Londinum Triumphans OR AN HISTORICAL ACCOVNT OF THE Grand Influence THE ACTIONS OF THE CITY of LONDON Have had upon the AFFAIRS of the NATION for many Ages past SHEWING The Antiquity Honour Glory and Renown of this FAMOUS CITY The Grounds of her Rights Priviledges and Franchises The Foundation of her CHARTER The Improbability of a Forfeiture and Impossibility of a Legal Seisure The Power and Strength of the Citizens and the Prevalency of the Commonalty in their Contests with the Magistracy Collected from the most Authentick Authors and illustrated with variety of REMARKS Nullum est jam dictum quod non dictum sit prius No new thing under the Sun LONDON Printed for the Author and are to be Sold by L. Curtis at the Sign of Sir Edmondbury Godfreys Head MDCLXXXII THE DEDICATION To the HONOURABLE SIr Thomas Allen Kt. Aldermen of the City of LONDON Sir John Frederick Kt. Sir John Lawrence Kt. Sir Robert Clayton Kt. Sir Patience Ward Kt. Sir Thomas Gold Kt. Sir John Shorter Kt. and Henry Cornish Esq And to the Worshipful Thomas Pilkington Esq Another of the Aldermen of the said City and Samuel Shute Esq The Worthy SHERIFFS for the year Past Sir Thomas Player Kt. Chamberlain of the same Thomas Papillion Esq John Dubois Esq And to all the rest of those Eminent Citizens who have so worthily asserted the Rights Liberties Priviledges Franchises and Immunities of this Ancient and Honourable CITY This Book is most HUMBLY DEDICATED by W. G. TO THE READER IF Antiquity and Duration wealth and riches strength and power can make a City famous If an honourable renown visible grandeur and unparallel'd priviledges may render her glorous in the eyes of the World If the Spirit of her Citizens influence of her actions and a continued train of Successes can justly give her the denomination of powerful Then may this great ancient and renowned City of London deservedly be esteem'd one of the eminentest Cities of the Vniverse unless the Lie be given to the most Authentick of all our English Historians and we must not like the Papists believe our own eyes nor give credit to our ears but bid adieu to all rational knowledge and deny the force of true Logical Illations inferences and conclusions Such being the subject of this following Treatise purposely design'd for a demonstration of Londons power and a convincing argument of the irresistible influence of her actions over all the Nation for many hundreds of years strongly founded on undeniable Truths and throughout carried on in an uninterrupted series of affairs by a train of inflances and examples and an unbroken chain of inductions And being conscious to my self of no base slurs nor abuses ingentilely impos'd upon the faith of any one by false quotations corrupting of Authors or wilful mistakes as knowing my self easily disprov'd if guilty and therefore so much the more cautious by how much the more certain that these Papers would be made to undergo the severe Ordeal of a strict and rigid examination from a critical age I am apt to flatter my self into the hopes of being accepted among the lovers and admirers of this Honourable City and of having presented the worthy Citizens with somewhat grateful pleasing and delightful to their palates because treating of their Ancestors glory and renown their own power and the necessary consequence thereof the grand influence of their publick actions and fixt resolutions upon the Councils of this Kingdom But whether my trust and confidence in my own poor abilities and my hopes are so good as my ambition is great to serve this Honourable City and I have any sound reasons to believe it within the sphear of my Capacity and the power of my pen to lay any thing looking like an obligation upon the worshipful Citizens thereof others are the most proper judges and the event will best shew If any out of prejudice to the subject and a censorious Spirit shall lay it to my charge that the whole book looks reflective in answer to the imputation I shall humbly desire this favour at his hands that he would be pleas'd to give himself the trouble of turning to the Authors to whom I so often refer and thence he may be abundantly satisfied of my honesty and sincerity if he be not over much prejudic'd already or of so narrow a Soul as to be wholly and altogether byass'd to the interest of any one particular party against the plainest evidence of sense reason and truth Besides in my further vindication I can assure him that a great part hereof was drawn up the last Autumn and undeniably prove it too by demonstrative Arguments if need were So that if it had appear'd in the world so early as was at first designed though I have been unwillingly hindered hitherto some on the other side might have been by this time ready to have term'd it predictive Though it was never intended as the off-spring of Prophecy or Astrology but only the result of an ordinary judgment and common foresight grounded on easy unforc'd deductions from plain historical truths and the apparent consequences of things acted on the English stage heretofore Therefore I shall not value the impertinence of weekly observations nor dread the doughty remarks of the whole tribe of common ordinary Scriblers as thinking my self secure within the strength of the argument and the authorities here produc'd to confirm and illustrate it whereupon I am bold to defy the art and malice of evil minded men to disprove me in any thing necessarily material as to the substantial part thereof though as to what concerns any of the lesser Errata I hope the courteous Reader will be so much a Gentleman as to look on them but as venial errors and favourably pass over those slips of my Pen if he apprehend any such as unavoidable weaknesses always incident to human frailty For I profess my self rather a Transcriber than an Author and esteem this Relation the product of my reading more than the issue of my brain Which if it may be in any wise advantagious to the publick and acceptable to the Learned and Ingenious I know not but upon good encouragement I may be ready enough to produce somewhat else more extensive than to the Rights of one particular City though it be acknowledged time out of mind to have been the Epitome and Abridgment of the Kingdom as well as the head both of King and Laws Londinum Triumphans HOW considerable a Figure the City of London makes in the present Government is conceal'd I suppose but from few in the Land But the Influence its Actions have had upon the Affairs of the Nation in past Ages is not so generally known The Glory and Splendor of this Noble City is so obvious to the Eyes of the Curious that they cannot rationally conceive it to be the Work of a Day or an Age but that like other Cities eminent in Story it hath risen up by Degrees from small Beginnings to
