1516. Upon his Death they resolv'd to rid their hands of their Neighbours the Christians as also of the Fort that they might pay no more Tribute to the Spaniards In order to the execution of their design they sent to Aruch Barberossa who was then at Higir a place seated on the side of the Mediterranean Sea distant from Algiers East-ward an hundred and eighty Italian miles intreating him as a valiant Souldier for he was famous at that time for his Victories to make all the haste he could to Algiers with his Turks and Galleys to deliver them out of the hands of the Christians who much incommodated them by that Fort promising to recompence him nobly for his pâ—ins Barberossa having receiv'd this Embassy was very glad of iâ— looking on it as a fit opportunity to make himself Lord of Algiers and by degrees reduce under his power great Territories in Barbary He pretended to be much troubled that the Christians lay so heavy on those of Algiers and made answer that he wish'd nothing so much as that he were able to deliver them out of that misery and that within a short time he would come and relieve them The Ambassadors glad of that promise return'd to Algiers In the interim Barberossa looses no time He sends away eighteen Gallies full of Turks Ammunition and Artillery and himself with his Turkish and Moorish forces comes by Land Selim Eutâ—mi Lord of Algiers and the chiefest Citizens were glad to see the ready assistance which Barberossa gave them they went and met him a days journey short of the City imagining he was coming streight to Algiers But Barberossa excus'd himself saying that some affairs of great importance oblig'd him to go first to Sargil sixty Italian miles from Algiers on the Sea-side Westward promising to return in a short time and to do what they desiâ—'d if not more Accordingly he went with his forces by Land towards Sargil giving order to his Gallies which were already at Algiers to go immediately towards Sargil where was Car-azan one of his Captains who had commanded some Picaroons of his own Squadron But this Car-azan thinking it more advantageous and more honorable to command then to be commanded had debauch'd some of Barberossa's Ships and was got to Sargil inriching himself by his courses on the Coast of Spain by the assistance of the Moors who liv'd there most Natives of Granada and Valentia who retir'd thither when Dom Ferdinand conquer'd Granada in the year 1492. Car-azan astonish'd to find Barberossa so neer 〈…〉 to go and wait on him and to restore him 〈◊〉 Ships and Turkish souldiers he had debauch'd from him presuming Barberossa would think it sufficient satisfaction But Barberossa not admitting any excuses caus'd Car-azan's head to be struck off in his presence took all his Ships Slaves and Goods as a booty and the Turkish Soldiers were listed among his own forces This done he forc'd the people to proclaim him their King and Master and leaving a Garrison of his most trusty Soldiers in the place he return'd with his forces towards Algiers and his Fleet did the like Being come thither all welcomed him especially Selim Eutemi who lodg'd him in his own Palace doing him all the honor and entertaining him after the best manner he could This crafty Pyrat desirous to perswade them that he had no other design in coming thither then to deliver them out of their subjection to the Christians the next day after his arrival drew a Trench and rais'd a Battery against the Fort of the Christians in the Island The Battery being rais'd ere ever a Gun was discharg'd he sent a Turk to the Captain who commanded the Fort to tell him that if he would deliver it up he should have Shipping to carry him and his Soldiers over into Spain and in case they refus'd they should be all cut to pieces The Captain 's answer to this summons was that the proffer of Ships and menaces of death signify'd nothing to him those overtures being to be made onely to Cowards Barberossa upon this answer order'd that they should shoot continually though the Island was not above three hundred paces distant from the City yet was 〈…〉 great hurt done in regard he had onely 〈…〉 Field-pieces Having play'd on the Fort twenty days and nights without intermission to little purpose the Citizens of Algiers began to mutiny and to complain openly thâ—t they had brought into the City so many Turks who committed insupportable violences and insolently threatned the Citizens The Prince Selim Eutemi was troubled to see himself so slighted by Barberossa as well in his own Palace as publickly and Barberossa's thoughts were wholly taken up how he should become absolute Master of that City and the Territoâ—ies belonging to it At last he reresolv'd notwithstanding the kind treatment he receiv'd to kill his Entertainer Selim Eutemi with his own hands and by force of arms to get himself proclaim'd King by his Soldiers and in fine to make the Citizens of Algiers to acknowledge him for such To compass this design without any popular tumult one day about noon as Selim Eutemi was going into the Bath of his Palace to wash before the saying of the Sala or mid-day prayer as the Turks and Moors according to the Alcoran are wont to do Barberossa who was lodg'd in the same Palace entred secretly into the Bath attended by some of his people and finding the Prince alone naked and without any Arms he strangled him and retiring secretly out of the Bath left the body on the place A quarter of an hour after returning publickly to the Bath and seeming astonish'd to see the Corps of his Entertainer he call'd his Servants and told them their Master had dy'd in a Swound This was immediately divulg'd but the Citizens having already had some experience of the cruel disposition of Barberossa imagining him to be the Author of their Lord's death went every one to his own house fearing some tumult or massacre On the other side the Turks having already had notice of what had pass'd appear'd armed in the Streets and with the assistance of some Moors conducted Barberossa on Horse-back through the principal Streets of the City and proclaim'd him King of Algiers without any opposition Selim Eutemi's Son fearing Barberossa's tyranny assisted by his Menial Servants retir'd to Oran where he was receiv'd by the Christians The Tyrant being thus proclaim'd King by his Soldiers summon'd the wealthiest Citizens to appear before him and promis'd them great priviledges if they would acknowledge him absolute King Which they did rather forc'd thereto then otherwise He immediately began to Coin mony to fortifie the Alcazar one of the Fortresse's of the City where he put good store of Artillery and Garrizon'd it with a considerable number of Turks Some days after the Turks finding themselves absolute Masters of Algiers began to ill-intreat the Citizens at first by injurious speeches and afterwards by publick plundering so that now
they clearly perceiv'd it had been much better to be tributaries to the Christians then subjects to the Turks The Government of the new King was so heavy that the Citizens began secretly to entertain a correspondence with the Governor of the Island-Fort declaring that their intention was to massacre all the Turks and to renew the payment of their tribute to the King of Spain The Captain promis'd them assistance On the other side the Moors of the Country of the deceas'd Prince Selim Eâ—â—â—mi promis'd also assistance to the Algerians as well out of a desire to be reveng'd for the death of their Lord as to exempt themselves from the great tribute which that new Tyrant Barberossa forc'd them to pay The disorders of this Pyrate caus'd a confederacy between the Algerians the Moors of Mutiia the Country of Selim and the Christians of the Fort. The design was laid to wit that a great number of those Moors should on a day appointed come into the City with armes hid under their garments under pretence of buying some Commodities and that they should fire twenty two Galliots which lay a-ground on both sides of the City And when the Turks went out to quench the fire the Citizens should shut to the Gates of the City and then the Christians of the Fort should come in little Boats to the City to assist the Citizens But the design was discover'd by the great vigilance of Barberossa who craftily dissembled what he knew of it And thereupon he doubled his Guards as well in the Galliots as at the City-gates so that the Moors were so far from firing the Galliots that they had not the confidence to come neer them On a certain day of their Juma that is the Fryday which is as it were the Sunday of the Turks this new King came as he was wont to the great Moskey to say the Sala and some of the wealthiest Algerians being also come in the doors were shut of a sudden upon them and a great number of Turks stood about the Mosquey so that the Algerians were besieg'd and made prisoners Then Barberossa began to discover what he knew of their design and commanded them to be bound hand and foot That done he caus'd the heads of twenty Citizens to be immediately chopp'd off as those whom he conceiv'd most guilty and order'd the bodies and heads to be cast into the Streets where after they had remain'd a certain time for a spectacle they were buried in a dung-hill All this happen'd in the year 1517. And from that time to this present the Algerians have suffer'd the Government of the Turks either by force or fair means without any contradiction and consequently they are subject to the Turks In the same year 1517. Selim Eutemi's Son who as was said retir'd to Oran upon the intreaty of the Marquess of Comares General of Oran with the assistance of the Cardinal Francisco Ximenes and all the Councels of Spain obtain'd a Naval Army of ten thousand men to drive Barberossa and the Turks out of Algiers For the Councels of Spain thought it not rational that that Arch-Pyrat Barberossa should make Algiers a refuge for the Picaroons and Pyrats who infested the neighbouring Kingdoms This Army under the conduct of a Knight named Dom Francisco de la Vexa and Selim's Son got neer the City of Algiers but it met with a misfortune as there did afterwards to the Emperor Charles V. in the year 1541. for a great Tempest surpriz'd them so that some of the Ships fell foul one upon another and the rest run a-ground So that the greatest part of that Army was swallow'd in the Sea and the Souldiers drown'd Those who had escap'd the dangers at Sea were either kill'd by the Turks or made Slaves and very few return'd into Spain This misfortune of the Christians much heighten'd the courage of Barberossa and made him more dreadful then before for by that disaster the forces of Salim Eutemi's Son the right heir of the Kingdom of Algiers were lost he out of all hope of restauration and the Christian forces very much weakened All these successes on the other side made Barberossa so proud so insolent and so insupportable that the Alarbes who liv'd in the flat Country under the jurisdiction of that Kingdom finding themselves so cruelly treated by the Government of the Turk resolv'd to take for their Protector the King of Tunis a Country distant from Algiers about thirty miles Westward and sent Ambassadors to treat with him about it This King of Tunis whose name was Hamidalabde considering that Barberossa grew daily more and more powerful and fearing that troublesome neighbour promis'd the Alarbes assistance conditionally they would engage in a joynt war against that Pyrate and in case they might get him out of Algiers that the Moors should bestow that Kingdom on him and his successors This condition was accepted by the Moors King Hamidalabde got together ten thousand Horse as well his own Subjects as from his friends and Allyes and march'd with that Army towards Algiers in June in the year 1517. The Alarbes who liv'd under the jurisdiction of the Kingdom of Algiers seeing that Army openly declar'd themselves enemies to the Tyrant Whereupon the Army increas'd daily in both Horse and Foot Barberossa having intelligence of what pass'd between Hamidalabde and the Alarbes prepar'd for War not onely for the defensive but also for the offensive All his confidence was in the Valour of his Turkish Arquebusiers which his enemies wanted He left the Government of Algiers to his Brother Cheredin with a small Garrison And to secure the City he took along with him twenty of the richest Citizens He began his march towards his enemies with a thousand Arquebusiers Turks and five hundred Moors of Granada and Valentia Barberossa having march'd twelve leagues Westward met with the enemy's Army and the first charge was very desperate The Turks and Moors being well skill'd with the excellent conduct of their chief Commander gave their enemies a defeat The King of Tunis seeing the confusion retreated faster then he came thither and Barberossa pursu'd his victory following him as far as Tunis where the King durst not stay for fear of being besieg'd He went thence towards Mount Atlas and Barberossa without any resistance took the City of Tunis plundering all that unfortunate King had left in his Palace and the Souldiers doing the like with the Citizens houses Barberossa staid some days to refresh himself at Tunis and within a short time after was proclaim'd King of Tunis by the Citizens that were left behind The fame of this victory spread over all Africk and it happening at that time that the Moors of the Kingdom of Tremesen which is fifty leagues from Tunis Westward had some difference with their King they sent word to Barberossa that if he would come thither with his Turks they would make him Master of the City and the whole Kingdom Barberossa having heard
Assoon as he came in sight of Tiberius the faithful the grateful and harmeless Youth took out of his Pocket six Aspers Turkish money and the steel of a Tinder-box and made him this complement Sir you have redeem'd me in requital whereof I give you all I have in the world and shall pray for you as long as I live This complement proceeded from so great sincerity that all present of whom I was one were extreamly satisfy'd at the fidelity and gratitude of Morin whereby Tiberius conceiving himself oblig'd afresh bestow'd Cloaths and Linnen on him and put him into a condition fit to wait on some person of quality RELATION XXXVII A Wrack in the Haven BEing at the Bassa's Palace I was acquainted there with a Spanish slave named John de Silva who had serv'd the King of Spain some years as a soldier in the City of Oran in Africk five days journey from Algiers the Citizens of which place speak the Moorish language in regard it was recover'd from the Moors in the time of King Ferdinand as also by reason of the great commerce there is to this day between it and the Moors This de Silva spoke the Moorish-language perfectly well Having been a long time a slave at Algiers without any hope of redemption he resolv'd to make an escape encourag'd thereto by his perfect speaking of the language To compass his design he put on his Patron 's cloaths and so was in the Turkish mode got on horse-back with a Lance in his hand a Turbant on his head and a Cimitar by his side Thus accoutred he began his journey very fortunately Having travell'd four days he came to a Village of Mostaga just at noon and it being the custom of all the Mosqueyes of Barbary to give at noon the signal to put the people in mind of praising God with the ordinary prayer called in their Language Sala which is done with many gestures and strange postures of the face and several motions of the arms and hands kneeling and looking towards the East and West De Silva to take away all suspicion from the Moors alighted and fell a making of gestures as they did and pretended to be a Mahumetane But the Moors soon observ'd that our Cavalier was not perfect in his Ceremonies and not regarding that he spoke their language and was in Turkish habit they stopp'd him took away his cloaths and finding he was no Mahumetane sent him bound with a Guard to Algiers where he receiv'd three hundred blows with a cudgel just when he thought to have enjoy'd his liberty So that he may well be said to have been cast away in the very Haven RELATION XXXVIII The Adventures of Philip de Cherf of Ulamertingue Knight of the Order of Saint James THough the hardships and misfortunes which slaves are to endure be common to all reduc'd to that miserable condition yet some have a greater portion thereof then others Among the former may be numbred the Knight de Cherf whom I have mention'd in the discourse of my Captivity as will be seen by the ensuing Relation After we fell into the hands of the Turks the Pyrate-ships which brought us to slavery cast Anchor before the City of Algiers discharging their Guns to give notice of their arrival The news of the rich prize was presently spread abroad as well among the Turks of the Garrison as the people and as it commonly happens that news encreases by going from mouth to mouth so it was reported that besides thirty thousand Patacoons which were found in the prizes there was among the slaves a Lord of great Quality meaning the fore-said Knight Some said he was a General others an Ambassadour and all imagin'd that the rest were his Servants which was no small happiness for us and that the money which they gave out was found belong'd to him This news was partly forg'd by the Pyrates themselves as they are wont to invent new stratagems to enhance the price of slaves newly brought in loading them with titles and wealth to draw in the Buyers to make greater proffers in hopes of a better ransom The Bassa hearing this news took the Knight for his proportion which is of eight one at his own choice as I have said elsewhere The Knight was conducted to a Stable of the Bassa's where he found other slaves and among those some Spanish Captains and Officers whom he durst not frequent nor so much as speak to in the day time least there should be notice taken of his demeanour among those Officers-slaves with whom he would not be familiar to take off the suspicion of his being a person of high quality which had been augmented by the least conversation accompany'd by mutual expressions of respect the consequences of acquaintance And to beat it out of the Bassa's head that he was neither General nor Ambassador he kept seven or eight days all alone and had nought to eat but a crust of dry bread which being observ'd by the Bassa's Cook he order'd him the remainder of some Rice which is the ordinary food of the Turks nay finding him so submissive and serviceable he suffer'd him to creep into the Kitchin to help the Skullions in bringing in Wood Coals turning the Spit and the like Offices which he could not do but onely with his right arm having lost the use of the left by a Musket-shot he had receiv'd in his Catholick Majesty's service in the year 1639. at the siege of Salses In requital of the good services which the Knight did in the Kitchin the Cook suffer'd him to eat with the Skullions who were Moors and took it ill that a Christian should put his fingers into the same dish with them No doubt the Knight thought himself at an entertainment in Hell with the Pages of Lucifer whose Livery and meen those boys had being about fifteen or sixteen years of age having their cloaths all black with grease and nastiness and so suiting excellently well with their dark hue And yet the Knight endeavor'd all he could to put himself into the same posture that he might be thought the fitter for that company and employment Three months pass'd away in that miserable course of life whereof the Knight made this advantage that he made the Bassa quit the opinion he had of his being a General or Ambassador and consequently the hope of getting much mony out of him which put him upon a resolution to sell his slave as he did to the General of the Gallies Alli Pegelin He acted his part well enough so far but the new Master who had observ'd what was reported concerning his slave began to be very round with him asking him in the Language commonly spoken between the Turks and the slaves who he was and of what Country The Knight being oblig'd to make answer said he was a poor Youth born at Ostend the Son of a mean Irish-Officer giving himself out to be of that Nation as well because he had the looks
