declare the Oath for some few small minute petty fancied Inconveniences invalid and of no binding force But be it by the Power of the Sword or by whatsoever Claim else Canutus held the Crown we nevertheless find him to have Govern'd the Land honourably after that he came to be sole King and it may be to the Content of many of his Subjects for 't was the Memory doubtless of his Repute that set and kept the Crown upon the Heads of both his Sons otherwise of themselves of little Worth or Value if compar'd with their Father One remarkable worthy Act of Canutus's is recorded amongst others viz. That in the Nineth Year of his Reign he call'd a Parliament so my Author terms it at Oxford where amongst other things it was enacted That Englishmen and Danes should hold the Laws of Edgar lately King In the Transactions of these Times we may believe the City of London had no small Share aâ— being probably at length pretty well pleas'd with the Father's Reign whereupon the Citizem mav be supposed to conduce at least in some measure to the settling his Sons on his Throne For Harold Harefoot is said by some to have dyed at London after a Three Years Reign and the other of Canutus's Sons Hardicanute was joyfullâ— Receiv'd and Crown'd at the same City In Edward the Confessor's days the Land being not much troubled with intestine Broils there happ'ned but little Occasion for trying London's Strength And thereupon I find no great mention of that Honourable City unless in a Passage or two as about Edward the Outlaw's dying therein and of the King 's being there some time before with his Councill when Earl Goodwin was charg'd to come to Court and render into the King's Hands all his Knights-Fees-that he and Harold his Son held in England The Effect whereof was the Outlawing of the foremention'd Goodwin for his Disobedience and departure out of the Land with his Sons by Authority of a Parliament call'd alittle after In this King's Reign also we hear at both Ears of the evil Manners among the Bishops the Chief of the Clergy of their Voluptuousness Gluttony Leachery Covetuousness Wordly Pomp c. as also of their Endeavours to excuse their Manners by answering that they were suitable to the Times A generall Corruption among Men of a Religious Habit being the Common Forerunners of great Turns and Changes in a Land as it fell out here soonafter this King's Decease This is the King to whom according to the Annalist Stow we are indebted for the Common Law gather'd out of the Laws and Ordinances of the Mercian's West Saxons Danes and Northumbers What Spirit was in the Men of those Times is â—n part manifested in the Message sent to Harola by the Inhabitants of Northumberland when he was â—ent thither by the King to do Correction upon those who had risen against his Brother Tostus their Duke for a cruell Act by him committed taking away what he had and chasing him out of â—he Country Continuing together in a considerable Body they gave him to understand that they were freely born and freely nourish'd and might suffer no cruelness of Dukes That they had learned of their Elders and Sovereigns to maintain Freedom or to suffer Death and to live in quietness under an easy Duke Upon which Message their Pardon was procur'd them of the King and another Duke assign'd Within less then a year after Edward the Confâ—ssâ—r's Death we read of the landing of Duke Wâ—llâ—â—m with his Normans at Hâ—stings in Sussâ—x who came with a strong Army to demand the Crown of Harold who had no Title but what he claim'd by the Power of his Sword and the Dukes Claim also went but upon a limping Foot As great as the Duke's Host was enough it seems by the Event to help to win a Crown we find London so Strong as to hold him out when he and his Army came thereto till he had given good Assurance that he and his People would pass through the City without tarrying which was also observed accordingly When Harold was utterly over-thrown by these Normans and so room made for the Title of Edgaâ— Atheling to take place we find the Londoners among the chief of those who were upon Associating themselves each to other to defend his Right to thâ— utmost of their Powers This Agreement indeeâ— was afterwards broken but by the making of it we are well enough assured that the Câ—tys Strengtâ— was then esteem'd very considerable Another Argument let me produce out of Stow'â— Annalls where it is recorded that Edwin anâ— Marcar both then Powerfull Earles the One â—â— Mercia the other of Northumberland after Harold Death came to London and solicited the Citizen to erect one of them to the Kingdom Though this their enterprise was frustrated yet doubtless it may prove Londons Power otherwise 't is hard to believe these two potent Earls would have applied themselves to the Citizens that they would chuse one of them for King and upon the Failure of their Design would have quietly departed without shewing some resentment had not the City been too strong easily to be dealt with or slightly to be anger'd with Safety and Security The other more rightful Heir was the Person pitch'd upon But the other Nobles of the Realm not powerfully assisting and Edward Atheling not being it seems of Ability sufficient to manage his own Concerns himself and undertake so great a Charge 't is no wonder that this Renowned City suffering it self to be born down the Stream with the Times submitted it Self with the rest of the Land to Duke William who made some pretence to a Title Whereas Harold could shew nothing for his but his Sword And therefore it may be 't is that we read not in antient Histories that I remember of this Citys assisting him to defend himself against Duke William's Power Here now is a great Change indeed The Power and Strength of the Kingdom turned from both the Britains and Saxons and devolved upon the Normans by means of this King William the Date of whose Reign begins reckoning immediately after Harold's Death October the Fourteenth Anno Christi 1066 according to Chronology In this King who himself by the General consent of Writers was basely Born is founded the Succession for higher they care not much to go who keep such a stir about our Princes inheriting according to their Birth-right Though if this be made the fixt unalterable Rule of Twenty Six Kings and Queens reigning Successively upon recourse to the History of their Reigns we shall meet with a dozen at least of them who cannot be denied but to have come to their Crowns with Flaws in their Titles Nay if we reckon in the Number such as may have been controverted upon that Account we may safely add the other Half dozen That from the general Rules there are many exceptions we learnt almost as soon as we went to our Grammar-School This King William is
all had not faith â—â—ough to trust too much in it when fear and thick â—â—rkness had seized on them though 't was the comâ—on voice in those days that a few Masses could 〈◊〉 mens Souls out of Purgatory But you may be 〈◊〉 they were well to be paid for first Noted in 〈◊〉 14th was the Ordinance made by the Mayor 〈◊〉 Duke and the Rulers of London that no Sheriff â—ould continue in Office longer than one year the â—use related was the opportunity some of them â—ade use of to take extortions and bribes with oâ—â—er defaults by reason of the continuance of their Office The 17th is not lightly to be pass'd over that the K. therein kept his Christmas at Worcest according to Stow where he removed all his Officeâ— and Councillors Bishops Earls and Barons and 〈◊〉 for strangers viz. Pictavians retain'd them in 〈◊〉 Service and committed to them the keeping of 〈◊〉 Castles and Treasures What could hence be expectâ— but murmurings and repinings amongst the Nativeâ— Accordingly we hear some time after of Messengeâ— sent by the Barons to the King requesting the diâ—placing of those strangers and also threatning thâ— otherwise they would depose him and create a 〈◊〉 King A bold message from as bold Subjects For 〈◊〉 may read of the King's Lands being invaded the 〈◊〉 year and destroy'd by fire and sword by the Earl 〈◊〉 Pembroke and the Prince of North-Wales Whereupâ—â— we find in a little time the Pictavians expell'd 〈◊〉 made with these two great discontented men 〈◊〉 the King 's natural Subjects recalld and their Coâ—â—sel yielded to by the King The 19th is remarkable for the King's Marriage with the Royal Solemnity Justs and Tourneamenâ— kept 8 days near Westminster at the Queen's Coroâ—â—tion Yet Stow places the time a year after as 〈◊〉 doth also many other particular occurrences happeing in this King's Reign From the same Author 〈◊〉 are given to understand that to this Coronation â—â—sorted so great a number of all Estates that the Ciâ—â— of London was scarce able to receive them Great 〈◊〉 the splendour wherein the City appeared on this oâ—casion it being adorn'd with Silks and in the nigâ—â— with Lamps Cressets and other lights without nuâ—ber besides many Pageants strange devices whiâ—â— were then snewn The Citizens rode to meet 〈◊〉 King and Queen being clothed in long garments 〈◊〉 broidered with Gold and Silk of divers colours theâ—â— horses finely trapped in array to the number of 360. Every man bearing Gold or Silver Cups in their hands the King's Trumpeters before them sounding The 21th was ominous to the University of Oxford for the Scholars abusing Octoâ—oon the Pope's Legate who afterwards accursed the misdoers and so punished them that the Regents Masters were at last compelled to go barefoot through Cheapside to Pauls in London there to ask forgiveness of him which was granted it seems with difficulty enough His Master the Pope when cross'd and incens'd is wont to be sufficiently stately and backward in pardoning such as displease him not without much â—ntercession sometimes why then should not the Servant Ape it after so great an Example In the 23d year for that the Mayor and Heads of the City refus'd to obey the King's Commandment â—n Chusing Simon Fitz Marre Sheriff as the King had order'd them which they lookt upon as a derogation to their Liberties The King sent for them and after words of displeasure discharg'd the old Mayor Will. Ioynour newly Elected for the following year and charg'd the Citizens to proceed to a new Election which to content the King they did and Chusing Gerard Bat by his means and policy obtained the King's favour and frustrated the other purpose who had procur'd the aforesaid Commandment and complain'd to the King of the Citizens for their disobeying it In the 25th the Citizens having Chosen Gerard Bat anew for the year following presented him to the King according to Custom He who the â—ast year had so gain'd the King's favour in behalf of the City was now so far out of it by means of some mens Informations that he with his company was first dismist and put off till another time and at last for some offences alledged and displeasure conceived against him clearly put by the King swearing a greâ—â— Oath that he should not that year be Mayor nor 〈◊〉 any time hereafter Whereupon the Commons ceâ—tified of the King's pleasure Chose Remond Bengley 〈◊〉 his stead The Citizens having the year before 〈◊〉 prevail'd upon to alter their Election that was Prâ—sident enough it seems to occasion the like again The City having obtain'd great Priviledges of thiâ— King in his younger days we find already some eâ—deavouring to frustrate and disappoint the effect 〈◊〉 benefit of them The City had appear'd with a greâ—â— deal of success in opposition to the last King's prâ—ceedings and therefore it 's likely such as intendeâ— to attempt again for Arbitrary Power thought thâ— City too headstrong easily to permit them to suâ—ceed in their desires unless they could first bring thâ— Citizens a little under by cunningly under miniâ—â— their Liberties Whereupon we find this year a spâ—cious pretence taken to oblige the Commonalty bâ— offering to free and keep them from being oppresseâ— by the Heads and Rulers of the City How well 〈◊〉 plausible Plea took for a while will be manifested 〈◊〉 the sequel of the Story That there were great heaâ—â— and animosities in those times between the City 〈◊〉 the Court may easily be observ'd out of Stow whâ— tells us in the 25th years Annals how the Citizeâ— were threatned that the Walls and Bulwarks of thâ— Tower were builded in despight of them to the 〈◊〉 that if any of them would presume to contend 〈◊〉 the Liberties of the City they might there be imprison'd And to the intent that many might be laâ—â— in divers Prisons many Lodgings were there madâ— that no one should speak with another An occasiâ—â— was also taken sometime after to Fine the Ciâ—â— 1500 Marks for the receiving into the City a peâ—son banish'd from thence 20 years Notwithstandiâ—â— the Citizens had prov'd that before that time the said â—erson had been reconcil'd and restor'd to the King's â—avour Another device to exact Money from the Londoners was the proclaiming a Mart at Westminâ—â—er to last 15 days with a Command that all Trades â—hould cease in the City for that space of time which the Citizens were fain to redeem with 2000l â—et they still increast in Riches while the King was â—ompell'd for want to sell his Plate and Jewels much â—o his loss which being sold and boughâ— aâ— London 〈◊〉 the 33d year of his Reign occasioned this his exâ—ression upon knowledge thereof as my Author reâ—ates it I know that if Octavian 's Treasure were to be â—â—ld the City of London would sup it up and by it â—hose rustical Londoners quoth the King abound in â—ealth and call themselves Barons Noted is the 25th â—ear likewise for the first