the City gave the Nomination to Aleyn â—â—wch and divers of the others cryed upon Thomas 〈◊〉 Thomas at that time Prisoner in Windsor Castle â—herefore the said Sir Roger with the Assistance of â—he Mayor and others took those Persons and sent â—â—emun to divers Prisons So that what they could not â—o well get by fair means some seem resolved to obâ—ain by force And yet 't is not unlikely but they â—ould be ready enough to bear People in hand that â—uch was a free Election The Act against Disturbance 〈◊〉 Free Elections wherein the King commandeth upon Forfeiture that no man by force of Arms nor by â—alice or menacing shall disturb any to make Free â—lection was not at that time dreaded as not being 〈◊〉 yet enacted for it is plac'd in the third of Edward the First the following King wherefore the Distâ—â—bers might not then think they had such cause 〈…〉 having the Court also on their side as 〈◊〉 must have had since as soon as ever they should 〈◊〉 acted so imprudently as to bring themselves 〈◊〉 the laâ—h of that standing Law Observe we here 〈◊〉 Power and Esteem that usually accompanie◠〈◊〉 Mayoralty of this Honorable City since that 〈◊〉 Faction were for choosing one of their own 〈◊〉 Shall I further remark upon the whole of this 〈◊〉 what Party in a Nation 't is that sticks not at 〈◊〉 nor force to effect their Designs when fair 〈◊〉 is too weak to compass them But who will 〈◊〉 me that this will not be offensive Therefore to 〈◊〉 In this Year the Gentlemen who kept the 〈◊〉 Ely and liv'd there like Outlaws broke out 〈◊〉 times and did much harm in Norfolk Suffolk 〈◊〉 Cambridge Shire took Norwich and after spoiling 〈◊〉 carried away with them many of the rich men 〈◊〉 ransomed them at great sums of Mony This 〈◊〉 occasion the story says to Thieves and other 〈◊〉 dispos'd People to do many other hurts and 〈◊〉 in divers places of the Land and the blame was 〈◊〉 to those Gentlemen Then the Pope's Legate labouâ—â— with the King that those disinherited Gentlemâ—â— might purchase their Lands of him by Fine and 〈◊〉 some Whereupon it was agreed that they 〈◊〉 have their Lands again at five Years value some 〈◊〉 excepted and others of small Possessions to 〈◊〉 Fined at the discretion of the King's Councel 〈◊〉 this took no conclusion saith my Author Anno 52. Aleyn Sowch being Mayor Thomas â—â—singâ— and Robert de Cornehyll Sherists we read of anâ—ther broyl beginning which was like to have creaâ—â— no little disturbance in the Land had it not 〈◊〉 timely appeas'd and brought to an end by the inteâ—cession of wise Mediators For Gilbert de Clare Earl 〈◊〉 Glocester formerly a powerful Man among the Bâ—rons Party by reason of difference and disgust â—â—ising between him and the no less Potent Earl of 〈◊〉 of the same Party having turn'd to the King's side adding to it such considerable strength that it soon over powr'd the weakend Barons but â—â—w upon what occasion Fabian expresses not he refused the King and gathered to him a strong 〈◊〉 in the Marches of Wales To him likewise drew Sir John Eyvile and others of the disinherited 〈◊〉 So that after Christmas he comes with a â—ear Host near unto London When the Mayor and Aldermen of the City were aware of the Earls â—â—ming with so strong a Power and not knowing 〈◊〉 he were the Kings Freind they shut the 〈◊〉 against his Fore-Riders And for that neither 〈◊〉 King nor any of his Councel were then near 〈◊〉 City they went unto the Legate at that time â—â—dged in the Tower and required his Councel â—hether they should suffer the Earl to enter into the â—ay or not whereunto the Legate answered that 〈◊〉 thought not the contrary for the knew well that 〈◊〉 was the Kings true Subject and Friend Not 〈◊〉 after came a Messenger from the Earl to the â—ayor to have Licence to pass through the City 〈◊〉 Southwark where he intended to lodge with 〈◊〉 People which was granted and so the Earl â—â—ssed through the City and was lodg'd in Southâ—ark To him came shortly after by Surry-side 〈◊〉 John Eyvile with a great Company Then the â—ayor kept the Gate of the Bridge shut watchâ—â—g it dayly with armed Men and every night 〈◊〉 the Draw-Bridge to be drawn and the Waterside daily and nightly to be watched with Men in Arms. In short time after the Legate and the Earl agreed in such wise that the Earl by his advice was suffered with certain of his People to be lodged in the City By means whereof he daily drew more and more of his People into it so that finally many things were ordered by him and many of the Commons took his part against the Mayor and Aldermen The Commonalty of the City had had great Power put into their hands by the Statutes made at Oxford as appears before in the Meeting of the Folâ—moot at Pauls Cross they had been lately fin'd after the Barons overthrow for their standing in defence of those Parliament-Acts and but the last year had been disturb'd by the Mayor in their Election of a new Mayor by force of Arms and therefore now we may beleive it all remembred What shall we loose so seasonable an opportunity we may suppose they might then think if not to regain our former power yet at least to vindicate our selves against future affronts Here we may note not a little of the Earls policy After he had gathered together his People he comes away to London and getting leave to pass through it 〈◊〉 part of his Forces he settles himself as near the City as he might in Southwark and then by degrees gets himself and his Power into the City hoping doubtless to find a Party therein willing to second him which hopes we perceive by the sequel were not ill grounded Is not this a plain instance of the Cities Power Esteem and Influence in these days If any can produce plainer proof hereof let them as soon as they please I think here 〈◊〉 Mathematical Demonstration matter of Fact not of Fancy In Easter week we read that the Earl took the Keys of the Bridge and of the Gates from the officers of the City and deliver'd them to such as pleased him and received into the City many of the disinherited Perfons and gave them free liberty to pass the Bridge at all hours of the day and night Of all this the Mayor sent word to the King who then was gathering of this Power in Norfolk and made hasty speed towards London In the mean time the Earl with his Company made Bulwarks and â—â—â—bicanes between the Tower and the City casting 〈◊〉 and Trenches in some places thereof and forfâ—ited it wonderfully saith my Author Then many of the Citizens fearing a new Insurrection deparred from the City as secretly as they could whose goods the Earl seized to his own use or suffered his men to spoile them at his pleasure
Parliament holden at Westminster But in these present papers I think it may be more noted for what I am going now to relate verbatim out of Fabian In this year a Citizen of London Named Thomas Pywelysdon the which in the time of the Barons War before in the story of King Henry shew'd had been a Captain and a great stirrer of the Commons of the said City for to maintain the Baron's party against the Kings was newly accused that he with others of evil disposition should make Conventicles and Assemblies to the new disturbance of the City whereof Report was made unto the King the which remitted the inquiry thereof unto Sir Ralph Sandewych then Custos or Guardian of the City Then the said Thomas with others was put in sure keeping till the matter was duly enquired of After which Inquisition made and found report was made unto the King Then the King sent down a Writ and commanded it to be proclaimed shortly after within the bounds of the City whereof the Effect was thus that the said Thomas Pywelysdon William de Heywood Richard de Coundris Richard le Cofferre Robert de Derby Albyne de Darby William Mayo Mercer and Ivo Lyng Draper with divers others to the number of fifty Persons should be banished out of the City for ever And if any of the said fifty eight Persons were at that time of the Proclamation voided the City for fear or otherwise that they should so remain and not return unto the City upon pain of Life losing These being thus discarded and exiled the City who it may be would have stood firm to the City's old Liberties and Priviledges the rest of the Chief remaining might perchance hope the eafier to keep the Commons in aw whatsoever new Customs they should