easily judg'd that she was a Pyrat But our ignorant Master order'd the Boat to be put out to enquire what they were thinking it had been some French or Dunkirk Pyrat The Turks who were in the Caravel as I understood after I was taken seeing they were expected with the sails furl'd up and that the Boat was put out to Sea and in a word observing all that is wont to be done when a fight is intended attributed that procedure to the want of experience in our Master and the desire he had to defend himself The Captain of the Caravel in like manner caus'd his men to furl up their sails being unwilling to come any neerer us In the mean time night came on and the Caravel continu'd still in sight with a Lantern at her stern as a signal to her Companions This was the judgement of us Passengers but our Master laugh'd at us All we could obtain of him by fair words was to put our Ship into a posture of defence in which preparation we spent the night but of four pieces that were aboard there was onely one fit to be us'd All these things past while both Ships were in a manner at a stand both having their sails furl'd up In that posture the night pass'd away and about 5. in the morning Aug. 22 we discover'd two great Ships making all the sail they could toward us That oblig'd us to entreat our Master to make away but he continued obstinate every one gave his reasons and the Master who had not any himself would not hearken to any from others About 10. in the morning the two Ships got up to the Caravel but all without any colours Soon after they had got the wind of us and were come up within Musket-shot There was upon the stern of the greater of the two Ships a Turk who had a little Flag or Streamer about his arm and there stood by him a Christian Slave who cry'd out in the Flemish tongue Strâ—pht vâ—or Argiers that is Deliver your selves up for Algiers Whereupon he who held the Streamer display'd it It was green wrought with Half-moons It is easie to conjecture how much we were pleased with that sight We propos'd it to our Master that he would treat and proffer to give them thirty two thousand Paracoons conditionally they would land us on the next place of Christendom for it sometimes happens that when the Turks take a Ship upon treaty they keep their words and set the Prisoners ashore in some Christian Country assoon as they can But our gallant Master instead of treating onely ask'd whether he should have good Quarter Answer was made from the Turkish Ships Yes yes good Quarter Whereupon without any more ado the Master caus'd the Flag at the stern to be taken down and with three or four of the Seamen got into the Boat and made towards the Turkish Ships to deliver themselves up into the hands of their enemies Assoon as they were aboard there the Turks greedy of pillage came presently in their Boat to the number of ten or twelve aboard our Ship under the conduct of a Captain who was an English-man but a Renagado I being on the Deck he as'd me what Country-man I was Whereto I made answer that I was a Dunkirker and by profession a souldier Whereupon he reply'd in Dutch Have patience Brother this is the chance of War to day for you and to morrow for me I gave him what money I had about me and at the same time another a Turk putting his hand in my pocket took out my Box my Handkercher my Beads and my Prayer-Book which he return'd me again with the Handkercher but the Beads and the Box he kept by reason whereof he said I was a Surgeon Having rifled those who were on the Deck and at the Stern they carried us aboard one of their Ships leaving in ours about a dozen Turks to conduct it and the wind being Easterly they turn'd towards the Coast of Spain and within two dayes we discover'd that Cape of Galicia which is called Cap del â—ort I was all this while as it were in a dream wherein a man sees strange apparitions which cause fear admiration and curiosity reflecting on the several Languages for they spoke the Turkish the Arabian Lingua Franca Spanish French Dutch and English the strange habits the different Armes with the ridiculous Ceremonies at their Devotions assuring you that all this found me matter of speculation But admiration fear curiosity and melancholy finding me nothing to eat and my stomach calling for it I joyn'd with four Christian slaves who though they were allow'd nothing but Bisket yet made pottage of Rice or something else they had brought with them from ashoar 'T is to be noted these slaves came in one of the Algiers Ships for the Turks make use of Christian slaves for Sea-men The wind continu'd still favourable The eleventh day after our taking we got to the streight of Gibraltar at which passage the Turks observe many superstitious ceremonies among others one is they cast into the Sea a pot full of Oyl and believe that that pot goes to a mountain called by Seamen La Montague des Signes For the Turks aâ—eâ— that there lives there a glorious 〈◊〉 or Saint who as they affirm and believe is nourish'd by that Oyl so cast into the Sea They also put little Candles lighted on the great Guns suffering them to burn during that passage especially when they go through in the night All these superstitions are perform'd with many prayers and ceremonies The third day after our passage through that streight we were got about Sun-rising opposite to the City of Algiers whereupon the Captain caus'd the great Guns to be discharg'd which noise brought all the curious persons about the City to the water-side For my part I was asleep among thirteen other Christians every one with a foot chain'd and they had cast Anchor ere we were got out of the Irons Assoon as I had my feet at liberty I got up on the Deck whence I saw the Sea-side cover'd with Alarbes I ask'd the Captain who was an affable person what those people were for they had no other cloathing then three or four Ells of cloath wrapp'd about their bodies without any Taylor 's work about it he told me These are the poorer sort and the Inhabitants of the Villages of this Country Here begins our Tragedy The Owners of the Ships which had taken us having got us ashoar conducted us to the Market where the Christians are sold to see if any one there knew us Thence we were brought to the Palace of the Bassa or Governor Some give him the title of King but he is onely a Vice-roy inasmuch as he receives his part of the new slaves to wit of eight one falls to him He was set in the Hall of Audience cross-legg'd as Taylors are here when they are at work on a spacious seat cover'd with a piece of blew
they understood her not and said to us Farewell Country-men we shall acquaint your Companion Saldens what condition we left you in And with that they went away Whereupon the ch 〈…〉 man Slaves who 〈…〉 at last she call'd 〈…〉 a great deal 〈…〉 chain In the 〈…〉 insatiable 〈…〉 months 〈…〉 with the 〈…〉 in the 〈…〉 their 〈…〉 chai◠〈…〉 immediate 〈…〉 your 〈…〉 me 〈…〉 with 〈…〉 kneâ— there was time enough 〈…〉 was 〈◊〉 at the Mosâ—eâ—ey that 〈…〉 ver I 〈◊〉 ended to make all 〈…〉 went 〈…〉 to our houseâ— to 〈…〉 for the 〈◊〉 she had of me She 〈…〉 Leggs out of the Irons and that 〈…〉 absolute liberty 'T was about the time th 〈…〉 Sala is the prayer of the Tu 〈…〉 quey door to expect my Patron 〈…〉 together to speak with the 〈…〉 told us he should not go away 〈…〉 would 〈…〉 with the first 〈…〉 with my 〈◊〉 pressing him all 〈…〉 provision for our voyage for I 〈…〉 not have any thing aboard but old Bis 〈…〉 ess gave me half a Majorca-Cheese a 〈…〉 ne fifteen pounds of white Bisket M. CaloeÌ„ 〈…〉 also something of Mustapha's mother Being ready to be gone there arose another difficulty to wit that the Turk who was to go along with us to Tituan and to have fifty Patacoons for his pains should be paid by us but after some contest it was concluded that we should pay the one half and they the other December the 8. the wind was fair for us and we went aboard wheâ—e we found some Christian Slaves bound for Tituan there to treat about their liberty with some Merchants Jews and Moors Being all aboard a Gun was discharg'd as a signal for the Farmers of the Customes to come and search the Ship and especially to see whether the Christians who were redeem'd had paid the duty for though the Patron be satisfy'd yet before a Christian can be dismiss'd he is to pay a certain proportion according to his ransom Having visited the Ship they return'd to the City whence they gave the signal that the Ship might be gone inasmuch as they cannot get into the City untill the Ship be at Sea And this is done to prevent the stealing of Slaves The wind continu'd right for us till we came to the unhappy place Cabo de Tenes three leagues from Algiers I call it unhappy because the Emperor Charles V. in the year 1541. Oct. 17. lost there by tempest the best part of his Gallies and Ships when the enterprize upon Algiers fail'd Here the wind turn'd quite contrary to us which oblig'd us to return to the place from whence we came and the next day we got to Algiers I went to my Patron Mahomet's where I staid till the wind turn'd which was after some few days and then we went aboard again The wind was so good that in three days we pass'd the Islands of Frumentera and Yvica and we were got in â—ight of the coast of Valentia But all to no purpose for after eight dayes being at Sea we were glad to put in again at Algiers whether we got December 29. Those of the City seeing the Ship return'd thought she had finish'd her Voyage but they were mistaken I was extreamly disorder'd for we were sixteen Christians who had been shut up eight days and as many nights in a room towards the Prow which was but nine foot in length and seven in breadth And among those sixteen Christians there were some sick who were very troublesome to the others And all consider'd I wonder we were not all sick for the tempest lasted eight days without any intermission So that not one of us during all that time went out on the Deck to clear himself of Vermine or to wash but continu'd in our little room like so many Dogs in a Kennel Assoon as they had cast anchor I went ashore and to my Patron 's who was astonish'd to see me I acquainted him what misery we had been in for the space of eight days I was troubl'd that we could not advance our Voyage but the refreshments ashore rais'd my spirits Besides I was glad to see the solemnities us'd by the Turks when they celebrate their Easter which they call the Easter of Ramadan for they have several Easters And though I had been at Algiers the year before yet had I not seen any of those solemnities for at the time of Easter I was shut up in the Bassa's Palace This Festival lasts eight days and is celebrated with great pomp and much rejoycing there being every day without the City Cavalcades and certain recreations on Horse-back which in the Spanish language are called Juego de Caguas And the Turks children are drawn in little triumphal Chariots and Christian slaves serve for Horses and they know what is to be given them for their pains Some in those eight days make a shift to get fifteen or sixteen Patacoons The other Christian Slaves sold the children some toys or other as they do at the Kâ—rmesses in Flanders Others had instruments for some childish plaies and they also made a shift to get money out of the children and every day there was wrestling at which exercise some Moors were very expert but the most considerable celebration of the Easter consisted in drinking though it be directly contrary to the command of the Alcoran Wine and Brandy and making good cheer which they must eat with a very good appetite For they fast a whole month before their Easter whereto they are oblig'd onely in the day time This Lent or to say better Fast is so rigorously observ'd that if it were known any one had eaten a bit in the day time they would pour melted Lead into his mouth according to their Laws but in the night they are permitted to eat And to give people notice that they may eat Drums are beaten all night up and down the streets This Easter is also advantageous to the Christians for as in these parts on New-years day they give New-yeers-gifts or something to the Men and Maids so the Turks do the like at the Easter of Ramadan and the three or four first days no slave is put to any work Having seen all these solemnities the wind continu'd still contrary till the 14 of January 1642. and then we embark'd the third time Assoon as we were got out of the Port the wind turn'd But in regard we had return'd twice and that some Turks had abus'd our Master saying he understood not his profession he incens'd at that reproach swore that he would not return any more to Algiers till he had finish'd his voyage nay that he would rather sink The wind was absolutely contrary so that we could onely Laveer hoping it would turn The eighth day we got before Oran that is about fourty leagues from Algiers The same night the Turks who were upon the Guard in the Ship discover'd at Sea two other Ships which continually followed ours Our Master and his people were afraid they might
the Mediterranean there was a City called Jol which was rebuilt by Juba the Father of Ptolomy who chang'd the name of Jol into Jol-Caesaria affirming further that the said City had a little Island before the Port at the 37. degree of Elevation Whence it may be inferr'd that he speaks of Algiers inasmuch as there is no City on the Coast of Africk at the 37. degree which hath a little Island before the Port but this It is to be observ'd that we speak here of young Juba Son of King Juba the first of that name and Nephew or Grand-child to that great Boncho King of Mauritania This Juba of whom I speak was taken in the Battel wherein the forces of Pompey being retreated out of Africk were defeated by the Caesarian Party And this young Juba was carried to Rome fasten'd to the Emperor 's triumphal Chariot according to the custom of the Romans Being a young man he was brought up at Rome and prov'd so successful in his Studies that the Emperor Augustus not onely gave him his liberty but also married him to a daughter of Mark Anthony's and Cleopatra named Silenâ— Queen of Egypt as Suetonius affirms lib. 1. and for dowry gave him his Father's Kingdom to wit all Mauritania which at that time comprehended the Kingdoms of Morocco Trâ—â—ante Fez Tremesen Oran Tunis Algiers â—â—gy as far as Bona which is a vast space of a very fertile and rich ground Thence is it that Plutarch saies that Juba had a fortunate Slavery and as Suetonius affirmes lib. 2. Juba in acknowledgement of the kindness he had receiv'd and to continue in the Emperor's favour gave that City the name of Joâ—-Caesaria Whence it may easily be conjectur'd that this City was in that time a place of great account since Juba made choice of it among all those of his Kingdome to eternise the name of that glorious Prince Augustus Caesar since he Re-built it and kept his Court there as Pliny affirms lib. 5. ch 2. After Juba's Death Ptolomey his Son succeeded him in his Father's Kingdome But the Emperour Caligula caus'd him to be Kill'd and by that means became Master of all those Kingdoms dividing them into two Provinces calling the one Mauritania Tingitensis from the name of the City Tingis now called Tangiers according to Suetonius lib. 2. making that City the Metropolis of Mauritania Tingitensis and calling the other part Mauritania Caesariana taking that name from Jol-Caesaria inasmuch as that City was the Metropolis of that great Province In that met the Assembly which the Romans called Conventus Provinciarum and the Roman Governours kept their Residence there The Emperour Claudius who succeeded Caligula inrich'd that City with Roman Colonies with the same freedome and priviledges as the Citizens of Rome then had In the year of our Lord 427. Guntario and Genserico Kings of the Vandalls and Alans having subdu'd Spain pass'd into Africk destroy'd and sack'd the two Mauritania's especially the two Metropolitan Cities And in the year 697. the Alarbes or Arabians destroy'd in a manner all Africk but notwithstanding that second Destruction that City was still Inhabited and that by reason of its excellent Scituation For the Sea strikes against the Walls of it and a little Island distant from the City about a Bow-shot serves for a Port to it The Fortifications in that time were very good and the Soil very fertil by reason of a great many Springs which water the Gardens Whence it came that this City never wanted Citizens The change of the name of Jol-Caesaria was caus'd by the Alarbes who conquer'd Africk for they call'd it as indeed they do at present Algezir which signifies an Island inasmuch as there is a little Island before the City as if they meant by Algezir the City of the Island But in regard Foreiners cannot well pronounce the word Algezir the Italians and Spaniards call it Argil the French Alger and the English commonly Algiers When the Alarbes were absolute Masters of Africk and had made a division of all the Provinces Mauritania Caesariensis fell to the King of Tremesen to whom those of Algiers paid tribute a long time till one Albuferiz a very powerful King of Tunis became Master of the City of Bugy forcing even the King of Tremesen to be his Tributary The King of Bugy dying divided his Territories among his three Children and gave the youngest whose name was Habdulhaziz the City of Bugy making it as it were the Metropolis of that new Kingdom This King Habdulhaziz engag'd himself in a War against the King of Tremesen those of Algiers finding themselves incommodated by the War and considering that the King of Tremesen to whom they paid a great Tribute had no care of them nor Foâ—ces sufficient to defend them were oblig'd to pay Tribute to the King of Bugy and so they declar'd themselves enemies to the King of Tremesen This subjection lasted till the Count Pedro Navarro in the year of our Lord 1509. got for the King of Spain the Cities of Oran and Bugy Those of Algiers fearing the same success as Oran and Bugy thought it their best course to put themselves under the protection of the great Prince of the Alarbes named Selim Eutemi who had always Liv'd in the Campagnes about Algiers This Selim came and made his residence in the City of Algiers to defend it which he did for some years till the Turks by Tyranny became Masters of Algiers as shall be seen in the subsequent discourse How the City of Algiers came under the power of the Turks THe ordinary exercise of the Citizens of Algiers in that time was to play the Pyrats with their Barks with Oars and this exercise increas'd daily In the year 1592. in which King Ferdinand got the City of Granada great numbers of Moors pass'd as well from Granada as from Valentia and Arragon into Africk who had been brought up in Spain So that knowing the ways the Language and being vers'd in the business of War all their work was by perpetual Incursions to infest the Coasts of Spain Majorâ—a Minorca Ivica and the other Islands The City of Oran being reduc'd in the year 1509. as we said before King Ferdinand sent a powerful Fleet to destroy the City of Algiers with all Pyrats belonging to it and to clear the Sea of that barbarous Nation Those of Algiers seeing that Naval force ready to fall upon them submitted to the King of Spain obliging themselves to pay him an annual Tribute And whereas the main design was to destroy the Pyrats the Spaniards made a Fort within the City kept by a Captâ—in and two hundred Souldiers This place was always well furnish'd with Ammunitions and Provisions and kept both Pyrats and Citizens in awe As long as that great Monarch liv'd those of Algiers paid their Tribute and patiently endur'd the inconvenience of that Fort not presuming so much as to Mutter till the Death of that King which happen'd in the year
this proposal thought he should not let slip so fair an opportunity He writ a letter to his Brother at Algiers to send him immediately by Sea ten little Guns with all things requisite for them which his Brother did sending him five Galliots loaden with Artillery Powder and other Ammunition Barberossa having receiv'd them took a good quantity of provisions which he put upon Horses and began his march towards Tremesen Several Nations of Moors through whose Countries he pass'd submitted to him and some follow'd him in hopes of good booty But Aruch Barberossa finding himself got so far into the Country was afraid the King of Tunis who was driven out of his Kingdom might return with some Moors to recover it and prevent his retreat or that the General of Oran might come out with his forces and hinder his return All this hindred not his marching into the Country commanding his third Brother Isaac Beniioub to keep the City of Tunis with two hundred Musketters Turks and some Moors He march'd four leagues beyond Oran where he met with Abuziien King of Tremesen who knew nothing of the infidelity of his Subjects but hearing of Barberossa's advance he thought it fitter to meet him in the field with his forces then to expect him and suffer himself to be shut up in a City as not being over-confident of the Citizens of Tremesen His Army consisted of six thousand Horse and three thousand Foot As soon as both Armies were in sight they were set in order for an engagement The place was very fit for it was in the spacious Campagne about Aganel The fight began very furiously on both sides but Barberossa soon had the advantage by reason of the great number he had of small Shot and his small Guns so that the King 's best Troops were defeated and himself forc'd to retreat to Tremesen where the Citizens his Subjects took him Prisoner and cut off his Head before Barberossa got thither to whom they sent the Head by their Deputies with the Keys of the City promising him as they had done before submission Two days after he made his solemn entrance into Tremesen confiscating the Goods of the deceas'd King as well to pay his Souldiers as to make some Fortifications about the City for he conceiv'd his Neighbour-hood would not be well lik'd by those of Oran and to secure himself he immediately entred into a confederacy with Muley-hamet King of Fez promising him assistance against the King of Morocco against whom Muley-hamet was in open War conditionally that Muley-hamet would defend the Kingdom of Tremesen against their common enemies the Christians Barberossa to enjoy himself after his Victories resided the remainder of the year 1517. at Tremesen leaving for his Lieutenant at Algiers his second Brother Cheredin But it was the pleasure of Divine Justice at length to give a check to these great Successes for Barberossa's third Brother Isaac Benijoub who commanded the new Conquests at Tunis and other places through his extraordinary Exactions and Tyrannies become so odious to the Moors of the Country that they revolted and kill'd him with all his Turks except forty who thinking to make an escape were all cut to pieces Barberossa was extremely troubled at the Death of his Brother but desert'd his revenge to a fitter opportunity In September in the year 1517. came into Spain King Charls who afterwards was Emperour with a powerful Naval Army The Marquess of Comares advertis'd of his Arrival went in Person to wait on him and give him an account of what had pass'd in Africk And the Pyrat Barberossa growing daily more and more dreadful he advis'd his Majesty to quench that spreading fire And to animate his Majesty the more he carried along with him Abuchen-men King of Tremesen who had taken refuge at Oran and got of his Majesty ten thousand Souldiers to engage against Barberossa and the Turks Which the Pyrat hearing of sent for assistance to the King of Fez according to their mutual confederacy But seeing that the relief came not with the expedition he expected and that the Marquess of Comares was already got to Oran and marching with his Forces towards him he thought it his best course not depending on the relief from Fez to come out of Tremesen with fifteen hundred Turks and Andalusians Arquebusiers and five thousand Moorish Horse But considering that the said number of fifteen hundred Arquebusiers were not able to oppose ten thousand Christians for he had no great confidence of his Moorish Horse he resolv'd to continue at Tremesen expecting from day to day the relief from the King of Fez. But when the Marquess was come in sight of Tremesen Barberossa observ'd that the Citizens began to flinch from him whereupon he took a third resolution which was to get away with his Turks in the night time without giving any notice thereof to the Citizens and to make all the haste he could towards Algiers This resolution was prosecuted but at the first halt he made the Marquess having intelligence of it so speedily pursu'd him with some Fire-locks that he overtook him about eight Leagues from Tremesen at the passage of a River named Huexda Barberossa finding himself pursu'd so closely and his Turks kill'd made use of this Stratagem to gain time to cross the River He caus'd to be strew'd along the High-way great quantities of Money Plate and other things of great Value thinking by that means to amuse the Christians while he got over the River But that valiant Marquess encourag'd his Souldiers with so many urgent reasons that they slighted all those rich Baits to take Barberossa alive who as I said was at the River-side ready to cross it when the Christians furiously charg'd the retreating Turks Which Barberossa perceiving fac'd his Enemies resolving to Dye generously in Fight The fifteen hundred Turks and Barberossa among them defended themselves like Lions but in a short time they were all Kill'd and Barberossa also Thus ended all the great designs of Barberossa who first brought the Turks into Barbary and taught them the way to get Wealth out of the Western parts of the World laying the Foundations of what the Turks are to this Day possess'd of in Barbary The Marquess of Comares satisfi'd with this Victory return'd to Tremesen with the Head of the Tyrant on a Pike for a Trophey and without any opposition of the people put the King Abuchen-men in possession of his Kingdome Fourteen days after this defeat the King of Fez Abdeda came neer Milta with twenty thousand Moorish Horse to assist Barberossa But hearing of the defeat of his Army and his Death fearing the like misfortune he return'd the same way he came and the Marquess leaving the King of Tremesen re-establish'd in his Kingdome return'd to Oran Thus dy'd Aruch Barberossa after he had continu'd fourteen years in Barbary committing incredible out-rages on the Christians by Sea and doing the Moors of Barbary much greater mischiefs by Land For he