matter meant cried without discretion Yeâ— Yea Yea nothing regarding the Liberty of the City After the grant thus had of the Commons the said Joâ—â— Mansell discharged the Mayor Sheriffs and Chambeâ—lain of their Offices and delivered the Custody thereunto the Constable of the Tower and put in the rooâ— of the Sheriffs Michael Tony and John Audrian Aâ— over that all Rolls of Tolls and Tallages before madâ— were delivered unto the said John Mansel which 〈◊〉 there sealed and redelivered to the Chamberlain Whâ—â— the Commons had beheld all this business they returnâ—â— unto their Houses all confused Do we wonder at the Commons readiness in this afair that they who usually have been such brisk assertâ— of their Liberties should now be the occasional cause of bringing them into danger We may suppose that this was no proper Common-Hall but rather called by an order from Court and filled with the populace for in those days I do not find there was any express Act made by King Lords and Commons in being to forbid the Council Table from intermeddling in Civil Causes and determining of the Subjects Liberties or so to regulate its Jurisdiction Power and Authority as to leave such matters to be tried and determined in the ordinary Courts of Justice and by the ordinary course of Law Or else we conclude the Restriction of the Common-Hall to the Livery-Men was not then in use so that the Rabble being intermixt it might be no hard matter to get a â—ry raised by some of them in favour of the proceedings â—hen on foot The Mobile being as liable to be wrought â—pon by fear or fair promises as the great and rich to be corrupted by the hopes of Honours and Preferments â—nd the favour of more potent Grandees while as the â—iddle sort of People like the golden mean between â—wo Extreams are not generally so capable of being â—rawn aside after the lure being too many to be brib'd â—nd not few enough to be frighted not so high and wealthy as to aspire after greater Grandeur nor so low â—ean and despicable as to be imposed upon by the empty â—ames of Greatness and Honour without Virtue sprung â—p at first from Vice and nourished by and amidst reâ—eated Debaucheries This matter thus ordered John Mansell with divers â—f the Kings Council kept their Courts daily the Sunâ—ays except till the 1st Sunday of Lent which that yeaâ—â—as Jan. 25. calling before him 12 Wards of the Ciâ—y out of every of which Wards were taken 3 men â—o that 36 men were impannelled and sworn to enquire â—f the aforesaid Articles and what Persons of the City â—ad offended in them This Court being thus kept and holden at Guild-Hall no man was called to answer nor no question put to any Person by the said Inquest or any other Upon the foresaid 1st Sunday of Lent the Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs with the forementioned Inquest and 4 men of every Ward were charged to appear at Westminster before the King at which appearance they were countermanded till the next morning At which season coming into the Kings Exchequer they found sitting there the Earls of Glocester and Warwick Joh. Mansell Hen. Baa Justices the Constable of the Tower the Custos of the City and divers others of the Kings Council Then was called by name Ralph Richard Hardell that year Mayor Nicholas Batts Nicholas Fiz Josne Mathew Bockerel John Tolesham and John 〈◊〉 Minoure Aldermen Then John Mansell said that the King by his Laws and Inquisition of the Citizens had found them culpable that they had wronged and hurt the Commonalty of his City by divers means as by the saiâ— Inquisition appeared and forthwith caused it to be read before them When the more part thereof was read he said unto them Thus may you see that the Commonalty of the City hath been by you grievously oppressed and by your means and Counsel the Commonwealth 〈◊〉 the same destroyed as by altering of the Tolls and otheâ— good ancient Customs turning them to your singular advantage and lucre All which matters the said Ralpâ— Richard and his Company denied and that the Commons were not grieved or hurt by them or any of them by any such means and offered to be justified and judged by the Law and Customs of the City Then Heâ—â—â— Baa Justice asked of them whether they would abiâ—â— the adventure of the Inquiry that they had heard reâ—â— before 〈◊〉 stand upon the saying of the other Ward that yet had not beâ—n sworn but they kept to their 〈◊〉 Answer There John Mansell asked of the Mayor whâ—â— was their Law and Custom The Mayor answered 〈◊〉 said that for trespass of a Citizen done against the King he should defend himself by 12 Citizens for Murder or slaying of a man by 30 Citizens and for trespass against a stranger by the Oath of six and himself Then after many reasons made by the said John Mansell and also by the Mayor and Aldermen day was given them to appear the morrow before the King and his Councel Upon the day following the King with many of his Lords sitting in the Exchequer the aforesaid Inquisition was read That done the Mayor and Aldermen were called in by name and two Aldermen more which before were not called viz. Arnâ—ld Thedmare and Henry Waldmode When Ralph Richard Hardâ—ll had heard â—he King speak in the matter he took such fear that he â—nd Nicholas Batt without further Answer put themâ—elves in the King's grace saved to them their Liâ—erties and Franchises of the City But the other six â—esought the King of his wisdom that they might be â—â—dged after the Laws and Customs of the City Then was laid to their charge that over many wrongs by â—hem done to the King and the Commonalty of the Ciâ—y they had alter'd the King's Beam and order'd it to â—e advantage of themselves and other rich men of the City Whereupon the Parties answered and said That â—e alteration of the Beam was not done by them only but 〈◊〉 the advice and consent of 500 of the best of the City â—or where before-time the Weigher used to lean his â—raught toward the Merchandise so that the buyer had â—y that means 10 or 12 pounds in a draught to his adâ—antage and the seller so much disadvantage now for â—â—differency and equality of both persons it was orâ—ain'd that the Beam should stand upright the cleft â—ereof inclining to neither party as in weighing of â—old and Silver and the buyer to have allowed of the 〈◊〉 for all things four pounds only in every draught â—fter these Reasons and others by them made the King commanded that upon the morning following a Folk-moot should be called at Paul's Cross and so that Court was dissolved and the Mayor and the others returned to London Upon the morrow the Folk-moot being at Paul's Cross Assembled these six Aldermen hearing the murmuring of the common people and knowing that the Aldermen or Worshipful of the City should have
care and vigilance Whâ—â— the occasion of this difference was I have not yet read â—ut to appease it I find a Counsel of the Lords called 〈◊〉 Westminster Fabian gives it likewise the Title of a Parliament which continued Three weeks and more To this Council came the Lords with great companies â—articularly the two contesting Parties intending it seems 〈◊〉 have lodg'd within the City So desirous so ambitiâ—us of pretending to London's favour that such seem 〈◊〉 have thought the bare lodging therein might have â—dded to their strength But upon the Mayors consultâ—â—g with such as the King had left Rulers in his Abâ—â—nce and through the advice of the King's Brother it â—as concluded that neither the said Edward nor the said â—arl should come into the City there to lodge nor any â—â—at held upon either side And further it was proviâ—ed that all within the City of the Age of 15 years â—nd above should be in Arms to watch and keep the â—ity day and night and that the Gates should be kept â—ut by day and certain men in Arms keep every Gate 〈◊〉 the City For the further safeguard of the City and 〈◊〉 keeping of the Peace therein the aforementioned â—ulers came into London and there lodged with their â—ompanies and such other persons as they assigned to â—â—rengthen the City if need required Do people 〈◊〉 mathematical Demonstration Look here and see â—hat care's taken to keep the City safe and harmless â—nd in Peace as if then the Land must needs be in â—uiet too Preserve the City and its just Liberties and â—â—en the Nations Quietness Peace and Safeguard is â—â—rongly secured Behold here the Eyes of the Nation 〈◊〉 upon the City of London and her Actions and â—here's the party that dare strike while she Guards â—â—eps and preserves the Kings Peace while he is â—â—eased to busie himself in foreign Countries Such as â—ill not believe but what they see and so know let â—â—em here credit their own Eyes if they be not Popish Transubstantiators or shut them to keep the light 〈◊〉 After the King was returned to London from 〈◊〉 the Sea by his order many of their lodgings 〈◊〉 altered direction was taken between the aforesaid 〈◊〉 testing Parties and a new Assembly of Parliament 〈◊〉 signed Anno 44. William Fitz Richard being Mayor 〈◊〉 Browning Richard Coventre Sheriffs after Candlâ—â—â—â— by the Kings Command a Folk-Moot was called 〈◊〉 Pauls-Cross whither he came in person with his Bâ—â—ther Richard King of the Romans and many othâ—â— Nobles and commanded the Mayor that every strâ—â—ling of 12 Years and above should before his â—â—dermen be sworn the day following to be true to 〈◊〉 King and his Heirs Kings of England and that 〈◊〉 Gates of the City should be kept with armed Men 〈◊〉 before was determined Not long after this we 〈◊〉 of more suspicions of a breach between the King 〈◊〉 his Barons which in few years broke out into an 〈◊〉 War What did all this swearing then avail Those amoâ—â—â— the Children of men who look abroad into the world 〈◊〉 take notice of the common course of the Generality of 〈◊〉 living or are much conversant with the Monuments 〈◊〉 the dead may find it no very difficult matter to obserâ—â— that let men take never so many Oaths make never so â—â—ny Covenants Promises and Compacts that if they 〈◊〉 come to have Apprehensions that those to whom thâ— have sworn themselves endeavour to make use of thâ— religious Ties and Obligations designed at first 〈◊〉 mutual preservation to encroach upon their Liberâ—â— deprive them of their Priviledges their Propertiâ—â— their Birth-rights to the enslaving of them and thâ— whole Posterity all former Subscriptions Oaths 〈◊〉 Promises Pacts and Covenants will scarce avail 〈◊〉 with the most But if Experience should chancâ— legitimate their doubts and Fears by the others actual endeavours in the open face of the World it is rarely seen but that notwithstanding past transactions they will make the greatest opposition they can against the others arbitrary pretences And so all former religious Bonds are snapt asunder like Tow burnt by the Fire They who imposed Oaths for such ill intents might have considered if they pleased that many in such cases would not have scrupled at all to have broke them Or if any of the more devout had been a little â—â—icer they could not doubtless be ignorant in those days what Remedies might have been bought for Money out of the Popes publick Store-house if other common ways of Evasion would not have pass'd currant with them How many of that nature have â—affed up and down in the World it may not be unworâ—hy of our consideration sometimes to revolve in our minds if it be a thing feasible to bring them within â—hat compass True indeed quoth the subtile Sophiâ—ter I have sworn Allegiance but a latter lesser Tie 〈◊〉 invalid when a greater Obligation lies upon me True an Oath lies upon me but here 's my Liberty Life and Religion lying all at stake I was born free what can dispense with me to deprive me of my Birth-â—ight Life is sweet Self-preservation is near and â—ear to me by the Instinct of Nature 'T is natural to â—reated Beings to defend their Lives against such as â—â—ould destroy them what then can oblige me to sufâ—er my Life violently to be taken away by anothers inâ—â—ry whenas I dare not deprive my self thereof by my â—wn Endeavours unless I will run into so foul an Ofâ—â—nce so unnatural a Fact as to proclaim my self to â—â—e World a Self-Murtherer and so force my Soul to â—y out of my Body before I know 't is my Creator's â—ill she should My Religion is to obey God above â—â—d before Man my Soul is his that gave it me and where 's the Obligation that can impower me justly 〈◊〉 give away that which is not my own to bestow 〈◊〉 my Religion which I believe is according to the Laâ— of the Almighty stand or fall at another mans pleasure Must I take the matter manner and height of my Dâ—votions from the imperious dictates of another's 〈◊〉 and that too upon the account of my Oath Must destroy my Religion in effect or else I cannot keep in shew Besides know ye not that my Oath was coâ—ditional Mutual Bonds make mutual Obligation Service was vow'd where Protection was promised anâ— expected Can any but an Idiot be supposed to sweâ—â— away himself to be destroyed instead of being defended Must I still pay Obedience upon account of former Câ—â—venants where I cannot get due Protection and haâ—â— but little encouragement to expect it though it was 〈◊〉 first promised since that now thence I fear utter ruiâ—â— and infallible destruction instead thereof With 〈◊〉 Inventions some may chance to be full and it may 〈◊〉 to make them seem more authentick they can produâ—â— them under the Printer's Hand 'T is in Print an Aâ—gument which may sometimes weigh much with 〈◊〉 inconfiderate inobserving Persons who consider 〈◊〉 how
esteemed most amiable and counted highly powerful since she is to be admired for the goodness and greatness under which comprehend the large Riches Power and Spirit of particular Citizens incorporated into Her For the first let me instance in the commendable diligence of her Mayor Adam Baume who upon a very great scarcity of Corn in the fifteenth of this King providently took care to have Corn brought to Lâ—â—don from forreign Parts to the relief of the whole Realm and add hereunto the Charity of the Aldermen who for the furtherance of so good a Work laid out each of them a sum of mony in those days very considerable to the same purpose and bestow'd the Corn thus procur'd in convenient places where the Poor might buy at an appointed price and such as had no ready mony upon Surety to pay the year following besides the common Act of the Mayor and Citizens in taking two thousand Marks out of the Orphans Chest in Guildhall for the same intent In Proof of the later viz. The Greatness Riches Power and Spirit of particular Citizens I challenge all the Cities in the world besides to shew me such another Example as that of John Philpot Citizen of London the Citizens Orator to this King in the beginning of his Reign who in the second year observing the young Kings inability the Nobles neglect and the oppressions of the poor Commons voluntarily hir'd Souldiers with his own mony rig'd out a Fleet at his own charge and hazarded his own Person to defend the Realm from Pirates Robbers and incursions of Enemies and therewith successfully took in a little time Mercer the Scot with all his Ships which he had before violently taken from Scarborow and fifteen Spanish Ships besides laden with much Riches which came to his Aid Can Rome her self shew me a like Parallel As for the Fabij they were a whole Family among the Patricians and Crassus himself a great Magistrate in the heigth of that Common-wealths Grandeur amidst Equals and Inferiors whereas this publick-spirited Person liv'd still a Subject under a limited Monarchy none of the greatest nor the strongest then in the World This noble Act some would have thought should have deserved great praise and commendation and so it had among the Common People but among the great Lords and Earls it met with Reproach and Detraction as being a manifest reproof of their carelesness and negligence and he himself was endanger'd thereby they speaking openly against it as done unlawfully without the Councel of the King and his Realm though his design could not be denyed to have been very honest in the general Had he suffered for that unpresidented Act because it was deficient in some formalities required by Law the Statesmen of the times therein instrumental without all peradventure had appeared as odious in the Eyes of the Commons as some of the chief Episcopal Clergy-men in a Protestant Country within the Memory of Man would have made themselves obnoxious to the Peoples Censure should they have publickly burnt Vindiciae Pietatis i. e. a Vindication of Godliness from the imputation of folly and fancy which I have heard intimated as if thought of because it wanted such an Imprimatur as the Law demanded and was writ possibly by an Author not altogether Episcopal in his declared Judgment But to pass on If such were the superemient and supererogating Acts of particular Citizens so many Ages ago to what an height of Wealth Greatness and splendor must we needs think the City to have arriv'd at this day some Centuries of years since that time If ten thousand Pounds was a Mayors Estate heretofore we may give a shrew'd guess at the Cities advancement and encrease in Riches since now that the same is made the limited sum for the Citizens to swear themselves not worth who desire to avoid the chargeable Honour and Honourable charge of the Shrievalry Nay to go a step or two further now adays we find her Sheriffs Revenue commonly reputed at double the value and others of her Citizens thought able to number their thousands by scores What if I had also added that some are esteem'd so wealthy as not to know an end of their Riches Certainly such if any must needs come under the denomination of men vastly rich in worldly goods So that this glorious and Triumphant City seems in many things