introduce for their own lucre and advantage thâ— to other men's dammage Here you may perceive â—ow jealous Governours are of all Meetings and Assemblies but what are of their own constitution and ordering The Caviliers doubtless can relate many Stories of their own experience hereof in Olivers days Neither are many of our Coffee-houses and Clâ—b meetings I believe very grateful to some persons in the World though their open business there is mostly to drink smoke talk trade and the like By the aforesaid relation we may likewise observe Once counted an Offender and ever thought so Here Thomas Pyweldon or Pywelysdon for his name I find diversly Written though the same man be meant a noted man in the Barons War for which he had suffered deeply after their overthrow by long imprisonment and the charge of redeeming his Liberty for a great Sum of money of this same King Edward then only Prince was nevertheless after about sixteen years respite banished the City for ever on an accusation of attempting a new disturbance That any thing was prov'd against him I have not read besides the mention here of making Assemblies or Meetings Had there been any thing material found against him I scarce believe he should have scap't so well with his Life seeing old Crimes seem to have been remembred though new faults were pretended An Act of Oblivion is a very good Plaister in a publique Universal Offence But whatever Offender of Note thus pardoned out-lives the greatest number of those qually reputed guilty with him and times be so much turned that the ballance of the Nation leans very much on the governing side I think that man's life hangs but by a very slender thread whose safety and security depends only upon Pen Ink and Paper and not upon the Governours natural inclination to justice and honesty in the constant keeping and observing of his word and promise When in the late Wars on this side the World Messina in Sicily was reduc'd under the Spanish government by the French's forsaking it to whom the Messineses had before subjected themselves tho a general pardon was by the Spaniards publickly granted whereupon many return'd to the Cityâ— yet if my memory deceive me not there passed no long time before the publick news told us of the accusing and I think condemning of a Principal Man of that City for a new endeavour to stir up another Rebellion and Revolt therein New accusations and new offences pretended how unlikely soever may sometimes serve to blind the unthinking vulgar Herd but a man of thought doubtless will be apt to suspect that the old grudge lies at the bottom How easy and usual it is to suborn false Witnesses against a Man Jezabelâ— practice and the endeavour of the Chief Priests Elders and Council of a much later date may inform a Protestant Reader if he hath no experience in the world to instruct him The Citizens were accustom'd before this year to make good advantage to themselves by lodging Merchant strangers and selling their Merchandize for them for which they received so much in the pound But at this time by means of those Merchant strangers it was brought to pass that they hired Houses for themselves and their Wares so that no Citizen should intermeddle with them which was to the damage of many particular private men as well as to the hindrance of the Kings Custom and prejudicial as affirms the Book to the Realm in general by many deceits and frauds used by them Here was a new Custom disadvantagious to many of the Citizens introduc'd but for what reason at first permitted whether to advance Trade by drawing more Forreigners to the City or else to weaken their power and bring down lower the Citizens high stomachs by cutting off some of their gain and parting their Trade with others I pretend not to deliver until I meet with better Information my self than hitherto I have in the point Certain it is from the story that the King much advantag'd himself by searching into their fraudulent and deceitful dealings and punishing them for those offences by a considerable fine The 15th year was chargeable to the Jews who were fain to pay great sums of mony to the King which they were assessed at saith the Chronicle but out of an other Author it is recorded that the Commons of England granted to the King the fifth part of their movables to have the Jews banished out of the Land which to prevent the Jews of their own Wills gave the King great sums of mony Here then was taking mony of both sides A subtle Court way of Trading This year there was such a plenty of Wheat that according to my Authors Computation it was sold at London for Ten Groats the Quarter five pence the Bushel But the next year through distemperature of the weather we find the price raised up to 14 d. the Bushel after to 18 d. and encreasing yearly duâ—ing this Kings Reign and his Sons so that it stands upon Record to be sold at last for 40 s. the Quarâ—er and above The 18th may be remark'd by â—s for the Kings Honourable reception at London â—nd the punishment of divers offending Justices Sir
Stones So great a value did this high-flown Duke set upon his grace and favour till the Citizens of this honourable City by their power and prudence had brought down his haughty spirit a Peg or two lower and that visibly too For we don't find him as ambitious as he still continued so openly aspiring to Englands Crown for the future how successfully soever his Son made a Rape thereon at the end of this Princes Reign under the pretence of I know not what hidden right accruing to him from his Mother We read indeed I confess in Cotton's Abridgment of the Records that in the seventeenth of this King the Earl of Arundel laid several things to the Dukes charge as not honourable for the King to suffer in him nor fit for him to do being a Subject as that he went Arm in Arm with the King and his Men wear the same Livery the Kings did which seems to shew much of Arrogancy and Ambition to say no more besides some other Objections but herein he was so far justified by the King himself that the Earl was ordered to crave the Dukes Pardon in full Parliament in a certain form of words appointed him In Stows Annals also we meet with an Accusation brought against him in the seventh of this Kings Reign tending to prove his intent and design suddainly to oppress the King and take upon himself the Kingdom but it seems little notice was taken of it by the King himself who was to have lost most had it been attempted Successfully and doubtless as little believ'd otherwise surely the Schedule containing the time place and other Circumstances had not been presently delivered into the Dukes hands nor the accuser committed at his request to the charge of his near Kinsman nor the occasion of his violent Death so little inquired into afterwards The Duke was not so powerful nor so great a Terror but the City was as well able still to deal with him and his whole party and make as vigorous opposition as ever in defence of their Soveraign Lord the King if occasion should have offered it self This we have reason to believe was known in those days to all the Nation much more to the Duke himself from former experience who therefore may be suppos'd not any more to have aspir'd openly whatever secret fires of Ambition lay hidden within his breast whether or no he design'd and attempted ought by unseen Plots and Conspiracies I leave to the Judicious Reader to believe or not as he pleases without speaking to or for in the case Besides the decree of an over-ruling Providence Common equity in siding with