Of a Religious-Man of the Order of the Discalceate Carmelites a Slave and his Patron Alli Pegelin p. 159 Rel. 18. The use of Poison is very common in Africk p. 162 Rel. 19. The Turks keep their words p. 165 Rel. 20. None so cautious but Wine and Women may betray p. 168 Rel. 21. A way to cure the Pox at Algiers without the help of either Doctor or Surgeon p. 172 Rel. 22. Of a French-man who would have turn'd Turk but continu'd a Christian in spight of his teeth p. 173 Rel. 23. Of the simplicity of a young Jewess p. 174. Rel. 24. Of the prudent retirement of a Pyrate p. 176 Rel. 25. How God provides for such as intend well p. 178 Rel. 26. A pleasant piece of simplicity of a Dunkirker a Slave p. 180 Rel. 27. The odd traverses of Fortune that happen to Slaves p. 182 Rel. 28. A Slave makes use of any thing for hiâ— livelihood p. 186 Rel. 29. Of the fidelity of a husband and the unfaithfulness of his wife p. 188 Rel. 30. A Scuffle between the Spanish and the Portuguez slaves p. 192 Rel. 31. A Slave ought to be distrustful of the great kindness of his Patron p. 193 Rel. 32. Of a Religious Man a Slave at Algiers who out of weakness renounc'd the Christian Religion and afterwards repenting suffer'd Martyrdom p. 196 Rel. 33. Of the design we had to render our selves Master of the Ship which brought us to Tituan p. 200 Rel. 34. Curiosity is satisfied by Time and Patience p. 203 Rel. 35. The Innocent accus'd p. 207 Rel. 36. Fidelity Constancy Recompence and Gratitude p. 209 Rel. 37. A wrack in the Haven p. 212 Rel. 38. The Adventures of Philip de Cherf of Ulamertingue Knight of the Order of Saint James p. 213 Rel. 39. What happen'd between my Companion in slavery M. Caloen and his old Patroness p. 227 Rel. 40. Revenge Malice and Industry p. 234 Rel. 41. The Renegadâ—-Engineer p. 238 Rel. 42. The Disappointment p. 242 Rel. 43. Of the Impious dutifulness of an Iseland-Slave p. 247 Rel. 44. The Unfortunate Adventurers p. 250 Rel. 45. Superstitious Piety p. 254 Rel. 46. Avarice mask'd p. 257 Rel. 47. The imaginary Slavery p. 259 Rel. 48. The Execrable Revenge p. 263 Rel. 49. That the Turks prefer Mony before Love p. 266 Rel. 50. The counterfeit Hypocrisie p. 268 THere is newly printed the History of the Câ—aribby Islands viz. Barbado's St. Christopher Aâ—tego Martinico Dominico Baâ—â—onthos Mevis St. Martin c. being twenty eight in number in two Books containing the Naturâ—l and Moral History of those Country's adorned with many sculptures of all divers rarieties in those Islands Englished by John Davies In folio Also Another Collection of Philosophical Conferences of the French Vâ—rtuosi upon questions of all sorts for the improving of Natural Knowledge made in the Assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris by the most Ingenious Persons of that Nation Englished by G. Havers and J. Davies In folio Medicina Instaurata or a brief account of the true grounds and principles of the Art of Physick with the insufficiency of the Vulgar way of preparing Medicines and the excellency of such as are made by Chymical Operation with a light to the true preparation of Animal and Vegetable Arcana's with a discovery of the true subject of the Philosophical Mineral Mercury and some light to the preparation and â—se of the said Mercury in the dissolution of Minerals and Metals for Physical use by Edward Bolnest Med. Lond. with an Epistolary discourse on the whole by the Author of Medela Medicinae In Octavo All three to be sold by John Starkey at the Miter in Fleet-street neer Temple-Bar A RELATION Of the CAPTIVITY And LIBERTY Of the Sieur EMANVEL D' ARANDA HAving continu'd a whole year in Spain in order to the design I had to see that Kingdom and learn the Language I made account to return into Flanders but whereas at my coming from England I had Landed at St. Lucars and had in that Voyage very narrowly escap'd being taken by the Turks as will be seen in the ensuing Relations I conceiv'd it my safest course to return by St. Sebastian's to avoid going so far by Sea and especially the danger of the Turks who are perpetually Roving up and down the Coasts of Andalusia and Portugal as also to see Castilla la Vicia and Biscay I left Madrid the first of August M.DC.XL having for my Companion a Country-man named Renier Saldeâ—s I came to St. Sebastian's the 13th following where I met with Monsieur John Baptist Caloâ—n and the Knight Philip de Cherf and we resolv'd to Embark in one of the two English Ships which lay in the Port ready to set Sail with the first fair wind The same night it came to the Point we wish'd it in so that the next day I went aboard with the three friends above-named but within two hours after we were got to Sea the weather grew calm and the same night the wind prov'd contrary so that we were forc'd to Laveer hoping it would in time prove more favourable to us Having spent four days in that manner we found our selves at the Altitude of Rochel in France where we met with a Frigat of that City a Pyrat which presently came up to us and finding ours to be an English Ship the Captain sent out the Boat with four Souldiers aboard us to see our Master's Pass-port who immediately shew'd it them giving the Souldiers a piece of money which done the Souldiers return'd to give their Captain an account Whereupon the Captain coming up on the stern of his Frigat cry'd out to our Master that he should look to himself for there were five Turkish Pirates under sail at the mouth of the Channel But our Master being a person of no great experience presum'd that the English Men of War which sometimes came out of that Channel would secure that Coast against the Turks and slighted the danger not considering how unable he was to oppose his enemies and so went on his Voyage confident that it was impossible the Turkish Pyrates should come out so far where the Privatiers of Dunkirk and the Dutch were perpetually crusing Thus â—he wind continuing still contrary we had been aboard seven days since our departure from St. Sebastian's and were still on the Coast of Brittany in France The same day about two in the afternoon we discover'd at a great distance two Ships which we took to be Merchant-men and soon after we could perceive but one to wit the lesser of them making all the sail she could towards us and as she came neerer and neerer we found her to be a Caravel Whereupon the Master order'd the sails to be furl'd up giving this reason that it was not the custom of the English to run away at Sea so that the Ship which follow'd us bearing all the sail she could was got within Canon-shot without putting up any colours whence it might be
out of my Mouth and Nose which forc'd me notwithstanding the impossibility to go forward with my load But as ill luck will have it ere I had got some few paâ—es further the string which ty'd up my breeches broke so that it fell down together with the bag of Wheat Finding my self reduc'd to that extremity I made a shift to get up my breeches and by the assistance of some good people that pass'd by I got up the bag on my head again and march'd on towards the house of Alli Pegelin our Patron where being come I fell down once more being so weary that I was hardly able to stir But what remedy was there The greatest work of all was now but beginning because we were to carry up those bags forty steps high into a Granary which it would have been absolutely impossible for me to do But God of his goodness knowing the strength of men it was his pleasure that my Companion Renier Saldens who was much stronger then I having emptied his bag and coming down the Stairs found me at the bottom in a sad condition to wit groveling on the ground all bloody sweaty and dusty and in a word almost dead and the Guardian standing over me and threatning to dispatch me Whereupon Saldens being a daring and resolute person said to the Guardian What do you not perceive that this slave is sick And with those words he took up my bag and carried it up for me It may be easily imagin'd how kindly I took that act of friendship and compassion That days work being over I return'd in a very sad plight to the Bath with Renier Saldens who to comfort me carried me into one of the Taverns within the Bath for Saldens when we were taken had made a shift to hide five or six pieces of Gold He call'd for a pot of Wine and something was brought us to eat which cost nothing for paying for the Wine all is satisfy'd whether a meat or not As we were eating and drinking to recruit our spent forces my other Companion M. Caloën came in He had been all that day imploy'd in leading a Mule loaden with Bisket from our Patron 's house to the water-side and whereas in Algiers the Streets are very narrow and dirty and that the custome is that when one leads a Mule or Camel loaden he ever and anon cries Belec that is Take heed there it happen'd that our new Mule-driver not knowing the custom overthrew a Turk in the dirty Streets The Turk getting up again and being extreamly incens'd drew his Knife for the Turks in the Cities wear a kind of long Knives as people do Swords in these parts but as good fortune would have it there came in some Turks who spoke on the behalf of M. Caloën saying to the Turk who fell down What would you do do you not see that this Christian is yet a Savage and that he does not know the custome They call'd him a Savage because he was then in his Christian habit after the Spanish mode and indeed that habit is inconvenient for a slave in regard it is thence inferr'd that he is of no long standing there We spent that Evening in mutual relations of what adventures had happen'd to us the day before And finding that we were to work every day yet not have a piece of bread from the Patron and that we had not confidence and subtilty enough to steal for that profession requires practise especially in a place where there are so many Thieves and consequently people are the more distrustful the Knight de Cherf whom the Bassa had sold to our Patron Monsieur Caloën R. Saldens and I resolv'd to go to an Italian Merchant named Francisco Capati Resident at Algiers and to receive of him 75. Patacoons conditionally that he should be paid a hundred at Anwerp The next day we put our resolution in execution and the Merchant was content we should have the money on condition that we were all joyntly and severally bound for the whole sum The next day we were to go to delve in the Vineyard belonging to a Country-house of our Patron 's which was a very hard work As we were returning to the City I fell into discourse with the Guardian and told him I was a sickly person and not very strong and that if he would thence forward put me to some easier work I would give him in requital of his kindness four Ryals a month which he granted conditionally I would give him a months advance which I gladly did Whereupon he said to me hence-forwards you shall onely carry four great pots of water to the Lodgings of the Bassa-Guardian that is the chiefest of the Guardians For there being five hundred and fifty slaves of us belonging all to the sâ—me Master there were five or six Guardians or Overseers to look after us I was extreamly well pleas'd with that new employment The Bassa-Guardian's Wife was a Negro but a very good-natur'd woman Sometimes she gave me a piece of Bread or a Mess of Pottage but that was onely when she was to Bath her self or when I carried the Bread to the Oven so that it was a kind of reward for my extraordinary services I continu'd in this employment some days to my great satisfaction But in regard it is a hard matter for Youth to fare well and enjoy leisure without danger of being debauch'd it happen'd one day as I was carrying my ordinary pot pouring it into the Tinaga which is a great earthen pot or Cestern wherein the provision of water for the house is kept there entred into the house a Turkish woman attended by a Christian slave an English-woman I ask'd her whether she would drink a Glass of Sack I know not whether the Guardian 's wife perceiv'd or heard it but the next day I was forc'd to turn over a new leaf and from thence forwards I was oblig'd to work with the rest of the Slaves among whom my work was to serve the Masons I came by little and little to brook that kind of life This was in the moneth of December about which time the Turkish Pirates cruze up and down along the Coasts of Andalusia knowing that the wines and fruits are then transported in English and Hamborough Vessels It happen'd about this time that the Turkish Pirates had taken a Frigot made at Dunkirk called the Pearl coming from Malaga I durst not go to the water-side because I had been at Malaga and at Dunkirk for fear of being known by any one The same night that the said prize was brought in a Slave of Anwerp came to me who knew me by my own name as having been aboard our Ship when we were taken and he told me that in that last prize there was come a Gentleman who had ask'd him whether he knew not two Flemish slaves one call'd Monsieur Caloën the other 〈…〉 Whereupon I desir'd him to give the other notice that he should not by any means
be within the house and grief and sadness at the door The next day we resolv'd to spâ—ndias merrily as the night before But about noon a Jew came to the Bath by order from the wife of Alli Pegelin â—he knowing it seems all that pass'd to tell us that the â—â—ssa would speak with us We were brought before him he commanded us to go into a little withâ—drawing â—oom of the Palace where were some young Lads who were Christian slaves and we continu'd there about two hours not knowing why we were put in there nor what the Bassa would have had with us At last we perceiv'd coming in to us the Steward with a Cudgel in his hand saying very roughly You Dogs which of you writ into his Country to be exchang'd for Turks Whereto we answer'd that no body had written to the Country but that what was done had been done by our friends without our knowledge At which answer he was extreamly incens'd and he gave Monsieur Caloën and me some â—â—ngs with the Cudgel saying I will come anon at night and cut-off your Noses and Ears Whereto Saldeâ—s answer'd Patience and for reply to that word he receiv'd some bangs with the Cudgel that he might not laugh at us which done the Steward said to us You shall not escape so well as you imagineâ— you are not Alli Pegelin ' s slaves but the Bassa ' s you were onely lent to Alli Pegelin and the Bassa will not have Turks for your ransome 〈◊〉 money This business was set on foot against us by the malice of Alli Pâ—gelin's wife in the absence of her husband For there is a general Law in all parts under the jurisdiction of the Grand Signor that any Turk what condition soever he be of provided 〈◊〉 be a Souldier may procure the liberty of any Christian whatsoever provided he pay the sum he 〈◊〉 swearing by the Grand Seignor's head that it is to deliver another Turk out of Slavery among the Christians But the Bassa made an exception against that Law pretending that it was not to be understood of his Slaves because he represented the Grand Seignor who was not subject to those Laws The next day we writ a letter to Mustapha's Grand-mother in Spanish for she was a Moor forc'd thence with the Moors in the time of King Philip the third by which letter we gave her to understand at large what hall pass'd in that new prison and that she should remember that her Grand-child was in the power of our Friends and that the injuries were done us would be reveng'd upon him This letter put the old woman into great trouble insomuch that she came immediately to speak with the Bassa's Lady earnestly desiring her that she would not suffer us to be ill treated The Bassa's Lady assur'd her we should not and the old woman sent us notice thereof that we might be no longer in fear which she did also leaâ—â— we should write into Flanders that the Turks who were in prison there might receive the same treatment Alli Pegelin was not yet return'd and in the mean time we were kept up in the Bassa's Palace so as that none from without were permitted to come to us which yet was sometimes secretly done Our daily allowance was two little loaves but we had this happiness that the Bassa's Caterer was a French-man a Renagado who had been Lacquey to Monsieur Chamois that is the Knight of Malta before-mentioned And in regard the Caterer knew that I was familiarly acquainted with that Monsieur Chamois at Alli Pegelin's Bath and that we had lain for some moneths in the same room he gave us something every day as Oyl Figgs Tobacco or somewhat to eat Yet here it was that we endur'd the greatest misery of all our Slavery for as I said before we lay in a very little room with ten or twelve Boys who were full of vermine and though we spent most part of the day in lousing our selves yet within an hour after we were as well furnish'd as before The Bassa's Steward walk'd always with a cudgel in his hand because there was a necessity that some body should be beaten though it were onely for his divertisement All the satisfaction we had was that all the Slaves the Bassa had for his eight part came the first night to lye among us before they were sent to the Bassa's Bath and being there were some taken every day and consequently new Slaves came in by that means we came to know all that pass'd in Christendom Having continu'd in this misery eighteen days our Patron Alli Pegelin return'd to the City The two Turks who were come to set us at liberty went immediately to salute him and to acquaint him that there were seven Turks to be exchang'd for us three Christians telling him that they would reimburse what we had cost him Pegelin made them this answer I have bought my Slaves to make some advantage by them and not to exchange them for Turks Whereto they reply'd We are poor Souldiers Besides you know our priviledge conformably to the Laws we therefore intreat you to grant our request Alli Pegelin hearkening to their reasons said to them I know very well what your priviledges and what the Laws are but one of you is a person of great wealth and he ought to have no advantage of that Priviledge because he is no Turk but onely a Moor and born in Algiers And he who was born in the City of Algiers at the time aforesaid cannot be a Souldier For you are to know that the Turks take the Citizens of Algiers for Subjects having subdu'd them by force of Arms because they would have revolted Upon that account is it that they are not admitted to be Souldiers and consequently they are incapable of making any advantage of the priviledge But if you will follow my advice you may have the three Christians and yet it shall not cost you much and I shall nevertheless have satisfaction This advice was lik'd by the two Turks Whereupon Alli Pegelin found out this expedient that these two Turks on the behalf of their four companions Prisoners in Flanders should go and agree with the Mother and Grand-mother of Mustapha Ingles who was the Moor born at Algiers and could make no advantage of the priviledge that among them six they would buy two of the Christian slaves to wit Emanuel d' Aranda and Renier Saldens and that the Mother and Grand-mother of Mustapha should buy John Baptist Caloën The two Turks lik'd the proposal and put it in execution They went to Mustapha's Grand-mother and told her they were all poor yet had resolv'd among them six to buy the two Christians and that it was requisite she being very rich should oblige herself to buy the third to wit M. Caloën The old woman accepted the condition and a contract was drawn to that purpose according to the Turkish way They went to acquaint Alli Pegelin that they were agreed and ask'd him
