Londinum Triumphans OR AN HISTORICAL ACCOVNT OF THE Grand Influence THE ACTIONS OF THE CITY of LONDON Have had upon the AFFAIRS of the NATION for many Ages past SHEWING The Antiquity Honour Glory and Renown of this FAMOUS CITY The Grounds of her Rights Priviledges and Franchises The Foundation of her CHARTER The Improbability of a Forfeiture and Impossibility of a Legal Seisure The Power and Strength of the Citizens and the Prevalency of the Commonalty in their Contests with the Magistracy Collected from the most Authentick Authors and illustrated with variety of REMARKS Nullum est jam dictum quod non dictum sit prius No new thing under the Sun LONDON Printed for the Author and are to be Sold by L. Curtis at the Sign of Sir Edmondbury Godfreys Head MDCLXXXII THE DEDICATION To the HONOURABLE SIr Thomas Allen Kt. Aldermen of the City of LONDON Sir John Frederick Kt. Sir John Lawrence Kt. Sir Robert Clayton Kt. Sir Patience Ward Kt. Sir Thomas Gold Kt. Sir John Shorter Kt. and Henry Cornish Esq And to the Worshipful Thomas Pilkington Esq Another of the Aldermen of the said City and Samuel Shute Esq The Worthy SHERIFFS for the year Past Sir Thomas Player Kt. Chamberlain of the same Thomas Papillion Esq John Dubois Esq And to all the rest of those Eminent Citizens who have so worthily asserted the Rights Liberties Priviledges Franchises and Immunities of this Ancient and Honourable CITY This Book is most HUMBLY DEDICATED by W. G. TO THE READER IF Antiquity and Duration wealth and riches strength and power can make a City famous If an honourable renown visible grandeur and unparallel'd priviledges may render her glorous in the eyes of the World If the Spirit of her Citizens influence of her actions and a continued train of Successes can justly give her the denomination of powerful Then may this great ancient and renowned City of London deservedly be esteem'd one of the eminentest Cities of the Vniverse unless the Lie be given to the most Authentick of all our English Historians and we must not like the Papists believe our own eyes nor give credit to our ears but bid adieu to all rational knowledge and deny the force of true Logical Illations inferences and conclusions Such being the subject of this following Treatise purposely design'd for a demonstration of Londons power and a convincing argument of the irresistible influence of her actions over all the Nation for many hundreds of years strongly founded on undeniable Truths and throughout carried on in an uninterrupted series of affairs by a train of inflances and examples and an unbroken chain of inductions And being conscious to my self of no base slurs nor abuses ingentilely impos'd upon the faith of any one by false quotations corrupting of Authors or wilful mistakes as knowing my self easily disprov'd if guilty and therefore so much the more cautious by how much the more certain that these Papers would be made to undergo the severe Ordeal of a strict and rigid examination from a critical age I am apt to flatter my self into the hopes of being accepted among the lovers and admirers of this Honourable City and of having presented the worthy Citizens with somewhat grateful pleasing and delightful to their palates because treating of their Ancestors glory and renown their own power and the necessary consequence thereof the grand influence of their publick actions and fixt resolutions upon the Councils of this Kingdom But whether my trust and confidence in my own poor abilities and my hopes are so good as my ambition is great to serve this Honourable City and I have any sound reasons to believe it within the sphear of my Capacity and the power of my pen to lay any thing looking like an obligation upon the worshipful Citizens thereof others are the most proper judges and the event will best shew If any out of prejudice to the subject and a censorious Spirit shall lay it to my charge that the whole book looks reflective in answer to the imputation I shall humbly desire this favour at his hands that he would be pleas'd to give himself the trouble of turning to the Authors to whom I so often refer and thence he may be abundantly satisfied of my honesty and sincerity if he be not over much prejudic'd already or of so narrow a Soul as to be wholly and altogether byass'd to the interest of any one particular party against the plainest evidence of sense reason and truth Besides in my further vindication I can assure him that a great part hereof was drawn up the last Autumn and undeniably prove it too by demonstrative Arguments if need were So that if it had appear'd in the world so early as was at first designed though I have been unwillingly hindered hitherto some on the other side might have been by this time ready to have term'd it predictive Though it was never intended as the off-spring of Prophecy or Astrology but only the result of an ordinary judgment and common foresight grounded on easy unforc'd deductions from plain historical truths and the apparent consequences of things acted on the English stage heretofore Therefore I shall not value the impertinence of weekly observations nor dread the doughty remarks of the whole tribe of common ordinary Scriblers as thinking my self secure within the strength of the argument and the authorities here produc'd to confirm and illustrate it whereupon I am bold to defy the art and malice of evil minded men to disprove me in any thing necessarily material as to the substantial part thereof though as to what concerns any of the lesser Errata I hope the courteous Reader will be so much a Gentleman as to look on them but as venial errors and favourably pass over those slips of my Pen if he apprehend any such as unavoidable weaknesses always incident to human frailty For I profess my self rather a Transcriber than an Author and esteem this Relation the product of my reading more than the issue of my brain Which if it may be in any wise advantagious to the publick and acceptable to the Learned and Ingenious I know not but upon good encouragement I may be ready enough to produce somewhat else more extensive than to the Rights of one particular City though it be acknowledged time out of mind to have been the Epitome and Abridgment of the Kingdom as well as the head both of King and Laws Londinum Triumphans HOW considerable a Figure the City of London makes in the present Government is conceal'd I suppose but from few in the Land But the Influence its Actions have had upon the Affairs of the Nation in past Ages is not so generally known The Glory and Splendor of this Noble City is so obvious to the Eyes of the Curious that they cannot rationally conceive it to be the Work of a Day or an Age but that like other Cities eminent in Story it hath risen up by Degrees from small Beginnings to
day in the Afternoon and then was discharg'd upon the Oath of two Commons sworn in the name of the City that the City should stand to the Ordinance and Judgment of the Church So Eabian informs us but he likewise telis us of another Chronicle which affirms that this Interdiction should have continued longer had it not been for the sternness of the Londoners who held the Legate so streight that they inforc't him to withdraw that sentence upon the foresaid Condition So that is seems the Legate had not strength enough to 〈◊〉 with the Londoners so roughly and harshly yet sâ—curely as otherwise he might perchance have doâ—â— with lesser Places and Parties His reverend Legaâ—â—ship seems not here to have went so cunningly 〈◊〉 work as did a Legate much of the same Name iâ— not the same Man in the twenty first of this Kinâ—â— Reign with the Oxford Scholars He first got 〈◊〉 enough off from them to Wallingford and then accus'd the misdoers that had put him into such a 〈◊〉 that for his Safeguard he took the Belfry of Osney 〈◊〉 abode there till the Kings Ministers coming froâ— Abbington with strength mixt with fair words deâ—â—vered him and conveyed him away as is in 〈◊〉 before shewn No no the Londoners were too stronâ— and stern so to be fool'd and us'd They would â—â—ther we perceive by the story compel him thâ—â— sawningly crouch to him After this the Bulwarks and Barlicarnes made by the Earl in the City were plucked clean up and Ditches fill'd so that no part of them was seeâ— Good to destroy all the Monuments of civil Broils and Discord When the Citizens should have had their new Pardon granted an obstacle was madâ— for so much as they as yet had not recompenced the King of the Romans for the Subversion of hiâ— Manour of Thistleworth Well remembred and as seasonably put in A good convenient opportunity to put in for his share when he knew all the other differences were pretty well quieted in the Lâ—â—d and might reasonably conclude the City would rather wisely part with a little Money than begin a new trouble for a small matter and so hazard all For his Reparation was ask'd we find six thousand 〈◊〉 But finally with great Labour and Freindship 〈◊〉 was made to give him for amends one 〈…〉 maâ—ks to be paid in two years Thus you 〈◊〉 observe some will be sure however to ask 〈◊〉 where they know there is good Ability to 〈◊〉 though they take at last much less Like the 〈◊〉 that requested five hundred Oaks of the King 〈◊〉 â—uild him an House when as one hundred was enough and it may he too much After these Transactions the King accepted and 〈◊〉 to his Grace Sir John Eyvile and several 〈◊〉 some of them named before among the 〈◊〉 Party Accord was also made between 〈◊〉 the Kings Son and the Earl of Glocester Ther◠〈◊〉 all Fortresses and other Defences before made 〈◊〉 and the places adjoyning pull'd up 〈◊〉 my Author and destroyed and the Earl with all other Souldiers departed After things thus set 〈…〉 and Rest except that some yet kept the 〈◊〉 of Ely the King Rides to Shrewsbury and 〈◊〉 there a Season to commune of matters between him and Lewellin Prince of Wales While he there 〈◊〉 I find that a Writ was directed to Sir Aleyn 〈◊〉 Mayor of London eight days before Michaelmâ—â— from the King charging him that the Citizens should not proceed to Election of new Sheriffs till 〈◊〉 coming to London but to suffer the old to abide still in Office By this we may guess at the honourable Sheriffs Power even in those days and beleive that the Court thought it convenient for their interestâ— in those unsetled times to influence the Election what they might What else means the Kings command to defer the Election till his coming to Town And indeed we may perceive by the History thâ—â— there was medling to the purpose the following year for the King himself instead of permitting 〈◊〉 free Election did in effect put in two Sheriffs of 〈◊〉 own nomination For the Mayor was commandeâ— to present to the King six Persons able to be 〈◊〉 it may be it was also privately intimated to hiâ— whom they should be and out of them the 〈◊〉 chose two to be Sheriffs William de Durham 〈◊〉 Walter Henry and caused them to be sworn 〈◊〉 they should gather the profits of the City and give a true Account before the Barons of the Exchequeâ— But for this the Court seem to have had a 〈◊〉 plausible pretence from some disorders lately coâ—mitted in the City As indeed they appear by thâ— History of this Kings Reign very ready either â—â— find occasion for pretences or else to make 〈◊〉 that they might seize the Cities Charter and â—fter restore it again for a good round sums of Money The Disorders in London above mention'd werâ— occasion'd through variance falling out between the Fellowships of Goldsmiths and Taylors in November in the fifty third year of this King reckoning with my Author from the usual time of the Mayors eâ—tring into his Mayoralty This variance was so greaâ— that it grew to the making of Parties so that with the Taylors held the Craft of Stainers with the Goldsmiths held another Fellowship or Craft By means whereof much people nightly gathered together in the Streets in Arms. At length as if before appointed there met one night of the said Parties upon the number of five hundred Men on both sides and ran together with such violence that some were slaim and many wounded To this purport I find it related Then upon outcry made the Sheriffs with a strength of other Commons came to them and took certain of them and sent them to the Prisons Upon the Morrow such search was made that most of the cheif causers of that Fray were taken and 〈◊〉 into Ward Upon the Friday following Katherines 〈◊〉 at the Sessions kept at Newgate by the Mayor 〈◊〉 de Broke Justice and others were many of 〈◊〉 Persons Arraigned of Felony and and some of them cast and hang'd Among them was likewise 〈◊〉 one Godfrey de Beverlay who had helped to 〈◊〉 of them Thus the Accessary is not seldom thought aâ— guilty as the Theif On the Morrow after St. James's day the King dâ—â—charged as writes my Author Sir Aleyn Souch â—â—yor and made Stephen Edworth Constable of the Tâ—wer and Custos of the City of Londrn Fabian after whom I most write hath left us the Names of a Mayor and Sheriffs affixt to every year of this Henry's Reign yet he likewise gives us to understand that of these Rulers of the City after the year that Thomas Fytz Thomas was Mayor there are divers opinions For after some Writers continues he from that year viz. forty eight till the fifty fifth of King Henry's Reign in which year John Adrian Draper was Mayor they were all Guardians and no Mayors and who so was then Constable of the Tower