what was reputed the juster title natural humanity in defending the young and weak and a well grounded affection to the Prince for his Father and Grand-Fathers sake one the famous Black Prince the other the Glorious Edward the third their King and Sovereign we may conclude the generality of the Citizens had the greater aversion to the Duke and his faction because he was a known favourer of Wickliff and his Doctrines whether on a good account or only out of any Ambitious Design I shall not determine in this place and so look't upon perhaps as little better than another Juliâ—n the Apostate For we are to know that Londons Religion and consequently the Nations was at that time Popish and the generality of the People in Town and Country Romes Votaries who had Wickliffs Doctrine in as great detestation then under the Notion of Heresy as we Protestants have it now in esteem under the Seal and assurance of Truth As indeed for many of the ages past from our ever-blessed Saviours Birth through which I have drawn the thread of this discourse and under the succeeding Kings for above an hundred years Popery continued the National Religion under the power and prevalency of which perswasion was the body of the Citizens bred up who prov'd so famous in their Generations for their powerful influence on the grand concerns of the Nation in every considerable turn and change of the times before the Reformation And when England was made happy with this blessed alteration the Cities Power Strength and Esteem remain'd the same in effect as ever the change of her Religion introducing no change therein unless for the better she encreasing proportionably in every age in Wealth Riches and Honour as the Nation grew stronger and stronger And still continues as visibly conspicuous under Protestantism as before under the Romish Faith a thing easy to be demonstrated in due time and place How influential the Cities actions were upon the Nations affairs and her Love advantagious to the Orphan Prince in securing his Claim Right and Title to the Crown in his Grand-Fathers life time and setling him quietly on the Throne at his Death in spight of all the opposition the deep designs and daring Spirit of his Aspiring Uncle John of Gaunt and his faction could make when they had got the reigns of publick Government into their own hands through the Old Kings Connivance hath been the subject of several of the aforegoing pages The next thing of course falling under present consideration is to observe how this Honourable City of London behav'd her self after she had lent her â—ssistance to raise this Young Prince from the â—eanness of a Subject to the Royal Dignity and Grandeur of a King under the Name of Richard the Second what place she held in his affections â—nd of what esteem in the eyes of all the rest of â—he people But where shall I begin and when â—hall I end Sooner may I be wearied with readâ—ng and tir'd with writing than fail of matter â—o exercise my Pen so copious is my Subject and â—o full of Variety For in my searches into the Histories of this Kings Reign I find it plain to a â—emonstration that the City carried a great sway â—mongst all Ranks and Degrees from the Prince â—o the Subject from the King the Supream to â—is subordinate Magistrates and Ministers and was highly Honour'd Rever'd and Respected â—mong the Nobility Gentry and Commonalty â—f the Land both in the calm of peace and the â—oisterous storms of civil distractions I begin first with the Honourable House of Commons the known representative of the Commons of England and concerning them obâ—erve out of Sir Robert Cotton's exact Abridgment of the Records in the Tower revis'd by William Prynne Esq that in the first Parliament of this King in his first year among other Petitions of the Commons there is to be found one particular division under the Title of Petitions for the City of London wherein the House of Commons become express Petitioners so great was the Cities influence over their Debates and so high a respect had they for her to the King for many considerable Grants in favour of the Citizens and to them very advantagious and beneficial As that all their Liberties may be confirm'd with a Non obstante That they attend upon no Commandment
little or no saying in this matter and fearing their Cause they went into a Canon's house of St. Paul's where at that time John Mansell and others sent from the King tarryed the Assembling of the People and shewed them that they intended not any longer to plead with the K. but were contented to put themselves fully in the King's grace and mercy saving alwaies to themselves and all other Citizens their Liberty and Franchise of the City After which Agreement John Mansell with the others came into the Court of Folk-moot whereunto the people was rehearsed a fair and pleasant Tale promising to them that their Liberties should be wholly and inviolably preserved by the King with many other things to the great comfort of the common people And lastly it was asked of them whether the Law and Custom were such as is above rehearsed or no whereunto like undiscreet and unlearned people they answered and eryed Nay nay nay notwithstanding that the said Law and Custom had before-time been used time out of mind To this was neither Mayor nor Aldermen nor other of the great of the City that might impugn or make any reason for upholding their antient Laws or Customs And no wonder continues my Author Fabian though the King were thus heady or grievous to the City for by such evil disposed and malicious people as he had about him the Land was ill ruled and much mischief was used whereof ensued much sorrow after Then John Mansell called the Mayor and Aldermen before him and charged them to be at Westminster the morrow following to give attendance upon the King Upon the morrow the Mayor and Aldermen tarrying the King's coming in the great Hall at Westminster the King came into St. Stephen's Chappel where for a season he had a Council with his Lords after went into the Exchequer-Chamber and there sate him down and his Lords about him Anon after the Mayor and Aldermen were called into the said Chamber and soon after called by name and commanded to stand near the Bar. Then Henry Baa Justice said unto the Mayor and 7 Aldermen That for so much as by form of the King's Laws they were found culpable in certain Articles touching transgression against the King therefore the Court awarded that they should make fine and ransom after the discretion of the said Court But for that they had put themselves in the King's grace and mercy the King hath commanded the Fine to be put in respite that ye be not pained so grievously as ye have deserved After which Judgment gâ—ven they kneeled down and then the Mayor with weeping Tears thanked the King for the bounty and goodness and besought him to be a good and gracious Lord to the City and unto them as his faithful Subjects Whereunto the King made no Answer but rose straight up and so went his way leaving them there Anon as the King was departed they were all arrested and kept there till they had found Surety and every Alderman of them discharg'd of his Ward and Office that they had within the City But shortly after they put in Sureties and so returned heavily to London Shortly after was William Fitz Richard by the K. Commandment made Mayor Thomas Fitz Thomas and William Grapsysgate Sheriffs After this day by day the Chamberlain was call'd to Account before John Mansell of all such Tolls as were gathered in the time of the