able to vy with if not out-vy the Quondam Mistress of the World Rome her self She exceeds her in Antiquity as being founded in Fabian's Compute above four hundred years before her and hath this advantage of her now that whereas Rome is confest and acknowledged to be in the wane of her power and Greatness both as to her Civil and Ecclesiastical Authority London still continues on the rising hand Rome 't is visible hath suffer'd a considerable diminution as to her former extent and Jurisdiction in both capacities whether she be lookt upon as once head of the world or now pretended head of the Church but London plainly appears to be dayly getting ground both in Fame and Reputation as well as building And whereto she may come in time belongs to a Prophet not an Historian to declare She is already become the Fam'd Metropolis of this our little World and Rome was but Empress in a greater Neither was she anear so influential over the greatest part of that how much soever thereof she had under her Dominion as London is known to be at present over all ours Having thus shewn the influence this Honourable City had upon the Commons of this Land in Peace and amidst tumultuous disorders and the great respect both King and Nobles in Conjunction had for her I should now proceed to disengage my self of an obligation I presume lying on me from part of a promise before made to declare the esteem the Lords when singly consider'd had of her strength and power But before I pass on more immediately thereto I crave leave to observe the great variety and difference in Parliamentary transactions and proceedings under this King within the compass of whose Reign we find but two years on Record viz the nineteenth and twenty second wherein there was not a Parliament called and assembled in one place or other by his Authority sometimes oftner and so those Acts of Edward the third were exactly kept for eighteen years running wherein it is ordained and established that a Parliament shall be holden once every year and more often if need be which being omitted but one year in twenty one and not observed in the twenty second we may easily think it prov'd fatal to the unfortunate King that in the next Parliament he should be depos'd by his own Subjects and the Crown set upon anothers head And is it any wonder to see things so injurious and unjust sometimes done in National Assemblies when in a vein of contradiction they make Ordinances so diametrically opposite each to other as was done in this Kings time For we find parties
his Name to the Place Those Monkish Writers scarce thinking their Hero's Valour sufficiently Celebrated unless they make them meet with and encounter some such Gygantick Adventures where the little Knight shall be sure to over-come the great Gyant Brute having bestowed Cornwal upon Corineus after he had throughly searched the Land for the Pleasure he took in Thames he laid There as we are told the Foundation of a City about the Second Year after his Landing in this Isle and in remembrance of Old Troy named it Troynovant which Name it held till the Time of King Lud near upon One Thousand and Sixty Eight Years from whom 't was named Lud's Town afterwards London as shall be declared in Process of Story What Repute and Esteem this City was of in those Days as being Builded by the First Founder of the British Empire I shall leave to the Reader 's Consideration who may find it honoured with the Sepulture of many of their Kings as of Brute himself and his Eldest Son Locrine to whom in the Division made by his Father fell Middle England for his Share wherein Troynovant was situated To whom may be added Cunedagius and Gorbodug the Father of Ferrex and Porrex the Last of Brute's Line But now the Coast begins to clear up a little more after the Storms of Civil Wars by the Success of Mulmutius Dunwallo Son of Cloton Duke of Cornwal This Dunwallo having vanquished the other Competitors and settled the Land caused a Temple to be builded in Troynovant and named it the Temple of Peace the same according to some Men's Opinions that now is called Blackwell-Hall a Place well known to the Clothiers His Fame is much increas'd by the many good Ordinances he made which were called Mulmutius's Laws and used long after his Decease That this City of Troynovant was of Repute and Renown in this so Famous a Man's Days is hardly to be doubted of by him that considers so eminent a Circumstance as the Building of a Temple of Peace within the Circuit of this City as an Effect of that Peace he had so happily settled in the Land and it may be in Gratitude to the Citizens who probably favour'd his Cause and so might much influence his Actions and Enterprizes In the same Temple of Peace was he laid after his Death which he had been the Occasion of Building in his Life In the Time of Belinus and Brennus his Sons after their Reconcilement Accord we read of their going to Troynovant with their Lords and Friends where after many things ordered for the Common Benefit of the Land they joyntly agreed to lead both their Hosts over the Sea to subdue other Countrys the Smart of which Voyage the Romans felt sufficiently under Brennus and his Gauls By Belinus we sind that an Haven was built in the same Troynovant with a Gate over it call'd even at this Day Belings-gate on whose Pinnacle was set a Brazen Vessel which contain'd the Ashes of his Body burnt after his Death In this City we likewise find that Gurguintus was Buried and also Guintellius his Son from whose Wife Marcia came the Marcian-Law fam'd long after â—mong the Britains and Saxons These being of some Eminency in their 〈…〉 Buried in this City after their Deaths It 〈…〉 safely be concluded That they 〈…〉 therein as their Principal City and 〈…〉 of the Realm Yet we read of other 〈…〉 Note in those Times and after as of 〈…〉 one where Archigallo before depos'd by his Loâ—â—s for his ill Government was through the Intercession of Elidurus his Brother then Reigning at a Councel of the Britains by him call'd restor'd to his former Dignity When the same Elidurus had gain'd the Assent of his Barons and the good Will of the Commons However Troynovant seems in those Days to have been esteem'd a Place of Security and mention of a Tower therein we find on Occasion of the same foremention'd Elidurus's being sent thither by his unkind younger Brothers to be safely kept as a Prisoner therein The succeeding Times are so barbarous that but little considerable is left upon Record concerning any Actions then done untill we come to the Reign of Lud Eldest Son of Heli which began about Sixty Six Years before our Blessed Saviours Incarnatâ—on according to Stow. This Man is much prais'd by the Historian for his Worthy Actions and Honourable Deeds for his Valour Liberality and Hospitable House-keeping and his repairing Old Cities and Towns Especially in Troynovant he is Recorded to have caused many Buildings to be made encompassing it also round with a strong Wall of Lime and Stone In the West-Part whereof stands a Gate by him Builded and known even at this Day by the Name of Ludgate For his Love to this City he used most to abide therein Whereupon it was called Caer-Lud or Lud's Town Whence by Corruption and shortning of Words comes the present Name London whereby it shall be called for the future and the former Name Troynovant laid aside in this following Relation Lud dying after an Honourable Reign he was Buried in the aforementioned Gate of his named Port-Lud or Lud-gate where are yet standing the Statues of Him and his Sons as a lasting Monument of his Memory In Cassibellan's Reign the next Successour but whether Son or Brother to Lud is not agreed upon by all Authors we find considerable mention made of London in the Story through Occasion of Cassibellan's Victory over the Romans newly Landed under the Leading of Julius Caesar and twice repelled by the Britain's Valour London was the Place appointed by the King to Celebrate this Victory return Thanks to his Gods and Rewards to his Valourous Knights Here therefore we read of a great Assembly held of his Lords and Knights and of the King 's keeping a Noble and Solemn Feast for all Comers and the Exercise of all kind of Games in those Days used But Difference arising at the Wrestling between a couple of Young Noble Knights allied One of them to the King and the Other to Androgeus Earl or Duke of London as he is somewhere called and from Words these Hotspurs coming to Blows occasion'd such sideing and variance amongst the Company that many were wounded and the Kings Nephew slain to the great disturbance of the Court. For Disgust hence growing between the King and Androgeus to whom the King had given the City of London with the Dukedome or Earldome of Kent besides an Honourable Education suitable to his Birth he being Lud's Eldest Son and so Heir to the Kingdom according to some Writers the other being but his Brother and this Disgust producing War wherein the King was likely to be much the stronger Androgeus recalls Caesar with his Romans to his Aid and assists them in their Landing and joyning his whole Power soon turn'd the Scales bringing Victory to the Romans and an Overthrow and Loss of their ancient Freedome to Cassibellan and his Britains So considerable was the Assistance that Androgeus with
little or no saying in this matter and fearing their Cause they went into a Canon's house of St. Paul's where at that time John Mansell and others sent from the King tarryed the Assembling of the People and shewed them that they intended not any longer to plead with the K. but were contented to put themselves fully in the King's grace and mercy saving alwaies to themselves and all other Citizens their Liberty and Franchise of the City After which Agreement John Mansell with the others came into the Court of Folk-moot whereunto the people was rehearsed a fair and pleasant Tale promising to them that their Liberties should be wholly and inviolably preserved by the King with many other things to the great comfort of the common people And lastly it was asked of them whether the Law and Custom were such as is above rehearsed or no whereunto like undiscreet and unlearned people they answered and eryed Nay nay nay notwithstanding that the said Law and Custom had before-time been used time out of mind To this was neither Mayor nor Aldermen nor other of the great of the City that might impugn or make any reason for upholding their antient Laws or Customs And no wonder continues my Author Fabian though the King were thus heady or grievous to the City for by such evil disposed and malicious people as he had about him the Land was ill ruled and much mischief was used whereof ensued much sorrow after Then John Mansell called the Mayor and Aldermen before him and charged them to be at Westminster the morrow following to give attendance upon the King Upon the morrow the Mayor and Aldermen tarrying the King's coming in the great Hall at Westminster the King came into St. Stephen's Chappel where for a season he had a Council with his Lords after went into the Exchequer-Chamber and there sate him down and his Lords about him Anon after the Mayor and Aldermen were called into the said Chamber and soon after called by name and commanded to stand near the Bar. Then Henry Baa Justice said unto the Mayor and 7 Aldermen That for so much as by form of the King's Laws they were found culpable in certain Articles touching transgression against the King therefore the Court awarded that they should make fine and ransom after the discretion of the said Court But for that they had put themselves in the King's grace and mercy the King hath commanded the Fine to be put in respite that ye be not pained so grievously as ye have deserved After which Judgment gâ—ven they kneeled down and then the Mayor with weeping Tears thanked the King for the bounty and goodness and besought him to be a good and gracious Lord to the City and unto them as his faithful Subjects Whereunto the King made no Answer but rose straight up and so went his way leaving them there Anon as the King was departed they were all arrested and kept there till they had found Surety and every Alderman of them discharg'd of his Ward and Office that they had within the City But shortly after they put in Sureties and so returned heavily to London Shortly after was William Fitz Richard by the K. Commandment made Mayor Thomas Fitz Thomas and William Grapsysgate Sheriffs After this day by day the Chamberlain was call'd to Account before John Mansell of all such Tolls as were gathered in the time of the Mayoralty of John Tâ—leshaâ— and Ralph Richard Hardell there being present to hear the said Account divers of the Commonalty of the City but none oâ— the Heads By which Account no default might be laid to any of the forenamed persons convict before the King By reason whereof divers of them were admitted to the King's favour shortly after and restor'd to their Officâ—s again but not without paying of money whereof the certainâ—y is not known saith my Author What a broil was here What endeavours us'd to find faults to set the King at difference with his Loyal Citizens and keep them from Reconciliation A Bedroll of Crimes and Ostences devised made and formed and none to own it lâ—st they themselves should at laâ—â— be punish'd for those wrong Accusâ—tions which they had laid to other mens charges and could not weâ— prove What was this but to make divisions betweeâ— the Commons and their Head Rulers To pretend tâ— oblige the one and depress the other Divide anâ— Reign was a Maxim put in use before ever Machiavâ—â— was in being What pray now was all this for Was it not to weaken the City's Power To makâ— the Rich appear Offenders and then seem to lay oblâ—gations upon them by pardoning what they were nâ—ver realâ—y and dâ—signedly guiâ—ty of Or else to 〈◊〉 Money out of their hands and yet persuade people that they were favourably dealâ— with You may heâ—â— see their actions were in a manner wire-drawn to bâ— made offences and their Accounts sâ—â—rcht to pick 〈◊〉 somewhat to lay to their charge And yet how visiblâ— were all the tricks and devices of ill men frustrated and sappointed the very saâ—e way whereby they though to have confirm'd and made good their malicious Dâ—signs when after all their searches they were in sort compelâ—'d to approve the others faultless wholâ—â— doubtlâ—s◠〈◊〉 their minds wills purposes and inâ—â—ntions How hard a matter had it been for the aâ—cured clearly to have deseated ill mens suggestions 〈◊〉 not they themselves pav'd them the way by searching into their accounts where it seems no faults were to be found to make good their accusations Let those transactions be brought into open Court which before were wont to be done privately and then all the present Auditors are made Judges of the reasonableness of the proceedings Here were large imputations and yet the accused suffered to go at freedom and not clapt up till they were frightened into submission What! Could they get none to swear roundly against them Never an outlandish Evidence for love nor mony for fear favour nor affection then clap them up in Prison not letting them see the faces of their Accusers Why did not they search their houses seize upon their Trunks and Boxes and so rake into their private Writings to ferret out some Crimes out of them or else in defect thereof privily foist in something criminal and blameworthy and afterwards openly produce it and with full cry and â—oud exclamations impose the belief thereof on their credulous Partizans as if really found upon them We need not stay for the revolution of Plato's year expecting former Transactions to be acted over again Are any of us such strangers in Jerusalem as not to know the things which have come to pass there in the latter days As the Heads of the City in this Richard Hardâ—ll's Mayoralty had their share of troubles and afflâ—ctions as hath been related above so the Commons were not without their care likewise For Wheat is said this year â—o have been so scarce that it was sold at London