what he would have for d'Aranda and Saldens They agreed at five hundred Patacoons for both Mustapha's Grand-mother went the same day to Pegelin and acquainted him with the misfortune of her Grand-son who was in Slavery among the Christians and that there was no way to recover his liberty but by delivering a Dunkirk-slave he had whom she would pay well for Pegelin reply'd If you would have a Dunkirk-slave to do you a kindness I will bestow one on you Nay reply'd she I am content to pay for him but it must be one whose name is John Baptist Caloen Pegelin pretending a little astonishment answer'd How John Caloën he is a neer kinsman of the King of Dunkirk's and therefore he will cost you six thousand Patacoons The old woman hearing this answer was astonish'd and without making any reply return'd to her house sending us word that Alli Pegelin demanded six thousand Patacoons that she had not so much money and consequently that she saw no remedy for the recovery of our liberty if we would not contribute to the making up of that sum Whereto we return'd answer by the same Messenger that we would not contribute a peny and that if she would not redeem us she might let us perish but remember withall that her Grand-son would also dye in Flanders since he was in the power of our Friends While this affair was under accommodation there slip'd away nine weeks and three days during which time we continu'd in the Bassa's Palace in great misery fear and disquiet At 〈◊〉 Mustapha's Mother agreed with Alli Pegelin for the redemption of Monsieur Caloën at fourteen hundred Patacoons conditionally that the said sum were paid before Caloën went from Algiers Upon this agreement we got out of the Bassa's Palace VVhen I could walk the Streets I thought my self at liberty after so much trouble so much fear of being ill-treated and so much misery The first night Monsieur Caloën took up his lodging at Mustapha's Grand-mothers and R. Saldens and I went to the house of a Turk who had deliver'd us whose name was Cataborn Mustapha His habitation was in a great house where were many souldiers liv'd together such as there are in some parts of Flanders It was a fair Structure having a Quadrangle with four Galleries and four stories high Every souldier had a little room to himself kept very neatly by the Boys for every souldier almost had a little Boy or a Christian or a Renagado slave to wait on him Our new Patron Cataborn Mustapha treated us very well considering his ability and made his excuses to us that he was not the cause of our so long aboad in the Bassa's Palace The next day R. Saldens took his Quarters at the house of a rich Turk named Mahomet Celibi Oiga Uncle to one of the five Turks who were to be exchang'd for us Mustapha's Mother and Grand-mother were much troubled about the money they had paid for M. Caloën giving him very reproachful words so to force him to pay one moiety of the fourteen hundred Patacoons On the other side we were earnest with the Turks to have our liberty according to the agreement in Flanders In answer thereto they said and not without reason that it were to hazard the loss of their money and the return of their companions for the contract made in Flanders with our Friends was to this effect that the Turks were to send us with the soonest into some part of Christendom after they had found us So that we were forc'd to make a new agreement with them that one of us three should be set at liberty who should be oblig'd to bring the five Turks remaining in Flanders to Ceuta Oraâ— in Africk Cities belonging to the King of Spain and the two others should remain behind as Hostages This concluded it was resolv'd I should go for Flanders and that I should be sent with some of the Pyrat Ships of Algiers who were to set me ashore on the Coast of Spain But as my ill-fortune would have it a Barbarian King named Bennali a Tributary to the Kingdom of Algiers revolted and that Civil War was the cause that the Bassa to defend the Country stood in need of the Gallies so that they could not that Summer go out towards the Coasts of Spain as they were wont About the same time there was a Ship of Legorn homeward bound ready to set â—ail and our Companion Saldens who was as desirous of his liberty as I was of mine prevail'd so with the Turks as also with M. Caloën that he was pitch'd upon to go for the Low-Countries and so went aboard that Ship of Legorn I was extreamly sad at his departure considering with my self that I was to stay behind but the great promises he made that he would return assoon as he could and bring along with him the five Turks gave me some comfort I continu'd still with my new Patron Cataborn Mustapha And though he were but a poor Souldier ye I liv'd well enough with him for he would often say to me Emanuel be not so melancholy imagine that you were my Patron and I your Slave I did eat with him out of the same dish sitting down with him cross-legg'd after the Turkish way He made me the best cheer he could and often said to me Emanuel have I not reason to make much of my self for I have neither wife nor children and when I dye the Bassa will be my heir according to the custom of this Country I told him True you do prudently and you have reason to live as much as may be at your ease I could say no less because I did eat and drink with him But these words did not please a Renegado-boy who waited on him kept his money and wash'd his linnen in a word that Boy did the work of a woman in the family and was perpetually grumbling and saying You make away with all you have and there are yet so many days ere any more pay comes in you should be asham'd to be drunk every day this is not the life of a right Turk But my Patron liv'd nevertheless at the same rate One day being drunk as he was wont he fell out with a Bulcebas that is a Captain of Foot and among other injurious words he call'd him a Christian The Captain complain'd and my Patron was cast into prison and at the first assembly of the Duana that is the Councel my Patron was condemn'd to receive a hundred blows with a Cudgel on the Buttocks and besides that to go and serve in the field against King Bennali for the space of six moneths I was much troubled at the misfortune of my Patron who at parting said to me You must henceforwards go and live at Mahomet Celibi Oiga's house I hope in God you will be at liberty before my return If I had any money it should be divided between us I made answer Patron I am sufficiently sensible of your good inclinations
and your poverty I give you thanks for the kind entertainment I have receiv'd in your house When you come into Flanders said he present my service to your Friends particularly to your Cousin at Dunkirk for he often made me drink strong Beer After the departure of my Patron I went to Mahomet Celibi Oiga and said to him Cataborn Mustapha is gone to the Army and hath sent me to lodge at your house Whereto Mohomet reply'd You should with all my heart but I have no convenience for it in my house This he said because my Companion Saldens while he lodg'd there had spoken too familiarly to his wife a clear argument that he was jealous of him I earnestly intreated him telling him that I knew not whither to go At last he condescended and shew'd me a little room above the Stable which was at a little distance from the house Some days after my reception there I was much astonish'd that my Patroness spoke â—oâ— to me For she understood the Spanish and spoke also Lingua Franca and the women of that Country will take any occasion to fall into discourse with the Christians I dress'd my Patron 's horse and I went every day for water to â—upply the house though I were not commanded to do either and by degrees I got into the favour of my Patroness In the morning I went along with my Patron to the Shambles thence he sent me home with what meat he had bought On the other side my Patroness sent me to buy fruâ—ts and herbs for the house At length my Patroness's mouth began to open and she fell into discourse with me so often that I was afraid it might breed Mâ—ggots in my Patron 's brains One time among the rest she said to me Christian God send you your liberty pray tell me are you poor in your own Country I am a poor soldier reply'd I You may say what you please said she yet you are not like our Gregorio This Gregorio was another slave of the house a Native of Galicia in Spain and in his Country a Fisher-man but there he was a Gardener at a Garden of ouâ— Patron 's without the City This slave had a body well made for hard labour otherwise he had been well brought up considering his quality This good woman put many curious questions to me every day She was of high Statuâ—e had a comely face and inclining to fatness wherein the beauty of a woman consists according to the opinion of the Africans Every morning after I had dress'd the horse fetch'd water been in the Market and done some other things I ask'd my Patroness leave to go to Mass at Alli Pegelin's Bath which she never deny'd me Mahomet Celibi Oiga was a graceful person as to his body well brought up and very temperate in his meat and drink for he drunk only water He was also very devout in his Religion He was curious in enquiring news of remote Countries He ask'd me how the Spaniards and Flemings liv'd and whether the Flemings were Papists Christians meaning by that word Catholicks because the Catholicks have a dependance on the Pope He understood somewhat of Cosmography He ask'd me why the King of Spain being so powerful as he is could not with the forces of the Kingdom of Dunkirk that is with the Provinces of the Low-Countries subdue the Flemings by Flemings he went the Hollanders I told him that heretofore those Countries had belong'd to the Crown of Spain but that they were revolted My Companion Caloën was at Mustapha's Grand-mothers where he was unworthily treated For in the house he was confin'd to a Chamber with fourscore pound weight of Iron at his legge and sometimes he was sent to a Country-house three leagues out of the City where he had not half as much victuals as he could have eaten Mustapha's Friends who had given so much money for M. Caloën begâ—n to grumble that they heard no news from Mustapha and thence took occasion to say that the King of France had taken the Kingdom of Dunkirk and threatned to make him pay his ransom in case they heard not from him within four months And whereas Sea-affairs are subject to many misfortunes and that my Companion Saldens should have been on his way with the five Turks I was afraid all might not be well But God who looks on the afflicted gave me comfort when I was most cast down for my Patroness gave me all the kind words I could expect I had been six months in that house when I receiv'd the first news from my Companion Saldens by a letter of his dated at Ceuta whereby he gave me an account of his being there with the five Turks and that we should make all the hast we could to the City of Tituan in the Kingdom of Fez to make an exchange according to the agreement made at Algiers with the two Turks He writ to me also concerning the seven hundred Pâ—tacoons which Mustapha's friends expected from M. Caloën which rather then pay his Father said he should perish in the Gallies But in the Margin he had written in Latine haec propter bene stare which words we blotted out and gave the Letter to Mustapha's Mother that she might get it read and interpreted by some Flemish Slaves which she did And whereas the Letter onely made mention of the five Turks not specifying their names the Woman began to quarrel saying her Son was not at Ceuta and that M. Caloën should deliver up her Son or she would have him burnt if he paid not his ransom of six thousand Patacoons But the same day she receiv'd a Letter from Ceuta written by her Son wherewith she was appeas'd and we very glad hoping she would be fully satisfy'd But as some trouble is many times the shadow of satisfaction assoon as she had read over the Letter she order'd a hundred weight of Iron to be fasten'd to M. Caloën's leggs alledging it was his fault that his Father would not pay the seven hundred Patacoons But we continued courageous notwithstanding this unexpected traverse of fortune till we heard of a Ship bound for Tituan the place appointed for the exchange with the five Turks who were at Ceuta Yet were we still in some fear least in case that Ship should be gone without us we might stay there four or five moneths longer ere we met with such another opportunity In this extremity we thought it our best course to take the advice of a Renagado a Field-officer named Saban Gallan Aga a person much respected among both Turks and Christians for his honesty integrity and prudence as being a Man full of Moral virtues as may be seen more at large in my XIV Relation I went and made this discourse to him The fame of your Virtues as well among the Turks as the Christian Slaves hath encourag'd me to come hither to desire your advice in my misery He ask'd me who I was I am Emanuel d' Aranda said I born
The Turk gave me the Letter unseal'd and I writ a Post-script to Saldens that he should cause the five Turks to be chain'd and put into the Masmora at Ceuta which is a more inconvenient place then that of Tituan as being under an Oven which causes an insupportable heat The Fathers employ'd about the redemption of Captives whom I spoke of before return'd to Ceuta without redeeming so much as one Christian The reason was that they could not agree with the Governor of Tituan for the ordinary way of agreeing is to pay a third part in money and the other two thirds in commodities whereof there are patterns shewn The difference was that the Governor would not take the commodities at the rate set upon them by the Fathers Besides he would have oblig'd the Fathers in the first place to redeem thirty Slaves belonging to himself at the rate of two hundred Duckets a piece Which the Fathers would by no means condescend unto in regard that all those Slaves were either Portuguez or French and the Fathers said not without reason As long as there are any Spanish Slaves we cannot redeem those of other Nations insomuch as the Alms we bring were given in Spain for the redemption of Spaniards and it is but reason that they should be preferr'd before others Hence it came that the Fathers return'd without doing any thing I gave my Letter to a free Christian who went along with the Fathers to Ceuta desiring him to deliver it to Saldens himself which he did telling him he had left us the day before in the Masmora at Tituan whereat Saldens was extreamly incens'd He immediately order'd the five Turks to be brought to the Masmora at Ceuta and being at the entrance of it he said to the Captain Hibraim Arrais who was one of the five Pilla Basso that is in Lingua Franca Lay him down on the ground and let four hold his arms and leggs that he may be cudgell'd over the back and buttocks For Saldens had a cudgel ready in his hand having learnt that kind of justice when he was with us at Algiers Hibraim Arrais began to put off his cloaths weeping and giving all the fair words he could and the other four Turks shook like an Aspen leaf fearing the same Treatment All that pass'd by for this was done in the Streets made a halt to see the end of the Tragedy Among other spectators two Turkish Merchants who chanc'd to be at Ceuta about their commerce passing by the place said to Saldens What would you do with these Slaves are they not unfortunate enough to be Slaves but they must also be beaten Salden being extreamly incens'd made answer I will cudgel two or three of these ungrateful Traytors to death I have suffered them to walk freely up and down the City and yet not withstanding that kindness they have caus'd my Companions to be put into the Masmora at Tituan though they had given good security where they are at this present in misery and these Dogs walk up and down the City where they please and they have written a thousand lyes to Tituan to Trapan us out of our money by their malicious inventions contrary to all right Upon that the two Merchants spoke to the five Turks in their own language and after their discourse was ended they said to Saldens Forbear beating these Slaves and we will put in security here that your Companions shall come out of the Masmora and be brought hither with the first Cafila We will write to morrow for their delivery out of the Masmora Saldens seem'd to be satisfy'd with what was propos'd yet would fain have given them a beating But upon the intreaties of some Captain 's of the Garrison he was perswaded to go along with the two Merchants to the Governor who then was the Marquesse of Miranda and Saldens and the two Turkes alledged their reasons After he had heard both parties and brought them to an agreement he write a Letter to this effect to the Governor of Tituan Send me along with the first Cafila two Christians named John Baptist Caloën and Emanuel d' Aranda and I promise you upon the word and faith of a Christian and Knight that assoon as those Christians shall come to the gate of Ceuta I will set at liberty the five Turks named Mustapha Ingles Hibraim Arrais Alli Tagarino Rhodes Mustapha and Mustapha Oiga There liv'd at Ceuta a Jew a man of great reputation for his wealth who undertook to accommodate or rather over-reach both sides the difference between the Fathers before-mentioned and the Governor of Tituan whether he was to go the next day The Marquesse's Letter was given to him with order to deliver it to the Governor of Tituan himself which he did the next day In the evening we were let out of the Masmora with permission to walk within and without the City as we pleas'd our selves We went immediately to our Chamber in the Jews Quarter which had been kept during our absence by the Turk who had the over-sight of us What happen'd in the Masmora during the time of our being confin'd there may be seen in the VII and XIII of the ensuing Relations We walk'd up and down with the Turk who kept us in expectation of the Cafila from Ceuta having bought us each a white Cloak such as in the Language of the Country are called Albornos and a red Cap garments befitting Christians who had newly recover'd their Liberty Most of the Christian Slaves gave us Letters to be sent to their Friends and Relations The Jew who mediated between the Fathers for the Redemption of Captives and the Governour of Tituan having compos'd the difference or to say better over-reach both was to return the next day which was the 23 of March 1642. We took two hackney Horses of a Moor who was to go with the same Cafila to Ceuta And got a couple of Pullets made ready and a large bottle of Wine to refresh our selves by the way We left Tituan accompani'd by the Knight Philip de Cherf and some other Christian Slaves our friends to a place within a quarter of a league to the City where all who went along with the Cafila were to meet We took leave of such as came along with us who were much dejected that they were still to continue in that miserable state of Slavery We got that evening about two Leagues all along a Champion Country which from that place to Ceuta is neither cultivated nor inhabited but absolutely desert though the soil be fertile enough We alighted in the open fields and having unloaden the Mules three or four Turks with their Cutlasses cut down good store of Wood and made a fire For the nights in that Country as well as in Spain are very cold in March All setled themselves about the fire and eat what they brought with them We intreated some of the chiefest Turks to participate of our provisions but they would have excus'd themselves
Governor and he laugh'd at those who taught that a man is not oblig'd to keep his word with people of another Religion or Sect. To suffer him to go knowing he was a Christian went against our Conscience We advis'd with an old Cavalier who was better acquainted with the disposition of the Turks then he who out of zeal without prudence had converted that Turk His advice was that Saldens should speak alone to the Turk and that his discourse should be to this purpose Alli so was his Name you know that you embrac'd the Christian Religion in Flanders what is now your intention In case he reply I am a Christian and I will continue in the Christian Apostolick and Roman Faith Then Saldens shall say to him Go to the Governor and tell him that you are a Christian and that you will stay here and go and say the same thing to your four Companions Then the Governor in the presence of his Companions will ask him whether he will return into his Country If he answers that he will not and if he say that he is a Christian he shall stay and the Governor shall be discharg'd Saldens put this advice in execution but Alli made answer that he would return into his Country Whereupon we engag'd our selves no further in the business Mach 24. 1642. Was the day of our absolute liberty whereupon one of my friends made these two Chronograms whereof one shews the day of my being taken by the Turks the other that of my Redemption Chronicum Captivitatis MensIs aVgVstI DIe XXII CaptVs Chronicum Redemptionis MartII XXIIII reDVCtVs fVIt The day after our arrival we went all three to the great Church at Ceuta to do our devotions This Church is called Our Lady's Church of Africk and it is the Metropolitane Church We kiss'd the Bishop's hand who was a devout old Man and all his train consisted of one Negro-Slave He ask'd us whether we were Christians he meant Catholicks We answer'd that we were Roman Catholicks and subjects of his Majesty of Spain Upon this answer the good Bishop gave us his benediction We staid at Ceuta eight days intending to go to Gibraltar with a Brigantine well arm'd for that passage is very dangerous This Brigantine had fifteen banks and on every bank two Souldiers to Row who had their Arms lying ready by them In four hours we pass'd from Africk to Europe not without great fear of being once more taken by the Turks for I knew those Souldiers were as good Sea-men as the English Master when we were taken shew'd himself a valiant Souldier We came to Gibraltar and stay'd there three days and went to do our devotions at a Chappel a quarter of a league without the City and directly where the distance is least between Africk and Europe called Our Lady's Chappel of Europe a place much frequented by all those who have friends and Relations in Slavery VVe went from Gibraltar on Horse-back for Cadiz which is two days journey M. Caloën and I were in our white cloaks and red caps whence it came that in our way and at all the Villages where we alighted all those who had any friends in Slavery came to see us to know whether we had any Letters or news from them Being at Cadiz we got us cloaths made us after the Christian mode and thence we went to Madrid where we staid two months all three together Some days after Saldens went away with his old Master the Marquess of Solero for the Army of Catalonia and M. Caloën and I came to St. Sebastian's in Biscay and travell'd without any Pass through all France trusting to an Attestation we had from the Fathers employ'd about the Redemption of Captives certifying that we came out of Slavery But where we had no occasion to shew the Attestation we pretended to be Hollanders Being come to Paris we were inform'd that at Dieppe as also at Callice the Governors very strictly examin'd Strangers especially such as would cross over into England To avoid this examination we took Shipping at Rovën in a Hamburgher bound for Scotland Being at Sea we told the Master that we would gladly see England and that if he would set us ashoar neer Dover we would give the Boats-crue somewhat to drink VVe were accordingly landed within half a league of Dover whither we went afoot And the next day we pass'd over with the Packet-boat to Dunkirk Thus after divers traverses of fortune and strange adventures I came to Dunkirk reflecting on the hardship the dangers the vain hopes the happinesses the misfortunes and a thousand other accidents which I had run through during the time of my unhappy travels wherein I was much troubled in body but much more afflicted in mind I leave it to the Reader to imagine what satisfaction it was to me to see the Steeples and other Structures of my dear Country where I had wish'd my self a thousand and a thousand times representing to my self the delightful interview of my dear friends and particularly my indulgent Mother from whom my Brothers and Sisters for important reasons had till that time conceal'd my Captivity and other misfortunes perswading her sometimes that I was sick sometimes that other accidents yet such as were probable had happened to me Amidst these reflections on the 20. day of August 1642. I came to the City of Bruges rendring most humble thanks to God who had conducted me through so many dangers by Sea and Land to the gates of the City where I drew my first breath and gave me the time and convenience to praise his glorious Mother the Virgin Mary whom all Christians ought to invocate as the Comforter of the afflicted But for my part I shall for many reasons acknowledge all the days of my life that I am particularly oblig'd to honor her to serve her and to render her all possible thanks as a Christian ought to do to the common Mother of all Christians And in the next place according to the commandment of God to honour my natural Mother whom I found in health with my Brothers and Sisters The content and joy we had at our meeting I omit as being beyond expression But what I have said elsewhere to wit that mourning and sorrow are the neer attendants of joy and satisfaction may be further seen here also for some few days after my return my Brother-in-law and dear Mother ended their days to whom I wish eternal rest laying aside my Pen to acknowledge the pains the Reader hath taken in perusing my Adventures A SHORT ACCOUNT Of the ANTIQUITY Of the City of ALGIERS THe City of Algiers is scituated in a Province of Africk anciently called Mauritania Caesariensis on the side of the Mediterranean Sea Its elevation is at 37. degrees It is not known who were the Founders of this City for what is conjecturable seems fabulous But whta's most certain is that Strabo a creditable Author speaking of Mauritania Caesariensis says that on