Mayoralty of John Tâ—leshaâ— and Ralph Richard Hardell there being present to hear the said Account divers of the Commonalty of the City but none oâ— the Heads By which Account no default might be laid to any of the forenamed persons convict before the King By reason whereof divers of them were admitted to the King's favour shortly after and restor'd to their Officâ—s again but not without paying of money whereof the certainâ—y is not known saith my Author What a broil was here What endeavours us'd to find faults to set the King at difference with his Loyal Citizens and keep them from Reconciliation A Bedroll of Crimes and Ostences devised made and formed and none to own it lâ—st they themselves should at laâ—â— be punish'd for those wrong Accusâ—tions which they had laid to other mens charges and could not weâ— prove What was this but to make divisions betweeâ— the Commons and their Head Rulers To pretend tâ— oblige the one and depress the other Divide anâ— Reign was a Maxim put in use before ever Machiavâ—â— was in being What pray now was all this for Was it not to weaken the City's Power To makâ— the Rich appear Offenders and then seem to lay oblâ—gations upon them by pardoning what they were nâ—ver realâ—y and dâ—signedly guiâ—ty of Or else to 〈◊〉 Money out of their hands and yet persuade people that they were favourably dealâ— with You may heâ—â— see their actions were in a manner wire-drawn to bâ— made offences and their Accounts sâ—â—rcht to pick 〈◊〉 somewhat to lay to their charge And yet how visiblâ— were all the tricks and devices of ill men frustrated and sappointed the very saâ—e way whereby they though to have confirm'd and made good their malicious Dâ—signs when after all their searches they were in sort compelâ—'d to approve the others faultless wholâ—â— doubtlâ—s◠〈◊〉 their minds wills purposes and inâ—â—ntions How hard a matter had it been for the aâ—cured clearly to have deseated ill mens suggestions 〈◊〉 not they themselves pav'd them the way by searching into their accounts where it seems no faults were to be found to make good their accusations Let those transactions be brought into open Court which before were wont to be done privately and then all the present Auditors are made Judges of the reasonableness of the proceedings Here were large imputations and yet the accused suffered to go at freedom and not clapt up till they were frightened into submission What! Could they get none to swear roundly against them Never an outlandish Evidence for love nor mony for fear favour nor affection then clap them up in Prison not letting them see the faces of their Accusers Why did not they search their houses seize upon their Trunks and Boxes and so rake into their private Writings to ferret out some Crimes out of them or else in defect thereof privily foist in something criminal and blameworthy and afterwards openly produce it and with full cry and â—oud exclamations impose the belief thereof on their credulous Partizans as if really found upon them We need not stay for the revolution of Plato's year expecting former Transactions to be acted over again Are any of us such strangers in Jerusalem as not to know the things which have come to pass there in the latter days As the Heads of the City in this Richard Hardâ—ll's Mayoralty had their share of troubles and afflâ—ctions as hath been related above so the Commons were not without their care likewise For Wheat is said this year â—o have been so scarce that it was sold at London
nor league with them from the notorious 〈◊〉 these fraudulent Gibeonitish Ambassadours put upon theâ— by their lying words and from the murmuring of thâ— whole Congregation against them Notwithstanding all this we find they let them live lest Wrath shoulâ— have been upon them because of the Oath they 〈◊〉 sworn unto them And that they did well in keepinâ— this so solemn a league and Covenant though obtainâ—â— by Fraud and hastily made we have divine Authority to assure us from the Lord in the Three Years Famine he sent upon the Land in King David's Days foâ— Saul and his bloody House because in his Zeal to thâ— Children of Israel and Judah he sought to slay the Gibeonites and so violated the Oath made by their 〈◊〉 Fathers hundreds of years before We cannot with out the greatest breach of Charity suppose that 〈◊〉 holy a Man as David one after Gods own Heaâ— made use of this only as a pretence to ruine and exâ—â—pate Saul's Family and settle the Crown the faster 〈◊〉 his own Head and to fix it the surer to his posterity aâ—ter him If any of us were so Atheistical as from thâ—â— instance to look upon Religion as only a piece of 〈◊〉 Policy our Suspicious Thoughts and Censures woulâ— be soon answered from David's own manner of actiâ—â— in this particular who is recorded to have spared 〈◊〉 Son of Jonathan Saul's eldest Son and that too upâ—â— account of the Lord's Oath that was sworn betweeâ— them many Years before As the Scriptures plainâ—â— shew us that Joshua and the Princes of Israel did we in keeping the Oath they had sworn though draw into it by Fraud and Deceit so in them we find 〈◊〉 ill it fared with Zedekiah the last King in Jerusalâ—â— after he had broken the Oath which Nebuchadnezzâ— had made him swear by God We doubt not but the there was force enough upon him to compel him 〈◊〉 it may be the price of a Kingdom likewise induced him thereto for the benefit of his present occasions but how ill went it with Judah for his breaking that Oath by whatsoever force at first gained of him even to the destruction of the chief City solitary desolation of the Land for many Years and utter ruine of the Monarchy for ever after For afâ—er the Captivity we find it reduced back again into a kind of Common-Wealth under Rulers and but one of them of David's Line mentioned in the Scriptures that I remember Governours the high Priests the Maccabees the Sanhedrim unto the coming of Shilo So fatal to the Jewish Nation was their Princes Irreligion There is no respect of Persons with the Almighty at whose Tribunal all must once stand to be judged High and Low Rich and Poor Noble and Ignoble Kings Princes and People as sure as the Scripture which we esteem the word of the great God is infallibly true But whither has the overflowing of my thoughts carried me To go back again therefore into the way from whence I have so far deviated In this same 44th year of King Henry wherein he commanded all of Twelve Years and upwards in London to swear to be true to him and his Heirs we read of further grudge and displeasure beginning to kindle between the King and his Lords The occasion is related to be for that the Barons with consent of the Peers discharged one and admitted another for Justice unwitting the King The displeaâ—ure hence arising and encreasing more and more was â—owever a little appeased for a while by the Policy of the Kings Brother and some Prelates of the Land â—n this Year the Chronicler thought it worthy remark â—o make mention of the variance that fell out between â—he Londoners and the men of Northampton at a Fair â—here held for a man of that Town there slain which occasioned a long Suit and Plea between them to 〈◊〉 great vexation and trouble of both Parties wherein 〈◊〉 the end the City had the better That City that 〈◊〉 able to make a Contest with the King 's whole 〈◊〉 is likely enough to match a particular Town In the 45th shortly after Alhallontide the Baroâ— admitted and made Sheriffs of divers Shires namiâ—â— them Guardians and Keepers of the Counties and Shiâ—â— and discharged