of philosophy wherein abjuring all dealing in government of state he saith thus Some there be of these wisemen quoth he who being full of vanity and arrogancy had so deepe an insight into the businesse thereof that in treating of the rules of good life and of vertue they suffer themselves to be carried away with the very same desires that Lycurgus and 〈◊〉 fell into What was this vanity indeed and the aboundance of vanity and pride to set the city of Athens free to reduce Sparta to good policy and the government of holsome lawes that yong men should doe nothing licenciously nor get children upon curtisans and harlots and that riches wanton delicacie intemperance loosenesse dissolution should beare no sway nor have the commaund in cities but law onely and justice for these were the desires of Solon And thus Metrodorus by way of scorne and contumelious reproch addeth thus much more for a conclusion to the rest And therefore quoth he it is well beseeming a gentleman to laugh a good and right heartly at all other men but especially at these Solones and Lycurgi But verily such an one were not a gentleman Metrodorus nor well borne but servile base unruly and dissolute and who deserved to be scurged not with the whip which is for free borne persons but with that whip Astragalote where with the maner was to whip and chastice those gelded sacrificers called Gally when they did amisse in the cerimonies and sacrifices of Cylote the great mother of the gods Now that they warred not against the lawgivers but the very lawes themselves a man may heare and learne of Epicurus for in his questions he demaundeth of himselfe whether a wise man being assured that no man ever should know would doe and commit any thing that the law forbiddeth and he maketh an answere which is not full nor an open plaine and simple affirmation saying doe it I will marry confesse it and be knowen thereof I will not Againe writing as I suppose unto Idomeneus he admonisheth him not to subject and enthrall his life unto lawes and the opinions and reputations of men unlesse it be in this regard onely that otherwise there is prepared odious whipping chere and that neere at hand If then it be so that they who abolish lawes governments and policies do withall subvert and overthrow mans life if Metrodorus and Epicurus doe no lesse withdrawing and averting their friends and followers from dealing in publicke affaires and spitefully hating those who doe meddle therein miscalling and railing at the chiefe and wisest lawgivers that ever were yea and willing them to contemne the lawes so that they keepe themselves out of the feare of the whip and danger of punnishment I cannot see that Colotes hath in any thing so much belied others and raised false imputations against them as he hath indeed and truely accused the doctrine and opinions of Epicurus OF LOVE The Summarie THis Dialogue is more dangerous to be read by yoong men than any other Treatise of Plutarch for that there be certeine glaunces heere and there against honest marriage to upholde indirectly and under hana the cursed and 〈◊〉 filthinesse covertly couched under the name of the Love of yoong boyes But minds guarded and armed with true chastitie and the feare of God may see evidently in this discourse the miserable estate of the world in that there be found
patrons and advocates of so detestable a cause such I meane as in this booke are brought in under the persons of Protogenes and Pisias Meane while they may perceive likewise in the combot of matrimoniall love against unnaturall Poederastie not to be named that honestie hath alwaies meanes sufficient to defend it selfe for being vanquished yea and in the end to go away with the victorie Now this Treatise may be comprised in foure principall points of which the first after a briefe Preface wherein Autobulus being requested to rehearse unto his companions certeine reports which before time hee had heard Plutarch his father to deliver as touching Love entreth into the discourse conteineth the historie of Ismenodora enamoured upon a yoong man named Bacchon whereupon arose some difference and dispute of which Plutarch and those of his companie were chosen arbitratours Thereupon Protogenes seconded by Pisias and this is the second point setting himselfe against Ismenodora disgraceth and discrediteth the whole sex of woman kinde and praiseth openly enough the love of males But Daphnaeus answereth them so fully home and pertinently to the purpose that he discovereth and detecteth all their filthinesse and confuteth them as be hoovefull it was shewing the commodities and true pleasure of conjugall love In this defence assisted he is by Plutarch who prooveth that neither the great wealth nor the forward affection of a woman to a man causeth the mariage with her to be culpable or woorthy to be blamed by divers examples declaring that many women even of base condition have beene the occasion of great evils and calamities But as he was minded to continue this discourse newes came how Bacchon was caught up and brought into the house of Ismenodora which made Protogenes and Pisias to dislodge insomuch as their departure gave entrie into the third and principall point concerning Love what it is what be the parts the causes the sundry effects and fruits thereof admirable in all sorts of persons in altering them so as they become quite changed and others than they were before which is confirmed by many notable examples and similitudes In the last point Plutarch discourseth upon this argument and that by the Philosophy of Plato and the Aegyptians conferring the same with the doctrine of other Philosophers and Poets Then having expresly and flatly condemned Paederastie as a most 〈◊〉 and abhominable thing and adjoined certaine excellent advertisements for the entertening of love in wedlocke betweene husband and wife of which he relateth one proper example his speech endeth by occasion of a messenger who came in place and drew them all away to the wedding of Ismenodora and Bacchon beforesaid OF LOVE FLAVIANUS IT was at Helicon ô Autobulus was it not that those discourses were held as touching Love which you purpose to relate unto us at this present upon our request and intreaty whether it be that you have put them downe in writing or beare them well in