was the first who reduc'd them into that condition wherein they now are of being Subjects and as it were half Slaves to the Turks The news of Barberossa's death was soon carried to his younger Brother Cheredin Barberossa who Govern'd at Algiers It troubled him very much upon a double account both out of a consideration of the loss of his Brother and a fear that the victorious Marquess might come and besiege him in the City of Algiers Whereupon he was neer resolving to leave the place and to retire with twenty two Galliots towards the Levant But some Pyrats advis'd him to expect a while to see which way the victorious Christians would take their march And finding that the Marquess being return'd to Oran sent his Men aboard in order to their Transportion into Spain the Turkish Souldiers with the Pyrats chose Cheredin for their King and Captain-General of the Kingdome of Algiers And indeed he was a Person deserv'd to succeed his Brother Being possess'd of that Kingdom the first thing he did was to send a Galley with some Letters to the Grand-Seignor acquainting him with his Brother's death and desiring his protection and assistance against the Christians promising either to pay Tribute or put the Kingdom into his hands together withall he was possess'd of in Barbary The Grand Seignor hearing this news not onely return'd a favourable answer but also sent him an assistance of two thousand Turks accepting of the proffer he made him that the City of Algiers with its Territories should be put into his hands All these transactions happen'd about the beginning of the year 1519. The Reader may here see how and when the City of Algiers came into the hands of the Turks I thought it not besides my purpose to bring in this short History to undeceive those who imagin'd that Aruch Barberossa had made these acquests in Barbary as a General of the Grand Seignor's For what he did was upon his own account without any other title then that of a Pyrat by Sea and a Tyrant by Land In the year 1530. Cheredin finding himself incommodated by reason of the Fort which the Christians kept in the Island before the Port resolv'd to beat it down with Cannon-shot and afterwards to make a Port from the City to the Island which very design Aruch Barberossa had in the year 1516. For by reason of that Fort the Ships were oblig'd to secure themselves on one side of the City neer the Gate called Babazon where they lay in great danger to be cast away upon the least tempest Cheredin Barberossa began his enterprise upon the Fort with this stratagem Two young Lads Moors by his secret order went and delivered themselves to those of the Fort saying they would embrace the Christian Religion They were kindly entertain'd and the Captain who commanded the Fort named Martin de Vargas took them into the house and caus'd them to be Catechiz'd that they might receive the holy Sacrament of Baptism On easter-Easter-day when the Governor and all his Souldiers were at Church these two Youths went up to the top of a little Tower whence they gave the signal to those of the City by a Flagg which being observ'd by a Servant-maid of the Governors she immediately went and acquainted her Master with the treachery who came presently out of the Church with all his Souldiers and fearing the enemies he put these two youths in prison and a while after caus'd them to be both hang'd up in an eminent place whence those of the City might see the spectacle Cheredin had soon notice of it and was extreamly incens'd thereat as if it had been done in derision of the Mahumetane Religion He sent a Boat to the Fort with a Renagado named Alcade Huali to tell the Governor that if he would deliver up the place he and his people should have good conditions otherwise they were to expect no mercy The Governor made answer that he was astonish'd that Cheredin Barberossa a person so highly esteem'd for his experience in military affairs did not consider that he had to do with Spaniards who value their honour above all things and laugh at the menaces of their enemies That he was further to know that he was of the House of Vargas that he glory'd not so much in the Nobility as his endeavors to imitate the Heroick vertues of his Ancestors and that therefore he would expect the utmost attempts of Cheredin Barberossa and do all he could to shew himself faithful to his God and his Prince Cheredin having receiv'd this answer took some great Guns out of a French Galion which chanc'd to lye before Algiers and some other pieces which had been cast there some months before for that purpose May 6. 1530. he rais'd a Battery which plaid fifteen days and nights without any intermission and the distance being but two hundred paces or thereabouts the Muskettiers also shot continually so that the sixteenth of May the Walls were almost broken down and a great number of the besieg'd kill'd or wounded Cheredin took one thousand three hundred Musketteers and Archers Turks in fourteen Galliots and being come to the Fort they landed without any obstacle For the Governor was wounded with fifty three of the Soldiers and the rest extreamly tyr'd out as may be easily conjectur'd having been sixteen days in continual alarmes The Captain Martin de Vargas yeelded up the place on certain conditions and after three months imprisonment he was without any reason bastinado'd to death in the presence of Cheredin Thus dy'd that valiant Captain carrying along with him to heaven the crown of Martyrdom and leaving to his Successors an example of valour and fidelity which vertues are so deeply rooted in that illustrious family that there are to this day in the Low-Countries Knights who are not onely heirs of that Noble House but also imitators of the Vertues of their Ancestors and such as are look'd upon all over the world as examples of Valour and Fidelity After the massacre of this brave Captain he employ'd the Christian Slaves to make a Moal from the City to the Fortress which was finish'd in two years Of the Scituation Strength and Government of the City of Algiers THe scituation of this famous Den of Pyrates is on the ascent of a mountain which rises by degrees from the Sea-side up into the Country representing to those who â—ail by it the several stories of a Theatre the variety of the Structures whereof a man hath as it were a full sight makes the prospect the more delightful Insomuch that there is no house but all the rest may be seen from it which way soever a man turns his eye when he is upon the Terraces wherewith they are covered They have also all of them this convenience that they have a prospect into the Sea as far as eye can see It is in a manner square and about three thousand paces in compass The Walls are of Brick built after the
their ransom should be set at liberty at the several sums specifi'd in his Will Secondly that all his Renegado Slaves should be free and thirdly that the Christian Slave his Surgeon should be set at liberty after his death Some time after the Caja died his funeral was according to the Turkish Ceremonies the dead body being carried with a covering of Silk over it on one side of the Church and it was left there during the mid-day Sala a prayer of theirs and afterwards it was carried to be buried Before it march'd the Renegado-Slaves who had obtain'd their liberty After it follow'd the Christian Surgeon who had in his hand a cleft Cane with a Letter in the cleft which contain'd an attestation of his liberty obtain'd with the good-will of his deceas'd Patron He wept most bitterly â— which if he had not the Turks would have accounted him unworthy his liberty But it is to be imagin'd that for his part he wept for joy and the generous Dutch Captain had reason to laugh heartily that he had obtain'd so noble a Victory with forty then against five Gallies and two Brigantines RELATION III. The Constancy and perseverance of a Christian Slave in her Religion IN the year 1641. a Pyrate of Algiers having a Spanish Bark in chase those who were in it seeing no way to avoid the danger leapt into the Sea hoping they might get to 〈◊〉 by swimming There remain'd in the Bark 〈…〉 old man a Spaniard about seventy years of 〈◊〉 and a Concubine of the Master's These two were brought before the Bassa according to the custom The Bassa's Lady having seen the woman at some window sent one of her Eunuchs to tell him that she would gladly have that woman The Bassa sent her along with the Eunuch as a present to his Lâ—dy who was very well pleas'd with her and presently gave her some work to do About five days after the Bassa's wife took notice that that Christian Slave was an excellent Needle-woman good at embroidery and other things of that kind so that she was much in her Mistresse's favour who promis'd her mountains of Gold if she would renounce her Faith and embrace the Turkish Religion But all her temptations prov'd ineffectual for she said to her Though I have forgot my self as a frail womâ—n yet is my confidence so great in the goodness of God that I believe he will out of his infinite mercy pardon my sinâ— assuring you that all my hope is in my Faith which I will never forsake or renounce The Mistress hearing this answer was at a loss between astonishment and indignation so that she gave order that the poor Slave should receive three hundred blows with a Cudgel And perceiving that she still continu'd firm and constant as a Rock they stripp'd her of all her cloaths and gave her others after the Turkish mode which she put on but protested publickly in the presence of God that she took them onely to cover her nakedness and not upon any change of Religion This I thought worthy my observation to shew the constancy and faith of that second Magdalen RELATION IV. Ignorant persons imagine strange things DUring the time of my aboad at my Patron 's Mahomet Celibi Oiga one night after my Patrone was gone to bed and the doors lock'd my Chamber being above the Stable which was at a little distance from the house I was wont to go and talk away the time with four Christian Slaves of the Neighbour-hood three whereof were Spaniards and the fourth was a Hamburgher who knew not a word of the Spanish Language It happen'd as we were smoaking a Pipe of Tobacco the Spaniards began as it is ordinary with them to talk of the Goverment of the Crown of Spain and their discourse held about three hours The Hamburgher who said not a word but observ'd their gestures and the motions of their hands imagin'd we had talk'd of some attempt to make an escape about mid-night I took leave of the Spaniards wishing them liberty as it is the custom among the slaves but as I was going away the Hamburgher without any further enquiry cast himself at my feet and began to sware in Dutch and to say You shall not go without me and whereever you hazard your lives I will hazard mine I have often put my life in danger for a smaller matter The three Spaniards who saw his exclamations but understood not a word of what he said imagin'd the Hamburgher was grown distracted I told him we had not talk'd of any such thing he answered I have sufficiently discover'd your design continuing firme in his opinion Whereupon I told the Spaniards what he said and how desirous he was of his liberty We were all extreamly troubled to see what a pittiful posture the poor Hamburgher was in as being sick of the same disease At last I told him the Spaniards were very glad to see his resolution and that in case they attempted any thing they would take him for their Companion Having comforted him with such promises I went to my lodging considering the strange impressions of those who comprehend not what they hear During the time of my being in the Masâ—ora at Tituan some Malefactors being in the Cityâ—prison had broke open a door thinking by that means to make their escape The Governor or King as some call him by his Officers took one of those who had got away and without admitting any plea oâ—der'd him two hundred bangs with a cudgel and so treated he was sent to the Masmora with the Christian slaves He lay all along on the ground seeming rather a spunge full of blood than a man This happen'd on the first Friday in Lent in the evening at which time according to the custom every one kneel'd down to the number of a hundred and seventy persons with a Religious Dominicanâ— who said the Litanies and all the Slaves answer'd That done the lights were put out and the Religious Man said the Miserere and all the Slaves being either Spaniards or Portuguez began to discipline themselves very cruelly Which exercise having continu'd a certain time the Religious Man gave the signal that it was enough whereupon the Lamps were lighted again and every one dispos'd himself to sleep The next day the Magistrates of the City sent for the prisoner who had made his escape to be examin'd He began to tell the Judges that it concern'd them to be watchful for that the Christians who were in the Masmora had made some attempt the night before to get away They put out all the Lamps said he and after a long silence they all fell a breaking the Wall with certain instruments The story was presently carried to the Governor who sent four Gentlemen Moors of his retinue to the Masmora They visited all the Walls and found not the least rupture which done they search'd what things the Christians had but they met with no instrument nor the least appearance of what had
with him at noon on what he should get between that time and the hour appointed to set their Jaw-bones a-grinding One day about ten in the morning he invited my Companion R. Saldens to dine with him conditionally he would take a turn with him about the City Fontimama carry'd Saldens among some Jews changers of money whereof there are many at Algiers taking up their standings in the Streets with a little Table where they change Patacoons and half-Patacoons into Aspers making some small gain by that exchange Fontimama ask'd for Aspers for a half-Patacoon shewing a piece which was good he help'd the Jew to tell them and after they had done he proffer'd the Jew a counterfeit piece The Jew who knew money well enough would have his Aspâ—rs again which he could not so get but that some stuck to the hands of that crafty thief From him they went to another Jew and so to another till at last he had done his work so well that about noon Fontimama return'd to the Bath with a couple of Pullets and money enough to procure their skins full of Wine Another time being in our Patron 's Galley on the Coast of Barbary before a place called Terrevecchia Fontimama with some other slaves were sent ashore to take in fresh water for the Galley The Alarbes Inhabitants of the Country came presently about the Slaves asking them whether they had any Iron to sell for it is very dear about that place and the slaves sometimes sold them Nails and such pieces of old Iron Fontimama's Companions having sold all they had the buyers told their Neighbours that they had bought Iron of the slaves of the Galley Two Alarbes hearing there was Iron to be had pretty cheap 〈◊〉 to the Sea-side to buy some and address'd themselâ—â—◠〈◊〉 Fontimama who told them he had some to sell and thereupon sold them the Anchor of the Galley for five Patacoons He receiv'd the money and said to them Friends it is impossible for you two to carry so heavy a burthen go and call some of your neighbours and I will help you also The innocent Alarbes went to get the assistance of their Neighbours in the mean time Fontimama got into the Galley and put a Plaister over one of his eyes Thâ— two Merchants return'd accompany'd by twenty Alarbes to carry away the Anchor and began to undo the Cable for it was the greatest Anchor of all and then aboard the Galley Alli Pegelin who was lay'd down to rest himself at the Poop saw those Alarbes at the Prow of his Galley quarrelling with the Turkish soldiers who would not suffer them to carry away the Anchor One told Pegelin the story how that Fontimama had sold the Anchor He gave order in the first place that that crue of Alarbes should be sent packing out of the Galley which was immediately put in execution with good Bulls-pizzles The Alarbes being sent away with good store of bangs instead of the Anchor Pegelin ask'd Fontimama why he had sold the Anchor of the Galley being not his to dispose of Fontimama reply'd that he thought the Galley would go better being discharg'd of that weight All the Galley could not forbear laughing at that answer and Fontimama kept the five Patacoons There was in the same Bath a Brabander named Frâ—ncis de Vos but he was otherwise call'd the Student He did not belong to Pegelin but by order from his Patron and Pegelin's permission he liv'd in the Bath having an Iron chain 〈◊〉 hundred weight at his leggs that he might not stir thence which was done to hasten the payment of his ransom This man was a kind of Secretary to the slaves of the Low-Countries Dunkirk and Hamborough being always employ'd in writing of Letters for them without any other reward save that he would accept of a dish of drink And whereas he was by reason of his Letters always accompany'd by Flemings and Dutch-men who came to him and made him drink for his pains when he had done he made a shift to subsist by that means For the Taverner at whose Lodge he wrote found him meat all that day in requital of the advantage he made by selling his Wine to those who employ'd him There was also a French Cavalier who had been six years in slavery yet had not receiv'd a peny out of his Country He was always well clad for a slave did eat and drink of the best and many times invited his Companions to dine with him He had great acquaintances among the French-Renegadoes who lent him money at interest he being oblig'd to repay it at a certain time But to pay some he took up mony of others upon the same termes Now all the Renegadoes being soldiers and always abroad in the wars by Sea and Land it happen'd that some of his Creditors died every year and they having no Relations Wives or Children the Debt was paid at their deaths And though there were some obligation in writing it signify'd nothing for the Cavalier being a slave the obligation was of no force I knew a Spaniard whom I shall here call Rodrigo a person who though far from being valiant yet liv'd by the reputation of his sword that is a kind of a Hector These people in Spanish are called Vendevuidas This Rodrigo got his livelihood by composing differences between the Slaves bringing them to drink together after they were reconciled and making good cheer among them But it was his main business to set the Spaniards together by the ears and afterwards to mediate between them and take his share of the drink at their argeement Rodrigo would be always haunting the Taverns of the Bath where he thought the greatest Drunkards resorted for commonly when the reckoning came to be paid there was some dispute between the drunken Turks and the Christian Taverner Rodrigo compos'd those differences with a Spanish gravity saying Gentlemen it is sufficient that a person of my rank and quality says it And when the Turks would not pay the Taverner Rodrigo gave notice of it to the Guardian who presently lock'd up the Bath and when the drunken Turks drew their Knives Rodrigo came behind them with a Ladder and getting the Turks head between the rounds laid him all along which he might do to part them for a Christian is not to strike a Turk upon pain of death and then the Guardian came in and caus'd the Turk to pay or made him leave something in pawn For such services as these was Rodrigo much esteem'd among the Taverners of the Bath having for his reward a good supper There was a Muscovite among us about fourscore years of age not able to do any thing of hard labour as having been bruis'd He made clean the necessary house of the Bath and every week went a begging of alms of the Slaves for his pains With what was given him he made a shift to subsist There was also a young Lad a Hamburgher who at his being taken had lost