such as the King had before admittâ—â— Neither would they suffer the Justices but such as 〈◊〉 of their own admission to keep the Itinerary 〈◊〉 The Law allowed them power and they were 〈◊〉 it seems to use it The King as any may easily suppose was grievously discontented therewith insomucâ— as saith the Chronicle that after that Season he â—â—boured what he might to disannul the former Ordinanâ—â— and Statutes and cause them to be broken To thâ— end on the second Sunday in Lent was read by thâ— King's Command at Paul's Cross a Bull of Pope 〈◊〉 the 4th as a Confirmation of another Bull before pâ—â—chased of his Predecessor Alexander the 4th to absolâ—â— the King and all others that before had sworn 〈◊〉 maintain the Articles made at Oxford and afterwaâ—â— the said Absolution was shewed throughout Englâ—â—â— Wales and Ireland streight charge being given to 〈◊〉 that none be so hardy to withstand or disobey the 〈◊〉 said Absolution And if any were found disobediâ—â— to this Commandment that he should be put in Prisâ—â— without Ransom or Deliverance till the Kings Plâ—â—sure were further known The Pope could pretend 〈◊〉 absolve on either side if he were well paid 〈◊〉 then could any Oaths be suppos'd to avail without sâ—â—able Power to compel their Observance Yet hitheâ—â—â— the Commons of the City held their Power formeâ— granted them For we read of another License â—â—ven to the King at a Folk-Moot to sail into 〈◊〉 according whereunto he departed the morrow followâ—ng from London Anno 46. Tbomas Fiz Thomas being Mayor Phiâ—â—â— Walbrook Richard Taylor Sheriffs about Martintide â—he Jews felt the Peoples Fury to some of their costs â—o odious was that Nation grown in many parts of â—he World since our Saviour's Crucifixion which had been formerly the darling of Heaven that it must have been a very small mattâ—â— that would not easily have â—â—rred up the common People of the Land where they lived against them In this Year is unkindness â—oted to have arisen between the Londoners and the Constable of the Tower for that contrary to the Ciâ—ies Liberties he took certain Ships passing by with Wheat and other Victuals into the Tower and made â—he Price at his Pleasure Hence might great harm have ensued had not by the Policy of wise men the matter been committed to the Chief Justice and others by direction of the Kings Council to set an order and Rule between the said Parties The effect whereof was that after Evidences and Priviledges produced to â—he advantage of both it was firmly adjudged that â—f the Constable or any other Officer of the Tower would at any time take any Wheat or Victuals to the â—â—se of the King or the Tower he should come into
to have been there kept and that the King and his Lords parted thence all at Discord Besides the mutual Strength of People on either side The Barons had the Acts of Parliament made by the King Lords and Commons for of such I have elsewhere read these Assemblies were composed in those days to fight for which to observe the King and many others had been sworn besides a solemn Curse denounced against the Attempters to break them The King with his Party had the Popes Bull of Absolution the Sentence of the Council of Lords at Westminster and the Judgment given on the Kings side by Lewis the French King for their Incitement Such then being the cause contended for these being the mutual advantages to strengthen either side the difference is brought in the Spring into the Field to be decided All things in a manner thus tending to War the Barons drew towards London that 's their Place of Rendezvous where new Assurances by Writing indented was made between them and the Commonalty of the City without Consent of many of the Rulers thereof Whether they were swayed in their minds to the other side by Reasons they carried in their Pockets I find not or thinking they had most to lose they feared to be the greatest Sufferers if the chance of War should fall cross or else out of Envy and Emulation to the Commons who had already been entrusted with so much Power by the so often named Statutes and were in probability likely to get more if the Barons should prevail or at least keep what they had gotten Hence 't is plain that the Commons of the City were the men that stood by the Lords in defence of the Parliament Acts Many of the Rulers seem not to have appeared Wherefore the Commons as men enraged made to themselves Two Captains Thomas de Pywelden and Stephen Bukkerel whom they named Constables of the City At whose Commandment by tolling the great Bell of St. Pauls all the City should be ready in Arms to give Attendance upon the said Captains About the beginning of Lent the Constable of the Tower Sir Hugh Le Spencer came with a fair Company of men at Arms into the City and desired Assistance of the forenamed Constables who commanded the said Bell to be toll'd By means whereof the People shut their Shops and came out in Arms in great Multitudes who after Proclamation made that they should follow their Captains without knowledge what to do or whither to go followed them unto Thystleworth beyond Westminster and there spoiled the Manour of the King of the Romans Richard the King's Brother setting it on Fire and afterwards with great noise and cry returned unto London This Richard King of the Romans appears to have been a Mediator of Peace between the Two Parties but after this outrage what else could be expected but that he should become the Barons Enemy to the utmost of his Power Though 't is commonly seen that from War most come home by Weeping Cross yet there are still too too many found that desire to fish in troubled Waters Would any but such as were in Love with Blood and Wounds have counselled such a Fact as this in the midst of Civil broils thus to compel the only Mediator of Peace likely to prevail to become a man of War and which was worse an Enemy a powerful Enemy instead of a peaceable Friend In the time of these intestine Jarrs between Men of the same Country and Religion 't was much if the Jews should have escaped free who were strangers of different Rites and Customs and so odious to the Common People That they did not escape the enraged Multitudes Fury we find by mention made of Five Hundred of them said to be slain at one time in London on Palmsunday week The occasion is related to be for that a Jew would have forced a Christian to have given him more than Two Pence a Week for the use of Twenty Shillings This being the stinted Usury then permitted the Jews by the King's Grant According to which rate they might take iâ— any Summ lent greater or lesser A reasonable man would have thought this might have satisfied the greedy Minds of most ordinary griping Extortioners Eight Shillings Eight Pence by the Year in the Pound Forty three Pounds Six Shillings Eight Pence in the Hundred Usury unconscionable enough of any sense While the Land stood thus divided into Parties the Jews felt the Peoples rage in the City and the Country did not altogether scape tasting the miseries of Civil Wars King Henry by divers places came at length into Sussex with a strong Power whereof the Lords hearing made preparation to go towards him Accordingly in the end of April the Barons with many of the Citizens in the vaward departed from London taking their Journey towards the King and hearing he was at Lewes with a great power by common consent drawing up a Letter sent it in the name of all the Barons to the King But the Answers were so rough and in such a stile that it plainly shewed that the Sword could