of Eâ—â—lish men Do you think they will alter their mâ—ners by shifting their Habitations That 〈◊〉 Blackamore will ever change his Skin by comâ— into a colder Climate Let us look a little upon the first Discoveries 〈◊〉 their late grand Plot so often inculcated upon 〈◊〉 Nation by His Majesties many Royal Proclamatiâ—â— and Speeches that no Loyal Spirits can any 〈◊〉 doubt of the Truth of it who give any deference deferencâ— the Word of a King and we shall find there 〈◊〉 â—ain Design after our King's Murder to have rooted â—ut the Gentry of the Nation whose Lives should it â—â—ems have been offered up as so many Sacrifices to â—ppease the injur'd Ghost of their Murder'd Prince â—ome of your Women perhaps they might have conâ—escended to have sav'd for their Lusts your little â—hildren for Slaves the Poor and bâ—ser sort for their â—ervants but the Men of Substance must in likelihood â—ave gone all to pot as Obstacles to their cruel inâ—â—nded Design And yet still 't is but a perhaps we 〈◊〉 not sure they would have spared any Nay raâ—â—er we are morally certain that all of any tolerable 〈◊〉 must have Died if the Deposition of Mr. Bedlow 〈◊〉 often credited remains yet of any value amongst 〈◊〉 from whose Attestation publickly sworn upon â—ath in Ireland's Tryal we find the extent of the â—esign besides the subversion of the Government to â—â—ve been the extirpating of the Protestant Religion 〈◊〉 that Degree which was alwaies concluded on in 〈◊〉 the Consults wherein he was that they would not â—â—ve any Member of any Heretick in England that â—ould survive to tell in the Kingdom hereafter that â—ere was ever any such Religion in England as the â—â—otestant Religion If discovered and so frustrated â—â—ntrivances may not sufficiently warn you to beâ—â—re of the Jesuits Intentions to youward Consider â—atters of Fact and see what hath already been 〈◊〉 in other places and so come from thinking what 〈◊〉 been done to what may be done and what 〈◊〉 should be done if some might have their 〈◊〉 minds and desires Cast a look or two upon â—â—â—emia that once flourishing Land under Wickliff's â—â—ctrine Famous for the Martyrdom of John Huss 〈◊〉 Jerom of Prague the Courage of blind Zisca 〈◊〉 his valiant Souldiers and noted also for their â—â—â—erty of Chusing their Princes See now how much of the Bohemians Antient Liberty or Religiâ—â— is yet remaining amongst them Enough of the pâ—â—ctices and devices the Jesuits used to new 〈◊〉 the Nation after they had once reduc'd it by 〈◊〉 of Arms you may find in the History of the 〈◊〉 Persecution London Printed by B. A. John Walker But to return to King John whence I have 〈◊〉 gressed after his Resignation and Reassumption of 〈◊〉 Crown at the yearly Rent of 900 or 1000 〈◊〉 Silver the Return of the Archbishop and the 〈◊〉 Exiles into the Land we read of the releasing 〈◊〉 annulling of the Interdiction which had lasted years odd months and days but it was not beâ— that the King according to one of the Articles made restitution to the sufferers which the 〈◊〉 saith amounted in the whole to 18000â— Marks would have thought after so much trouble the 〈◊〉 would have been weary of endeavouring after Aâ—â—â—trary Power But the Event may make us apt to 〈◊〉 that among other inducements to yield to the 〈◊〉 hard terms of Accommodation one mighâ— some hope to domineer the better over the 〈◊〉 he was reconciled to the Clergy and so take a 〈◊〉 revenge upon such as would not ere while assist against the Pope For not long after the late 〈◊〉 we find mention made of so great 〈◊〉 between the King and his Lords that much 〈◊〉 were raised on either part One occasion alledgâ—â— that the King would not hold Edward's Laws yet he had taken an Oath at the Return of Exil'd Clergy-men into England to call in all 〈◊〉 Laws and put in place of them the Law King Edward if Stow's Annals record the 〈◊〉 Another that the King would have Exil'd wiâ—â—â—aw the Earl of Chester for some Advice he given him relating to his Vices which the other did not well digest The King's Party being then the stronger the Lords took the City of London for their Refuge and remained therein Though we read of much harm done this year in London by Fire and of the burning a great part of the Burrough of Southwark yet it seems the City was strong enough to become the Barons Bulwark against the inrag'd King's Ire And siding with them so inhanced the Barons fame that as Stow tells us all except a few went to the Barons side so that King John durst not peep out of Windsor Castle At length by the Prelates Mediation a Peace was made for a while and to establish it the firmer the King and the Lords soon after met with great strength on either side on Berham Down where a Charter was devis'd made and sealed by the King to the Barons content A.C. 1214. according to Falian's account Henry Fitz. Alwyn continued then Mayor of London Ralph Egland and Constantine le Josne being Sheriffs in this 14th year of K. John's Reign Yet in Stow we read of a Meeting appointed in a Meadow between Stains c Windsor where the King granted the Liberties without any difficulty the Charter whereof is dated June 16. An. Reg. 17. As for the loud and clamorous Declamations of such who tell us that the grand Charter of our Lives Liberties and Estates our Properties and Priviledges was gain'd at first by Rebellion and would thus slily as it were insinuate that it was and is retained by like unlawful waies and means We would desire them to give us better proofs for what they say than their own bare Asseverations which will not yet go for currant Coin in all Markets That Edward the Confessor's Laws were very acceptable to the generality of the Nation we have great reason to believe from their continued desire to retain them That William the first granted the use of them to the Nation is sufficiently instanced above That Henry the first used them 〈◊〉 likewise mentioned before for so affirms the Chronicle That King John himself accorded to them at hiâ— coming to the Crown we may I doubt not reasosonably believe considering his Title and the Conteâ—â— he was like to have about it If a Negative may be admitted an Argument in the case I do not remember that I have read of any difference between hiâ— and his Lay-Barons about them till after that he was reconciled to the Pope by the resignation of hiâ— Crown and performance of the other conditions enjoyned him But after the King 's giving away hiâ— Crown and resuming it again upon a Foundatioâ— wholly and altogether new I know not but he mighâ— think all former obligations void and so would endeavour to have his Will of the Laity when he hop'd he had fixt the Clergy fast enough on his side by thâ— new condescension
into his own Country there were hopes doubtless 〈◊〉 a happy peace to ensue and long to continue But seems those hopes were soon blasted For the 〈◊〉 next year viz. the 15 we read of the late agrâ—â— peace's being violated and broken by the King 〈◊〉 according to my Author persevering in his wroâ—â— would in no wise be induc'd to hold his own graâ—â— but to execute all things after pleasure nothing â—â—ter Law and Justice These violations produc'd new War between King John and his Nobles 〈◊〉 ended not till after the Kings Death So troublesâ—â— was it to the Nation so dangerous to the King 〈◊〉 he should have such ill Ministers about him 〈◊〉 were either authors or followers of no better adviâ—â— then what could not consist with the Kings keepiâ—â— his Royal Word That the Sheep were made 〈◊〉 for the Shepheard to clip shear pill and slay at own will and pleasure is a Doctrine that the 〈◊〉 quiet innocent harmless Sheep would no longer â—â—â—lingly assent to than while the Knife is held at 〈◊〉 throat how acceptable soever it may be to the 〈◊〉 Wolves and the degenerate Dogs of the 〈◊〉 When King John found himself too weak to â—â—tend with his Barons and yet it seems by the 〈◊〉 not willing enough to keep to his former 〈◊〉 he sent beyond Sea and call'd in strangers his Assistance We read that Northfolk and 〈◊〉 were the Lands promised to those strangers 〈◊〉 would come over to aid the King who had a little â—efore got the Pope to disannul the aforesaid Charter â—nd liberties granted ere while by him and excommuâ—icate the Barons We have mention made in Stow 〈◊〉 or 3 times of strangers coming over So many of â—hem were cast away at one time by Tempest who â—ere coming over Men Women and Children that â—â—'s said of 4000 not one escap'd alive So that we â—ay observe 't is an old trick to call in Foreigners â—pon the Natives when Arbitrary designs are on 〈◊〉 When the King was found to have invited â—trangers to his aid the Lords also sent into France â—or help and succour When two Women fall a scolâ—ing and pulling one anothers head-cloths whoever â—â—rst began the fray it is much but both will be in â—â—ult before it end London was the place where the â—ords kept themselves together till the expected aid â—nd succour from beyond Sea was brought to them â—nder Lewis the French Kings Son who landing 〈◊〉 England with a strong Army came afterwards to London and was there received Hence he with the Lords departing won many Castles in the Land and 〈◊〉 their return had the Tower of London given up to â—hem by appointment Tho the Tower held long for â—he King yet 't was the City it seems that bare the â—way and adhered to the Lords What a strength â—â—ey were of we may observe out of Stow where â—ing John is said to have made hast to besiege Lonâ—on but the Londoners were hereby so little daunted â—hat they set open their Gates and were ready to meet â—im ten miles off the City whereupon the King withâ—rew understanding their boldness and multitude â—hen the Major Roger Fitz. Alwyn was accused to be â—â—vourable to the Kings Party we find him quickly â—ischarg'd of his Office and one Serle Mercer chosen 〈◊〉 his place so great was the favour of the Citizens to the Barons and their Cause that they spar'd not their own head Officer and Ruler when he lay under thâ— suspicion of favouring Arbitrary designs so contrary to the mind of the Citizens The War still continuing and King John being not able to prevail tho thâ— Pope interceded by his Legaâ—e he had at last â—â— some writes all his Arbitrary