the Alcoran he forgot himself so far as to renounce the Christian Faith turning a Mahumetane with extraordinary acclamations of the Moors and Turks who set him on horse-back with a Dart in his hand and so conducted him through all the Streets of the City as it were in triumph And abusing the Christians they said to them as he went along Behold your great Papas so the Turks call the Christian Priests whom you esteem'd so highly This accident extreamly troubled the Christians both Catholicks and Protestants It happen'd through God's permission that at that time there were at Algiers two Fathers one a Jesuit the other a Discalceate Carmelite a Genoese named Frater Angeli a man of exemplary vertue These two Fathers were extreamly troubled at the miscarriage of Father Joseph as also for the scandal which the Christians had receiv'd thereby and resolv'd to remonstrate unto him how highly he had scandaliz'd so many Christian slaves who had endur'd a thousand times more misery then he had and yet persever'd with so much constancy and patience in the Christian Faith By these and the like remonstrances Father Joseph who was now called Isouf was so stirr'd that he promis'd the two Fathers that he would forsake the pernicious Mahumetane Religion and be reconcil'd to the holy Church and to that end he desir'd to make his Confession and to receive the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar Which he did the same night very secretly for if the Turks had known that those two Fathers had concern'd themselves in the conversion of a Renegado they would hardly have escap'd being burnt alive The next day Isouf appears in the Streets cloath'd as a Christian whereat the whole City was astonish'd He was taken and carried before the Duana that is the Tribunal They ask'd him why he had chang'd the habit of his Religion He resolutely answer'd that he was a Christian a Priest and of a Religious Order and that he would dye a Christian And as to what had pass'd that he had done it by the suggestion of the Devil Upon this answer the Judges thought fit to order him to be cudgell'd on the soles of the feet to drive those scruples out of his mind That sentence was executed but to no purpose for he presever'd and said he would dye a Christian They threatned him with death and seeing at last that all their menaces prevail'd nought upon him they condemn'd him to be burnt alive with a gentle fire The Sauses the Officers of Justice let him out of the Baboloet-Gate and got an Anchor and having set it with the teeth into the ground ty'd Father Joseph to it He made the best advantage he could of the short remainder of his life for he begg'd pardon of God and the Christians who were present in great numbers exhorting them to continue constant in the Christian Faith In the mean time Wood was brought which was set at five foot distance all about him Being set on fire the flame augmented the courage of that holy Martyr who louder and louder begg'd forgiveness of God for the scandal he had given to the Christians exhorting them to perseverance in the Christian Religion At last smother'd by the smoke he fell down leaving to all the Christian slaves an example of a true Religious man and a most penitent Christian RELATION XXXIII Of the design we had to render our selves Masters of the Ship which brought us to Tituan IN the discourse of my Voyage I mention'd how twenty four Christians of us had resolv'd to master the Turkish Ship wherein we had twice embark'd for Tituan and by reason of contrary winds were twice forc'd back to Algiers Being at Sea in the said Ship we had observ'd the Master understood not his charge very well and that the Guard he set for the securing of us was not sufficient nor well dispos'd and that the least part of the Turks belonging to the Ship were soldiers and the greatest Merchants and these so curious about their Armes that all their Muskets and Cuttelasses were pack'd up in baggs of cloath and well corded that the air might not hurt them We had also observ'd that there was a Box full of half-pikes in the Pilot's Cabin at the Stern where the Master and his Mate lay Being ashore the second time the chief actor in the enterprise propos'd to us one after another how at our next embarking we might destroy those Turks become Masters of the Ship and with our liberty get very great wealth for there were among us twenty four Jews most of them Lapidaries which double hope much augmented our courage The principal undertaker we shall here call Bottemond M. Caloën and I needed not to have run our selves into any danger as being already assur'd of our liberty and engaging our selves in that business we might be kill'd or at least receive a hundred blows with a cord on the belly if it had been discover'd yet to procure the liberty of the other slaves our Friends we promis'd to run the same hazard with them Going aboard the third time the Undertaker hid a Dagger two great Turkish Knives and two pound of powder in a bag of Bisket which was carried to the Prow where the Christians lay for the Bisket was for them The wind having brought us in a few hours a good distance from the Coast of Algiers we began to consult how and when our enterprise should be put in execution and every one gave his advice The result was that we who lay at the Prow should have the two Knives and the Dagger and that we should make use of a Cramp-Iron and twelve Shovels wherewith they took in and cast out the Ballast The other eight Christian slaves lay on the Deck for day and night they were to have a care of the sails for the Turks have Christian slaves for their Sea-men those had for their Arms each of them two great Bullets of six pound weight wherewith they undertook to kill the Master and his Mate in their Cabin and to cast down the half-pikes before-mentioned At the same time the twelve others were to kill three or four Turks who kept a guard at the Stern and to enter into the room where the rest of the Turks lay with their arms engag'd as I said and to dispatch them And that the four Turks who guarded at the Stern might not observe when the sixteen Christians who lay in the Prow came out the eight Christians who lay on the deck came four or five nights one after another to take Tobacco before the Hatch under which we were that at the hour of the enterprize they might be all together on the Deck without any notice taken by the guard And in case the Turks at the Stern should make too great resistance the order was that we should retreat to the Prow where we were to leave four of our companions who were Gunners and they should have turn'd two Guns from the Prow towards the Poop
engag'd as they had intended I told him that I was then aboard the English-Ship and desir'd him to tell me how it came to pass that being so neer us as they were when we discharg'd our Guns they did not board us and why they did not so much as fire a Gun at us He made this answer They thought they had not been perceiv'd and it happening that the greater of the two Ships in which I was ere there had been any noise heard receiv'd of a sudden same Iron-bars through her sides and with that we heard so many Trumpets there was such an astonishment fear and confusion among them that the Officers and Soldiers told the Captain plainly they would not fight but by day And the next morning when the Turks saw the bigness of your Ship and observ'd the courage of your Commander they had no maw to fight I understood after a strange manner what I was so desirous to know and it had been better for me I had never known it that way I came to know it RELATION XXXV The Innocent accus'd MY Companion M. Caloën's old Patroness had two Grand-children of a Daughter one named Mustapha one of the five Turks often mention'd before the other Amet who for the most part liv'd at a Country-house three leagues from Algiers This Grand-mother was a peevish old Woman who could not endure M. Caloën in her house and to rid her self handsomely of him she sent him to her Grand-Son Amet to the Country-house and I liv'd with my Patron Mahomet Celibi Oiga During M. Caloën's absence I had treated with a Jew who was to furnish us with seventy five Patacoons conditionally that the Knight Philip de Cherf M. Caloën and I should give him a Bill of Exchange as if we had receiv'd a hundred The Knight and I had sign'd the Bill but the Jew would have M. Caloën to sign also and the Ship it was to be sent with was ready to set sail and besides within two days after the Easter of the Jews was to be celebrated during which Feast they do not tell out any mony To send the Bill to M. Caloën to be sign'd we thought it not fit for if it had been known that we had any credit it would have prejudic'd us much and retarded our liberty To conceal my design I went to the old Patroness and desir'd her to order her slave M. Caloën to be in Town the next day by Noon to write to his Friends for the Ship was ready to set sail She conceiving that Letter might advance the liberty of her Grand-son Mustapha who was in Flanders one of those who were to be exchang'd for us sent one express to Amet to bid him send away the slave the next day to the City Amet had also a French-slave at the same Country-house who look'd to the Vines and Tobacco he had planted there Now whereas the meaner sort of the Inhabitants thereabouts is naturally addicted to thieving they came in the night-time and stole the Grapes and Tobacco To prevent those robberies Amet having an old rusty sword gave it to M. Caloën to be made clean at Algiers and brought back again to the Country-house that the French-slave might have it to keep away the Thieves M. Caloën brought the sword along with him to the City and just as he was coming into Algiers there was a discovery made of an enterprise of some Dutch-slaves who had buried certain arms a sail and some oars out of a design to seize a Bark and make their escape The enterprise being discover'd those who were taken were condemn'd to have each of them two hundred blows with a cudgel The execution of that sentence divulg'd the enterprise among the people so that M. Caloën's Patroness hearing that the persons engag'd in it were Dutch-slaves who are accounted to be of the same Country with the Dunkirkeâ—s and that the enterprise was discover'd about the time of M. Caloën's coming into the City and that upon my intreaty she maliciously inferr'd that we were of it She went and accus'd us and grounded her accusation on his coming with the sword whereupon without hearing what we had to say for our selves we had fourscore weight of Iron fasten'd to our leggs And if her Grand-son Mustapha had not been at the disposal of our Friends in Flanders we had been serv'd the same sauce with the others who were cudgell'd notwithstanding our innocence RELATION XXXVI Fidelity Constancy Recompence and Gratitude IN the year 1640. the Turkish Pyrates took in a Ship some Dutch-men-slaves among whom there was a Captain who had a Lacquey whom we shall here call Morin The Dutch-men before they fell into the hands of the Turks used all the perswasions they could to induce Morin not to tell who they were promising that if he kept their councel in that particular they would redeem him The new slaves were brought to Algiers and sold and so Master and Servant were equal as to quality respect and riches And whereas Avarice is the soul of a Turk while they were at Sea the Captain of the Ship had order'd Morin to receive fifty blows with a cudgel on the belly to make him confess the name and quality of his Master and his Companions Morin had made answer that he knew not the name of his Master not yet of the others and that he never heard his Master and his Companions use any other appellation one towards the other then that of Sir This constancy of the young lad pleas'd his Master very much as also the others who had been taken in the Ship among whom there was one whom we shall here call Tiberius descended of wealthy friends who said to Morin Continue faithful and constant and assoon as I shall recover my liberty I will redeem thee Soon after Tiberius got his liberty with one of his Companions and being return'd into his Country he acquainted his friends with the constancy and fidelity of Morin which they considering declar'd Tiberius's promise to redeem him obligatory so that they gave order to some Merchants of Legorn for his Redemption and that he should be sent away with the first Ships bound for England or Holland Morin was redeem'd by the Jews and deliver'd into the hands of those Merchants who according to their order would have sent him away in a Dutch-ship but Morin absolutely refus'd to go saying he would rather dye on Christian land then run the hazard of being made a slave again by the Turks Whereupon the Merchants put him into the company of some Dutch-men who had been redeem'd at Legorn and intended to return home by Land Morin being come into the Low-Countries met with one of Tiberius's Companions named Carel who had much promoted his redemption and though it were in the Street fell down and kiss'd his feet Carel was asham'd for the people began to flock about him to see those ceremonies and bid him rise and he would bring him to Tiberius's house
of one of it as for that the said Nation is little known and not much esteem'd at Algiers those of it yeilding but ordinary ransomes The Knight was in hopes by this invention to come off the easier when he came to treat about his ransom But Alli Pegelin who was a person not so easily over-reach'd having heard his answer said jeeringly to him A man may indeed see by your looks that your Father was a Cobler you have acted your part very well in the Bassa's Kitchin but I shall make my advantage of it I know you are an Ambassador and one of the King of Spain's Generals and what is more that you are a Knight This last title he gave him to make the matter worse then it was inasmuch as the Turks know that the Knights of the Military Orders in Spain have Commanderies and Pensions conditionally to wage war against the Turks and Moors Afterwards the General sending away his slave said to him Go go write home that they may sell your Lands and send me Patacoons and you shall return to your Country This first proposal of his new Master was very unacceptable to the Knight as being again oblig'd to strive against a false and Chimerical opinion which was enough to defeat him of all hopes of ever breathing the air of his Native soil The General had a house at a little distance from his own wherein during the time of my being there he lodg'd five hundred and fifty slaves which place was called Banno or the Bath and it might well be taken for a representation of Babylon or an epitome of Hell The different Nations the confusion of Languages the miseries and inconveniences endur'd and all the several kinds of crimes that are committed there would force the lewdest person in the world to pass that judgement of it To this place was our Knight-slave brought where he was receiv'd by M. Caloën Saldens and my self having onely this to congratulate that we were all together and whereas the Knight was lame of one arm and so was not oblig'd to go to work out of the Bath we made him our Caterer to provide our meat for us and to dress it which employment he continu'd in to our great convenience for the space of six months at the end whereof the General thinking he might have receiv'd an answer from his Country sent for him to come to some agreement about his ransom The Knight proffer'd five hundred Patacoons whereat the General being incens'd as looking on the proffer extreamly below what he expected order'd the Knight to have a chain of sixty pound weight fasten'd to his legge to induce him to come somewhat neer the sum of thirty thousand Patacoons at which he had set the Knight's ransom Nine months together he had the chain at his legge and for the space of fifteen days was forc'd to dragg it after him to some place neer the Sea-side to work where he was to help some Sawyers of Marble which the General had brought away with his Gallies from the City of Bona anciently called Hippona seated on the Mediterranean and sufficiently known by this that it had been the Metropolis of Africk in Saint Austin's time where those stones had serv'd for the Tombs of Christians The Knight's work was to mingle the sand and water to be us'd in the sawing of the Marble While he was at his work the General would come sometimes to see what he did proffering to send him to Legorn with a Vessel then ready to set sail if he would agree with him at thrity thousand Patacoons which he had demanded of him for his ransome Whereto the Knight made answer that he had no mony The General having made such proffers several times to him without prevailing any thing with him was so vex'd that he said to him in Lingua-Franca La Cane ty far garziva ty tener fantasia à fè de Dio my congar bueno por ti That is Go you Dog you think your self cunning and shew your self humour some but by the faith of God I will take another course with you The General Alli Pegelin was then accompany'd by some Jews who in all likelihood had a share in that slave yet conceal'd their interest under the name of Alli Pegelin as they are wont that they may not offend against the prohibitions made them to buy Christian slaves This suspition was afterwards confirm'd in that the Knight was some time after sent for to the General 's house at the request of those very Jews where Pegelin accompany'd by them and some Captains of his Gallies ask'd him once more whether he would promise thirty thousand Patacoons for his liberty To which demand the Knight making answer that he had nothing to say the General immediately reply'd Pila baso cane porta Falaca Which is commonly said when they would punish any one and signifies Ly down on the ground you Dog and bring hither the Falaca which is a piece of wood about four or five foot in length having a hole in the middle through which by a small cord the feet are fasten'd to it The patient lies down on his back having the soles of his feet rais'd up towards the sky two men hold up both ends of the piece of wood two others hold down his arms to prevent all agitations of his body and a fifth begins the exercise laying on the foals of his feet as hard as he can with a Bulls-pizzle four or five foot long round at the end by which he holds it but widening by degrees towards the other end where it is neer half a foot in breadth Instead of a pizzle the sometimes make use of a ropes-end The Falaca was presently brought and the Knight receiv'd two hundred blows in the posture you see represented in the Figure In the midst of that cruel punishment the General commanded the executioner to hold his hand and ask'd the Knight whether he had any desire to change his Religion and to embrace the Mahumetane which if he would he promis'd to make him Captain of a Galley to go out against the Christians Whereto the Knight reply'd that he was not as yet resolv'd to do so and that he would rather dye a Christian but that he would pay a thousand Patacoons for his ransome Upon that answer the General commanded the Executioner to give him a hundred blows more which was done This proposal of Alli Pegelin's would make some believe that he was a person who endeavour'd the propogation of his Religion but those who are acquainted with the avarice of the Turks will easily comprehend that Alli Pegelin had no design to advance Mahumetisme but onely made his advantage of that pretence to get more mony out of the soles of the Knight's feet Those blows being given the Knight was taken off the Instrument with his feet all black by reason of the blows and being threatned by the General that he should have as much more assoon as