be the only decider of the Quarrel and final determiner of the Contest so much were their Minds exasperated each towards other though of the same Nation and Kindred The Barons well perceiving by these Answers that there was no other way but to decide the Quarrel by dint of Sword they went forward towards the King Wednesday May the 24th 1263. is the day that may be writ in Red Letters for the great quantity of Blood spilt thereon in the Battle fought at Lewes between the King and his Barons wherein by the Will of Providence the Victory sell to the Barons with such a total rout to the other Party that they took Prisoners the King his Brother his Son with many other Noble-Men to the number of Twenty five Barons and Banerets above Twenty Thousand being slain according to my Author's Account After this so compleat a Victory the other Prisoners being sent elsewhere the Barons kept the King his Brother and Son till they came to London This was the place wherein they had found Shelter and had had such considerable Assistance from the Londoners that there seemed a kind of Obligation lying on them and it implied somwhat of a Recompence due to the City there to shew the Trophies of their Victory Now we may easily conclude that the forenamed Statutes are to stand in full force even by the Kings Consent And so acccordingly we find a Grant made and an Agreement that if any were thought unreasonable they were to be corrected and amended by four Noble Men of the Realm Two of the Spiritualty and Two of the Temporalty And if the four accorded not the Earl of Anjou and the Duke of Brittain were to be Judges in the case To continue this accord the firmer the King's Son and his Brother were to remain the Barons Prisoners till it was compleated A Parliament was also appointed to be
day in the Afternoon and then was discharg'd upon the Oath of two Commons sworn in the name of the City that the City should stand to the Ordinance and Judgment of the Church So Eabian informs us but he likewise telis us of another Chronicle which affirms that this Interdiction should have continued longer had it not been for the sternness of the Londoners who held the Legate so streight that they inforc't him to withdraw that sentence upon the foresaid Condition So that is seems the Legate had not strength enough to 〈◊〉 with the Londoners so roughly and harshly yet sâ—curely as otherwise he might perchance have doâ—â— with lesser Places and Parties His reverend Legaâ—â—ship seems not here to have went so cunningly 〈◊〉 work as did a Legate much of the same Name iâ— not the same Man in the twenty first of this Kinâ—â— Reign with the Oxford Scholars He first got 〈◊〉 enough off from them to Wallingford and then accus'd the misdoers that had put him into such a 〈◊〉 that for his Safeguard he took the Belfry of Osney 〈◊〉 abode there till the Kings Ministers coming froâ— Abbington with strength mixt with fair words deâ—â—vered him and conveyed him away as is in 〈◊〉 before shewn No no the Londoners were too stronâ— and stern so to be fool'd and us'd They would â—â—ther we perceive by the story compel him thâ—â— sawningly crouch to him After this the Bulwarks and Barlicarnes made by the Earl in the City were plucked clean up and Ditches fill'd so that no part of them was seeâ— Good to destroy all the Monuments of civil Broils and Discord When the Citizens should have had their new Pardon granted an obstacle was madâ— for so much as they as yet had not recompenced the King of the Romans for the Subversion of hiâ— Manour of Thistleworth Well remembred and as seasonably put in A good convenient opportunity to put in for his share when he knew all the other differences were pretty well quieted in the Lâ—â—d and might reasonably conclude the City would rather wisely part with a little Money than begin a new trouble for a small matter and so hazard all For his Reparation was ask'd we find six thousand 〈◊〉 But finally with great Labour and Freindship 〈◊〉 was made to give him for amends one 〈…〉 maâ—ks to be paid in two years Thus you 〈◊〉 observe some will be sure however to ask 〈◊〉 where they know there is good Ability to 〈◊〉 though they take at last much less Like the 〈◊〉 that requested five hundred Oaks of the King 〈◊〉 â—uild him an House when as one hundred was enough and it may he too much After these Transactions the King accepted and 〈◊〉 to his Grace Sir John Eyvile and several 〈◊〉 some of them named before among the 〈◊〉 Party Accord was also made between 〈◊〉 the Kings Son and the Earl of Glocester Ther◠〈◊〉 all Fortresses and other Defences before made 〈◊〉 and the places adjoyning pull'd up 〈◊〉 my Author and destroyed and the Earl with all other Souldiers departed After things thus set 〈…〉 and Rest except that some yet kept the 〈◊〉 of Ely the King Rides to Shrewsbury and 〈◊〉 there a Season to commune of matters between him and Lewellin Prince of Wales While he there 〈◊〉 I find that a Writ was directed to Sir Aleyn 〈◊〉 Mayor of London eight days before Michaelmâ—â— from the King charging him that the Citizens should not proceed to Election of new Sheriffs till 〈◊〉 coming to London but to suffer the old to abide still in Office By this we may guess at the honourable Sheriffs Power even in those days and beleive that the Court thought it convenient for their interestâ— in those unsetled times to influence the Election what they might What else means the Kings command to defer the Election till his coming to Town And indeed we may perceive by the History thâ—â— there was medling to the purpose the following year for the King himself instead of permitting 〈◊〉 free Election did in effect put in two Sheriffs of 〈◊〉 own nomination For the Mayor was commandeâ— to present to the King six Persons able to be 〈◊〉 it may be it was also privately intimated to hiâ— whom they should be and out of them the 〈◊〉 chose two to be Sheriffs William de Durham 〈◊〉 Walter Henry and caused them to be sworn 〈◊〉 they should gather the profits of the City and give a true Account before the Barons of the Exchequeâ— But for this the Court seem to have had a 〈◊〉 plausible pretence from some disorders lately coâ—mitted in the City As indeed they appear by thâ— History of this Kings Reign very ready either â—â— find occasion for pretences or else to make 〈◊〉 that they might seize the Cities Charter and â—fter restore it again for a good round sums of Money The Disorders in London above mention'd werâ— occasion'd through variance falling out between the Fellowships of Goldsmiths and Taylors in November in the fifty third year of this King reckoning with my Author from the usual time of the Mayors eâ—tring into his Mayoralty This variance was so greaâ— that it grew to the making of Parties so that with the Taylors held the Craft of Stainers with the Goldsmiths held another Fellowship or Craft By means whereof much people nightly gathered together in the Streets in Arms. At length as if before appointed there met one night of the said Parties upon the number of five hundred Men on both sides and ran together with such violence that some were slaim and many wounded To this purport I find it related Then upon outcry made the Sheriffs with a strength of other Commons came to them and took certain of them and sent them to the Prisons Upon the Morrow such search was made that most of the cheif causers of that Fray were taken and 〈◊〉 into Ward Upon the Friday following Katherines 〈◊〉 at the Sessions kept at Newgate by the Mayor 〈◊〉 de Broke Justice and others were many of 〈◊〉 Persons Arraigned of Felony and and some of them cast and hang'd Among them was likewise 〈◊〉 one Godfrey de Beverlay who had helped to 〈◊〉 of them Thus the Accessary is not seldom thought aâ— guilty as the Theif On the Morrow after St. James's day the King dâ—â—charged as writes my Author Sir Aleyn Souch â—â—yor and made Stephen Edworth Constable of the Tâ—wer and Custos of the City of Londrn Fabian after whom I most write hath left us the Names of a Mayor and Sheriffs affixt to every year of this Henry's Reign yet he likewise gives us to understand that of these Rulers of the City after the year that Thomas Fytz Thomas was Mayor there are divers opinions For after some Writers continues he from that year viz. forty eight till the fifty fifth of King Henry's Reign in which year John Adrian Draper was Mayor they were all Guardians and no Mayors and who so was then Constable of the Tower