designs quench'd with a Cup of Poyson at Swinstead Abby about Lincoln Tho another Author is said to affirm that he died â—â— the flux at another place Soon after this unhappy unfortunate King John death we meet with an eminent instance of Englisâ— mens Loyalty as well as of their love of liberty anâ— freedom for though the King and his Lords were 〈◊〉 so great a difference most of the latter part of hiâ— Reign and he left the Throne and his life at such 〈◊〉 time when his Barons were likely in outward appearance to be much too strong for him his his survâ—ving Heir being but then a Child of about 9 years 〈◊〉 age Yet as if all rancour and animosity against thâ— King and his Party was dead and buried with him 〈◊〉 his Grave the wheel of affairs was so turn'd as 〈◊〉 were in an instant that Lewis and his strangers weâ—â— disgusted and the young Fatherless Prince was proclaim'd and Crown'd King of the Land at an agâ— wherein he was not fit to be left to his own guidanâ—â— without a Tutor It 's plain enough by this instancâ— that English hearts were more loyal than naturallâ— to desire the ruine of their Prince and his Family 〈◊〉 at any time they appear'd in Arms against him in defence of their Lives Liberties and Freedoms hoâ— ready have they shewed themselves to accord anâ— submit as soon as those men of ill Principles and Aâ—bitrary practices were remov'd from their Princâ— who had rais'd those clouds of discontent betweeâ— him and his People The chief of those that so soon returned to their Allegiance were the powerful Earls of Pembroke and Chester who drew with them a very considerable reâ—inue They may be probably thought to hope to â—â—nfuse better Principles into their young Prince in his Nonage than appeared by former Arbitrary actions â—o have been in his Father and so model the Goâ—ernment into a better frame in the time of that powâ—r they were as the chief Nobles most likely to â—ave under the King in his younger days Neither â—o I know but somwhat might proceed from reâ—orse of Conscience The Earl of Chester in the 2d â—ear of the Kings Reign taking his journey into the Holy-Land the Religion of those times having made â—hat the usual way of Expiation Some such intent of â—he Earl stands likewise upon record in one of the Chronicles saith my Author Another very probaâ—le occasion of this sudden change of Affairs in the Kingdom may be supposed to have risen from the Death-bed confession of a French Nobleman who 〈◊〉 reported to have discovered Lewis's intent to 〈◊〉 destroy and quite root out those English Lords â—hat adhered to him as if in detestation of their disâ—oyalty to their own natural English Soveraign When â—he Barons came once to find that he whom they â—ad called in to defend them against their Kings Arâ—itrariness intended to violate and break their Coâ—enants established at first between them when he â—ould come to have opportunity and so turn their â—â—plored aid into their certain destruction they â—ight well think they had reason enough to disclaim 〈◊〉 Alliance and endeavour to frustrate his privy inâ—â—ntions by returning to their former Allegiance as 〈◊〉 as a fit season presented it self Conditional
Sheriffs by the King newly come to London and lodg'd in the Tower fared better in this year's Mayoralty than he did within some few years after wherein he continued Mayor For being taxt by the King for the escape of one that had slain a Prior related to the King he put off the charge of this matter from himself to the Sheriffs for so much as to them belong'd the keeping of the City-Prisons Whereupon he returned home and the Sheriffs Rob. Belyngton and Ralph Aschewye were detain'd for a space Pâ—isoners and others chosen in their places but how they got off my Author sets not down In the 39th year Edw. the King's Son's Wife was honourably received at London by the Citizens and the City adorn'd with rich Cloaths for the more state Yet notwithstanding all this Respect it was not long before the King seiz'd their Liberties anew for certain Money which the Q. claim'd for her right of them So that about Martins-tyde they were in a manner necessitated to give her 400 Marks before their Liberties were restor'd them and the King's Under-Treasurer discharg'd who for the time was made Custos or Keeper of the City What had she no other way to recover her Money if it was due but the Cities Liberties must presently be seized on The King's Brother had got well the last year by falling out with the City and getting their Liberties seiz'd Was it not then do ye think cunningly done of the Queen to try the same trick over again 'T was it seems too gainful a project to suffer it quietly to lye still without further prosecution before it grew too stale Though the Citizens and their Franchises were thus carpt at by Court-Favourites yet we find them still continuing their wonâ—ed respect to the King and Queen when they came to London where they were honourably received this very same year and so convey'd to Westminster When the Citizens had to do with the Court and the King was pleased to interest himself in the affair History tells 〈◊〉 that they were more than once compelled to draw theâ— purses for Peace sake and Reconciliation but when they had their other fellow Subjects to deal with they proved Matches hard enough as particularly in their suiâ— with the Abbot of Waltham which was at last accorded in the 40th year to their own advantage Come we now to the 41th year a year not lightly to be forgotten by the worthy Citizens and such aâ— bear any respect to this honourable City by reason oâ— the many troubles that the Heads thereof underwent aâ— this time through the power and malice of some ill disposed Persons who bore no Good will to this ancienâ— foundation Hitherto we have met with but light Skirmishes a few trivial matters in comparison of whaâ— you shall here find related out of Fabian to have happened in the Mayoralty of Richard Hardell and Shrievalties of Rich. Ewell and William Ashwey A. C. 1257 The Relation is as followeth almost word by word In this 41th year and beginning of the same waâ— found in the Kings Wardrobe at Windsor a Bill or Rolâ— closed in green Wax and not known from whence it should come in which was contained divers Articles against the Mayor and Rulers of the City and that by them the Commonalty of the City was grievously taxed and wronged which Bill was presented at length to the King Whereupon he sent John Mansel one of his Justices unto London where on St. Paul's day by thâ— Kings Authority he called a Folk-moot or Common-Hall at Pauls-Cross there being present Richard dâ— Clare Earl of Gloucester and divers others of the Kingâ— Council Whereupon the said John Mansel caused the said Roll to be read before the Commonalty and afteâ— shewed to the People that the Kings pleasure and mind was that they should be ruled with Justice and thaâ— the Liberties of the City should be maintained in every point and if the King might know those Persons that so had wronged the Commonalty they should be grievously punished to others example That done John Mansel charged the Mayor that every Alderman in his Ward should upon the morrow following assemble his Wardmoots and that all those Wardmoots should assemble in one place and choose of themselves 36 Persons without any Counsel or advice of any of their Aldermen and present them before the Lords and him at the same hour the next day in the Bishops Pallace at Pauls Upon the morrow all was done according to his Command When the said 36 Persons were presented before the said John Mansel Henry Baa Justices and others he said unto them that they upon their Oaths should certifie all such persons as they knew guilty in the Articles before shewed to the Commonalty Whereupon the 36 answered that it was contrary to â—heir Liberties to be sworn so many for any matter of Trespass between the King and any of his Citizens Wherefore they required a sparing with which answer John Mansel being discontented warned them to appear before the Kings Council at Guild-hall upon the morrow following where they kept their day Thither â—ame the said Justices John Mansell and Hen. Baa Sir Hen. Wengham Chancellour of England Philip Lovel Under treasurer and divers others of the Kings Council Then the said John Mansell exhorted the said Persons â—o be sworn by many means as he the other day had â—one but all was in vain For they excused themselves â—at it was contrary to their Oath and Liberty of their City Wherefore the Kings Council departed from the Hall in part discontented and shewed to the King the â—id Citizens demeanour Upon Candlemas Eve the Mayor being warned that the King would come to Westminster he with the more part of the Aldermen â—ode to Knightsbridge and tarried there to salute the King and know his further pleasure But when thâ— King came near that place and heard of their beinâ— there he sent to them an Esquire of the Houshold anâ— charged them that they should not presume to come iâ— to his sight with which message they being greatâ—â— discomforted returned home to the City Afterwardâ— in the Octaves of the Purification Michael Tony anâ— Adam Basynge returned from Court who before weâ—â— sent by the Mayor to such Friends as they had in thâ— Court to know the cause of the Kings high displeasurâ— and brought word back that the King was well minded towards the City but he was in full purpose to havâ— such persons chastized that had oppressed the Commoâ—alty of the same Upon the morrow following came uâ— to the Guild Hall John Mansell with others of thâ— Kings Council who to the People there assembleâ— shewed many fair and pleasant words Amongst whicâ— he declared that the Kings Mind and Will was to coâ—rect all such persons as had oppressed the Commonalty of that his dearest beloved City and asked of the Coâ—mons whether they would be agreeable to the samâ— The which incontinently many such as knew littâ—â— what the
matter meant cried without discretion Yeâ— Yea Yea nothing regarding the Liberty of the City After the grant thus had of the Commons the said Joâ—â— Mansell discharged the Mayor Sheriffs and Chambeâ—lain of their Offices and delivered the Custody thereunto the Constable of the Tower and put in the rooâ— of the Sheriffs Michael Tony and John Audrian Aâ— over that all Rolls of Tolls and Tallages before madâ— were delivered unto the said John Mansel which 〈◊〉 there sealed and redelivered to the Chamberlain Whâ—â— the Commons had beheld all this business they returnâ—â— unto their Houses all confused Do we wonder at the Commons readiness in this afair that they who usually have been such brisk assertâ— of their Liberties should now be the occasional cause of bringing them into danger We may suppose that this was no proper Common-Hall but rather called by an order from Court and filled with the populace for in those days I do not find there was any express Act made by King Lords and Commons in being to forbid the Council Table from intermeddling in Civil Causes and determining of the Subjects Liberties or so to regulate its Jurisdiction Power and Authority as to leave such matters to be tried and determined in the ordinary Courts of Justice and by the ordinary course of Law Or else we conclude the Restriction of the Common-Hall to the Livery-Men was not then in use so that the Rabble being intermixt it might be no hard matter to get a â—ry raised by some of them in favour of the proceedings â—hen on foot The Mobile being as liable to be wrought â—pon by fear or fair promises as the great and rich to be corrupted by the hopes of Honours and Preferments â—nd the favour of more potent Grandees while as the â—iddle sort of People like the golden mean between â—wo Extreams are not generally so capable of being â—rawn aside after the lure being