he were recover'd of that or that he would send him to the Grand Seignor to be employ'd in the Seraglio where he must first have been made an Eunuch The blows had not troubled him so much as those menaces did after which the Knight was carried by the slaves to his quarter in the Bath for it was impossible for him I will not say to go but so much as to touch the ground with his feet His Friends among the slaves endeavour'd all they could to give him ease some brought wine to wash his feet another who was a Surgeon opened the dead flesh and dress'd him but what was most remarkable was the charitable action of a Discalceate Carmelite Frier a slave named Father Angeli a Genoese who with his mouth suck'd the corrupt blood to get it out of his feet He was six weeks in his recovery at the end whereof a Jew coming to treat with him about his ransom with many menaces told him that Alli Pegelin had sworn by the Grand Seignor's head an inviolable oath that the Knight should never have his liberty unless he gave fifteen hundred Patacoons He was perswaded to promise the said sum and thereupon his chain was taken off and he had the freedom to walk up and down the City as they commonly do who have agreed with their Patrones till such time as they have a convenience to transport themselves We had haply been treated after the same manner had not Alli Pegelin been fully perswaded that the said Knight was some publick Minister of the King of Spain's and that we were his Servants and so there was no great account made of us which prov'd our happiness All things being agreed upon it was propos'd that the Knight should take shipping for Legorn in Italy to be there kept in prison till the ransom were paid which was to be made to some Jews there who held a correspondence with Alli Pegelin But the Knight excus'd himself desiring that he might be sent over into Spain where he might take Duplicates of the Grants and Rewards which his Catholick Majesty had made him in regard the Originals were cast over-board when we were taken These excuses occasion'd the Knight's not being deliver'd without payment of his ransom which had been done had he follow'd the Patron 's resolution For the Vessel bound for Legorn assoon as it was got to Sea met with a Tempest which ran it a-ground on the Coast of Spain where the Ship was taken and all the slaves had their liberty without paying any thing by means of that happy tempest escaping imprisonment at Legorn where they were to have continu'd till the return of their ransoms This is punctually observ'd there but not by other Christian Princes who holding not so strict a correspondence with those of Algiers set at liberty the slaves assoon as they come within their jurisdiction not regarding whether they be redeem'd or not According therefore to the resolution of returning by the way of Spain the Knight de Cherf took shipping with us and the other Christian slaves for Tituan whether we got with the inconveniences before-related and were all put into the Masmora a prison under ground expecting the mony of our ransom save onely the Knight who inform'd of that custom had caus'd it to be inserted into the agreement that he should not be put in there which was observ'd In the discourse of my Captivity I gave an account of the three Tempests we weather'd through the design we had to kill the Turks and become Masters of the Ship and how we got to Tituan after being wrack'd and went thence to Ceuta leaving the Knight behind us at Tituan expecting the return of his mony from Legorn to Cadiz and thence to Ceuta During the time of this expectation the Knight bethought himself of some means to get off without mony visits the places about the City and flatters himself with hopes of making an escape but whereas that could not be done without assistance it was necessary he should have the help of those of Ceuta He seeks out and finds the means of making a correspondence by letters with a Captain of the Garrison of Ceuta a City in Africk under the Jurisdiction of the King of Spain with whom he had been a slave at Algiers He carefully sent his Letters by the Casilas which consist of Merchants travelling every week from Ceuta to Tituan and so back with the permission and Pass-port of the two Governors and agrees with that Captain to make him a present of a thousand Patacoons for the Sea-men who should come with a boat to a certain place within two thousand and six hundred paces of Tituan there to take in the Knight and three of his companions who had agreed with Alli Pegelin upon the same termes as the said de Cherf and had afterwards been lodg'd together in a remote quarter of the City expecting also the return of their mony These were engag'd in the said design and contributed towards the charge The time appointed for the execution of the design was the 25. of July in the year 1643. at midnight and the Knight prepar'd for each of them two or three pieces of Canes inclos'd one within the other like fishing-rods to be taken asunder and hid under their cloaths so as that being set at length and a knif fasten'd at the top they might be taken for pikes They got without any trouble about a quarter of a league out of Tituan and took up their quarters in a dry ditch fenc'd on both sides with reeds and thornes expecting night for the compleating of their enterprise Having continu'd a while in the Ditch the Knight thought it time for them to go towards the Sea-side but one of the three Companions named Hans Maurus a person accounted well experienc'd in Sea-matters as may be seen in the description of our wrack on the 11. of Feburary 1642. maintain'd it was not late enough adding that if they were oblig'd to stay there would be some danger of being surpriz'd and treated with the Falaca putting the Knight in mind of his chastisement at Algiers This apprehension of beating occasion'd the mistake of Hans Maurus yet after a little stay they went forwards fitting their pieces of Canes one upon another with a knife at the top making a kind of half-pike to defend themselves against the Alarbes who live by robbing and in the Summer time ly abroad in the fields As they went along the Knight took a Cross out of his pocket that of the Order of Saint James which he had sav'd when he was made a slave and presented it to be kiss'd by his Companions saying that he was in hopes JESUS crucify'd would give them their liberty and that they should have for their Intercessor the Apostle Saint James whose Feast it then was But Hans Maurus being a Lutheran refus'd to do it Being come to the Sea-side they perceiv'd a boat hard by the shore out of which
some call'd Ho ho for Tituan and it was the same which had been sent to receive them Hans Maurus notwithstanding all his experience and skill in Sea-matters was seiz'd by a Panick fear and said to his Companions Ly down on the ground they are Fisher-men of Tituan we shall be secur'd and beaten In the mean time the boat had cross'd two or three times by the place appointed and reiterated the aforesaid cry striking on a Steel the signal agreed upon between them whereto those ashore were to answer with the like noise But those in the boat seeing no body appear and considering that it was within an hour of day as also that the watch on the Coast of Tituan had perceiv'd them and given the signal to the City by a fire resolv'd to be gone The going away of the boat satisfy'd the Knight and Hans Maurus that those of Ceuta had made the appointed signal whereupon they began to strike with the Steel and to call upon them but all to no purpose and too late so that perceiving their design was discover'd they made their retreat without any noise towards Tituan getting into the City at several Gates where they understood that that night there had been an alarm in the City and that a party of horse had been commanded out into the Country by reason of a fire which had been made by the watch on the Sea-side This body of Horse consists of Citizens who to enjoy some priviledges and the title of imaginary soldiers oblige themselves upon any alarm to ride out into the Country and engage any enemy they meet with All this had pass'd yet so as that those of Tituan knew nothing of the occasion of it nor did they much enquire after it in regard the alarms are very frequent there by reason they are so near neighbours to the City of Ceuta Yet were the Undertakers still in some fear of being discover'd and could not forbear quarrelling at Hans Maurus who had occasion'd the miscarriadge of their design whereat he was so troubled and became so melancholy to think that by his mistake himself and his Companions had miss'd so fair an opportunity of recovering their liberty that he fell sick Yet did his Companions assist him all they could and concern'd themselves as much as might be in the recovery of his health but perceiving he grew every day worse and worse and that whatsoever was administred to him did little good they bethought themselves of endeavouring the welfare of his soul To that end the Knight who knew that Hans Maurus had led a morally good life and that he feared God made it his business to exhort him to renounce Lutheranism and to embrace the Roman-Catholick Religion discoursing with him concerning the difference of those perswasions as he had done several times before Hans Maurus being a person not much acquainted with Letters and the Knight no great Divine he took occasion to remonstrate to him that being born in Norway he had follow'd the Lutheran Religion without any enquiry into the Romane-Catholick that the former was a new and the other the ancient way surpassing the inventions of Luther by fifteen ages and that the latter had been follow'd by his Ancestors whom it would be impious for him to believe damn'd for that and that they were rather wiser then he that he had often said while he was in health that he would do better if he knew what were better that it now concern'd him to think seriously of his conscience and that to that end he would bring him a Priest who would tell him more and that more effectually This discourse made to him in the extremity of his sickness wrought this effect on Hans Maurus that he acknowledg'd to the Knight that it was true he had been exhorted to follow the steps of his Ancestors but that he thought there was so little difference between both Religions that he conceiv'd he might safely enough persevere in his own but since he was now in treated by his friends whom he knew to be real sincere to consider seriously of it he desir'd that a Priest might come to him to give him satisfaction in some doubts The Knight immediately sent for a Religious Dominican a Spaniard and a slave who satisfy'd the doubts of Hans Maurus and undeceiv'd him so that he became a Roman-Catholick made his Confession and communicated with great fervency to the great satisfaction of the Christian slaves who were present and the second day after his conversion he dy'd In this conversion may be seen the goodness of God who gave Maurus the grace to profess the Catholick Faith in recompence of his moral Vertues and good life by a strange accident whereby he was depriz'd of his experience and skill on Saint James's day which made him loose his corporal liberty to give him the incomparable liberty of enjoying the sight of God Eight days after Maurus's death the Knight paid his ransom and went to Ceuta and thence by the way of Gibraltar to Madrid where having receiv'd rewards from his Catholick Majesty he went thence to the Low-Countries having suffer'd greater miseries then any of us though we had been made slaves at the same time And he who shall attentively consider all our Knight did will find that humane Prudence is subject to strange oversights and miscarriages and that God onely is the disposer and director of all human actions RELATION XXXIX What happen'd between my Companion in slavery M. Caloen and his old Patroness THe condition of slaves implies in it self a necessity of their suffering of somewhat from the hands of their Patrons but on the contrary M. Caloën made his Patroness endure many inconveniences I have said elsewhere that an old Moorish Dame had bought him at fourteen hundred Patacoons to be exchang'd for her Grand-son Mustapha who was in the power of Caloën's friends The payment of that sum troubled the old woman as if it had been so many drops of blood got out of her dry'd carkass never considering that it was for the redemption of one so neerly related to her The coverous woman thought to ease her self of some part of the grief by finding out some invention to make M. Caloën to pay seven hundred Patacoons besides the exchange of her Grand-son and this busied her brains day and night One while she resolv'd to use violence but fearing her Mustapha might receive the same treatment she forbore it another she imagin'd that to represent to him how much he had cost her would be a more likely way to compass her design since that it was indeed done as much for M. Caloën's liberty as for her Mustapha's so that it was but just he should pay his proportion but the fear of being laugh'd at and making him more obstinate after she should acquaint him with her intention made her resolve rather to be silent While she was troubled with this diversity of resolutions an Edict was publish'd that all
cry'd out Ameâ—na which those poor Desperadoes understood not though they wish'd nothing so much as to yeeld which yet the Pyrate would have them to acknowledge by letting down the main-sail-yard upon the Deck and taking away the Colours from the Stern The Pyrate took their ignorance for contempt and drew neer to give them a double charge but perceiving they laid down their arms and made signs with their handkerchers fasten'd to their hats he sent the boat to them with fifteen Turks in it who getting on the Deck understood what posture the Vessel was in pillag'd it and out of compassion sent for the Turkish Surgeon to dress the wounded casting into the Sea the dead and such as they though irrecoverable and making the rest slaves The Spaniards were chain'd in the Pyrates Vessel and the Hamburghers continu'd where they were with six Turks to guard them The Pyrate return'd to Algiers where those slaves were sold among whom was Francisco Mendez who sent an account of his misfortune to his Mother a poor widdow living at Ceuta who passing up and down Spain to gather what almes she could got together two hundred and fifty Patacoons and writ to her Son that his Patron should send him to Tituan where she would pay his ransom Having receiv'd this news Francisco was embark'd with us transported with joy for the recovery of his liberty which he despair'd of by reason of the poverty of his Mother and the little likelihood there was to get mony otherwise We came together to Tituan and were there put into the Masmora where I receiv'd letters from my Companion Saldens dated at Ceuta at the bottom whereof he writ that there was with me a Christian slave named Francisco Mendez to whom he desir'd me to give a Patacoon or two if he stood in need thereof that his old Master D. Francisco Villegas would give the fifty Patacoons which were behind of his ransom and that his Mother was going from Ceuta to Gibraltar to receive them These tidings transported Francisco with joy but it lasted not long for while we were talking concerning his liberty we hear'd a voice calling at the grate above for Francisco Mendez who lifting up his eyes sees his Mother who had been made a slave that day being taken in the Brigantine which ordinarily goes from Ceuta to Gibraltar the Portuguez Soldiers having neglected their duty through drunkenness That sad accident put both mother and son into a despair of ever recovering their liberty the same day they expected to have embrac'd one the other out of slavery RELATION XLIII Of the impious dutifullness of an Iseland-Slave THough the Inhabitants of Iseland thought they had had no other enemies then Poverty and Ice the one whereof lyes perpetually the other for eight months of the year very heavy upon them yet Algier through a detestable avarice envy'd them that which no other Nation did the onely happiness they had liberty At my departure from Algiers in the year 1642. a young man in Turkish habit came to me having heard that I was a Dunkirk-slave and intended to pass through Madrid and gave me a Petition handsomely write in Latine desiring me to present it to the Ambassador of Denmark then Resident with the King of Spain I wondred much at that conjunction of circumstances that a Turk should desire something in Latine of a person of the Danish Nation and could not imagine by the language wherein he spoke to me which was Lingua Franca that he was such as I afterwards understood him to be It is in your power says the young man to me to do the greatest act of charity that ever one Christian did to another So proceeding in his discourse he related to me all the accidents of his life to assure me of the justice of his pretensions It had happen'd some years since said he that an Iseland Renegado having been a long time abroad with the Pyrate of this City without taking any prize propos'd to the Captain vex'd that nothing fell in his way to make towards Iseland and landing there to take Iselanders who suspected not that there were such barbarous people in the world The proposal was lik'd by the Captain and the management of the enterprize was committed to that perfidious Iselander Soon after the Turks came to a secure place known by the Undertaker neer that Island and sent fifty souldiers ashore who brought away about eight hundred men women and children and afterwards sold them in this City for slaves the manner whereof you know Many dy'd by the change of air others out of a despair of being redeem'd renounc'd their Religion and some few of them do still patiently endure the heavy yoak of slavery hoping that Christian IV. King of Denmark whose subjects they are will have compassion on them whereto they believe he will be mov'd upon the mediation of his Ambassador at Madrid And as to what concerns me wonder not that I concern my self so much in this business know that though you see me in Turkish habit I was born in Iseland and brought away thence with my Mother and those I told you off before Having continu'd two years a slave my Patron dies and gives me my liberty on condition I should renounce which I did to procure the liberty of my Mother who suffer'd extreamly by being put to painful work and unmercifully beaten Being free I entred into the Bassa's pay and went out to Sea and having got together about a hundred Patacoons I was in hopes to redeem my Mother of a Moor whose slave she was but the Dog having seen my proffer treated her worse then before to make me give two hundred Patacoons and I could not rest till I had made a shift for the other hundred Patacoons which an honest Turk lent me on condition he should have my Mother for the security of his reimbursement She is tolerably well treated where she is now but if I should dye she would be reduc'd to the same condition she was in before and would never recover her liberty while she liv'd This discourse having mov'd me to compassion I gave the young man all the assurances I could of my readiness to serve him in the delivery of his Petition Being afterwards come to Madrid I went to the Ambassador of Denmark the Sieur Hilarius Ulefelt a Knight of noble extraction to whom I gave an account of what was contain'd in the Petition which I had lost when we were cast away He promis'd me to acquaint the King of Denmark with the business Being afterwards return'd to Flanders the Sieur Bernard d' Aranda my Brother passing that way upon some affairs of the King of Denmark and of Cornificio Ulefelt Brother to the said Ambassador and Grand-Master of the Kingdom to whom he was related as a Gentleman assur'd me that the King of Denmark upon the account given by his Ambassador had by the way of Legorn order'd the redemption of those poor Iselanders and
the Turks are less Slaves of their Masters then Men are of their passions and it may be affirm'd that their Slavery may be ranked among those things which the Spanish Satyrist Quevedo calls Imaginary In the year 1641. the Pyrates brought in certain persons taken in a Brigantine bound for Genâ—a and expos'd them to sale on the Market at Algiers It was my chance to pass by as they were under Sale and I perceiv'd that among those new Slaves there was one clad in red Plush wrought over with black Flowers rather torn then worn out who was sold at four hundred Patacoons I imagin'd then that that habit had serv'd under the Cassock of some Clergy-man of quality Some days after going to the Bath of the Duana which is that of the City where the slaves are employ'd upon some publick works I found that slave who had exchang'd his Plush-coat for the habit of a Priest according to the mode of Algiers made after the fashion of a short Coat or Cassock reaching to the knees of cloath of the same colour as that worn by the Capucins in some Countries especially in Flanders very carelessly cut out and ill-fitted to the body the party who wore it having not been trimm'd of a great while out of shoes in a word very poorly accoutred leaning against the Church-door of the said Bath Finding him in that posture I made a low reverence to him wishing him his liberty These complements begat an acquaintance between us and that some discourse and that bred a familiarity whereby I made this observation that he avoided the conversation of both Spaniards and Italians for fear of being discover'd having to that purpose conceal'd his quality under the assum'd name of Francisco Talles September 7. 1641. the Slaves of the Duana represented in the night-time within the Bath a Comedy in Spanish tolerably well written upon the story of Belizarius to which I was invited by that good Priest going thither with permission to lye out of my Patron 's house Coming to the Bath I found all the Drinkingâ—places full of Slaves drinking and smoaking in expectation of the Play The Priest brought me into a little room opposite to the Stage where he call'd for some Wine and a Collation The great respect which the Christian slave who sold the Wine express'd towards the Priest rais'd in me the curiosity to ask him how they came to be so intimately acquainted since he was a Slave of small standing He whom you take to be the Master said he is but the Servant the Slave of Majorca whom you know is the Master of this Drinking place and two others wherein he keeps three Christian slaves to look to them who give him an account every week of the Wine and other things he sends in I am here under him and whatever he entrusts me with I give him an account of He afterwards told me that the Majorcan had been made a Slave some years before and had at the beginning suffer'd the miseries of his condition but that having afterwards made a shift by his industry to get together the sum of a Patacoon he had so advantag'd himself thereby that he was able to keep those three Drinking-places which brought him in great profit This discourse satisfy'd me how it came to pass that that Majorcan walk'd up and down and was well clad And finding that the Priest was so intimately acquainted with the Majorcan I ask'd him what he had done with the Horse I had seen him buy in the Market not long before He presented it to his Patron reply'd the Priest Whereupon I desirous to be further satisfy'd why he did not ransom himself with that present he told me that he had some years since agreed with his Patron at four hundred Patacoons which sum he had paid to thirty which he purposely left unsatisfy'd that he might go under the name of a Slave and enjoy the protection of his Patrone who was a person of great authority with whom he liv'd in a good correspondence by means of his presents He also perswaded his Patron to buy the new Slaves of Majorca or Italy of his acquaintance for whom he re-imburs'd him what they cost and sent them back to their Countries not losing the interest of his mony as it was but reason he should not Some days after he did the same favour for that Priest who continu'd there some time a Slave onely by name These advantages made the Majorcane the less desirous to return into his Country and the King of Spain coming to hear of these services sent him a secret order to continue there in the same quality to help the Spanish slaves and with his advice to assist the Fathers employ'd about the redemption of Captives when they should come thither with promises of an honourable reward which order he faithfully observ'd till he dyed an Imaginary Slave two years after my departure from Algiers RELATION XLVIII The Execrable Revenge EVery Vice is encourag'd either by profit or pleasure and balances the sin by some apparent good onely Revenge is absolutely unhappy inasmuch as it is some times forc'd to compass another's ruine with its own While we were confin'd to the Bassa's Palace as may be seen in the discourse of my Captivity I took notice of a Renegado-youth about twelve or thirteen years of Age clad in red Silk having a Turbant very neatly interwoven I saw he had the priviledge to enter into the Bassa's lodgings and those of his Wife when he pleased which is no small favour in that Country The Eunuchs belonging to the Bassa's wife respected him and gave him the title of Celibi that is to say Lord. The marks he had about him of a Renegado and the gracefulness of his person rais'd in me a curiosity to enquire whence it came that Amet so he was called had that priviledge above all the other Renegadoes of the house I was acquainted with a French Renegado Caterer to the Bassa who gave me an account of the Youth and his relation acquainted me with a strange effect of an extravagant passion Wonder not said he to me that Amet Celibi is in greater favour then any of the rest his noble Extraction deserves it But imagine not his Friends have been wanting in their endeavours to recover him they did all they could to have him again but all to no purpose That young Lad never was a Slave as all the other Renegadoes were And so proceeding in his discourse he told me that the Lad was a Spaniard born of a house well known and had been spirited away from his Friends and brought to Algiers the manner thus The King of Spain hath seated on the Mediterranean and the Ocean some places of the Kingdoms of Fez and Morocco which serve for a banishment to some and sanctuary to others For that Prince being oblig'd to keep Garrizons there he is so favourable towards some Delinquents as onely to condemn them to serve there