upon Summons the Barons had obtain'd their design but how would the change succeeding have been brought to pass so much to the Courts advantage and the other sides prejudice Where 's the politick Casuist that can here slit a haâ— between loyal and disloyal deeds Obedience and Disobedience the duty of subjection and open refâ—sal thereof According to an Agreement there made in the said Octaves a Parliament was held at Westminster where met as Fabian hath left upon Record the King with his Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of the Land to begin that Parliament Here was it enacted the King being present that he nor Edward his Son nor none of them should after that day grieve nor cause to be grieved the Earls of Leicester and Glocester the Barons Banerets or Knights the Citizens of London and Barons of the Five Ports nor any other Person oâ— Persons of high or low Degree that was upon thâ— Party of the said Earls for any matter of displeasure done against the King and his Son Edward 〈◊〉 any time before that day To uphold this the King 's Sworn before his Lords After that was shew'd and Read a Charter of Pardon concerning the said Cause and a confirmation of the Statutes of the Forrest with many other Acts and Statutes before granted by the King Here was an Act of Oblivion strong enough one would have thought to have indemnified the offending Parties but before the end of the Year we find the Tide quite turn'd through variance and difference arising between the Two Thiefs of the Barons Party and then the King's side prevailing Casheers what was done before Oaths held them not and another Parliament â—â—peals and disanuls the former Pardon So that the 〈◊〉 Pardon'd Offendors soon became the reputed Guilty Prisoners upon the old Scores Cancell'd and forgiv'n as was thought a little before The longest Sword will make and mar Laws at pleasure let people say what they will This Party's Might commonly bears down what the other Party calls his Right Edward the King's Son having likewise Sworn to perform the promises which the King had before made in Parliament was deliver'd at liberty and the other Pledg his Cozen upon assurance made â—â— abide in the King's Court and not depart without licence of the King and some of the Barons What care do the Barons seem here to have taken to â—â—rengthen and confirm their Party against any future â—â—â—erclaps How sollicitous do they appear to have â—een to prevent an after-Reckoning and all Tendenâ—ies thereunto Nay how conformable to them did the King and his Son shew themselves likewise â—herein Witness the many Instruments and Bonds â—ade by them for the performance of Covenants and Pactions before agreed on And yet all was soon destroy'd and brought to none effect One of the 〈◊〉 Chiefs helping Penelope-like to unravel the Web they had been so long a Weaving The Ordering the former Statutes made at Oxford which had hitherto so fast united them was the occasion of dissention between the Two Potent Earls â—â— Leicester and Glocester to the ruin of the Baron's Party the difference arose as Stow tells us betweeâ— them for that Leicester not only kept the King anâ— others as Prisoners but also took to himself the Revenues of the Kingdom which it seems should have been equally devided amongst them So that it waâ— the Golden-Apple that seems to have occasion'd thâ—â— so fatal Discord The King indeed and his Lords labour'd for an Union but it fell out well for the King's side and ill for the others that they succeeded not This happen'd between Easter and Whitsâ—â—tide In the Wâ—â—tsun-Week we hear of Edward thâ— King's Son secretly departing from the Court at Hereford without Licence and associating himself wiâ—â— the Earl of Glocester and other Lords at Chester froâ— whence he hasts to Glocester breaking the Bridges aâ— he went that he might not be follow'd till he had Assembled his Power The Earl of Leicester was toâ— wife not to guess at his Intent and therefore in all haâ— sends to his Son to Assemble his Forces Simon his Soâ— with his Forces Assembled draws towards Winchestâ—â— and was at first kept out by the Citizens because theâ— knew not whether he came as the King's Friend anâ— for that they had also receiv'd a Letter from Edwaâ—â— to that purport But it was not long e're the Ciâ—â— was yielded and then the Castle Besieged after thâ—â— the City had been spoil'd and many of the Jeâ—â— therein Inhabiting Slain They were so odious generally to the People that they should be sure to havâ— their share to the purpose in the publick Calamity if the Commons might have their Will The Papistâ— after all their discover'd Plots known Practices anâ— destructive Principles are not in a vast degree much more hateful to the generality of the English Nation in these Days than where the griping Jews in those Elderly Times At Kenelworth the Baron's Party receiv'd the first â—â—ow under this Simon where they were shamefully defeated by Edward and his Host and many Eminent Prisoners taken without the shedding of much Blood At Eâ—yshum in Worcestershire were the Barons discâ—mfited with such a total overthrow and the destruction of so many Men of Note on that side that â—is no wonder that their Interest among the People so visibly decay'd for the future and in time was fully lost Soon after this Victory the King and his Son Edward met by whose Authority the Prisoners then in hold were released and many others accus'd and put in for them Not long after was held a Parliament at Winchester where by Authority of the same the Statutes and Ordinances before made at Oxford were Repealed and all Bonds and Writings before made by the King or any other Cancell'd and Broken and all such as had favor'd the Barons disinherited A Rout indeed A Rout first to the Men that would have had the Laws have been kept and then a Rout to the Laws themselves to Parliament Acts and Statutes So destroy first of all the Protestant Men and Women the Subjects of Religion and then the Protestant Religion falls of course What could it at that time avail the defeated Party to plead a former Obedience to the Power then Regnant since the present Powers were otherwise resolv'd If the Parliament in Being will have Obedience paid to a former Parliament esteem'd Treason who dare gainsay it Little boots it the poor weak Beast to cry the Bunch in his Forehead is no Horn when the more powerful Lion says it is After these Parliament Transactions we hear of the King 's reâ—â—ming into his hands all grants before made and giveâ— to any Person After his Sons Victory the King calls not a Parliament at Westminster least possibly it might have been over aw'd by the City of London but assembling it at a place far enough distant and things having there been carried according to the Courts intent and desire now have at London Accordingly
know not of a certainty as not â—â—ding it mention'd in the History Possibly there â—ere none or at least they prov'd very ineffectual â—hich I the rather conclude because that when 〈◊〉 had made malitious Rhymes upon the Duke 〈◊〉 fastned them up in divers parts of the City â—â—other remedy was found out against them but haply as inefficacious viz. a Sentence of Excommunication at the Dukes request to the Bishops pronounced against them publickly by the Bishop of Bangor the Aldermen of the City assisting him To be Excommunicated did carry somewhat of terror with it in England in those Popish times among the vulgar and might probably again should Providence for our offences ever suffer Popery to be brought back into the Land but among Protestants and knowing understanding men Excommunication upon every slight account and trifling pretext is of little value esteem or regard and no more dreaded perhaps by some than 't was by Rablais when he beg'd it as a great boon of the Pope because the poor Country Woman thought her Faggot Excommunicated when she could not make it burn Besides these Indignities put upon the Duke at London in at and after the aforesaid Tumult of the Common people we are told also that all such as wore the Dukes Sign or Colours were fain to hide them conveying them into their bosoms so great a feaâ— and dread had seiz'd upon their Spirits Whether these Colours were Parsons Black True Blew Flourishing Green Orange Tawny or Blood Red the Historian hath not so far gratified us aâ— punctually to set down in his Relation of theâ—â— transactions But if I might have leave to pasâ— my Verdict herein I should be apt to conjecturâ— them to have been at least for the most part 〈◊〉 by the Red-letter'd people What sad Prognosticks may we think our Almanack-makers aâ— star-gazers then gave of the times when the saw England so likely to fall into such Feuds Factionâ— and disorders as those of the Guelphs and Gibelineâ— But one good turn 't is that Astrogolers Prognostications use commonly to be like the Popish Oracles old Almanacks soon out of date The City could much sooner influence the Nation than they could make the Stars influence the City in favour of the Dukes cause How the Citizens of London oppos'd the Duke we have seen but he is resolved it seems to shew his bitter resentments upon the next opportunity and accordingly after the Duke had obtain'd his desires of the two Houses of Parliament viz. A Poll-Bill or Tax of all the heads in the whole Realm he caused the King to send for the Major Aldermen and Sheriffs of London who soon came before him then very ill at ease as they were ordered into his Chamber of Presence where after the usual Ceremonies over past a certain Knight of the Court endeavoured by his Ciceronian Rhetorick and the Eloquence of his Oration to perswade the Citizens to confess their great and hainous offences against the King â—nd Duke and to submit themselves to their Mercy See here the Kings Name must be brought â—n right or wrong or else the Dukes cause and â—retensions would signify little But the Londoners were not so to be caught For they answered they had not Conspired against the Duke neiâ—her had there been any shameful thing spoken or done against him that they did know of or conâ—ent unto which they were ready to prove before their Soveraign Lord the King and the Duke â—imself The folly of the Common people they â—ffirm'd they could not stay and therefore requestâ—d of the King that he would not punish those â—hat were innocent and ignorant of the Fact but withal promised the Duke for Reverence of the King observe this that they would endeavour to bring in the Common people and compel them by Law to make due satisfaction and more said they we are not able to do for the Duke that may be to his Honour Not able to do more why What would his faction have had them to have done Was his favour to have been purchas'd at no less a price than an intire Resignation of all they had Bodies and Souls Lives Liberties and Estates at Discretion Must they have deny'd their senses and their reason too in charging themselves with what they neither sayd nor did felt heard nor understood to avoid Scandala Magnatum's and the Arbitrary Finâ—â— of byass'd Juries Leave we such Terms of accommodation to the insulting power and Pride oâ— Prelatical Consciences to impose upon their underling Curates Such is the continued cause of difference between the Molinists and Jansenists in France while one side fairly offers to disallow certain displeasing Propositions either by themselves or as Jansenius's if shewn to them in hiâ— works and the other party as pertinaciously insists upon their rejecting them as his becausâ— the Pope hath so condemned them Glad we may easily suppose the Londoners were when dismiss'd upon their aforesaid Answerâ— But it seems the Court was not yet satisfied 〈◊〉 afterwards we read of the Kings sending them 〈◊〉 Command secretly to call all the Citizens together and having made a Wax Candle with thâ— Dukes Arms in it to carry it solemnly in Procession to Saint Pauls there to burn continually 〈◊〉 the Cities charges which was accordingly performed by the chiefest and richest of the Citizens the meaner commonalty disdaining to be present at such a procession and therefore with indignation departing home when they heard the business and knew the occasion of their being call'd together But neither did this condescention of the greatest give the Duke content he threatned them look't upon it as a reproach and took it in great scorn that they had offer'd thus his Arms in a Wax Taper while he was alive and in good health notwithstanding they affirm'd they had expresly done that which his Father the King had Commanded them and would have done any thing that might have pleased him i. e. in reason For peace and quietness sake possibly and out of respect to the Kings Majesty they would not have refus'd the trouble of putting forth a few honorary Proclamations nor denied him the Complement of a volley or two of Holla's and Huzza's if that would have pleas'd But this did not answer the Dukes Expectations nor satisfie his Ambitious desires they knew he sayd his mind and were not ignorant how to make satisfaction Ay there 't was He would have us sayd the troubled Citizens amongst themselves Proclaim him King but this shall never be done and so they parted worse friends than they were before So much ado was there with one proud haughty Duke most injuriously aspiring to the Crown to the prejudice of his better belov'd Nephew whose claim title and right had been sometime before if I mistake not in my reckoning settled expresly by the Parliament or at least he had been declar'd by his Grand-Father his Heir and Lawful Successor Yet this the Ambitious Uncle thought probably easily to have evaded and