too many to be brib'd â—nd not few enough to be frighted not so high and wealthy as to aspire after greater Grandeur nor so low â—ean and despicable as to be imposed upon by the empty â—ames of Greatness and Honour without Virtue sprung â—p at first from Vice and nourished by and amidst reâ—eated Debaucheries This matter thus ordered John Mansell with divers â—f the Kings Council kept their Courts daily the Sunâ—ays except till the 1st Sunday of Lent which that yeaâ—â—as Jan. 25. calling before him 12 Wards of the Ciâ—y out of every of which Wards were taken 3 men â—o that 36 men were impannelled and sworn to enquire â—f the aforesaid Articles and what Persons of the City â—ad offended in them This Court being thus kept and holden at Guild-Hall no man was called to answer nor no question put to any Person by the said Inquest or any other Upon the foresaid 1st Sunday of Lent the Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs with the forementioned Inquest and 4 men of every Ward were charged to appear at Westminster before the King at which appearance they were countermanded till the next morning At which season coming into the Kings Exchequer they found sitting there the Earls of Glocester and Warwick Joh. Mansell Hen. Baa Justices the Constable of the Tower the Custos of the City and divers others of the Kings Council Then was called by name Ralph Richard Hardell that year Mayor Nicholas Batts Nicholas Fiz Josne Mathew Bockerel John Tolesham and John 〈◊〉 Minoure Aldermen Then John Mansell said that the King by his Laws and Inquisition of the Citizens had found them culpable that they had wronged and hurt the Commonalty of his City by divers means as by the saiâ— Inquisition appeared and forthwith caused it to be read before them When the more part thereof was read he said unto them Thus may you see that the Commonalty of the City hath been by you grievously oppressed and by your means and Counsel the Commonwealth 〈◊〉 the same destroyed as by altering of the Tolls and otheâ— good ancient Customs turning them to your singular advantage and lucre All which matters the said Ralpâ— Richard and his Company denied and that the Commons were not grieved or hurt by them or any of them by any such means and offered to be justified and judged by the Law and Customs of the City Then Heâ—â—â— Baa Justice asked of them whether they would abiâ—â— the adventure of the Inquiry that they had heard reâ—â— before 〈◊〉 stand upon the saying of the other Ward that yet had not beâ—n sworn but they kept to their 〈◊〉 Answer There John Mansell asked of the Mayor whâ—â— was their Law and Custom The Mayor answered 〈◊〉 said that for trespass of a Citizen done against the King he should defend himself by 12 Citizens for Murder or slaying of a man by 30 Citizens and for trespass against a stranger by the Oath of six and himself Then after many reasons made by the said John Mansell and also by the Mayor and Aldermen day was given them to appear the morrow before the King and his Councel Upon the day following the King with many of his Lords sitting in the Exchequer the aforesaid Inquisition was read That done the Mayor and Aldermen were called in by name and two Aldermen more which before were not called viz. Arnâ—ld Thedmare and Henry Waldmode When Ralph Richard Hardâ—ll had heard â—he King speak in the matter he took such fear that he â—nd Nicholas Batt without further Answer put themâ—elves in the King's grace saved to them their Liâ—erties and Franchises of the City But the other six â—esought the King of his wisdom that they might be â—â—dged after the Laws and Customs of the City Then was laid to their charge that over many wrongs by â—hem done to the King and the Commonalty of the Ciâ—y they had alter'd the King's Beam and order'd it to â—e advantage of themselves and other rich men of the City Whereupon the Parties answered and said That â—e alteration of the Beam was not done by them only but 〈◊〉 the advice and consent of 500 of the best of the City â—or where before-time the Weigher used to lean his â—raught toward the Merchandise so that the buyer had â—y that means 10 or 12 pounds in a draught to his adâ—antage and the seller so much disadvantage now for â—â—differency and equality of both persons it was orâ—ain'd that the Beam should stand upright the cleft â—ereof inclining to neither party as in weighing of â—old and Silver and the buyer to have allowed of the 〈◊〉 for all things four pounds only in every draught â—fter these Reasons and others by them made the King commanded that upon the morning following a Folk-moot should be called at Paul's Cross and so that Court was dissolved and the Mayor and the others returned to London Upon the morrow the Folk-moot being at Paul's Cross Assembled these six Aldermen hearing the murmuring of the common people and knowing that the Aldermen or Worshipful of the City should have
little or no saying in this matter and fearing their Cause they went into a Canon's house of St. Paul's where at that time John Mansell and others sent from the King tarryed the Assembling of the People and shewed them that they intended not any longer to plead with the K. but were contented to put themselves fully in the King's grace and mercy saving alwaies to themselves and all other Citizens their Liberty and Franchise of the City After which Agreement John Mansell with the others came into the Court of Folk-moot whereunto the people was rehearsed a fair and pleasant Tale promising to them that their Liberties should be wholly and inviolably preserved by the King with many other things to the great comfort of the common people And lastly it was asked of them whether the Law and Custom were such as is above rehearsed or no whereunto like undiscreet and unlearned people they answered and eryed Nay nay nay notwithstanding that the said Law and Custom had before-time been used time out of mind To this was neither Mayor nor Aldermen nor other of the great of the City that might impugn or make any reason for upholding their antient Laws or Customs And no wonder continues my Author Fabian though the King were thus heady or grievous to the City for by such evil disposed and malicious people as he had about him the Land was ill ruled and much mischief was used whereof ensued much sorrow after Then John Mansell called the Mayor and Aldermen before him and charged them to be at Westminster the morrow following to give attendance upon the King Upon the morrow the Mayor and Aldermen tarrying the King's coming in the great Hall at Westminster the King came into St. Stephen's Chappel where for a season he had a Council with his Lords after went into the Exchequer-Chamber and there sate him down and his Lords about him Anon after the Mayor and Aldermen were called into the said Chamber and soon after called by name and commanded to stand near the Bar. Then Henry Baa Justice said unto the Mayor and 7 Aldermen That for so much as by form of the King's Laws they were found culpable in certain Articles touching transgression against the King therefore the Court awarded that they should make fine and ransom after the discretion of the said Court But for that they had put themselves in the King's grace and mercy the King hath commanded the Fine to be put in respite that ye be not pained so grievously as ye have deserved After which Judgment gâ—ven they kneeled down and then the Mayor with weeping Tears thanked the King for the bounty and goodness and besought him to be a good and gracious Lord to the City and unto them as his faithful Subjects Whereunto the King made no Answer but rose straight up and so went his way leaving them there Anon as the King was departed they were all arrested and kept there till they had found Surety and every Alderman of them discharg'd of his Ward and Office that they had within the City But shortly after they put in Sureties and so returned heavily to London Shortly after was William Fitz Richard by the K. Commandment made Mayor Thomas Fitz Thomas and William Grapsysgate Sheriffs After this day by day the Chamberlain was call'd to Account before John Mansell of all such Tolls as were gathered in the time of the Mayoralty of John Tâ—leshaâ— and Ralph Richard Hardell there being present to hear the said Account divers of the Commonalty of the City but none oâ— the Heads By which Account no default might be laid to any of the forenamed persons convict before the King By reason whereof divers of them were admitted to the King's favour shortly after and restor'd to their Officâ—s again but not without paying of money whereof the certainâ—y is not known saith my Author What a broil was here What endeavours us'd to find faults to set the King at difference with his Loyal Citizens and keep them from Reconciliation A Bedroll of Crimes and Ostences devised made and formed and none to own it lâ—st they themselves should at laâ—â— be punish'd for those wrong Accusâ—tions which they had laid to other mens charges and could not weâ— prove What was this but to make divisions betweeâ— the Commons and their Head Rulers To pretend tâ— oblige the one and depress the other Divide anâ— Reign was a Maxim put in use before ever Machiavâ—â— was in being What pray now was all this for Was it not to weaken the City's Power To makâ— the Rich appear Offenders and then seem to lay oblâ—gations upon them by pardoning what they were nâ—ver realâ—y and dâ—signedly guiâ—ty of Or else to 〈◊〉 Money out of their hands and yet persuade people that they were favourably dealâ— with You may heâ—â— see their actions were in a manner wire-drawn to bâ— made offences and their Accounts sâ—â—rcht to pick 〈◊〉 somewhat to lay to their charge And yet how visiblâ— were all the tricks and devices of ill men frustrated and sappointed the very saâ—e way whereby they though to have confirm'd and made good their malicious Dâ—signs when after all their searches they were in sort compelâ—'d to approve the others faultless wholâ—â— doubtlâ—s◠〈◊〉 their minds wills purposes and inâ—â—ntions How hard a matter had it been for the aâ—cured clearly to have deseated ill mens suggestions 〈◊〉 not they themselves pav'd them the way by searching into their accounts where it seems no faults were to be found to make good their accusations Let those transactions be brought into open Court which before were wont to be done privately and then all the present Auditors are made Judges of the reasonableness of the proceedings Here were large imputations and yet the accused suffered to go at freedom and not clapt up till they were frightened into submission What! Could they get none to swear roundly against them Never an outlandish Evidence for love nor mony for fear favour nor affection then clap them up in Prison not letting them see the faces of their Accusers Why did not they search their houses seize upon their Trunks and Boxes and so rake into their private Writings to ferret out some Crimes out of them or else in defect thereof privily foist in something criminal and blameworthy and afterwards openly produce it and with full cry and â—oud exclamations impose the belief thereof on their credulous Partizans as if really found upon them We need not stay for the revolution of Plato's year expecting former Transactions to be acted over again Are any of us such strangers in Jerusalem as not to know the things which have come to pass there in the latter days As the Heads of the City in this Richard Hardâ—ll's Mayoralty had their share of troubles and afflâ—ctions as hath been related above so the Commons were not without their care likewise For Wheat is said this year â—o have been so scarce that it was sold at London