the same was also Custos of the City So that according to this Account there pass'd about seven years wherein the Londoners had not the full and free use of their Priviledges and Franchises If this be allowed for a Truth we have but little Reason to marvel that we find the Commons so ready to adhere to such as they might hope would vindicate their former Liberty and the Rulers so averse from joyning with such in diminution of that Regal Power to which they seem wholly to have ow'd theirs and not to any Interest and Favour they had among the Commons of the City Who knows if those Writers words be granted but this might be some Reason of the Earl of Glocester's stirring again againâ—â— the Court designs with a little perhaps of Jealouâ—y of the Kings Son Edwards overmuch familiarity with his Wife in a Court hinted to us by Stow but plaid by him an year later In Reg. 53. when 〈◊〉 saw the City which had formerly took part with the same side he once was of deprived of their â—â—berties and Franchises with little hopes of 〈◊〉 them much through his means by his late 〈◊〉 with Edward the Kings Son to the weakning and overthrow of the Barons Party to which the City had so firmly adher'd In this year by Mediatiâ—â— and means of the fame Edward all such difinneâ—ited Persons as kept the Isle of Ely are said to be reconciled to the King and all Fortresses and Deâ—enceâ— therein by them made plucked away and destroyed In July Octobon the Pope's Legate who had interested himself so much in the late Transactions departed towards Rome but not without a great Treasure Levi'd we hear of the Church My Author intimates That he made many good Rules therein if they were not only Rules but anâ— good Rules why should he not be well paid â—or them I don't think these kind of Men did very often Ordain such extraordinary good Rules unless you will call those good which tended to the satisfying the Pope's Avaricious Mind and exalting his and the Clergies Temporal Grandeur Other might be their Pretences but Mony doubtless was 〈◊〉 of their aim when they sent their Legates 〈◊〉 this Land or into other Countries owning the Pope's Jurisdiction and the Event proves it too 〈◊〉 Without all Peradventure it was not for nothing that England was called the Pope's Pack-horse Annals Peterpence Tenths Fâ—rst-Fruits and the like were good Pickings that were drawn hence to Rome And that the Popish Clergy know full well and therefore their fingers are Itching to be Trading here again If the Pope's Mule could once more set his Foot safely on English Ground there 〈◊〉 doubt but they would make us pay for old 〈◊〉 new it should scape them hard else 'T was about Four Years before even in 49 that the Citizens of London compounded with the King 〈◊〉 a Fine of Twenty Thousand Marks and yet in this Year 53 there is another mention made of it as it were hinting to us that it was not yet all Raised or at least that all such that were Assessed towards it had not returned in their demanded Assessment but to avoid that and other Charges had rather chosen to depart from the City with their Housholds and Goods and Inhabit in divers other places of the Land Whence we may without doubt well and truly conclude the scarcity of Coin in those Days and greatness of that Imposed Tax or elfe the Paucity of the Inhabitants of London and smalness of the City in comparison with what it is at this present time If then the City was of such Power and Esteem in those Days as the former passages seem strongly to prove how great and considerable an Influence have we reason to beleive it hath at present upon the rest of the Nation now it is grown by far more Populous and 〈◊〉 more Splendid in Riches Trading and Buildingâ— Though many of the Citizens thus fled the City thinking thereby to be acquitred of the Charge of the aforementioned Imposition yet find not that this availed them ought For the others of the City remaining made we are told Instant labour to the King and had it Granted That all such as for the aforesaid cause had carriâ—d their Goods out of the City should be Distrainâ—â— by the Sheriff of the Shire where they then dwelled and forced to pay all such Sums as they â—â—fore were Assessed at Why should not Men 〈◊〉 the Bad with the Good If they desire to enjoy the City's Priviledges in the Day of her Prosperity there is but little reason why they should not likâ—wise partake with her in the common Calamity and Adversity In September The Five Citizens viz. Thomas 〈◊〉 Thomas c. spâ—ken of before in the Forty 〈◊〉 Year who had hitherto remained Prisoners in Windsor-Tower made an end with Edward the King's Son for great Sums of Mony and were delivered It would have but little availed them to haâ—â— pleaded the Kings safe Conduct before sent theâ— under his Seal T was money it seems that must bâ—y their Deliverance Mony they had doubtless and therefore 't is mony they must produce and so they were â—ain to do or at least agree to pay it before they could get quit out of Edwards Power The 54th year began according to the Chronicle with so hard a frost that the frozen Thames was passable for men and Beasts in diverse places and Merchadize was thereupon brought to London by Land This Forst was not so prejudiaial to their Trading 〈◊〉 the rising and flowing of Thames sometime after 〈◊〉 as injurious and hurtsul about London to the â—â—owning of Cellers by the waterside and spoiling 〈◊〉 much Merchandize lying in them But these are â—â—â—asters we know Commonly happening in this tranâ—â—â—ry World witness the late Inundations through â—he great Rains this Spring and the damage sustaind â—â—ereby in Fleet-ditch Hockly in the Hole and many â—â—her places In this year about the beginning of 〈◊〉 we find that the King gave the Rule of the City 〈◊〉 London to his Son Edward with all Revenues and Prâ—fits thereto belonging Whereupon he made Hugh 〈◊〉 son of Othon Constable of the Tower and Custos 〈◊〉 the City About the End of April he commanded â—he Citizens to present to him six Persons able to be â—â—â—riffs Of whom he admitted to that Office William 〈◊〉 Haddystoke and Ankeâ—yl De Alvern and sware them to be Accountants as their Predecessors were These we read presented in May following at the Gâ—ild-Hall and there charged a new At these days a new Custom or Toll us'd to be paid the King by â—he Citizens which having been let to farme to a Marâ—hant Stranger by Edward the Kings Son for 20. â—arks yearly the Citizens unwilling to be under a â—â—â—angers Rule upon great suit made to the same Edâ—ard agreed with him to buy the said Toll free for â—000 Marks In this year the King had granted towards his â—oyage into the Holy Land which