remembrance considering that you have so often required and demanded them of your father AUTOEULUS Yes verily in Helicon it was ô Flavianus among the Muses at what time as the Thespians solemnized the feast of Cupid for they celebrate certeine games of prise every five yeeres in the honour of Love as well as of the Muses and that with great pompe and magnificence FLAVIANUS And wot you what it is that we all here that are come to heare you will request at your hands AUTOBULUS No verily but I shall know it when you have tolde me FLAVIANUS Mary this it is That you would now in this rehersall of yours lay aside all by-matters and needlesse preambles as touching the descriptions of faire medowes pleasant shades of the crawling and winding Ivie of rils issuing from fountaines running round about and such like common places that many love to insert desirous to counterfeit and imitate the description of the river Ilissus of the Chast-tree and the fine greene grasse and prety herbs growing daintily upon the ground rising up alittle with a gentle assent and all after the example of Plato in the beginning of his Dialogue Phaedrus with more curiositie iwis and affectation than grace and elegancie AUTOBULUS What needs this narration of ours my good friend Flavianus any such Prooeme or 〈◊〉 for the occasion from whence arose and proceeded these discourses requireth onely an affectionate audience and calleth for a convenient place as it were a stage and scaffold for to relate the action for otherwise of all things els requisit in a Comedie or Enterlude there wanteth nothing onely let us make our praiers unto the Muses Mother Ladie Memorie for to be propice unto us and to vouchsafe her assistance that we may not misse but deliver the whole narration My father long time before I was borne having newly espoused my mother by occasion of a certeine difference and variance that fell out betweene his parents and hers tooke a journey to Thespiae with a full purpose to sacrifice unto Cupid the god of Love and to the feast hee had up with him my mother also for that 〈◊〉 principally apperteined unto her to performe both the praier the sacrifice So there accompanied him from his house certeine of his most familiar friends Now when he was come to Thespiae he found Daphnaeus the sonne of Archidamus and Lysander who was in love with Simons daughter a man who of all her woers was best welcome unto her and most accepted Soclarus also the sonne of Aristion who was come from Tithora there was besides Protogenes of Tarsos and Zeuxippus the Lacedaemonian both of them his olde friends and good hosts who had given him kinde enterteinment and my father said moreover that there were many of the best men in 〈◊〉 there who were of his acquaintance Thus as it should seeme they abode for two or three daies in the citie enterteining one another gently at their leasure with discourses of learning one while in the common empaled parke of exercises where they youth used to wrestle and otherwhiles in the Theaters and Shew-places keeping companie together But afterwards for to avoid the troublesome contentions of Minstrels and Musicians where it appeared that all would go by favour such labouring there was before hand for voices they dislodged from thence for the most part of them as out of an enemies countrey and retired themselves to Helicon and there sojourned and lodged among the Muses where the morrow morning after they were thither come arrived and repaired unto them Anthemion and Pisias two noble gentlemen allied both and affectionate unto Barchon surnamed The Faire and at some variance one with another by reason of I wot not what jealousie in regard of the affection they bare unto him For there was in the city of Thespiae a certeine Dame named Ismenodora descended of a noble house and rich withall yea and of wise and honest carriage besides in all her life for continued shee had no small time in widowhood without blame
wise Convey unto me that Musicall wench of thine that sings so daintily and receive for her ten talents which I send by this bearer let me have her I say unlesse thou thy selfe be in love with her When Antipatrides another of his minions came in a maske on a time to his house accompanied with a prety girle that plaied upon the psaltery sung passing well Alexander taking great delight contentment in the said damosell demanded of Antipatrides whether he were not himselfe enamoured of her And when he answered Yes verily and that exceeding much A mischiefe on thee quoth he leud varlet as thou art and the divell take thee but the wench he absteined from and would not so much as touch her But marke moreover besides of what power even in martiall feats of armes Love is Love I say which is not as saith Euripides Of nature slow dull fickle inconstant Nor in soft cheeks of maidens resiant For a man that is possessed secretly in his heart with Love needeth not the assistance of Mars when he is to encounter with his enemies in the field but having a god of his owne within him and presuming of his presence Most prest he is and resolute to passe through fire and seas The blasts of most tempestuous windes he cares not to appease And all for his friends sake and according as he commandeth him And verily of those children aswell sonnes as daughters of lady 〈◊〉 who in a Tragoedie of Sophocles are represented to be shot with arrowes and so killed one there was who called for no other to helpe and 〈◊〉 her at the point of death but onely her paramor in this wise Oh that some god my Love would send My life to save and me defend Ye all know I am sure doe ye not how and wherefore Cleomachus the Thessalian died in combat Not I for my part quoth Pemptides but gladly would I heare and learne of you And it is a storie quoth my father worth the hearing and the knowledge There came to aide the Chalcidians at what time as there was hot warre in Thessalie against the Eretrians this Cleomachus now the Chalcidians seemed to be strong enough in their footmen but much adoe they had and thought it was a difficult piece of service to breake the cavallerie of their enemies and to repell them So they requested Cleomachus their allie and confederate a brave knight and of great courage to give the first charge and to enter upon the said men of armes With that he