at 24 â— â— Quarter Scarcity of Corn in those days made this a considerable summ Dâ—arer we are told it would have been had not some been brought out of another Counâ—ry which made People flock to the City because 't was â—heaper there than in many Shires of England This is the year wherein the K. kept his high Court â—f Parliament at Oxford which of some Writers is named the mad Parliament because of many Acts there madâ— for Reformation of the State the prosecution of which prov'd in event the death and destruction of many Nobâ—â— Men by means of that famed strife then begun anâ— called at this day the Barons War True the accidental Consequences proved fatal to many But if unfortunate broils give to any Laws the denomination of evil I know not but in time some may grow so presumptuously bold as upon the like account prophanely to branâ— even the Christian Religion which we have been assured at first from the divine Oracles should prove thâ— occasion of much strife in the world and the Experience of these latter times confirm it plain enough to our Understandings Whether the forementioned Parliamenâ— justly and really deserves the opprobrious Title thâ—â— some have given it I shall very willingly submit to the Judgment of any experienc'd Reader who hath throughly perused weighed and considered the Equity Justice and reasonableness of the English Liberties and Priviledges contained in the grand Charter sealed and given to the Nation by K. John Father to this Hen. 3 d which was confirmed in this very same Oxford Parliament according to Matthew Paris as the chief thing then desired and insisted on by the Nobles and whereon were likewise grounded the other Acts and Ordinances then and there made by the King and his Lords For that the King his Brethren the Noblemen and Bâ—rons took their Oaths to see the same observed I appeal to Stow's Annals for proof That these Acts might be kept firm and stable we read of 12 Peers then chosen to whom Authority was given to correct all such as offended in breaking of these Ordinances and others by the said Peers to be devised and ordered touching and concerning the same matter and purpose It was not long after the end of this Parliament before strife and variance began to kindle between the King and the Earls of Leicester and Glocester by reason of such Officers as the Earls had removed and put others in their room Amongst which John Mansell of whom enough is mentioned above was discharged of his Office and Sir Hugh Bygot admitted for him Upon occasion of this difference beginning to arise between the King and his Barons we meet with an eminent Instance of the City's Power and esteem for when the Peers heard of the murmur at Court fearing that the King would be advised to alter his Promise to make their party the stronger they are said to have come about Maudlintide to the Guild-Hall at London where the Mayor Aldermen and Commonalty of the City were assembled to whom they shewed an Instrument or Writing at which hung many Labels with Seals as the King's Seal Edward his Son's Seal with many others of the Nobles of the Land wherein were contained the Articles ordained and made at Oxford willing as saith the Book the Mayor and Aldermen considering the said Acts were made to the Honour of God Fidelity to the King and profit of the Realm that they would also in upholding of the same set their common Seal of the City thereto After this Request the Mayor and Citizens at first indeed desired to be excused till they knew the Kings Pleasure but no excuse at that time being to be granted at last by the labour of the Lords and such solicitors as they had within the City the common Seal was put to the forementioned Writing and the Mayor with divers of the City sworn to maintain the same their Allegiance saved to the King with preservation of their Liberties and Franchises After this obtain'd we find the 12 Peers assembling day by day as if now they feared no colours the City being on their side and valued no ones Threats keeping their Councils and Courts for the Reformation of old grievances removing from the King divers of his Menial Servants and setting others in their places and moreover a Proclamation comes forth that none of the Kings Takers should take any thing within the City without the owners will except a small customary matter therein excepted upon which what the Kings Officers took was straight paid for within the City and Liberty of the same and so continued to be for a while Can any one then desire a better proof of the City's repute in those days Yet within few years following we shall meet with more Instances of her power in the History In the 42d year Sir Hugh Bygot with Rogâ—â— Turkelay and others kept his Court at St. Saviours and held there the Itinerary Pleas to the sore punishment â—â— many convicted offending Officers Though this Hugh Bygot was put in by the Peers to reform as may be supposed old grievances yet power seems to have made him also go astray or else corruption or to colloguâ— with another party Whereof the City in General waâ— like to have tasted deeply could he have had his Will some of the particular Citizens scaped him not for hâ— summoned the Citizens to the aforesaid Court for Toll taken on the further side of the Water And though it was answered that they were taken lawfully and they were ready to prove it in places and Court convenienâ— within the Precinct of their Liberty Yet notwithstanding he charged upon Inquest 12 Knights of Surry to enquire thereof who acquitted the Citizens and sheweâ— that the said Toll belonged to them of Right Afterwards coming to Guild-Hall he kept his Court anâ— Pleas there according to my Author without all order of Law and contrary to the Liberties of the City inflâ—cting new punishments on the Bakers and ordered many things at his Will This year the Citizens had opportunity of shewing their Respect to the Kings Brother Ricbard Earl â—â— Cornwall coming over from beyond Sea where he had been dealing in the affairs of the Empire unto London where he was joyfully received the City being richly hang'd with Silk and Arras In the 43d year John Gysours being Mayor and John Adrian and Robert Cornhill Sheriffs Fryday after Simon and Jude's day we hear of the reading in the Parliament kept at Westminster in presence of all the Lords and Commonalty at sundry times of all the Acts and Ordinances made at Oxford with other Articles added by the Peers After which reading we find all those very solemnly accursed that attempted in word or deed to break the said Acts or any of them The Form of the Curse which was most solemnly denounced against the Violaters and Infringers of Magna Charta is to be seen in Matthew of Paris and this here intimated was in probability
the City gave the Nomination to Aleyn â—â—wch and divers of the others cryed upon Thomas 〈◊〉 Thomas at that time Prisoner in Windsor Castle â—herefore the said Sir Roger with the Assistance of â—he Mayor and others took those Persons and sent â—â—emun to divers Prisons So that what they could not â—o well get by fair means some seem resolved to obâ—ain by force And yet 't is not unlikely but they â—ould be ready enough to bear People in hand that â—uch was a free Election The Act against Disturbance 〈◊〉 Free Elections wherein the King commandeth upon Forfeiture that no man by force of Arms nor by â—alice or menacing shall disturb any to make Free â—lection was not at that time dreaded as not being 〈◊〉 yet enacted for it is plac'd in the third of Edward the First the following King wherefore the Distâ—â—bers might not then think they had such cause 〈…〉 having the Court also on their side as 〈◊〉 must have had since as soon as ever they should 〈◊〉 acted so imprudently as to bring themselves 〈◊〉 the laâ—h of that standing Law Observe we here 〈◊〉 Power and Esteem that usually accompanie◠〈◊〉 Mayoralty of this Honorable City since that 〈◊〉 Faction were for choosing one of their own 〈◊〉 Shall I further remark upon the whole of this 〈◊〉 what Party in a Nation 't is that sticks not at 〈◊〉 nor force to effect their Designs when fair 〈◊〉 is too weak to compass them But who will 〈◊〉 me that this will not be offensive Therefore to 〈◊〉 In this Year the Gentlemen who kept the 〈◊〉 Ely and liv'd there like Outlaws broke out 〈◊〉 times and did much harm in Norfolk Suffolk 〈◊〉 Cambridge Shire took Norwich and after spoiling 〈◊〉 carried away with them many of the rich men 〈◊〉 ransomed them at great sums of Mony This 〈◊〉 occasion the story says to Thieves and other 〈◊〉 dispos'd People to do many other hurts and 〈◊〉 in divers places of the Land and the blame was 〈◊〉 to those Gentlemen Then the Pope's Legate labouâ—â— with the King that those disinherited Gentlemâ—â— might purchase their Lands of him by Fine and 〈◊〉 some Whereupon it was agreed that they 〈◊〉 have their Lands again at five Years value some 〈◊〉 excepted and others of small Possessions to 〈◊〉 Fined at the discretion of the King's Councel 〈◊〉 this took no conclusion saith my Author Anno 52. Aleyn Sowch being Mayor Thomas â—â—singâ— and Robert de Cornehyll Sherists we read of anâ—ther broyl beginning which was like to have creaâ—â— no little disturbance in the Land had it not 〈◊〉 timely appeas'd and brought to an end by the inteâ—cession of wise Mediators For Gilbert de Clare Earl 〈◊〉 Glocester formerly a powerful Man among the Bâ—rons Party by reason of difference and disgust â—â—ising between him and the no less Potent Earl of 〈◊〉 of the same Party having turn'd to the King's side adding to it such considerable strength that it soon over powr'd the weakend Barons but â—â—w upon what occasion Fabian expresses not he refused the King and gathered to him a strong 〈◊〉 in the Marches of Wales To him likewise drew Sir John Eyvile and others of the disinherited 〈◊〉 So that after Christmas he comes with a â—ear Host near unto London When the Mayor and Aldermen of the City were aware of the Earls â—â—ming with so strong a Power and not knowing 〈◊〉 he were the Kings Freind they shut the 〈◊〉 against his Fore-Riders And for that neither 〈◊〉 King nor any of his Councel were then near 〈◊〉 City they went unto the Legate at that time â—â—dged in the Tower and required his Councel â—hether they should suffer the Earl to enter into the â—ay or not whereunto the Legate answered that 〈◊〉 thought not the contrary for the knew well that 〈◊〉 was the Kings true Subject and Friend Not 〈◊〉 after came a Messenger from the Earl to the â—ayor to have Licence to pass through the City 〈◊〉 Southwark where he intended to lodge with 〈◊〉 People which was granted and so the Earl â—â—ssed through the City and was lodg'd in Southâ—ark To him came shortly after by Surry-side 〈◊〉 John Eyvile with a great Company Then the â—ayor kept the Gate of the Bridge shut watchâ—â—g it dayly with armed Men and every night 〈◊〉 the Draw-Bridge to be drawn and the Waterside daily and nightly to be watched with Men in Arms. In short time after the Legate and the Earl agreed in such wise that the Earl by his advice was suffered with certain of his People to be lodged in the City By means whereof he daily drew more and more of his People into it so that finally many things were ordered by him and many of the Commons took his part against the Mayor and Aldermen The Commonalty of the City had had great Power put into their hands by the Statutes made at Oxford as appears before in the Meeting of the Folâ—moot at Pauls Cross they had been lately fin'd after the Barons overthrow for their standing in defence of those Parliament-Acts and but the last year had been disturb'd by the Mayor in their Election of a new Mayor by force of Arms and therefore now we may beleive it all remembred What shall we loose so seasonable an opportunity we may suppose they might then think if not to regain our former power yet at least to vindicate our selves against future affronts Here we may note not a little of the Earls policy After he had gathered together his People he comes away to London and getting leave to pass through it 〈◊〉 part of his Forces he settles himself as near the City as he might in Southwark and then by degrees gets himself and his Power into the City hoping doubtless to find a Party therein willing to second him which hopes we perceive by the sequel were not ill grounded Is not this a plain instance of the Cities Power Esteem and Influence in these days If any can produce plainer proof hereof let them as soon as they please I think here 〈◊〉 Mathematical Demonstration matter of Fact not of Fancy In Easter week we read that the Earl took the Keys of the Bridge and of the Gates from the officers of the City and deliver'd them to such as pleased him and received into the City many of the disinherited Perfons and gave them free liberty to pass the Bridge at all hours of the day and night Of all this the Mayor sent word to the King who then was gathering of this Power in Norfolk and made hasty speed towards London In the mean time the Earl with his Company made Bulwarks and â—â—â—bicanes between the Tower and the City casting 〈◊〉 and Trenches in some places thereof and forfâ—ited it wonderfully saith my Author Then many of the Citizens fearing a new Insurrection deparred from the City as secretly as they could whose goods the Earl seized to his own use or suffered his men to spoile them at his pleasure