whereas other Criminels are sent to the Gallies Such as are Grandees of Spain or of more then ordinary quality to expiate their crimes are banish'd into those places with obligation to maintain on their own charge such a number of Horse according to the exigency of the case and the ability of the person To one of those Fortresses were sent two Brothers of a considerable house in Spain who upon some occasion or other had some difference The elder thinking himself injured in point of honor insulted over his younger Brother who on the other side being not able to smother his resentments of the affront fell to study how he might be reveng'd but all his attempts were rendred ineffectual by the Governour of the place who was a very prudent Gentleman Whereupon finding that he would not be permitted to fight his Brother and having resolv'd to prosecute his revenge whatever it cost him he bethought himself of a design which brought him to his own irrecoverable ruine One day having observ'd that his Brother 's onely Son was gone out into the plain which is before the City to play he gets on Horse-back and making as if he intended to take the air he kindly calls his Nephew to him and takes him up before him and so riding on gently till he got out of sight he put spurs to his Horse so that he soon got into the Country of the Turks where having call'd for a Guide he came in a few days to Algiers desiring audience of the Bassa whom he told that he was come to present his service to his Excellency with a design to renounce his Religion and that as assurance of his fidelity he presented him with a lovely Child who was his Nephew The Bassa accepted of the proffer and order'd his Eunuchs to cause him to renounce and to bring him up in the Mahumetane Religion giving him the name of Amet. The younger Brother also renounc'd the Christian Religion and embrac'd the Turkish and came afterwards to a wretched end After my return out of slavery I related this strange adventure to a certain Officer of our Army who told me that he had been well acquainted with the Brothers and the young Lad and was troubled that their names and habitations were known RELATION XLIX That the Turks prefer Mony before Love MY Patron Alli Pegelin returning from his courses in the year 1641. bethought himself of the Loves there had pass'd between him some two or three years before and a Grecian Mistress insomuch that he was desirous to give her a visit He order'd some of his Gallies to make towards Bona otherwise Hippona where he landed The woman having had notice of it came to meet him and presented him with a lovely childe about two years of age whom she had born him The General was so much taken with the childe that for his sake he married the mother expressing an extraordinary affection towards her and that the greater in regard he had by that woman one to inherit his wealth a happiness which he could not have by her whom he had left at Algiers In fine he would needs bring her along with him but assoon as his wife whom he left at home heard of their arrival she conceiv'd such a jealousie against her husband and his second Spouse that not able to smother her passion though she was above fifty years of age she sent two Turks of quality to him to tell him from her that he was very wellcome and that she knew well enough he had not offended against the Alcoran by marrying a second Wife but that she understood also the permission she had by the same Law to dissolve their marriage and to go from him with above a hundred thousand Ducats which she had brought him in dower ordering him if he had a mind to keep her immediately to dispose the Grecian Lady in marriage to some other so to take away the cause of her passion Though Alli Pegelin was a man of great wealth yet was he a little startled at the sudden and bold resolution of his Wife and had some thoughts to send back those pleasant Ambassadors with as round an answer but reflecting on the hundred thousand Ducats his avarice made him change his design so that immediately ere he came ashore he bestow'd his second wife on one of the Captains of his Gallies yet kept the childe who was brought up by the former Wife and she had so great a kindness for him that she gave him all her wealth by which means he afterwards came to great charges and employments though all his Fathers estate had been confiscated for some Rebellion wherein he was engag'd That Son of his liv'd in great repute without any check of Fortune till the year 1661. at which time his throat was cut by the rebellious souldiers upon this account that he had sided with Ramadan Bassa as I have related in the description of Algiers RELATION L. The counterfeit Hypocrisie IT is a hard thing to know the design of Religious actions some have a different tendency to God others to some concernment of honor or advantage And this intention lies so deep in the heart that it is the hardest thing in the world to dive into it before the effect come to light In the year 1636. the Pyrats of Algiers contrary to all right had surpriz'd a Vessel of Marseilles not regarding the peace concluded between the King of France and the Bassa of that City and the particular safe-conduct of the same Bassa Complaint is made at the Duana but not admitted and under pretence that the Commodities belong'd to other Nations they are secur'd and the Sea-men were sold under hand and put into the Gallies Two of those French-men renounc'd their Religion and listed themselves among the souldiery who are employ'd in the Gallies against the Christians They made some voyages in a Bark belonging to a Moor to Bona there putting off and buying certain Commodities by which trading they got about an hundred Patacoons wherewith they purchac'd a part in the Bark and so went as Partners with the Moor both as to Merchandize and the Provisions While they were at Algiers they went every day to the Mosquey to say their Assala which they did with great fervency Being in company with the Renegadoes of their Nation they made a difficulty to drink wine as they did And being one day invited by a French Gentleman a slave among others of his friends both Renegadoes and slaves some Porke being brought to the table for the Christians they rose up railing at him who had invited them and saying it was done in contempt of their Prophet Mahomet and that he had put an affront upon them swearing they would call him to an account for it They scatter'd every where the expressions of their indignation reviling their Renegado-Companions for having suffer'd the Pork to be eaten in their presence and charging them to be ill observers of the Alcoran This deportment with their continual frequenting of the Mosqueys and their exact observance of all their superstitious fooleries got them the reputation of being perfect Turks In the mean time they continu'd their trading to Bona and having got another sum of Patacoons they bought the whole Bark of the Moor so that they were the sole masters of it and now it was that Hypocrisie began to produce the designs it had conceal'd in the souls of those Renegado-soldiers They made ready their Bark for their accustomed voyage to Bona hiring four Fisher-men Alarbes to serve them as Sea-men weigh anchor and within two hours came over against Montefon which is a mountain three leagues from Algiers One of our Renegadoes pretended that they had forgotten to fill their barrell with fresh-water and that it might be some inconvenience to them if the wind should prove contrary The Alarbes proffer'd to go and fill the Vessel at a Spring which lies at the foot of the mountain bringing the Bark close to the shore whereupon the â—â—arbes went out to fill it They were not above a hundred paceâ— from the Bark busie in filling the 〈◊〉 when the two Renegadoes discharg'd each of them a Muâ—ket which serv'd for a sigâ—â—â— to ten Christian slaves who being thereabouts got into the Bark as they had agreed among themselves The discharging of the Muskets made the Alarbes imagine that they were commanded to return to the Bark by reason of some accident and thereupon leaving their barrel they came immediately to the Sea-side But they had reason to suspect something when they saw the Ship make to Sea and heard the Renegadoes crying to them that they bestow'd their liberty on 〈◊〉 which they might have taken from them that they might acquaint the Turks and Renegadoes with the success of their enterprize The third day after 〈◊〉 were kindly receiv'd by the Inhabitants of 〈◊〉 who made one of those soldiers â—â—lot of 〈…〉 FINIS
Biscayan Renegado who reliev'd your Companions John and Turineo my Country-men I went to give Dom Turineo de Fustamente an account of what had past but dinner being on the Table Let us sit down says Dom Turineo and you may tell us at dinner what you have done with the Turks I gave him a short account of all not omitting the story of the Biscayan Renegado who was in prison Dom Turineo being a person of great Authority at Dunkirk gâ—ve order that the Renegado should be brought in to the room where we din'd The Biscayan was brought in and falling on his knees he took a pair of Beads out of his pocket and then said in the Spanish language Assoon as I was taken I endeavour'd all I could to get a Psalter that I might pray to our Blessed Lady to make it known to the Christians that though I have been a Renegado yet have they never been injur'd or ill-treated by me but that I have always reliev'd them to the utmost of my power My misfortune in renouncing my Religion is to be attributed to the cruelty of my Patron and here is a man pointing to me who can testifie how I behav'd my self towards the Christian slaves The words of the Renegado were so prevalant that Madam Malquarto who was the Mistress of the house for Dom Turineo tabled with her rose up and gave the Renegado a shirt and a good piece of mony The next day D. Turineo had him reconcil'd to the Catholick Church by a Jesuit named Father Carion and afterwards got him set at liberty They bought him Sea-man's cloaths and put him into the Armado and so he escap'd rowing all his life in the Spanish Gallies as his other Renegado-companions were forc'd to do This happen'd in the year 1643. and three years after walking on the Burgh at Bruges with some Friends we saw coming out at the great Gate two Spanish Captains marching very fiercely with their Canes in their hands upon which we were saying among our selves Those Gentlemen are not a little proud of their Captain-ships Coming neerer us I knew one of them to be the fore-mentioned John to whom I said Pray Sir is not your name Don John whereto he answering it was And were you not a slave at Algiers And did you not know there a Christian slave named James Zeveren a Dunkirker which was my name in Barbary Then he quitted his gravity and embrac'd me I intreated him to dine with me but he being on a hasty march we onely took a glass of wine together I told him the story of the Renegado which he was glad to hear and he told me how he had row'd in the Gallies and suffer'd much but that then his friends had procur'd him the command of a Company though he had not serv'd for it and that he was in hopes of some better fortune The next year he was kill'd in his Majesty's service RELATION XXVIII A Slave makes use of any thing for his livelihood BEing newly come to Pegelin's Bath there were four hundred slaves commanded out to work at a Country house of our Patron 's two Italian miles out of the City and to levell a little hill The order was given the night before and at Sun-rising next morning the Guardians conducted us to our work As we went along I fell into discourse with one who had been a slave a long time a French-man Having an empty bag hanging over his shoulders I ask'd him what he would do with it He made answer You are yet but an Apprentice in the profession of slavery and I am a Crafts-Master in this kind of life and I will shew you by evident reasons that a slave going to work in the Country is to be furnish'd with three things a bag a piece of bread and a spoon As to the bread said I 't will do very well for the Guardian commands you to go which way he pleases and if the Bisket be distributed in your absence you may have nothing to eat And as to the spoon it does well also for yesterday there was a distribution of Barley-broath and for want of a spoon I was forc'd â—o make use of my hand when we are at work out of the City there is a small allowance of Galley-Bisket and Barley-Broath but as to the bag I cannot conceive what advantage can be made of it He made me the same answer Time and experience will teach you that a Bag is a necessary thing for a slave We came to the Country house and having wrought till within two hours of night we return'd to the City in small companies of ten and twelve together for the Guardians see that the slaves when they go to work hide not themselves and get out of the way to avoid working As we return'd to the City a Spaniard who was with us one much respected among the slaves and who might well be a Graduate in the University of Thieves said See there 's a poor Alarbe with a flock of Sheep before him it shall go hard but I will have one of them without mony Having done his work with the help of a cord which being put about the Sheep's neck kept it from bleating But how said he shall we get in at the Gate without being examin'd The French-man lends the Spaniard his bagg and said to me Do you now see Dunkirker what use may be made of a bagg This passage taught me that every one is to be believ'd in his own profession RELATION XXIX Of the fidelity of a husband and the unfaithfulness of his wife IN the year 1638. the Gallies of Algiers landed some Turks on Christian land who being conducted by a treacherous Renegado a Native of the Country took many Christians who were afterwards sold at Algiers Among these slaves there was a man whom we will call Joseph with his wife named Vipra both bought by Mahomet Celibi Oiga Joseph's work was to dress the Horses and the Mules and Vipra waited on Mahomet's wife In the year 1639. Mahomet Celibi said one night to Joseph To morrow morning at break of day take the Mule and go to Babazon-Gate and there you will find some Christian slaves with Horses and Mules going two leagues hence for coals go along with them and bring a load The next day Joseph goes to the Gate but finding no body there he goes forwards thinking the other slaves had been before Having gone about an hours riding all along the Sea-side he sees a Bark goes as neer it as he could to discover the men and perceives they were Christians whereupon he turns the Mule loose and runs to the Bark The Marriners receiv'd him and told him they came from Majorca with order to carry away some slaves of that Country and whereas the slaves came not those of the Bark were afraid they had not receiv'd the letter whereby notice was sent them and that themselves might be discover'd in regard it was day They proffer'd Joseph a hundred
Patacoons and promis'd to carry him along with them if he would return to the City and give notice to those slaves of Majorca But Joseph would not leave a certainty for an uncertainty and said I am now confident of my liberty whereas if I return to the City it may be your design will be discover'd and I shall be made more a slave then ever and if it ever come to be known that I have had any hand in the business three hundred blows with a cudgel will hardly excuse me Joseph had hardly made an end of excusing himself ere some Turks pass'd by that way who seeing that those of the Bark were habited after the Christian mode wherein I conceive those undertakers had mistaken themselves that they had not been habited like Africans began to raise an alarm Those of the Bark fearing they might be surpriz'd by some Brigantine made all the hast they could to Sea having Joseph along with them The Bark soon got out of sight and the alarm ceas'd The Christian slaves whom Joseph thought to be before him were but come thither when the alarm ceas'd so that finding the Mule they said among themselves This is Mahomet Celibi's Mule let us take her home with us his slave hath either been kill'd or taken by the Alarbes The Mule was brought home and Joseph given over for a dead man by his Patron and lamented by his wife Vipra But in a short time her sorrow ceas'd for she fell in love with a Renegado named Assan who had been a slave of the same Patron Mahomet's In the mean time Joseph got to Majorca and thence to his own Country where he related at leaâ—sure what had happen'd to him as well during thâ— time of his slavery as at his deliverance yet witâ— extraordinary discoveries of the trouble he was in fâ—â— the absence of his beloved Vipra Joseph sold alâ— he had and with the relief of some good people he got together the sum of five hundred Patacoons Five months were now pass'd away since Joseph was numbred among the dead at the end of which term Mahomet Oiga receiv'd a letter to this effect Sir by the great mercy of God I recover'd my liberty the day you sent me for coals by means of a Bark of Majorca I cannot imagine you will charge me with any unfaithfulness for doing what I have done for every man endeavors the retrival of his Liberty While I was your slave you demanded of me five hundred Patacoons for the ransom of my wife and my self I send herewith order for the payment of the said sum accounting my self still a slave as long as my wife shall continue without her liberty I have such a confidence of your kindness that I presume this proffer will not be unacceptable to you This Letter was shewn to Vipra who was not well pleased at it for the affection she bore the Renegado Assan had smother'd all the conjugal love she should have had for her husband so that she said publickly that she would not return into her Country That resolution of hers troubled the good man Mahomet Celibi for he would rather have receiv'd the five hundred Patacoons and set Vipra at liberty But his wife told him Vipra is desirous to embrace the Mahumetane Religion and will you for five hundred Patacoons hinder a work so acceptable to our Prophet Besides all the neighbourhood knows her design and if you send her away you will be look'd upon as a favourer of the Christians Upon these representations of his wife he thought fit to leave the business in suspence About that time I came to be slave to the same Patron Mahomet and having heard the story of Vipra and her husband I stood one day at the door with her who said to me Why are you so melancholy I answer'd Because I am not so happy as you are She ask'd me why I reply'd Because you may be set at liberty when you please for I hear your Husband hath sent five hundred Patacoons for your ransom and I wonder to find you so unwilling to return into your Country to your Husband who is so kind and so faithful to you as also to exercise the Catholick Religion among your friends and Relations She roundly made answer A Turkish Garment will become me as well as a Spanish Petticoat And with those words she left me and went into the house whence it might easily be inferr'd that the love she had for her Gallant was greater then what she had for her Religion Country Husband and Relations RELATION XXX A Scuffle between the Spanish and Portuguez Slaves IN one of my former Relations I made mention of a Christian Church at Algiers which is in the Bath of the Duana and that some Portuguez slaves had the keeping of the Altar in it Aug. 15. 1641. being the Feast of the Assumption of our Blessed Lady the Altar was richly dress'd and among other Ornaments there was upon the Altar the Armes of Portugal with these words Exaltat humiles deponit superbos Service being ended and most of the Christians gone out two Spanish slaves came into the Church either to pray or out of curiosity to see the Ornaments and coming up to the Altar one of them who understood two or three words of Latine begin to read what was written on the Arms of Portugal and said to his Companion who ask'd him what it meant This signifies God exalts the humble and pulls down the proud this is spoken in contempt of our the Spanish Nation for that year the Kingdom of Portugal had revolted Whereupon without any more ado one of the Spaniards tears the Armes with the Inscription and cast the pieces all about the place This was no sooner perceiv'd by a Portuguez slave but the Spaniard had three or four good blows over the face ere he could get to the Church-door The Spaniards defending themselves made a shift to get out of the Church through a certain part of the Bath and though the place was full of Portuguezes yet having made their way into the Street all that were thereabouts at first made a ring about the Combatants Afterwards those who were affected to the King of Spain reliev'd the Spaniards yet wanted there not great numbers of Portuguezes who came in to the assistance of their Country-men so that in less then half an hours time they seem'd to be two Armies of Christian slaves engag'd but having no other weapons then their fists some stones and staves The Turks seeing this tumult of the slaves enquir'd what the reason of it might be which having understood they said to the slaves You despicable crue of Dogs and Savages in the first place get your liberty and you may afterwards at leasure dispute the differences of your Kings in the Field and not here Whereupon with ropes-ends Bulls-pizzles and cudgels they parted the Combatants and sent them every one to his quarters RELATION XXXI A Slave ought to be