asked the youth whom he loved most entirely and who was there present whether he would beholde this enterprise and see the conflict and when the yong man answered Yea and withall kindly kissing and embracing him set the helmet upon his head Cleomachus much more hardy and fuller of spirit than before assembled about him a troupe of the most valourous hosemen of all the Thessalians advanced forward right gallantly and with great resolution set upon the enemies in such sort as at the very first encounter he brake the front disarraied the men of armes and in the end put them to flight Which discomfiture when their infanterie saw they also fled and so the Chalcidians woon the field and archieved a noble victorie Howbeit Cleomachus himselfe was there slaine and the Chalcidians shew his sepulchre and monument in their Market place upon which there standeth even at this day a mighty pillar erected And whereas the Chalcidians before-time held this paederastie or love of yoong boies an in famous thing they of all other Greeks ever after affected and honoured it most But Aristotle writeth that Cleomachus indeed lost his life after he had vanquished the Eretrians in battell but as for him who was thus kissed by his lover he saith that he was of Chalcis in Thrace sent for to aide those of Chalcis in 〈◊〉 and hereupon it commeth that the Chalcidians use to chant such a caroll as this Sweet boies faire impes extract from noble race Endued besides with youth and beauties grace Envie not men of armes and bolde courage Fruition of your prime and flowring age For here aswell of Love and kinde affection As of prowesse we all do make profession The lover was named Anton and the boy whom he loved Philistus as Dionysius the Poet writeth in his booke of Causes And in our city of Thebes ô Pemptides did not one Ardetas give unto a youth whom he loved a complet armour the day that he was enrolled souldier with the inscription of Ardetas his owne name And as for Pammenes an amorous man and one well experienced in love matters he changed and altered the ordinance in battell of our footmen heavily armed reprooving Homer as one that had no skill nor experience of love for ranging the Achaeans by their tribes and wards and not putting in array the lover close unto him whom he loveth for this indeed had beene the right ordinance which Homer describeth in these words The Morians set so close and shield to shield So iointly touch'd that one the other held And this is the onely battalion and armie invincible For men otherwhiles in danger abandon those of their tribe their kindred also and such as be allied unto them yea and beleeve me they forsake their owne fathers and children but never was there enemie seene that could passe through and make way of evasion betweene the lover and his darling considering that such many times shew their adventerous resolution in a bravery and how little reckoning they make of life unto them being in no distresse nor requiring so much at their hands Thus Thero the Thessalian laying and clapping his left hand to a wall drew forth his sword with the right and cut off his owne thumbe before one whom he loved and challenged his corrivall to doe as much if his heart would serve him Another chanced in fight to fall groveling upon his face and when his enemie lifted up his sword to give him a mortall wound he requested him to stay his hand a while untill he could turne his body that his friend whom he loved might not see him wounded in his backe part And therefore we may see that not onely the most martiall and warlicke nations are most given to Love to wit the Boeotians Lacedaemonians and Candiots but also divers renowmed princes and captaines of olde time as namely Meleager Achilles Aristomenes Cimon Epaminondas And as for the last named he had two yong men whom he deerely loved Asopicus and Zephiodorus who also died with him in the field at Mantinea and was likewise interred neere unto him And when Asopicus became hereupon more terrible unto his enemies and most resolute Euchnanus the Amphyssian who first made head against him resisted his furie and smote him had heroique honors done unto him by the Phocaeans To come now unto Hercules hard it were to reckon and number his loves they were so many But among others men honour and worship to
as require a short simple and plaine answere were the part of an ambitious and vainglorious Sophister who tooke a pride in the elegant composing of oracles Over and besides Pythia of her selfe is of a gentle and generous nature and when she descendeth thither and converseth with the god she hath more regard of trueth than of glory neither paseth she whether men praise or dispraise her And better iwis it were for us if we also were likewise affected But we now in a great agony as it were fearefull perplexity lest the place should leese the reputation which it hath had for the space of three thousand yeeres and doubting that some would abandon it and cease to frequent it as if it were the schoole of a Sophister who feared to lose his credit and to be despised devise apologies in defence thereof faining causes and reasons of things which we neither know nor is beseeming us for to learne and all to appease and perswade him who complaineth and seemeth to finde fault whereas we should rather shake him off and let him goe For with him first It will be worst who hath such an opinion of this our God as that he approved and esteemed these ancient sentences of the Sages written at the entrance of the temple Know thy selfe Too much of nothing principally for their brevity as containing under few words a pithy sentence well and closely couched and as a man would say beaten soundly togehter with the hammer but reproved and blamed moderne oracles for delivering most part of their answeres briefely succinctly simply and directly And verily such notable Apophthegmes and sayings of the ancient Sages resemble rivers that runne through a narrow streight where the water is pent and kept in so close that a man cannot see through it and even so unneth or hardly may the bottom of their sense be sounded But if you consider what is written or said by them who endevour to search unto the very bottom what every one of these sentences doth comprehend you shall finde that hardly a man shall meet