Citizens disâ—greement But if such was the effect of the Ciâ—izens contest what then may we think of those who â—urposely create those differences and stir up dangerâ—us animosities among them upon slight trivial â—orn out pretences that from the like cause or occasion the like effect may follow At Candlemas by discreet and wise peaceable means the forenamed Sir Walter Harvy was set in Authority as Major and so remained the whole year after In the third year the King confirmed the Liberties of the City and granted some new Thus you see after a storm comes fair weather In this year we meet with a Relation concerning Walter Harvy how that in the first year of this King after long controversy and strife with the Aldermen he was made Major of London at a Folkmoot or Common-Hall at Pauls-Cross and so continued that year but in this third year occasion was found to remember and as the event seems to intimate revenge it For being accused of divers perjuries and other detestable deeds contrary to his Oath for them and for making Assemblies of the Commons who favour'd him he was depriv'd of his Aldermanship and turn'd out of the City Council for ever and for keeping the Kings peace within the City for the term of his life was bound to the good behaviour upon the suretiship of twelve persons 'T is not unusual for the Commonalty and heads of the City to be at difference each with other Here 's one who seems a promoter of the Commons power over-power'd himself by his Enemies for making assemblies of the Commons and other Crimes objected to him true or feigned I know not however thence was taken a pretence to thrust him out of his former power These Folkmoots or Assemblies of the Commons seem to have been very unpleasing tâ— the chief Rulers of the City and their power disgusted as may be guess'd from the fore-pass'd transactions in King Henry's days where we may remember that the Commons were the men whâ— had power allotted them by the Parliament at their Folkmoot or Common-hal to grant the King Licence to depart out of the Land for a Season 'T were they who most firmly adher'd to the Barons standing up in defence of those Parliament Statues made at Oxford but few of the chief Rulers of the City comparatively are noted to have appear'd openly in that fam'd contest of the Barons War In the fourth year occasion was taken against Michael Tony upon some demeaours of his in the Welch War to accuse him of Treason of which he was arraign'd judg'd and condemn'd and after drawn hang'd and quartered This man doubtless had been a noted stickler in the Barons War for I find one of that Name among the five persons so long kept in Prison in Windsor Tower after the Barons overthrow till mony bought them out as is before related Princes once highly offended may openly profess to forgive the offending party but they do not however so soon forget him Tho David pardoned Shimei during his life and swore to him not to put him to death with the Sword yet as good a Man as he was he charg'd his Son Solomon to bring down his hoary head to the grave with blood and so accordingly we find an occasion was afterwards taken by Solomon to revenge his former cursing his Father David by commanding Benaiah who went out and fell upon him that he dyed This year was the famous Statute of Mortmain first enacted that no man should give Lands or Rents to the Church without the Kings Special Licence which Statute had afterwards many additions annext to it to make it the stronger For the Lay-fee was in great danger to be devour'd by the Spiritualty such Arts did the Clergy use on mens minds to augment their power and Riches Tho now our Courts of Law are fixt at Westminster yet in these Ancient times it was not so for we read that this King in his sixth year remov'd his Courts of Kings-Bench Chancery Common-Pleas and Exchequer to Shrewsbury and afterwards return'd them back again to the no small damage of the Records thus carried to and fro This King held his Parliament at London in his seventh year for Reformation of his Coyn much clip't and diminish'd This storm fell chiefly upon the Jews by reason of the Inquest charg'd in London to enquire of this matter Whereupon were cast two hundred and ninety seven persons before the Major and other Justices sitting at London and afterwards Executed at sundry times and places My Author hath left upon Record that among these there were but three Englishmen all the rest were Jews or Jews born in England Famous is the 12th year for the Conquering and subâ—â—â—â—ing of Wales to the English Scepter and divâ—sion of it bâ— King Edward into Shires whereupon were ordain'd Sheriffs and other Officers therein as were then us'd in England David Brother to Lewellyn late Prince of Wales who was condemned to be drawn hang'd and quarter'd as a chief â—â—irrer and beginner of the Welsh War in time of a Parliament held at Shrewsbury was shortly after Executed and his head sent to London to be sâ—t by his Brothers which had been order'd to be plac'd the â—ear before on London-Tower In this year was Edward of Carnarvan born the first of our English Kings since William the first that I read of publickly unking'd and depos'd by his own Subjects The great Conduit standing against Saint Thomas of Acres in Cheapside owes his foundation to this year The 13th year may be noted for the Kings seizing the Franchises and Liberties of London into his own hands on the day kept in Memory of Saint Pauls Conversion so that he discharged the Major Gregory Rokisle and admitted for Custos or Guardian of the City Stephen Sandewich who continued till the Monday following the Purification of the Virgin Mary when being discharg'd Sir John Breton sâ—ands upon Record charg'd for the residue of the year My Author writes that the cause of this displeasure the King bore to the City is not shewn of a certainty He mentions an old Pamphlet whereby it appears that the Major took bribes of the Bakers and suffer'd them to sell bread lacking six ounces in a penny Loaf for which the King was sore displeased but to him this seem'd no convenient cause that the Liberties of the City should be seiz'd for one man's offence Wherefore he rather supposeth it was for a more grievous cause However it is observable from History that it was a Common thing in Elder times to seize the Cities Charters on pretences slight enough of any sense till the Citizens grew so wise as at convenient seasons to procure new grants and graces to prevent such seizures for the future And that it is not still so feasable and practicable is the grief I believe and heart-burning of some in the world The 14th year of this King may be accounted famous for the Statutes called Additamenta Gloucestriae made at a
Stones So great a value did this high-flown Duke set upon his grace and favour till the Citizens of this honourable City by their power and prudence had brought down his haughty spirit a Peg or two lower and that visibly too For we don't find him as ambitious as he still continued so openly aspiring to Englands Crown for the future how successfully soever his Son made a Rape thereon at the end of this Princes Reign under the pretence of I know not what hidden right accruing to him from his Mother We read indeed I confess in Cotton's Abridgment of the Records that in the seventeenth of this King the Earl of Arundel laid several things to the Dukes charge as not honourable for the King to suffer in him nor fit for him to do being a Subject as that he went Arm in Arm with the King and his Men wear the same Livery the Kings did which seems to shew much of Arrogancy and Ambition to say no more besides some other Objections but herein he was so far justified by the King himself that the Earl was ordered to crave the Dukes Pardon in full Parliament in a certain form of words appointed him In Stows Annals also we meet with an Accusation brought against him in the seventh of this Kings Reign tending to prove his intent and design suddainly to oppress the King and take upon himself the Kingdom but it seems little notice was taken of it by the King himself who was to have lost most had it been attempted Successfully and doubtless as little believ'd otherwise surely the Schedule containing the time place and other Circumstances had not been presently delivered into the Dukes hands nor the accuser committed at his request to the charge of his near Kinsman nor the occasion of his violent Death so little inquired into afterwards The Duke was not so powerful nor so great a Terror but the City was as well able still to deal with him and his whole party and make as vigorous opposition as ever in defence of their Soveraign Lord the King if occasion should have offered it self This we have reason to believe was known in those days to all the Nation much more to the Duke himself from former experience who therefore may be suppos'd not any more to have aspir'd openly whatever secret fires of Ambition lay hidden within his breast whether or no he design'd and attempted ought by unseen Plots and Conspiracies I leave to the Judicious Reader to believe or not as he pleases without speaking to or for in the case Besides the decree of an over-ruling Providence Common equity in siding with what was reputed the juster title natural humanity in defending the young and weak and a well grounded affection to the Prince for his Father and Grand-Fathers sake one the famous Black Prince the other the Glorious Edward the third their King and Sovereign we may conclude the generality of the Citizens had the greater aversion to the Duke and his faction because he was a known favourer of Wickliff and his Doctrines whether on a good account or only out of any Ambitious Design I shall not determine in this place and so look't upon perhaps as little better than another Juliâ—n the Apostate For we are to know that Londons Religion and consequently the Nations was at that time Popish and the generality of the People in Town and Country Romes Votaries who had Wickliffs Doctrine in as great detestation then under the Notion of Heresy as we Protestants have it now in esteem under the Seal and assurance of Truth As indeed for many of the ages past from our ever-blessed Saviours Birth through which I have drawn the thread of this discourse and under the succeeding Kings for above an hundred years Popery continued the National Religion under the power and prevalency