deluded though besides the affections and contrary to the inclination of the rest of the Nation could he but have prevailed upon the Londoners by threats or fair words to have sided with him But their opposition quite spoil'd the Game and kept the Duke off the Cushion a Duke stil so Tryumphant were they in Power Prudence and Loyalty Wherefore to satisfie his restless reven geful Spirit the Duke ceas'd not till he had got the old Major put out and a new one Elected the Aldermen depos'd and others set in their places So little did their late Complicance and humble Procession avail them while the Commonalty remain stiff firm and unshaken as well by the Dukes power and greatness as by his Threats and Menaces He had gain'd a great Ascendent over the weak Kings affections but yet for all that could not sway this Honourable City to his Interests and the Interest of his then prevalent Faction at Court The Citizens Loyalty is plainly shewn beyond denial in Couragiously adhering to the Juster claim and Title of the abus'd Nephew and preferring his Birthright before the Pretensions of his Uncle who Ruling the King and those about him thought also to have over-rul'd the City too Their Prudence is manifest in that they wisely chose to yield many things to the times for peace sake but when neck and all was in danger they would not budg a foot nor stir one step further to humour all the Dukes in Kent or Christendom Neither is their power less conspicuous who not only dar'd but did oppose this high minded Duke in the Days of his Visible Grandeur and prov'd a match by far too hard for him For in a short time comes the News of the Old Kings â—â—ing at the point of Death and presently we have the Londoners sending the chiefest and worthiest of their Citizens to the young Prince and his Mother then Resident not far from the City declaring their ready minds and good wills to accept him for their true and Lawful King upon â—is Grand-Fathers Decease beseeching him on the behalf of the Citizens and City of London that he would have the City Recommended to his good Grace submitting themselves only to â—is Rule and bowing to his Will and Pleasure â—nder his Dominion to serve in Word and Deed as being known to be so much at his Devotion as not only ready to spend their Goods and Eâ—â—ates for his sake but also to jeopard their lives â—n his behalf as Stow expresses it in John Philâ—â—ts Oration in the beginning of the life and Reign of King Richard the second who was thus â—o undeniably setled in the Throne of his Fore-â—athers by the Cities apparent interest and viâ—ible influence upon the Councels of the Nation in that great turn and change of affairs The Cities power seems plainly demonstrated give me therefore leave to bring one instance more of their wisdom caution and prudence in these dangerous because unsetled times before I pass â—n to other particulars The young King being â—hus entred upon the Government it was thought good by the King or those about him to have â—ome care taken to accommodate former differences especially such as had hapned between this potent Duke and the more powerful City Wherefore several persons of Eminency were speedily sent to London to salute the Citizens in the new King's name and acquaint them how the Duke in all things had submitted himself to the Kings will 't was time for 't is certain he had lost the day though not perhaps his high-tow'ring Ambition and that they should do so in like manner and then the King would endeavour a Reconciliation to the City's honour and advantage Fair words and large promises But the worthy Citizens were not Birds to be caught with chaff much less to be hamper'd in a Noose of their own making They were for no Resignations it seems at Discretion though to the dearest Friend alive They knew the King to be but young and weak to help them in such a troublesome business if they should so heedlesly desert their own Cause and put the staff out of their own hands by their own Consent They had enemies enough still they might think at Court as long as the Duke was there and his flattering favourites who might possibly over-rule at least if not over-aw the King to their prejudice should they render all they had at pleasure into his hand by their own voluntary Act and Deed when as they knew themselves well able to defend their liberties and properties in a legal way without hazarding them upon so intire a submission as was required without Reserve Wherefore upon consultation this Medium was at length found out that if the noble persons sent to them with that message would be bound to the Citizens that their submission should not redound to the temporal loss or bodily harm of any Citizen or prejudice of their City they would gladly obey the King's Commandment This those eminent persons of quality undertook by Oath and upon their Knighthood And so upon this surety away go the Citizens to Court and being soon brought before the King besought him as the Annalist words it to reform the peace betwixt the Duke and them affirming that they were ready in all things to submit themselves unto his will and pleasure not as though they confessed they had made any fault against the Duke consider this but as men that came at this time for the benefit of peace and honour as well to the King as the Duke to pacifie the hearts and mitigate the pleasure of both That this was their intent is evident enough from their own request before made to the King that he would vouchsafe to make a good and profitable end of this discord For that they fear'd not the Duke is most certain from the precedent passages and that they were all of a suddain fallen deeply in love with him and his party I can hardly believe No no They love the Nephew too well to dote upon the Uncle and may they always be so minded upon a good account The Citizens having thus prudently though we see not without great caution referr'd themselves to the King the Duke readily accepted of this form of peace as not hoping possibly for such an other opportunity nor expecting so honourable Conditions a second time if refus'd the first and upon his knees became Intercessor to the King to take the cause in hand under the form by the Londoners expressed and so a Reconciliation was made between these two contesting Parties the Duke with an Oath promising them his friendship for the future and in token thereof bestowing a kiss of peace upon each of them before the King at the same time Whereupon the Citizens return'd home with joy and gladness rejoycing that the Duke was brought to such humility who a little before had in great Pride demanded of them for his favour an hundred Hogsheads of Wine and an infinite number of precious
Stones So great a value did this high-flown Duke set upon his grace and favour till the Citizens of this honourable City by their power and prudence had brought down his haughty spirit a Peg or two lower and that visibly too For we don't find him as ambitious as he still continued so openly aspiring to Englands Crown for the future how successfully soever his Son made a Rape thereon at the end of this Princes Reign under the pretence of I know not what hidden right accruing to him from his Mother We read indeed I confess in Cotton's Abridgment of the Records that in the seventeenth of this King the Earl of Arundel laid several things to the Dukes charge as not honourable for the King to suffer in him nor fit for him to do being a Subject as that he went Arm in Arm with the King and his Men wear the same Livery the Kings did which seems to shew much of Arrogancy and Ambition to say no more besides some other Objections but herein he was so far justified by the King himself that the Earl was ordered to crave the Dukes Pardon in full Parliament in a certain form of words appointed him In Stows Annals also we meet with an Accusation brought against him in the seventh of this Kings Reign tending to prove his intent and design suddainly to oppress the King and take upon himself the Kingdom but it seems little notice was taken of it by the King himself who was to have lost most had it been attempted Successfully and doubtless as little believ'd otherwise surely the Schedule containing the time place and other Circumstances had not been presently delivered into the Dukes hands nor the accuser committed at his request to the charge of his near Kinsman nor the occasion of his violent Death so little inquired into afterwards The Duke was not so powerful nor so great a Terror but the City was as well able still to deal with him and his whole party and make as vigorous opposition as ever in defence of their Soveraign Lord the King if occasion should have offered it self This we have reason to believe was known in those days to all the Nation much more to the Duke himself from former experience who therefore may be suppos'd not any more to have aspir'd openly whatever secret fires of Ambition lay hidden within his breast whether or no he design'd and attempted ought by unseen Plots and Conspiracies I leave to the Judicious Reader to believe or not as he pleases without speaking to or for in the case Besides the decree of an over-ruling Providence Common equity in siding with what was reputed the juster title natural humanity in defending the young and weak and a well grounded affection to the Prince for his Father and Grand-Fathers sake one the famous Black Prince the other the Glorious Edward the third their King and Sovereign we may conclude the generality of the Citizens had the greater aversion to the Duke and his faction because he was a known favourer of Wickliff and his Doctrines whether on a good account or only out of any Ambitious Design I shall not determine in this place and so look't upon perhaps as little better than another Juliâ—n the Apostate For we are to know that Londons Religion and consequently the Nations was at that time Popish and the generality of the People in Town and Country Romes Votaries who had Wickliffs Doctrine in as great detestation then under the Notion of Heresy as we Protestants have it now in esteem under the Seal and assurance of Truth As indeed for many of the ages past from our ever-blessed Saviours Birth through which I have drawn the thread of this discourse and under the succeeding Kings for above an hundred years Popery continued the National Religion under the power and prevalency of which perswasion was the body of the Citizens bred up who prov'd so famous in their Generations for their powerful influence on the grand concerns of the Nation in every considerable turn and change of the times before the Reformation And when England was made happy with this blessed alteration the Cities Power Strength and Esteem remain'd the same in effect as ever the change of her Religion introducing no change therein unless for the better she encreasing proportionably in every age in Wealth Riches and Honour as the Nation grew stronger and stronger And still continues as visibly conspicuous under Protestantism as before under the Romish Faith a thing easy to be demonstrated in due time and place How influential the Cities actions were upon the Nations affairs and her Love advantagious to the Orphan Prince in securing his Claim Right and Title to the Crown in his Grand-Fathers life time and setling him quietly on the Throne at his Death in spight of all the opposition the deep designs and daring Spirit of his Aspiring Uncle John of Gaunt and his faction could make when they had got the reigns of publick Government into their own hands through the Old Kings Connivance hath been the subject of several of the aforegoing pages The next thing of course falling under present consideration is to observe how this Honourable City of London behav'd her self after she had lent her â—ssistance to raise this Young Prince from the â—eanness of a Subject to the Royal Dignity and Grandeur of a King under the Name of Richard the Second what place she held in his affections â—nd of what esteem in the eyes of all the rest of â—he people But where shall I begin and when â—hall I end Sooner may I be wearied with readâ—ng and tir'd with writing than fail of matter â—o exercise my Pen so copious is my Subject and â—o full of Variety For in my searches into the Histories of this Kings Reign I find it plain to a â—emonstration that the City carried a great sway â—mongst all Ranks and Degrees from the Prince â—o the Subject from the King the Supream to â—is subordinate Magistrates and Ministers and was highly Honour'd Rever'd and Respected â—mong the Nobility Gentry and Commonalty â—f the Land both in the calm of peace and the â—oisterous storms of civil distractions I begin first with the Honourable House of Commons the known representative of the Commons of England and concerning them obâ—erve out of Sir Robert Cotton's exact Abridgment of the Records in the Tower revis'd by William Prynne Esq that in the first Parliament of this King in his first year among other Petitions of the Commons there is to be found one particular division under the Title of Petitions for the City of London wherein the House of Commons become express Petitioners so great was the Cities influence over their Debates and so high a respect had they for her to the King for many considerable Grants in favour of the Citizens and to them very advantagious and beneficial As that all their Liberties may be confirm'd with a Non obstante That they attend upon no Commandment
in this Case be by the advice and discretion of the Justices thereto assigned To mitigate it doubtless not inhance it at pleasure to ruin particular persons and annihilate the City's Liberties by pretending the loss of her Charter How respectful King Lords and Commons in Parliament assembl'd shew'd themselves to this honourable City hath been sufficiently declar'd prov'd and made manifest I presume already in the foregoing Relation Let us now call off our Meditations from this particular point and fix our thoughts upon an other Argument highly demonstrative of the City's power drawn from no less uncouth a Topick than tumults and disorders insurrections and Outrages of unruly people There having pass'd an Act of Parliament in the fourth of this King to impower him to Collect and Gather Poll money throughout the Land and many exactions thereupon and incivilities being committed by the new Collectors and other Officers some of the Courtiers having procur'd the Kings Commissions for a review and a more exact Collection under the notion of the Kings being cheated and defrauded through the unfaithfulness of his former Tax gatherers the Commons thought themselves so abus'd and oppress'd that in many places they took Counsel together to make resistance and in several Counties assembled themselves in great numbers to the no small disturbance of the Land Amongst these the Commons of Kent and Essex are reckon'd the greatest bodies gathered together under such heads as Wat Tyler Jack Straw and the like obscure Fellows These we find quickly coming to London where they soon obtain entrance notwithstanding the Mayors intended opposition and then quickly carry all before them behead whom they thought good do what they would burn great mens Palaces at their Pleasure the Gates of the Tower are set open to them the King rides to 'm in fear unarm'd and ill guarded at their sending for and grants them as large Charters as they desired none of his Courtiers daring to oppose or resist their Insolencies so that they seem to have had all things for a small season under their sole Power Direction and Command as remaining Masters of the Field without a stroak stricken by any opposite Party such a terrour did their numbers and boldness strike into mens minds at the first and so effectual was their success in getting within the Walls of London either through the joynt assistance of many Commons there inhabiting or else rather under the repute of having the whole City at their beck But when the first brunt was over and it was visible that the greatest best and most of the Citizens joyn'd not with the Country Commons to approve or abet them in their furious outrages and violences the tide was soon turn'd and deliverance brought both to the King and Court by the courage of this Loyal City The Mayor himself as their Head made the first open beginning was seconded by his Brethren the Aldermen and quickly followed by the worthy Citizens He being a man of great boldness by the Kings permission first arrested and afterwards grievously wounded one of the chiefest of the Rebells Jack Straw saith Fabian Wat Tyler saith Stow to the great encouragement of those about the King among whom this Arch Rebel receiv'd his death and daunting of the Rebellious Commons to which valiant Deed the City is indebted for Walworths Dagger some say inserted upon this Account in her Coat of Arms. After this Act away rides the Mayor with one Servant only the Annalist tell us into the City and crying out to the Citizens to come speedily to the Kings assistance raises a considerable strength who well arm'd under the leading of Sir Robert Knowles came in good time into the Field where the King was among the tumultuous Commons not so well attended but that the unexpected coming of the Mayor and the armed Citizens is expresly said to have caus'd rejoycing in the minds of the