with orations longer then they Now the dialect or speech of Pythia is such as the Mathematicians define a straight and direct line namely the shortest that may be betweene two points and even so it bendeth not it crookeneth not it maketh no circle it carieth no double sense and ambiguity but goeth straight to the trueth and say it be subject to censure and examination and dangerous to be misconstured and beleeved amisse yet to this day it hath never given advantage whereby it might be convinced of untrueth but in the meane time it hath furnished all this temple full of rich gifts presents and oblations not onely of Greeke nations but also of barbarous people as also adorned it with the beautiful buildings and magnificent fabricks of the amphictyons For you see in some sort many buildings adjoined which were not before and as many repaired and restored to their ancient perfection which were either fallen to decay and ruined by continuance of time or else lay confusedly out of order And like as we see that neere unto great trees that spred much and prosper well other smaller plants and shrubs grow and thrive even so together with the city of Delphos Pylaea flourisheth as being fed and maintained by the abundance and affluenee which ariseth from hence in such sort as it beginneth to have the forme and shew of solemne sacrifices of stately meetings and sacred waters such as in a thousand yeeres before it could never get the like As for those that inhabited about Galaxion in Baeotia they found and felt the gracious presence and favour of our God by the great plenty and store of milke For From all their ewes thicke milke did spin As water fresh from lively spring Their tubs and tunnes with milke therein Brim full they all home fast did bring No barrels bottels pailes of wood But full of milke in houses stood But to us he giveth better markes and more evident tokens and apparent signes of his presence and favour than these be having brought our countrey as it were from drinesse and penurie from desert waste wildernesse wherein it was before to be now rich and plentiful frequented and peopled yea and to be in that honor and reputation wherein we see it at this day to flourish Certes I love my selfe much better for that I was so well affected as to put to my helping hand in this businesse together with Polycrates and Petraeus Yea and him also I love in my heart who was the first author unto us of this government and policy and who tooke the paines and endevoured to set on foot and establish most part of these things But impossible it was that in so small a time there should be seene so great and so evident a mutation by any industry of man whatsoever if God himselfe had not bene assistant to sanctifie and honour this oracle But like as in those times past some men there were who found fault with the ambiguity obliquity and obscurity of oracles so there be in these daies others who like sycophants cavill at the overmuch simplicitie of them whose humorous passion is injurious and exceeding foolish For even as little children take more joy and pleasure to see rainbowes haloes or garlands about the Sunne Moone c. yea and comets or blasing starres than they do to behold the Sunne himselfe or the Moone so these persons desire to have aenigmaticall and darke speeches obscure allegories and wrested metaphors which are all reflexions of divination upon the fansie and apprehension of our mortall conceit And if they understand not sufficiently the cause of this change and alteration they go their waies and are ready to condemne the God and not either us or themselves who are not able by discourse of reason to reach unto the counsell and intention of the said gods OF THE DAEMON OR FAMILIAR SPIRIT OF SOCRATES A Treatise in maner of a Dialogue The Summarie THe The bans having lost their freedome and liberty by the violent proceedings of Archias Leontidas and other tyrants who banished a great number of good citizens and men of woorth in which roll and catalogue Pelopidas was one as appeareth in the storie of his life wherein Plutarch writeth of all this matter at large it fell out at last that the exiled persons tooke heart drew to an head and wrought so as they reentred the city of Thebes slew the tyrants and displaced the garrison of the Spartans Which done they dispatched their ambassages to other States and Common wealths of Greece for to justifie this their action and namely among the rest they sent Caphisias to Athens who being there at the request of Archidamus a personage of great authoritie related and reported the returne of the banished men the surprising of the tyrants and the restoring of the citie to their ancient franchises and that with discourses woonderfull patheticall and such as
his body to be hanged up when he was dead and the other to be pricked whiles he was alive And this our Historiographer hath used this cruelty which they shewed unto Leonidas dead for a manifest proofe that the Barbarous king hated Leonidas in his life time above all men in the world And in avouching that the Thebans who sided with the Medes at Thermopylae were thus branded marked as slaves and afterwards being thus marked fought egerly in the behalfe of the same Barbarians before Plateae me thinks he may well say as Hippoclides the feat moriske dancers unto whom when at a feast he bestirred his legges and hopped artificially about the tables one said unto him Thou dancest truly Hippoclides answered againe Hippoclides careth not greatly for the trueth In his eighth booke he writeth that the Greeks being affrighted like cowards entred into a resolution for to flie from Artemisium into Greece and that when those of Euboea besought them to tarry still a while untill such time as they might take order how to bestow their wives children and familie they were nothing moved at their praiers nor gave any eare unto them untill such time as Themistocles tooke a peece of mony of them and parted the same betweene Eurybiades and Adimantus the Pretour or captaine of the Corinthians And then they staied longer and fought a navall battell with the Barbarians And verily Pindarus the Poet albeit he was not of any confederate city but of that which was suspected and accused to hold of the Medians side yet when he had occasion to make mention