of which perswasion was the body of the Citizens bred up who prov'd so famous in their Generations for their powerful influence on the grand concerns of the Nation in every considerable turn and change of the times before the Reformation And when England was made happy with this blessed alteration the Cities Power Strength and Esteem remain'd the same in effect as ever the change of her Religion introducing no change therein unless for the better she encreasing proportionably in every age in Wealth Riches and Honour as the Nation grew stronger and stronger And still continues as visibly conspicuous under Protestantism as before under the Romish Faith a thing easy to be demonstrated in due time and place How influential the Cities actions were upon the Nations affairs and her Love advantagious to the Orphan Prince in securing his Claim Right and Title to the Crown in his Grand-Fathers life time and setling him quietly on the Throne at his Death in spight of all the opposition the deep designs and daring Spirit of his Aspiring Uncle John of Gaunt and his faction could make when they had got the reigns of publick Government into their own hands through the Old Kings Connivance hath been the subject of several of the aforegoing pages The next thing of course falling under present consideration is to observe how this Honourable City of London behav'd her self after she had lent her â—ssistance to raise this Young Prince from the â—eanness of a Subject to the Royal Dignity and Grandeur of a King under the Name of Richard the Second what place she held in his affections â—nd of what esteem in the eyes of all the rest of â—he people But where shall I begin and when â—hall I end Sooner may I be wearied with readâ—ng and tir'd with writing than fail of matter â—o exercise my Pen so copious is my Subject and â—o full of Variety For in my searches into the Histories of this Kings Reign I find it plain to a â—emonstration that the City carried a great sway â—mongst all Ranks and Degrees from the Prince â—o the Subject from the King the Supream to â—is subordinate Magistrates and Ministers and was highly Honour'd Rever'd and Respected â—mong the Nobility Gentry and Commonalty â—f the Land both in the calm of peace and the â—oisterous storms of civil distractions I begin first with the Honourable House of Commons the known representative of the Commons of England and concerning them obâ—erve out of Sir Robert Cotton's exact Abridgment of the Records in the Tower revis'd by William Prynne Esq that in the first Parliament of this King in his first year among other Petitions of the Commons there is to be found one particular division under the Title of Petitions for the City of London wherein the House of Commons become express Petitioners so great was the Cities influence over their Debates and so high a respect had they for her to the King for many considerable Grants in favour of the Citizens and to them very advantagious and beneficial As that all their Liberties may be confirm'd with a Non obstante That they attend upon no Commandment
esteemed most amiable and counted highly powerful since she is to be admired for the goodness and greatness under which comprehend the large Riches Power and Spirit of particular Citizens incorporated into Her For the first let me instance in the commendable diligence of her Mayor Adam Baume who upon a very great scarcity of Corn in the fifteenth of this King providently took care to have Corn brought to Lâ—â—don from forreign Parts to the relief of the whole Realm and add hereunto the Charity of the Aldermen who for the furtherance of so good a Work laid out each of them a sum of mony in those days very considerable to the same purpose and bestow'd the Corn thus procur'd in convenient places where the Poor might buy at an appointed price and such as had no ready mony upon Surety to pay the year following besides the common Act of the Mayor and Citizens in taking two thousand Marks out of the Orphans Chest in Guildhall for the same intent In Proof of the later viz. The Greatness Riches Power and Spirit of particular Citizens I challenge all the Cities in the world besides to shew me such another Example as that of John Philpot Citizen of London the Citizens Orator to this King in the beginning of his Reign who in the second year observing the young Kings inability the Nobles neglect and the oppressions of the poor Commons voluntarily hir'd Souldiers with his own mony rig'd out a Fleet at his own charge and hazarded his own Person to defend the Realm from Pirates Robbers and incursions of Enemies and therewith successfully took in a little time Mercer the Scot with all his Ships which he had before violently taken from Scarborow and fifteen Spanish Ships besides laden with much Riches which came to his Aid Can Rome her self shew me a like Parallel As for the Fabij they were a whole Family among the Patricians and Crassus himself a great Magistrate in the heigth of that Common-wealths Grandeur amidst Equals and Inferiors whereas this publick-spirited Person liv'd still a Subject under a limited Monarchy none of the greatest nor the strongest then in the World This noble Act some would have thought should have deserved great praise and commendation and so it had among the Common People but among the great Lords and Earls it met with Reproach and Detraction as being a manifest reproof of their carelesness and negligence and he himself was endanger'd thereby they speaking openly against it as done unlawfully without the Councel of the King and his Realm though his design could not be denyed to have been very honest in the general Had he suffered for that unpresidented Act because it was deficient in some formalities required by Law the Statesmen of the times therein instrumental without all peradventure had appeared as odious in the Eyes of the Commons as some of the chief Episcopal Clergy-men in a Protestant Country within the Memory of Man would have made themselves obnoxious to the Peoples Censure should they have publickly burnt Vindiciae Pietatis i. e. a Vindication of Godliness from the imputation of folly and fancy which I have heard intimated as if thought of because it wanted such an Imprimatur as the Law demanded and was writ possibly by an Author not altogether Episcopal in his declared Judgment But to pass on If such were the superemient and supererogating Acts of particular Citizens so many Ages ago to what an height of Wealth Greatness and splendor must we needs think the City to have arriv'd at this day some Centuries of years since that time If ten thousand Pounds was a Mayors Estate heretofore we may give a shrew'd guess at the Cities advancement and encrease in Riches since now that the same is made the limited sum for the Citizens to swear themselves not worth who desire to avoid the chargeable Honour and Honourable charge of the Shrievalry Nay to go a step or two further now adays we find her Sheriffs Revenue commonly reputed at double the value and others of her Citizens thought able to number their thousands by scores What if I had also added that some are esteem'd so wealthy as not to know an end of their Riches Certainly such if any must needs come under the denomination of men vastly rich in worldly goods So that this glorious and Triumphant City seems in many things able to vy with if not out-vy the Quondam Mistress of the World Rome her self She exceeds her in Antiquity as being founded in Fabian's Compute above four hundred years before her and hath this advantage of her now that whereas Rome is confest and acknowledged to be in the wane of her power and Greatness both as to her Civil and Ecclesiastical Authority London still continues on the rising hand Rome 't is visible hath suffer'd a considerable diminution as to her former extent and Jurisdiction in both capacities whether she be lookt upon as once head of the world or now pretended head of the Church but London plainly appears to be dayly getting ground both in Fame and Reputation as well as building And whereto she may come in time belongs to a Prophet not an Historian to declare She is already become the Fam'd Metropolis of this our little World and Rome was but Empress in a greater Neither was she anear so influential over the greatest part of that how much soever thereof she had under her Dominion as London is known to be at present over all ours Having thus shewn the influence this Honourable City had upon the Commons of this Land in Peace and amidst tumultuous disorders and the great respect both King and Nobles in Conjunction had for her I should now proceed to disengage my self of an obligation I presume lying on me from part of a promise before made to declare the esteem the Lords when singly consider'd had of her strength and power But before I pass on more immediately thereto I crave leave to observe the great variety and difference in Parliamentary transactions and proceedings under this King within the compass of whose Reign we find but two years on Record viz the nineteenth and twenty second wherein there was not a Parliament called and assembled in one place or other by his Authority sometimes oftner and so those Acts of Edward the third were exactly kept for eighteen years running wherein it is ordained and established that a Parliament shall be holden once every year and more often if need be which being omitted but one year in twenty one and not observed in the twenty second we may easily think it prov'd fatal to the unfortunate King that in the next Parliament he should be depos'd by his own Subjects and the Crown set upon anothers head And is it any wonder to see things so injurious and unjust sometimes done in National Assemblies when in a vein of contradiction they make Ordinances so diametrically opposite each to other as was done in this Kings time For we find parties
of his Disposition weakness of his Judgment or fondness of 〈◊〉 Affection grounded mostly on humour anâ— fancy having grasp'd all publick affairs in Church and State into their own hands too too oft make no better use thereof than to Hector over those who were before their Superiours suppress their Equals oppress their Inferiors and inslave the poor Commons the easier thereby to raise themselves and their own Families upon other mens ruins When these things happen and the reins of Government fall into such men's hands the rich are sure to be the greatest sufferers and such as have most of this Worlds goods are certain to be most watch'd and carpt at and all opportunities greedily laid hold on to bring them under the Lash that they may be squeez'd like Spunges and large sums exacted of them to buy out their Pardons and procure forgiveness till another occasion offer it self to make them be thought Offenders anew of this London sufferings in the fifteenth of this King are attesting proofs For the Londoners having refus'd to lend the King mony as was requested and some abuses being offer'd to the Merchant Stranger that proffered to lay it down Stow tells us the King was marvellously inrag'd hereat and calling a Council of his Nobles at Stamford causes the Mayor Sheriffs and best of the Citizens to be Arrested and afterwards the Mayor and Sheriffs being depos'd sends them to several Prisons there to be kept till he and his Council had consider'd and decreed what should be done with them and it was also further determined that from thenceforth the Londoners should not chose nor have any Mayor but that the King should appoint one of his Knights to be Ruler of the City their Priviledges were revok'd their Liberties disannull'd and their Laws abrogated Neither was this all The Terms likewise and the Courts of Kings Bench Common-pleas Chancery c. Were remov'd from London to York such was the displeasure conceiv'd against