King and those few Knights and Esquires then about him and the Issue acquaints us with the great consequence hereof when we read of the Commons throwing down their weapons immediately falling also themselves upon the ground and beseeching pardon who but a little before gloried that they had the Kings life in their own power and so possibly might have continued boasting had not the Citizens thus rous'd up themselves to the Kings relief and timely dispers't these seditious Rioters in the midst of their insulting Pride That this was a piece of Loyalty as well as valour most timely and seasonably shewn is evident from the great influence what was but barely done at London though without London's consent had upon the Countrey For from the Annalist we are given to understand that there were the like Insurrections in Suffolk and Norfolk and in express words told that these overthrew House and Mannors of great Men and of Lawyers slew the Students of the Law c. according to the manner of them at London having for their Captain an ungracious Priest nam'd John Wraw who had been at London just before had seen what was done there and came thence with Instructions from Wat Tyler So that what 's done in the City is very likely to be imitated in the Countrey A disorderly Rout of people were got together round about and within the City and committed many unsufferable Outrages and several parts of the Country were resolv'd to follow the Fashion and do the like The Citizens courage quel'd these Tumultuous Commons in London and then they were quickly suppress'd we hear in other Places Then had the King reason to reward the Mayor and several Aldermen with the honour of Knighthood and other recompences and time to assemble an Army of his Loyal Friends and Subjects at London to guard him till the Principals of these dispersed Rebels were brought to condign Punishment by Law which was quickly done thanks to the worthy Londoners who had thus vigorously asserted the Kings Right defended his Royalty rescued his Person and regained him the exercise of his Kingly Power well near lost before through the Rebellion of his meaner Commons and cowardly Faintheartedness of his Courtiers Men it seems that could speak big at the Council-board and talk high upon the Bench under the shelter of the Kings Authority but when they were to come into the Field of War to fight for their Prince they prov'd meer Courtiers all words and no deeds The Citizens were the Men of valour They lay still the King was like to be undone and the Court ruin'd They appear'd to oppose the vaunting Enemies they fled before them and the King regain'd his own This one famous City the terror of her Enemies the joy of her Friends cooperates in the grand turns and changes of affairs in the Brittish world or else such attempts for the most part at least if not always prove vain fruitless and insignificant And where 's the wonder of this The whole City as a compact Body with Strength and Beauty fitly united may well be
of standing up vigorously in their own defence against the forreign Enemy may be prov'd out of the sâ—me Author from the great numbers of armed men by the Nobles brought to the Parliament then at London and the Lord Chancellors calling men of Arms out of almost every part of the Realm to the Marches about London to beat back the Frenchmen with their King had they come Let this therefore serve to disprove the Annalists suggestions out of his own mouth and shew the Nobles care for the Cities safeguard in drawing such forces thitherward and their hopes of considerable assistance from the City to help them in the Common cause of self-preservation But suppose without granting it that there were some sparks of fear amongst them 't is questionable whether they did not spring from the mistrust of their principal Magistrates not out of any diffidence and distrust of their own strength or dread of a Foreign Enemies power and puissance For to me 't is an Argument that the Major of London this year look't Courtward since that we read of an endeavour to ingage him in such an horrid design as hath been before spoken of to destroy the principals of the opposite party at a private Supper in London Certainly the King would not have utter'd a syllable of an intreague of this importance to so powerful a Magistrate as my Author affirms he did had there not been hopes of prevailing on him in Reverence at least to the Kings word and desire But upon the Tryal it seems he prov'd himself an honester man in that point whatever his principles and inclinations otherwise were than his Predecessor whom we read of as deeply concern'd in that Plot. Much about this time 't is likewise that a Modern writer tells us that the Londoners incur'd much obloquy for that having before been Pardoned by the King of some Crimes laid to their charge but what nor when committed I find not by him mentioned they were ready to comply with his dâ—sires and a Jury of them being Impannell'd indited some Lords of many Crimes objected against them But this also is to be imputed to the Magistrates influence and power in calling out men fit for the purpose and not to the whole body of the Citizens For we read just after that when the Mayor thought to have rais'd them against the contesting Lords they resolutely refus'd and absolutely rejected the Motion as is before related So that 't was not having the Mayor at their Beck nor the Power they thought they had among the high Sheriffs of the Counties to procure such men return'd up to serve in Parliament as were nominated by the King and his Council that could shelter the guilty favourites at Cour from the censure of that August Assembly well known afterwards by the name of the Parliament that wrought wonders For on the very first day thereof all the Judges but one were Arrested as they sat in their places question'd for their extrajudicial opinions and Arbitrary actings and severely punish'd by Banishment and Confiscation of their Estates The Lord Chief Justice Tresilian lost his Life at Tyburn and the rest my Author says had all dyed had it not been for the Queens intercession As the Judges were thus brought under the Lash of those Laws which before they had so much abus'd to humour Arbitrary mens designs the better thereby to secure to themselves their own Stations and Offices of Judicature so the Patrons themselves and reputed promoters of these Arbitrary and illegal Actings were reduc't into the same Predicament Several of the chief were impeach'd of no less than High Treason in open Parliament the absent for ever banish'd and many of them in hold either Hang'd or Beheaded upon Tower-hil or at Tyburn notwithstanding they had been ere while Men of Name Power and Authority and in great favour at Court but just before So uncertain is the State of Mortality and so slippery is walking in high places But amongst all those who fell under the stroak of an angry Deity and so shamefully lost their lives by the hands of Justice most memorable is the fate that befel Sir Nicholas Brember Grocer late Lord Mayor of London who for many oppressions and seditions by him caus'd in the City was Beheaded as Stow informs us the Morrow after the Execution of the Lord Chief Justice Tresilian and which is more remarkable with the same Ax he had before prepared for others of his fellow Citizens So just is Providence to suffer the wicked to be insnared by the devices of their own hearts and to fall headlong into the Pit they had dig'd for others Stow tells us the King had oft-times made him Mayor of London against the mind of the Citizens But in Fabian who methinks being once Sheriff of this Honourable City should know best what had been formerly Transacted in that City of whose good order Policy and Government he hath expresly Treated in his Chronicle I don't find but that he was Elected and Chosen Possibly there might be an order made at Court Present the King and sent into the City to further and promote his Election which by the one might be esteem'd an imposing him on the City while the other only took notice of the meeting of the Citizens in order to an Election without relating how the matter was carried or whether he came in fairly by a Majority or else by a strong hand through the working of Court Favourites who influencing the Judges might make that pass for Law which was contrary thereto let the difference of voices be never so great on the other side So have I heard of a place where it was carried by thirteen against twenty one and when the business came to be scan'd over anew it was adjudg'd by vote against the Majority But this was rather the effect of Greatness and Power overruling than the result of Equity and Justice dividing to every one his right That this Man when Mayor met with great opposition from the most eminent of the Citizens I presume concludable from his Resentments and what is in plain words delivered of him by the Annalist how that whilst he was in the full Authority of his Mayoralty he caus'd a Common pair of Stocks in every Ward and a Common Ax to be made to behead all such as should be against him and had Indited eight thousand and more of the best and greatest of the City so resolv'd was he to carry on the design right or wrong to please his Masters and Abettors What kind of principled Man he was we may easily guess as from the aforementioned passages so from the Historians Relations before hinted of him as being deeply concern'd in the Plot before intimated to assassinate the contesting Lords and also afterwards one of the Chief Men that had a hand in laying the Ambuscade spoken of above unwilling the King as he swore to intrap them who upon promise of safe conduct confirm'd by the Oaths of
assuredly raised about their ears to their mutual disadvantage had they been guilty of such unadvised rashness and daring presumption as to slight and contemn her Magistrates Order and Resolution An other stands on Record in the same Author and other Writers among the next years transactions under the Maâ—oralty of Godfery Boleyn and Shrievalries of William Edward and Thomas Reyner For upon the Kings Calling of a grand Councel at London to accommodate differences and the Lords of each Party coming up thereto with great Retinues they having from Four-hundred to One-thousand-Five-hundred in a Company lodging some within some without the City holding their Consultation apart each from other as if at mutual defyance and ready to put all to the decision of the Sword the Mayor kept Five-thousand Citizens as Fabian Numbers them dayly in Arms riding about the City and Subburbs to preserve the peace and for the night Watch provided Two-thousand to give Attendance upon three Aldermen till Seven a clock next morning that the day Watch was set by reason whereof continues my Author good order and rule was kept and no man so hardy once to attempt the breaking the Kings peace The Councel was held in quietness and a Reconciliation patch'd up for the time For who durst move when the City says nay Several such Instances are to be seen in the Chronicles and have been hinted before in the precedent Relation And if need were I might produce the Disturbance likely to have hapned in the Fourth year of this King by the Bishop of Winchesters meanes then at Variance with the Protector the Duke of Gloucester when upon strict Commandment given to the Mayor he set a sure Watch by night that kept out the Bishops Servants by force and would not permit them to enter the City over the Bridg whereupon a pacification was at length concluded between these two great Men their differencies in time amicably adjusted and the City seems to have protected the Protector himself But that I hasten to the fecond general Head before propos'd under which I am to make out the visibility of the City's affection to the house of Yorke distinguish'd from that of Lancastor by the white Rose their particular badg and thee ffect thereof her influencing the nation in their favour in behalf of the Yorkists Interest to the raising it up above the Lancastrians And this may be demonstrated beyond contradiction both from the suspicions fears and jealousies of the Queen and the Court that in their Hearts the Citizens bore too great Respect to the other side and would assist them upon Occasion and from their actual joyning at last openly with the Yorkists in word and deed to the visible exaltation of that Family above the other whereby the White Rose grew up amain and flourished not only above the rest of the flowers of the field but also above the Red though it's whiteness was first ting'd with a Scarlet dye and the Red had lost much of it 's before lovely ruby Colour so much blood was there shed in this unhappy Contest It being related out of Philip de-Comines that within his Remembrance in the Civil-Wars of England dyed above Eighty Persons of the Blood Royal. For the proof of the Queens Suspicions or others Apprehensions Instances more than one or two and a triumvirate of Witnesses may be brought Stow tells us before the battail of St. Albans how that the King having assembled his Power to oppose the Duke of York then marching towards London at the Head of an Army his meaning was rather to meet the Duke in the North parts than about London where it was thought he had too many friends and therefore departs with speed from Westminster on the same â—ntent And afterwards acquaints us that upon the difcharging of York and Salisbury of their high Offices and Places of Government about the King This change among the Nobility caus'd sudden alterations and attempts which he calls Seditious to spring in the Commonalty especially in the City of London Fabian informes us that the Queen caus'd the King to remove in his Thirty-fifth from London to Coventry and their held him a long season as suspecting the City of London and deeming it to be more favourable to the Duke of York's Party than to Hers. Baker gives us much the same Story under the Notion of the Queens perswading the King for his Health and Recreation to make a Progress into Warwickshire as finding the little Respect the Londoners bore to Her Party or the Kings And Stow shall here bring up the Rear to back their Informanions with this expression that because the Duke was had more in estimation among the Citizens than either the King or Queen she caus'd the King to make his Progress as perceiving she could attempt nothing against him near to the City of London If we consider Actions and respect Matters of Fact we shall find the Yorkists often received at London when the Lancastrians were either expresly refus'd or at least compell'd to get further off into other parts for their better security and safeguard After the Yorkists had won the Battel at St. Albans London was the place whereto they presently remov'd carrying the King along with them and kept there their Whitsuntide with great Joy and Solemnity When an Assault was made at Court upon the Potent Earl of Warwick a great Yorkist as he was coming from the Councel Table by the Kings Servants with Intentions to have Slain him London was the place whereto he Row'd in all hast as soon as got into his Barge and thereby escaping the danger intended he Consults with the Principals oâ— his Party and retires afterwards to Callice Thiâ— was the place to which the Chronicle saith the Earl of Salisbury his Father was coming up with some Thousands of Men when he was necessitated to Fight his Way through his Enemies iâ— Bloreheath Field Here likewise was Warwick received encouraged and refreshed in the 38th of Hen. 6. before the Battel of Northampton when the Lord Scales appointed by the other side with some Troops to go and secure the City was directly refused admission by the Mayor and being received into the Tower he was besieged by Land and Water and they of the City planted great Guns against it and break the Walls in divers places And after the fatal over-throw of the Lancastrians at the aforesaid Battels hitherto was the King conveyed by the Party a Prisoner in effect tho' in shew a King as if eager there to shew their Triumphant Success or else further to secure to themselves the Londoners good will love and affections by their Presence For Fabian tells us they return'd hither in haste upon their obtaining this Victory the Duke of York comes out of Ireland to them and after a Report banded about the City that King Henry was to be Deposed and the Duke to be made King to make Tryal doubtless of the peoples mind and sound the Citizens