of the battell at Artemisium brake forth into this exclamation This is the place where Athens youth sometime as writers say Did with their bood of liberty the glorious groundworke lay But Herodotus contrariwise by whom some give out that Greece hath bene graced and adorned writeth that the said victory was an act of corruption bribery and mere theft and that the Greeks fought against their wils as being bought and sold by their captaines who tooke mony therefore Neither is here an end of his malice For all men in maner doe acknowledge and confesse that the Greeks having gotten the upper hand in sea fight upon this coast yet abandoned the cape Artemisium and yeelded it to the Barbarians upon the newes that they heard of the overthrow received at Thermopylae For it had bene no boot nor to any purpose for to have sitten still there and kept the sea for the behoofe of Greece considering that now the warre was hard at their dores within those straights and Xerxes master of all the Avenies But Herodotus feigneth that the Greeks before they were advertised of Leontidas death held a counsell and were in deliberation to flie For these be his words Being in great distresse quoth he and the Athenians especially who had many of their ships even the one halfe of their fleet shrewdly brused and shaken they were in consultation to take their flight into Greece But let us permit him thus to name or to reproch rather this retrait of theirs before the battell but he termed it before a flight and now at this present he calleth it a flight and hereafter he will give it the name of flight so bitterly is he bent to use this vile word flight But quoth he there came to the Barbarians presently after this in a barke or light pinnace a man of Estiaea who advertised them how the Greeks had quit the cape Artemisium and were fledde which because they could not beleeve they kept the messenger in ward and safe custody and thereupon put forth certaine swift foists in espiall to discover the trueth What say you Herodotus What is it you write That they fled as vanquished whom their very enimies themselves after the battell could not beleeve that they fled as supposing them to have had the better hand a great deale And deserveth this man to have credit given him when he writeth of one perticular person or of one city apart by it selfe who in one bare word spoileth all Greece of the victory He overthroweth and demolisheth the very Trophaee and monument that all Greece erected He abolisheth those titles and inscriptions which they set up in the honor of Diana on the East side of Artimisium calling all this but pride and vaineglory And as for the Epigram it ran to this effect From Asia land all sorts of nations stout When Athens youth sometime in navall fight Had vanquished and all these coasts about Disperst their fleet and therewith put to flight And staine the hast of Medes Loe heere in sight What monuments to thee with due respect Diana virgin pure they did erect He described not the order of the battels and how the Greeks were ranged neither hath he shewed what place every city of theirs held during this terrible fight at sea but in that retrait of their fleet which he termeth a flight he saith that the Corinthians sailed formost and the Athenians hinmost he should not then have thus troden under foot and insulted too much over those Greeks who tooke part with the Medes he I say who by others is thought to be a Thurian borne and reckoneth himselfe in the number of the Halicarnasseans and they verily being descended from the Dorians come with their wives and children to make warre against the Greeks But this man is so farre off from naming and alledging before the streights and necessities whereto those states were driven who sided with the Medians that he reporteth thus much of the Medians how notwithstanding the Phocaeans were their captiall enemies yet they sent unto them aforehand that they would spare their countrey without doing any harme or damage unto it if they might receive from them as a reward fifite talents of silver And this wrote he as touching the Phocaeans in these very termes The Phocaeans quoth he were the onely men who in these quarters sided not with the Medians for no other cause as I finde upon mature consideration but in regard of the hatred which they bare against the Thessalians for if the Thessalians had bene affected to the Greeks I suppose the Phocaeans would have turned to the Medes And yet a little after himselfe wil say that thirteene cities of the Phocaeans were set on fire and burnt to ashes by the Barbarian king their countrey laid waste the temple within the citie Abes consumed with fire their men and women both put to the sword as many as could not gaine the top of the mount Pernassus Neverthelesse he rangeth them in the number of those that most affectionatly tooke part with the Barbarians who indeed chose rather to endure all extremities and miseries that warre may bring than to abandon the defence and maintenance of the honour of Greece And being not able to reproove the men for any deeds committed he busied his braines to devise false imputations forging and framing with his pen divers surmises and suspicions against them not
be blamed if haply they be not well used but impure all the fault unto them that abuse the same And therefore if any one from his childhood shall be well instructed and trained up in Musicke and withall employ his labour and diligence therein he will receive and approove that which is honest and commendable blame also he will and reject the contrary not in musicke onley but in all things else and such a one will decline all unhonest and unwoorthy actions and thus reaping from musicke the greatest and best contentment that can be he may benefit exceeding much as well himselfe as his whole countrey using no word nor deed unseemely but observing at all times and in every place that which is befitting decent temperate and elegant Moreover that cities and states best governed by pollicie and good lawes have alwaies had a speciall regard of generous and good musicke many and sundry testimonies may be alledged and namely a man may very well cite to this purpose Terpander who suppressed in times past the great sedition and civill descord that was in Lacedaemon Thales