them by the King or the ill Offices done them by some busie Courtiers about him For Fabian gives us another account of this affair and says the occasion arose from a contest between the Citizens and the Bishop of Salisburies Servants about one of their fellow Servants who had taken a Loaf out of a Bakers basket openly in the streets and then broke his head with his Dagger for attempting to regain it which grew so high the Citizens striving to have the offender seiz'd on and Committed to Ward and the Bishops Servants rescuing him and shutting up their Gates that the Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs had much ado by their perswasion presence and Authority to stop further outrages and contain the multitude within bounds though at last they effected it and dismis'd the people home in peace and quietness But the angry Bishop so highly resented this business notwithstanding the fault sprung Originally out of his own House that he and the Arch-Bishop of York incens'd the King all they could against the Londoners even so far that one expresly affirms he was once resolv'd to have utterly ruin'd and destroy'd the whole City A very sharp punishment certainly for such an offence and for a City publickly endow'd with such transcendent Grants and Priviledges as not to be lyable to a just legal seizure of her Liberties and Franchises unless for Treason or Rebellion done by the whole City as hath been before observ'd in the first of Edward the third and the seventh of this present King Now how Treason or Rebellion could be justly charg'd upon the whole City at this time and in these instances which soever of them we give credit to I cannot well conceive The most methinks that could be made of it in the worst construction could amount no further than a Riot notwithstanding the great and hainous matters laid unto the Mayors charge though not a syllable prov'd that I read of as that he no otherwise Rul'd the City but suffered the Citizens to make such assaults upon the Kings head Officers to the Kings great dishonour and hazard of the Kings Treasure then in his Custody The Statute of the twenty fifth of Edward the third which makes it Treason to slay the Treasurer must surely have been very far stretched to have brought the whole City within the compass thereof because some of the meaner Citizens assaulted the Treasurers House upon an injustice first done by one and â—n affront afterwards offered by others of his own Servants in refusing to deliver the Offender or â—uffer the Constable to enter to seize him he himself being as many Miles distant at that time as Windsor is from London and so not capable of receiving then the least injury in his own person â—uch less to be kill'd out-right without which no Treason lies in the Case upon this Act. But if â—he King and Council would have it so or at least â—ct as if it were so contrary to an establish'd â—aw and his own Grand-Fathers grant who â—ould who would who durst contradict Here â—as no Parliament then Sitting that I read of â—o House of Commons in Being nor Lords erough present their Friends to stave off the first brunt though at length we hear of a Reconciliation depending before a Parliament was call'd and that too by the mediation of powerful Friends some of them no less than the Principal Lords besides the Queen her self Baker and Stow name the Duke of Gloucester the Kings Uncle who was ever reputed by the Commons a great Friend and Patriot to his Country and his untimely end afterwards severely reveng'd on the Actors and Contrivers thereof and made the occasional cause of enraging the People against the King himself who within few years after the aforesaid Dukes violent Death was publickly dethron'd by such as under the popular pretence of reforming ill Government aim'd at their own Advancement to the chiefeâ—â— Honours Preferments and Dignities in Church and State Through this Noble Peer's Suit and Mediation among others we hear the King was somewhat pacified and by little and little abated the rigour of his purpose calling to mind the divers honours and great gifts he had received of the Londoners as certainly the securing his right to the Crown against the ambitious pretensions of his aspiring Uncle and thâ— defending his Life and Person from the furiouâ— Outrages of his mutinous Commons were no mean pieces of Service done him by them whereupon he determined to deal more mildly with them and gives them hopes of Grace and Pardon Fabian tells us of a Reverend Bishop a Spiritual Lord that joyn'd with the Queen 〈◊〉 procure the Kings favour for them and 〈◊〉 their Liberties restor'd them again That the Queen did successfully interceed in their behalf we may perhaps not without some shew of reason conclude from the many great rich and costly Presents made her by the Citizens at the Kings publick entrance into the City about the latter end of August in the same Summer Nay one Writer goes
so far as to acquaint us that even the Duke of Lancaster John of Gaunt appeared likewise in their favour an Intercessor unto the King Whether out of respect to them or secret dislike of his Nephews proceedings forgetfulness of Londons past opposition or his desire at last to become Popular and to ingratiate himself with the Citizens whose power he had before try'd to his loss I dare not venture to resolve upon such unsure grounds as my own bare surmizes But this I presume may easily be granted me that he was then grown ancient and the burning fires of his Ambition were much â—abated if not altogether quenched through forâ—â—er disappointments length of time and the visible increase of years old age growing fast upon him So that the first heats being over he might probably be inclin'd to try his fortune in foreign Countries and content himself with the titulary â—onour of a King abroad now that he had long 〈◊〉 the smart of a frustrated expectation at â—ome London having then such powerful Friends of â—ame and note in the time of her adversity parâ—icularly exprest in History how many more may 〈◊〉 presume she had not expresly mention'd of 〈◊〉 same or somewhat inferior rank and quality â—ho either out of their own affection and particular respect or through the prevalency of these great Examples ingag'd themselves in the Cities interest and became Reconcilers and Repairers of her late Breaches But if the Readers candour will not yield me this not irrational supposition these doubtless in themselves are enough to make out the truth of my assertion and free me from the undesirable imputation of a vain pretender when I offer'd to shew the esteem the Lords singly consider'd in themselves had for this great and honourable City The aforementioned passages shew their good will yet all this notwithstanding somewhat else was expected at Court which the Cities Enemies mainly drove at and seem resolv'd by one means or other to compass and bring about The City was Rich in Priviledges Rich in Glory Rich in Coyn besides the Spirit and Courage of her Citizens all which conjoyn'd made her powerful at home and abroad fam'd in Foreign Countries for Trade and Commerce and highly honour'd within the Circle of the Brittish-Isle through which she was known I lanet-like to dart her over-ruling influences Among Arbitrary Designers these have been generally look't upon as Malign and therefore no wonder if at Court ill-affected Their Liberties and Priviledges are thought too great let 's then have 'em lesâ—ened now time serves And so they were For the Londoners being Commanded to come to Windsor there to shew them and product then Charters both old and new some of them arâ—â—atified some condemn'd some restor'd others detain'd Their Glory likewise is to be made to suffer if possible a diminution in the eyes of the world and therefore almost all the Lords are gather'd together at Windsor against their coming thither and also a great Army that the people might think them terrified thereby and frighted into submission and so have the less esteem for them hereafter as such as may easily be accus'd of offences and as easily be made to undergo grievous penalties for them whoever was originally in fault These Preparations must needs occasion considerable charges but the Londoners must pay the shot if they are Covetous of peace and quietness And so they did at last to their no small expences 'T was not the Honourable Cavalcade of principal Citizens sent out in one Livery to meet and Conduct the King and Court through the City 'T was not the Triumphant Reception of him in his passage through a lane of Livery-men lowdly ecchoing forth his Name the running of Cheapside Conduit with more than one sort of Wine the adorning the Windows and Walls of the Streets with Tapistry Cloth of Gold Silver and Silk nor other gawdy shows to entertain him 'T was not the Rich and Chargeable Presents made to him and his Queen as they pass'd along or afterwards the next day the Costly Crowns and Tables of Gold Horses with their Noble Trappings Plate of Gold and Silver Cloth of Gold Silk Velvets Buttons and Ewers of Gold Gold in Coyn Precious Stones and Jewels so Rich excellent and Beautiful that the value and price was inestimable that could fully appease the Angry King or rather satisfie the ravenous Courtiers Covetuousness until they had laid down also Ten thousand pounds in ready mony And this did the feat for that time And but for that time as far as I can find For new Lords new Laws New Favourites produce new Changes and old ones being cast out of Doors they are for finding out new Crimes Pretences and Devices to empty other mens Purses and enrich themselves under the common notion of levying Fines and Amercements for the King King Richard had received Royal Gifts and Noble Presents of his truly Royal Chamber of London in the sixteenth year of his Reign Yet within less than half a dozen years space this was forgotten and quite out of memory or else so well remembred as to make some heartily desirous of more such Boons as hoping that some of Daâ—ae's showers might descend also into their own laps These being the true Chymical Drops to restore enliven and invigorate the tir'd spirits of such hunger-starv'd Expectants And where throughout the whole British World are they to be had in greater plenty than at London And by the sequell of the story we may believe this was an approved Recipe in those days For some Informations had been given in against the Londoners which incens'd the King to such a degree that the Commonalty Fabian tells us was indicted with other Sheriffs and therefore consequently their own likewise which might have brought great damage afresh to them but that Providence then rais'd them up two Potent Friends and Favourers among the Spiritual Lords by whose advice they made an humble supplication to the King and so by their aid and assiâ—â—ance with help of other Lovers of the City the Kings anger was much appeased But yet nevertheless Blank Charters were brought into the City and many of the most substantial meâ— thereof forc't to seal them highly to their disadvantage which was likewise soon after put in practice in many other Counties So fatal was the Citizens Example to the rest of the Land and so little gain'd they themselves in these Conjunctures by their Submissions Resignations and other like compliances to the Court besides expence charge and much trouble and the continual fears of greater molestations for the future But when was this and how was it brought about If we trace the Serids of times and affairs a little backwards by the unerring Clue of Authentick History we shall find these transactions to bear date some years after the end of the Parliament that wrought wonders when possibly 't was almost forgot and it's Statutes by some Mens Artifices slighted through disuse and inexecution