redounded so much to his own advantage and the Interest of the York Family which he had for a long time before espoused by the favour he gained thereby among the Commons of the Realm in general and of the City in particular For when he came to London the Analist informs us he kept such an House that six Oxen were eaten at a Breakfast and every Tavern was full of his Meat and whoso had any acquaintance in his House might have had as much Sodden and Rost as he might carry upon a long Dagger All this notwithstanding when upon disgust and discontent he had turned to the other side and became a favourer of the Lancastrians he was never the less disappointed in his aims and expectations from the Londoners For though by his turning sides the York Party had been once routed King Edward taken Prisoner and King Henry resettled once more on the Throne and he had in a manner the whole power of the Land in his hands besides the general Love and Affection the Commons bore to him and the dread and terror the sound of his Name oft struck into his Enemies Hearts it having in effect altered the Fortune and turned the Scales in two Battels one in King Henry's days for the Yorkists another in King Edwards for the Lancastrians yet upon the return of King Edward from beyond Sea whither he had some time before escaped out of Custody into England to recover his Inheritance and regain his Crown and the News of his Marching up to London both sides saith Baker seeking to make the City their Friends the Citizens backwardness to take up Arms in Defence of Old King Henry his Crown and Dignity and inclination to Young King Edward was so apparent that Warwicks own Brother the Arch-bishop of York distrusting the Event secretly sought King Edwards Favour he himself was received into London King Henry was redelivered unto him and the Great Warwick slain not long after at Barnet in a pitch'd Battell to the utter Ruin of the Lancastrian Party for that Age the consequence of this overthrow being enough to read them their succeeding ill Fate at Tewksbury they themselves having sufficient Cause to be daunted with the loss of their most powerful friends and favourers and the Yorkists to be flush'd with their Success in gaining so important a Victory As the Citizens continued thus favourable to the King so I don't find them them chang'd and alter'd in ther Inclinations to the other side till some of the Yorkists themselves by their own hands began to loose and untye those Bonds of Amity Friendship and Fidelity the Late King's Children being dispossest by his own Brother the Duke of Gloucester and the Earl of Richmond the surviving hopes of the Lancastrians had openly declar'd his Intentions and solemnly Sworn to marry King Edward's Eldest Daughter the rightful Heir of all the Yorkists Greatness which afterwards was as honourably as honestly perform'd whereby both Families became united in one Line and the two Roses happily inoculated each upon the other The expression I hope the ingenious Society of Gardiners and Florists will pardon me if harmlesly guilty of an absurdity in translating the term from fruits to flowers Did the Citizens of London appear so zealously on the Yorkists behalf and yield such powerful assistance to carry on their designs What other than can we expect with reason but that King Edward behaved himself very gratefully towards that City which Espoused his flaughtered Fathers Cause against even the Governing Party and contributed so considerably to his own Restauration Though it is but too commonly seen that as mean services are but meanly recompenced or else wholly ' slighted add forgotten so an excess of merit too great to be rewarded brings oftner danger than advantage to the party concerned Evident examples whereof our own and Foreign Histories can abundantly afford us and it is well if the City of London could produce no experience of her own in confirmation of their verity and validity while some others having gotten well by their services to the facilitating their ascent into high Places have no better improved them in the Eyes of the World than in keeping their Coaches their Horses and their Misses and made little other returns of thanks and gratitude to the City but some small slight acknowledgments and concessions and perhaps a few verbal promises and assurance or else forgetting their former needs and necessities have endeavoured most ungratefully to turn their power upon her which they may be thought to have gained chiefly and principally by her means But King Edward it seems or those about him had honester Principles in them or were better tempered For we find in Baker that he furnished his Councel Table for the most part with such as were gracious among the Citizens and we Read in Stow of no less than eleven Aldermen besides the Lord Mayor and Recorder Knighted by him at one time in the Highway betwixt Islington and Shoreditch upon his return from the Battel at Tewksbury in reward of the good service the Londoners had done him As for the jovial Entertainment of the Mayor Aldermen and Commons in Waltham Forrest by the Kings express order and appointment in his presence about an year before he dyed 't is a Subject Treated on by more English Historians than one with the circumstances and consequents thereof the pleasant lodge of Green boughs set up on purpose for them the Complemental condescention of the King in refusing to go to his own Dinner till he had saw them served the Hunting sport he shewed them the plenty of Venison he gave them at their departure and the noble Present of two Harts and six Bucks with a Tun of Wine he sent to the Lady Mayoress and her Sisters the Aldermens Wives to make merry with which they did afterwards at Drapers Hall where without all peradventure the Kings Health went all round the Table if it was then in Fashon but for this I will not put one finger in the fire If we dive into the reasons of the variation of the Pole at London and search into the occasional Causes of the manifest change and alteration of their Affections from thr Family of Lancaster to the House of York we may impute it partly to the losses crosses and unsuccessful management of Affairs under a weak King and a self seeking Court of Lancastrians but chiefly to the encrease of National grievances without timely care taken to redress them and the fixt Resolution of the Court Party to oppress their opposites the Yorkists any manner of ways by right or by wrong for we may easily observe from History and experience such to have been the usual motives to disgusts and the common incitements to discontent Therefore I presume I may draw hence better grounds and reasons of the Cities Love to King Edward than those alledged by Baker out of Comines viz. that he got the Love of the Londoners by owing them
the Duke upon hopes that it might be better accepted from him as the publick Mouth of the City Full loth we may well think was he an honest Man and newly come to his Honour and Preferment having never spoken to the Citizens before from that place to begin upon so harsh and unpleasing a Subject But however the Mayor's Commands must be obey'd He therefore makes a Rehearsal of the Duke's Words but so far from being transpos'd alter'd or augmented that he plainly shew'd whaâ— he did was in Obedience to the Lord Mayor's Commands not out of affection or good will to thâ— Cause or the Duke What then could it avail thâ— Mayor and his Party that Mr. Recorder was compell'd to be their Mouth when 't is plain from hiâ— Speech that he spoke others Sentiments not hiâ— own And this was easily perceiv'd on all handâ— For the Citizens stood still as mute as Fishes or deaâ— as Adders that would not hearken to the Voicâ— of the Charmer nor tune their Pipes to the Sonâ— of a base flattering Courtier Well then conseâ—â— they could get none Hitherto not a word of approbation what must be done next Why when we despair of Citizens Words and Wishes we 'll e'en pretend to reject them as useless and unnecessary seeing they will not be model'd to our minds And therefore at last the Citizens are plainly told that all the Nobles of the Realm are resolv'd already upon the Point a thing as true as the Mayor was Honest or the Duke Loyal and their ultimate Answer was demanded Upon which follow'd secret Whisperings and a confused Bur among the People till at last some of the Duke's Servants and others of their procuring Prentices and other Lads thrust into the Hall among the Press set up their Notes at the lower end threw up their Caps in token of Joy and loudly cry out upon King Richard This the Duke and Mayor seeing they could have not better take advantage of and would have it forsooth pass for an unanimous Consent and the universal Approbation of the City though the whole multitude of Citizens answer'd them not a word only cast back their heads and marvelled what those meant behind them with their whoopings and hollowings A goodly Cry quoth the Duke and thanks them and so departs The next News we hear is of a Petition immediately made the Morrow after to the Protector at Baynard's Castle to take upon him the Rule and Government of the Realm as rightful King to which with much ado and intreaty poor Man he at last yielded as if altogether compell'd through meer necessity and others importunity the Duke of Buckingham coming in the Name of himself the Lord Mayor and his Brethren as indeed we find them there amongst others to see this notorious piece of dissimulation acted over So slips this dissembling Yorkist into the Throne over his young Nephew's head whom afterwards he cruelly caus'd to be murder'd is Crowned and Reigns as King for a time the Holla's and Huzza's of a few Courtiers and Prentices being impos'd upon the Nation for the Universal Consent of the City of London though the Duke's Party could not obtain so much as that Complement from the Citizens themselves Seeing therefore they could not embrace the Substance they were resolv'd I would say to grasp at the Shadow were I sure the Criticks would not Censure the Expression For being not able to prevail upon the Masters they endeavour'd to try Experiments on the Apprentices and failing of the Majority of the Men are content to be playing with the Boys And if this now may be call'd the Concurrence of the City 't is easie doubtless to be had at any time with Feasting and Fudling Let the distrustful or evil thinking person consult Mr. Stow about the Life and Reign of King Edward the Fifth and then he may see Authority enough for the precedent Relation Thus we see the Duke is mounted at last up into the Saddle and from a Protector that might have been legal he becomes a King most unlawfully by very unjust Means and indirect Methods by defrauding his poor innocent Nephew of his Birth-right and afterwards depriving him of his Life aspersing his own Mother with Adultery imputing Bastardy to his Brethren and bringing a dishonourable Reflection upon his Father But can we think such an ill-gotten Crown could ever prosper with him No sure 'T was improbable and impossible The Furies are stirr'd up to torment him for Providence sleeps not nor could Vengeance lag long behind The City never gave her full consent notwithstanding all the endeavours of that false Knave her Mayor therefore she had reason and occasion enough for the deepest Resentments to see her Name without her Authority basely abus'd by Treachery and Deceit to promote other Mens corrupt Designs and the Duke so lately transpos'd into a King sufficient Grounds for continual Fears Jealousies and Suspicious about the fickleness and unsetledness of his own State and Condition being so insecure and uncertain of the City's hearty good will and affections as knowing the Cheat he had newly put upon the Nation and the Affront he had offered to the whole Body of the Citizens in making use of their Names without their Consent and Concurrence to settle himself in his intended Usurpation Bosworth-field also is drawing nigh a pace where he shall be forc'd to pay Nature her last Debt Justice shall have her due and a full period shall be put to all his villanous Acts and Enterprizes after a short Reign or Usurpation of two Years two Months and a Day or two the shortest Term by far of any Kings Reign since the first William unless we admit Edward the Fifth for Method and Customes sake into the Number of our Kings who for Ten Weeks space bore the Name though it may be more properly call'd the Tyranny of the Duke than the Reign of the King Enter next the Earl of Richmond a Lancastrian a Family directly opposite to the House of York till now in Combination against Crook-back Richard that did endeavour to destroy them all and on a design of a union of both Interests in the persons of the Heirs on both sides with a few Friends and foreign Mercinaries at Milford-Haven in Wales and the hopes of a considerable Number of Auxiliaries ready to joyn and assist him in his March up directly towards the City of London For this seems to have been his main aim and intended purpose from his Letters sent to his Friends to come in with all speed to his Assistance as in whose Affections doubtless he put much trust and confidence neither was he deceiv'd therein in that after his successful Victory over his Enemies at Bosworth where we date the first beginning of his Reign under the Name of Henry the Seventh upon his remove towards London and his near approach to the City we find the City so far from the least shadow of opposition that on the contrary they prepar'd to