also the Candiot who went as it is said by the commandement and oracle of Apollo to Lacedaemon and there cured the citizens and delivered them from that great pestilence which reigned in that citie and all by the meanes of musicke as writeth Pratinas Homer also himselfe saith that the plague which afflicted the Greeks was by musicke staied and appeased Then all day long the Grecian youth in songs melodious Besought god Phoebus of his grace to be propitious Phoebus I say who from a farre doth shoot his arrowes nie They chaunt and praise who takes great joy to heare such harmonie with these verses as with Corollarie good master I will conclude this my discourse of Musicke and the rather because you first by the very same verses commended unto us the force and power of Musicke for in very trueth the principall and most commendable worke thereof is thanksgiving unto the gods and the acknowledgement of their grace and favour the second and that which next followeth is a sanctified heart a pure consonant and harmonicall estate of the soule When Soterichus had said Thus you have quoth he my good master heard us discourse of Musicke round about the boord as we sit And verily Soterichus was highly admired for that which he had delivered for he shewed evidently both by his voice and visage how much he was affected unto Musicke what study he had emploied thereto Then my master Over and above other things this also I commend in you both that you have kept your owne course and place the one as well as the other For Lysias hath furnished our feast with those things which are proper and meet for a Musician who knoweth onely to handle the lute or harpe and hath no farther skill than manuall practise Soterichus also hath taught us whatsoever concerneth both the profit and also the speculation thereof yea and withall comprehendeth therein the power and use of Musicke whereby he hath mended our fare and feasted us most sumptuously And I suppose verily that both of them have of purpose and that right willingly left thus much unto me as to draw Musicke unto feasts and banquets neither will I condemne them of timidity as if they were ashamed so to doe For if in any part of mans life certes in such feasts and mery meetings it is right profitable For according as good Homer saith Both song and daunce delight affoord And things that well beseeme the boord Neither would I have any man to inferre heereupon that Homer thought Musicke good for nothing else but to delight and content the company at a feast considering there is in those verses couched and hidden a more deepe and profound meaning For he brought Musicke to those times and places wherein it might profit and helpe men most I meane the feasts and meetings of our ancients and expedient it was to have her company there for that she is able to divert and temper the heat and strength of wine according as our Aristoxenus also else where saith Musicke quoth he is brought in thither because that whereas wine is wont to pervert overturne as well the bodies as the minds of those who take it immoderatly Musicke by that order symmetry and accord which is in it reduceth them againe into a contrary temperature and dulceth all And therefore Homer reporteth that our ancients used Musicke as a remedy and helpe at such a time But that which is principall and maketh Musicke above all things most venerable you have my good friend let passe and omitted For Pythagoras Archias Plato and all the rest of the old Philosophers doe hold that the motion of the whole world together with the revolution of the starres is not performed without Musicke For they teach that God framed all things by harmonie But to prosecute this matter more at large this time will not permit and besides it is a very high point and most Musicall to know in every thing how to keepe a meane and competent measure This said he sung an hymne and after he had offered a libation of wine unto Saturne and to all the gods his children as also to the Muses he gave his guests leave to depart OF THE FORTVNE OR VERTUE OF K. Alexander The Summarie IN this treatise and that which followeth framed both in forme of a declamation Plutarch magnifieth Alexander a praise worthy prince for many good parts that were in him wherein he sheweth also that we ought to attribute unto vertue and not to fortune those brave exploits which he performed By fortune he meaneth that course of the affarres in this world whereby it falleth out many times that the wisest men are not alwaies most happy and best advanced To proove therefore that Alexander was endued with exquisit qualities for execution of those enterprises which by him were atchieved afterwordes and brought to an end he compareth him in the beginning of this treatise with the kings of Persia raised up to their greatnesse by fortune and then sheweth that Alexander being an excellent Philosopher we ought not to wonder or be astonished if by his vertue he saw the end of many things which the most fortunate princes of the world durst never take in hand and begin Now the better to set out the excellencie of this Philosophy of Alexander he compareth his scholars with the disciples of Plato and Socrates proving that those of this prince surpassed the others as much as a good deed or benefit done to an infinit number of men surmounteth a good speech or instruction given to some perticular persons the most part of whom make no account thereof He proceedeth forward and discribeth the wisdome and sufficiencie of Alexander in politicke government which he amplifieth by the consider ation of his amiable behaviour and lovely cariage toward those nations which by him were subdued also by the recitall of some notable
to be a goddesse craved the pillar of wood which she cut downe with facility and tooke from underneath the truncke of the Tamarix or Erice which she anointed with perfumed oile and enwrapped within a linnen cloth and gave it to the kings for to be kept whereof it commeth that the Byblians even at this day reverence this piece of wood which lieth confecrate within the temple of Isis. Furthermore it is said that in the end she light upon the coffer over which she wept and lamented so much that the yongest of the kings sonnes died for very pity of her but she herselfe accompanied with the eldest of them together with the coffer embarked tooke sea departed But when the river Phaedrus turned the wind somwhat roughly about the dawning of the day Isis was so much displeased and angry that she dried it quite And so soone as she came unto a solitary place where she was by herselfe alone she opened the coffer where finding the corps of Osiris she laid her face close to his embraced it and wept Herewith came the child softly behinde and espied what she was doing whom when she perceived she looked backe casting an untoward eie and beheld him with such an angry aspect that the poore infant not able to endure so terrible a looke died upon it Some say it was not so but that he fell into the sea in maner aforesaid and was honored for the goddesse sake and that he is the same whom the Aegyptians chaunt at their feasts under the name of Maneros But others give out that this child was named Palestinus and that the city Pelusium was built in remembrance of him by the goddesse Isis and so tooke the name after him and how this Maneros whom they so celebrate in their songs was the first inventour of musicke Howbeit others there are againe who affirme that this was the name of no person but a kinde of dialect or language proper and agreeable unto those who drinke and banquet together as if a man should say In good houre and happily may this or that come For the Aegyptians were wont ordinarily to use this terme Maneros in such a sense like as no doubt the drie sceletos or dead corps of a man which they used to carie about and shew in a bierre or coffin at the table was not the representation or memoriall of this accident which befell unto Osiris as some doe imagine but served as an admonition to put the guests in minde to be merry and take their pleasure and joy in those things that were present for that soone after they should be like unto it This I say was the reason that it was brought in at their feasts and mery meetings Furthermore when Isis was gone to see her sonne Horus who was fostered and brought up in the city Butus and had laid the foresaid coffer with Osiris body out of the way Typhon fortuned as he hunted in a cleere moone-shine night to meet with it and taking knowledge of the body cut it into foureteene peeces and flung them heere and there one from another which when Isis understood she searched for them in a bote or punt made of papyr reed all over the moores and marishes whereof it comes that the Crocodiles never hurt those who saile or row in vessels made of that plant whether it be that they are affraid of it or reverence it for this goddesse sake I know not And thus you may know the reason why there be found many sepulchres of Osiris in the country of Aegypt for ever as she found any peece of him she caused a tombe to be made for it others say no but that she made many images of him which she left in every city as if she had bestowed among them his very body indeed to the end that in many places he might be honored and that if happly Typhon when he sought for the true sepulcher of Osiris having vanquished and overcome Horus many of them being reported and shewed he might not know which was it and so give over seeking farther Over and besides the report goes that Isis found all other parts of Osiris body but onely his privy member for that it was immediately cast into a river and the fishes named Lepidotus Phagrus and Oxyrynchus devoured it for which cause Isis detesteth them above all other fishes but in sted of that natural part she made a counterfet one called Phallus which she consecrated and in the honor thereof the Aegyptians hold a solemne feast After all this it followeth in the fable that Osiris being returned out of the infernall parts appeared unto Horus for to exercise instruct and traine him against the battell of whom he demanded what he thought to be the most beautifull thing in the world who answered To be revenged of the wrong and injury which had bene done to a mans parents Secondly what beast he thought most profitable to goe into the field withall unto whom Horus should make answere The horse whereat Osiris marvelled and asked him why he named the horse and not the lion rather Because quoth Horus the lion serveth him in good sted who stands upon his owne guard and defense onely and hath need of aid but the horse is good to defait the enimy quite to follow him in chace and take him prisoner When Osiris heard him say so he tooke great pleasure and contentment heerein judging heereby that his sonne was sufficiently appointed and prepared to give battell unto his enimies And verily it is said that among many that daily revolted from Typhon and sided with Horus even the very concubine of Typhon named Thueris was one who came to him and when a certaine serpent followed after and pursued her the same was cut in peeces by the guard about Horus in remembrance whereof at this very day they bring forth a certaine cord which likewise they chop in peeces Well they say the battell continued many daies but in the end Horus had the victory As also that Isis having Typhon prisoner fast bound in her hands killed him not but loosed him and let him goe which Horus not able to endure with patience laid violent hands upon his mother and plucked from her head the roiall ornament that she had thereon in sted whereof Mercury set one a morion made in maner of a cowes head Then Typhon called Horus judicially into question charging him that he was a bastard but by the helpe of Mercury who pleaded his cause he was judged by the gods legitimate who also in two other battel 's vanquished Typhon And more than all this the tale saith that Isis after death was with child by Osiris by whom she had Helitomenus and Harpocrates who wanted his nether parts Thus you see what be in maner all the principall points of this fable setting aside and excepting those which are most execrable to wit the dismembring of Horus and the beheading of Isis. Now that if any there be
pathes I know not whether Suffer me I beseech you to make a convenient end heere of my light discourses For now are wee just come so farre as we may also be bold after many others to affirme and pronounce that seeing the Daemons ordained for the presidence and superintendance of prophesies and Oracles doe faile of necessity these Oracles also and divinations must cease with them and when they be fled and gone or change their residence it cannot chuse but the former places must loose their propheticall power and vertue also that when after long time they be returned thither the said places will begin againe to speake and sound like unto instruments of musicke namely if they be present who have the skill to handle and use them accordingly After that Cleombrotus had thus discoursed There is not quoth Heracleon any one of this companie that is a prophane miscreant and infidell not professed in our religion or who holdeth any opinions as touching the gods discordant from us Howbeit let us take heed our selves ô Philippus lest ere we be aware we doe not in our discourse disputation put downe some erroneous suppositions and such as may make great ground workes of impiety You say very well quoth Philip but what point is it of all those that Cleombrotus hath put downe that is so offensive and scandalizeth you most Then Heracleon That they be not gods indeed who are the presidents of Oracles because we ought to beleeve of them that they be exempt from all terrestrial affaires but that they be Daemons rather or the angels and ministers of the gods in my conceit is no bad nor impertinent supposall but all at once abruptly by occasion of Empedocles his verses to attribute unto these Daemons crimes plagues calamities transgressions 〈◊〉 and errours sent from the gods above and in the end to make them for to die as mortall men this I take to be somewhat to presumpteously spoken and to smell of barbarous audacity Then Cleombrotus asked Philippus who this yong man was and from whence he came And when he had heard his name and his country he answered in this wise We are not ignorant our selves ô Heracleon that we are fallen into a speech savoring somewhat of absurdity but a man cannot possibly discourse of great matters without he lay as great foundations at the beginning for to proceed unto probability and prove his opinion And as for your selfe you are not aware how you overthrow even that which you grant for consesse you doe that there be Daemons but when you will needs maintaine that they be neither lewd nor mortall you cannot make it good that they be at all For wherein I pray you doe they differ from gods in case they be in substance incorruptible and in vertue impassible or not subject to sinne Heereupon Heracleon when he had mused with himselfe not saying a word and studied what answere to make Cleombrotus went on and said It is not Empedocles alone who hath given out there were evill Daemons but Plato also himselfe 〈◊〉 also and Chrysippus yea and 〈◊〉 when he wished and praied that he might meet with lucky images both knew and gave us no doubt thereby to understand that he thought there were others of them crooked and shrewd and such as were badly affected and had evill intentions But as touching the death of such and how they are mortall I have heard it reported by a man who was no foole nor a vaine lying person and that was Epitherses the father of Aemilianus the oratour whom some of you I dare well say have heard to plead declaime This Epitherses was my fellow-citizen and had beene my schoolemaster in grammar and this narration he related That minding upon a time to make a voiage by sea into Italy he was embarqued in a ship fraught with much marchandize and having many passengers beside aboord Now when it drew toward the evening they hapned as he said to be calmed about the Isles Echinades by occasion where of their thip hulled with the tides untill at length it was brought neere unto the Islands Paxae whiles most of the passengers were awake and many of them still drinking after supper but then all on a sudden there was heard a voice from one of the Islands of Paxae calling aloud unto one Thamus insomuch as there was not one of all our company but he wondred thereat Now this Thamus was a Pilot and an Aegyptian borne but knowen he was not to many of them in the ship by that name At the two first calles he made no answere but at the third time he obeied the voice and answered Here I am Then he who spake strained his voice and said unto him When thou art come to Palodes publish thou and make it knowen That the Great Pan is Dead And as Epitherses made report unto us as many as heard this voice were wonderfully amazed thereat and entred into a discourse and disputation about the point whether it were best to doe according to this commandement or rather to let it passe and not curiously to meddle withall but neglect it As for Thamus of this minde he was and resolved If the winde served to saile by the place quietly and say nothing but if the windes were laid and that their ensued a calme to crie and pronounce with a loud voice that which he heard Well when they were come to Palodes aforesaid the winde was downe and they were becalmed so as the sea was very stil without waves Whereupon Thamus looking from the poupe of the ship toward the land pronounced with a loud voice that which he had heard and said The great Pan is Dead He had no sooner spoken the word but there was heard a mighty noise not of one but of many together who seemed to groane and lament and withall to make a great wonder And as it falleth commonly out when as many be present the newes thereof was soone spred and divulged through the city of Rome in such sort as Tiberius Caesar the emperour sent for Thamus and Tiberius verily gave so good credit unto his wordes that he searched and enquired with all diligence who that Pan might be Now the great clerks and learned men of whom he had many about him gave their conjecture that it might be he who was the sonne of Mercurie by Penelope And verily Philippus had some of the companie present to beare witnesse with him such as had beene Aemilianus scholars and heard as much Then Demetrius made report that many little desert and desolate Isles there were lying dispersed and scattering in the sea about Britaine like unto those which the Greeks call Sporades whereof some were named the Isles of Daemons and Heroes or Demi-gods also that himselfe by commission and commandement from the emperour sailed toward the neerest of those desert Isles for to know and see somewhat which he found to have very few inhabitants and those all were by