evil May-day when we read of the King 's pardoning the many hundreds Indicted for that day's Riot and Insurrection at the three Queens intercession upon Cardinal Woolsey's Advice and perchance in Complaisance to the City Not to mention that eminent Instance of the King's Charity Love and Affection to the City when in so great a scarcity of Bread therein that many died for meer want he freely and frankly sent thither out of his own Provisions 600 Quarters of Corn which serv'd for a very seasonable Supply till more could be brought from other Parts But as to the former I dare aver it from the consequence of the Contest between the City and the Cardinal in the 17th year of this King out of Stow and thence prove beyond denial how like her self the City always continued in opposing the Arbitrary Power and Exorbitances of over grown Favourites Commissions were sent forth by Order of the Council into every Shire to Levy the Sixth Part of every Man's Substance towards the King's passage into France but this was so vehemently oppos'd by the People as contrary to ancient Laws and Customs and not granted by the Paliament that the King thought good to deny that he ever knew of that Demand and by soothing Letters sent to London and elsewhere he requested only his Subjects Benevolence This was a Term more plausible than a set Demand and a fix'd Contribution and the Cardinal forsooth would needs undertake personally to induce the City's consent thereto and therefore sent for the Mayor the Almen and the most substantial Common-Councel-Men to Westminster thinking by fair Speeches good Words and large Promises to have overperswaded them To him indeed they lent their Ears but we don't find them over hasty to part with their Purses However they sent Deputies to him Four Aldermen and Twelve Commoners to return him their thanks and every Alderman assembles his Ward and makes a Motion for a Benevolence which was openly deny'd them by the Commonalty Then the Cardinal sends again for the Mayor and his Brethren who informs him what they had done Whereupon he would have examined them apart and demands a benevolence of them in the King's Name But for Answer was told by a City Councellor that the Motion was against an Act of Parliament which could not be disprov'd though it was in part gain-said Thereupon the Mayor resolutely denies to grant any thing so that upon his coming home to London all publick endeavours were laid by and it was declar'd that every man should come to the Cardinal and grant privily what he would This was so little grateful to the Citizens and upon the Mayor's endeavours to qualifie them by promising they should be gently treated and exhorting them to go when sent for they were so highly offended thereat that in their fury they would have had several expell'd the Common-Councel and so without further answer angrily departed home Whereby we may be well assur'd of the truth of Hall's Observation that though the Mayor and Aldermen had granted the Demand the Common-Councel would never have assented For we must know this was done at the Common-Councel call'd the next day after my Lord Mayor came from Court The Result therefore of all was in the Issue that the King openly protests in a great Council call'd at York-place now White-hall that his mind was never to ask any thing of his Commons that might sound to the breach of the Laws and so this Project was rejected and laid aside by order of the Kings Letter sent into all Counties For seeing that the City refused how was it possible to perswade the Country who look upon London as their principal Guide and Directress and so generally square their Actions by the Citizens Rule Doth not then this seem a clear Example of the Londoners constant fixedness to their old Principles of Liberty And if the Reader likewise please it may pass for an Instance of the Citizens disclaiming their Mayor's Resolves and the prevalency of the Commonalty over the Magistracy when resolute in their just opposition As an Overplus I shall cast in a Passage out of Baker's Chronicles where we find it upon Record under the Title of King Henry's Taxations how that when in the Fourteenth Year a Tenth Part of all Mens Substance was required by the Cardinal towards the Charges of the King's Wars and he would havâ— had every Man sworn to tell what he was worth The Londoners thinking this very hard they were thereupon excus'd for taking the Oath and allowed to bring in their Bills upon their Honesties from whence may be argued either the Strength Greatness and Power of this honourable City whom the Court nor the Cardinal durst not displease or the great respect then shewn her in regard of those many glorious Rays of Influence she sheds all over all the Land when the Word of a Citizen went as far and was as well accepted as another Man's Oath If such then was the Honour and Respect of the City heretofore what may we think it to be now that London hath since receiv'd so considerable an Addition and Augmentation in several respects by the happy concurrence of many more Circumstances to render it eternally famous Was this City able to hold a Contest with so grand a Favourite and potent a Courtier as Cardinal Woolsey and at last to come off with flying Colours to the vindicating her own Rights and the Liberties of all the Nation besides and the forcing King Henry in the strength of his Age as stout as he was to so great a Compliance as hath been hinted before 'T is plain then she was strong and her Citizens not destitute of Spirit Did the King as cruel as he was to others of his Subjects shew himself favourable to London 'T is evident he had great cause and reason so to do unless he was desirous to be tax'd with ungratitude so un-Prince-like a Crime For we may observe the Citizens were ready enough to please him in any thing wherein their All was not concerned and in that I never yet found them ever prone to humour the Follies of any King living Witness their readiness on all Occasions for the Honour of the King to appear in the most splendid Equipage on publick Solemnities Among which the most remarkable in my Opinion were the Coronation of Queen Ann Mother of the never to be forgotten Queen Elizabeth of blessed Memory with the Preparatives thereto the Celebrity of her Attendance by Water from Greenwich to the Tower and her honourable Conveyance from thence through the City amidst the great variety of pleasing Shews and delightful Objects to Westminster particulariz'd in Stow and the glorious appearance of the Citizens at the great Muster in St. Iames's-Park May the 8th Anno 31. to the Number of Fifteen Thousand in bright shining Armour with Coats of white Silk or Cloth and Chains of Gold where the Citizens strove in such sort to exceed each other in bravery of
Arms and forwardness of Service as if the City had been a Camp and they not Men of the Gown but all profess'd Soldiers which they perform'd to their great Cost but greater Commendation saith Sir Richard Baker But the greatest Inducement may be supposed to have been that they never appear'd prone to join with the King's Enemies of which he had good store abroad besides Domestick Troubles and private Insurrections at home especially towards the latter end of his Reign when he had taken away the Pope's Supremacy excluded his Authority and suppressed the Abbies and Monasteries the chief Fortresses and Pillars thereof either by force of an Act of Parliament or by vertue of the Resignations of their Governours either over-aw'd by fear or brib'd with Pensions Not long after which there were several Commotions in the Land which might have much shaken the Throne had the Citizens openly shew'd any inclination to joyn with these disturbers of the Kings rest and repose but they continuing quiet thâ—se troubles were quickly compos'd and so the foundation undesignedly doubtless was laid for a publick Reformation which was more vigorously carried on in the next Kings Reign though I hardly think it hath yet arriv'd to such perfection as to render it so compleat as might be piously desired Short was the Reign of this pious Prince Edward the sixth yet not so short but that it gave such an Addition of strength to the Protestant Religion by removing out of the way many of the Relicks of Popery and openly encouraging the Preaching of the Gospel that hitherto it could never be rooted out of the Land notwithstanding the damage it sustained under the next Successor a most violent and rigid Papist and the many secret Plots and practices of Popish Emissaries to undermine it and introduce Popery again into England prov'd upon them Thus was the outward face of Religion visibly chang'd in the City under this Religious King but yet her power we find not in the least diminished nor the esteem our great men had thereof of which we meet with an evident instance in History on account of the difference arisen between the potent Earl of Warwick and some of the Privy Council on the one hand and the Lord Protector Seymour the Kings Mâ—ternal Uncle on the other The Privy Counsellors having designs upon the Protector and withdrawing themselves from Court got to London with their attendance and taking possession of the Tower made it their business to secure the City to their side by sending for the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to Ely house in Holborn where they were assembled and entertaining them with a long Oration about the ill government of the Protector and the many mischiefs that came thereby as they affirm'd upon the Kingdom attended with a request of their joynt assistance to help them to remove him wherein they were so successful that upon the arrival of two Letters almost at the same instant to the Common Council held at Guildhall one from the King and Lord Protector for a thousand of the City to be arm'd in defence of the Kings Person and the other from the Lords to have two thousand men to aid them with the same Plea for defence of the Kings Person and that the City should be well kept with Watches day and night the Citizens shew'd themselves so inclinable to the Lords that they arm'd an hundred horse men and four hundred foot men in defence of the City suitable to the motion of the Lords and sent no Assistance to the Protector though it had been desir'd in the Kings Name but rather suffered a Proclamation containing diverse Articles against him to be made in several Parts of the City and the Lords were entertain'd with a Dinner at one of the Sheriffs the eighth of October after they had been themselves in Person at Guildhall and on the tenth they din'd at the other Sheriffs after that by a Common Council the same day in Stows Computation five hundred men of the City had been granted to be ready on the next morning Evident marks signs and tokens doubtless which way the City bended and the event is a sufficient confirmation thereof For the next News we hear is the removal of the Protector from about the King and the sending him to the Tower within two or three days after where an humble Confession and Submission was his best security for that time by which he got his Liberty some time after and was sworn again a Privy Counsellor but no more a Protector Had the City sent him the Aid requâ—sted he would possibly have had little reason to have stood infear of the combined Lords or had but her Magistrates continued Neuters in the Case and not been so openly favourable to his Enemies he might perhaps have been able enough to have cop't with them with little or no bazard for he had raised much People about Hampton Court in the Kings Name and conveyed him to Windsor with a great number of Horsemen and Footmen But the Strength and Authority of the City was not to be contradicted much less opposed Thus the Protector lost his Place and well it might have been haply for the King and Nation if that had been all For his Enemies having remov'd him from his Protectorship and thereby gain'd the greater access of Power to themselves and the Principal of them the politick Earl of Warwick lately created Duke of Northumberland advanced in Title and Honour equal with and in Authority and Power above the highest whereby his aspiring thoughts were grown ripe to be put in execution they were resolv'd to have the other touch with him for his Life wherein they made use of the Cities Power to secure them for his Tryal by ordering every Housholder in London to take care of his own Family keep his house and have one ready in arms upon call for the day time and that by Night a sufficient Watch of substantial Housholders should be kept in every Ward So litte durst they attempt without ingaging the City therein and so frail and transitory had been their projecting designs had she refused But with her concurrence what could they not do So then at last tryed the late Protector was acquitted of Treason and condemned for Felony and afterwards beheaded on Tower-Hill much against the Kings Will the Constables of every Ward in London by vertue of a Precept directed from the Council to the Lord Mayor strictly charging the Citizens not to stir out of their houses before a prefixt hour for fear perhaps of a Rescue for 't was known he was well belov'd generally by the People and plainly evidenced when upon a mistake thinking him acquitted they gave so great a shout for joy that it was heard Stow tells us from Westminster-Hall to Long-Arce to the Lords astonishment So fell Sommerset by the malice of his Enemies and weakness of his Friends and we may easily believe 't was not design'd the King should be long liv'd
may be the care taken in London to watch and guard the Gates upon the first discovery of the Gun-powder Treason and the great joy and rejoycing manifested therein soon after upon its further detection by filling the Streets with Bonfires and the Solemn Assemblies with publick praises and thanksgiving to the Almighty for the Kings happy Deliverance This Gunpowder Treason so to observe by the way was one of the seven particulars the Intelligencer tells us were sometime since set up in a Table in St. Martins Church at York under this Title Things never to be forgotten by Protestants The other six were The bloody Reign of Queen Mary The many Plots in Queen Elizabeths Reign The Massacre in Ireland in Forty one The horrid Murder of King Charles in One thousand Six hundred and Forty eight The burning of London in One thousand Six hundred and Sixty six And the horrid Popish-plot in One thousand Six hundred and Seventy eight An Inscription that some harmless well meaning persons would have been apt doubtless to have thought very honest in its self and deservedly written in Letters of Gold till an Order came to one of the Church Wardens to take it down or appear at the Spiritual Court to answer the Contempt For 't was above the ordinary Capacity of a Common lay-Protestant to apprehend any thing ill or offensive therein till such wits among the Clergy as had far more sagacious intellects perceived the drift and design thereof and judging it perhaps to be part of the Presbyterian Plot might think fit to have it thrown down that the Vulgar might be no more amus'd with the dreadful remembrance of such things But to return to the Cities Love and Loyalty to King James another remarkable proof thereof may be deduced from the double Guards set in all places about London the Precept issued out by the Lord Mayor to the Wards to raise the Train Bands and the unexpressible distraction of Mens minds upon a flying rumour suddenly spread about the City March 22d somewhat above four Months after the Powder Plot was discovered of the Kings being slain that morning at Oking some twenty Miles from London which occasioned great weeping and waiâ—ing and much lamentation in old and young rich and poor till in three or four hours time all these Clouds were happily dispers'd by better and more certain news brought of the Kings safety and his return to Whitehall thereupon the same afternoon where the peoples hearts were as much raised with joy as before they had been drowned in grief and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen went to congratulate his Majesty upon the assurance of his continued Health and Security Such were the expressions of the Cities affections let us now see the return of Kindness on the Kings part and his Princely acknowledgment of their singular love and loyalty to him Much doubtless of the Kings mind in this particular may be guessed at from the frequent Visits he made the City but I presume by no one Act of his better known than by his repaying the Citizens of London in the seventh of his Reign the Threescore thousand pounds they had lent Queen Elizabeth three years before her death An Act of the greatest Justice and Equity and whereby likewise he got more love saith the Chronicle than he paid mony This may pass both for an Example of the Kings Goodness and Prudence and an Instance of Londons Power and Esteem since his Majesty thought it good to be at such charges to oblige her For to pay their Predecessors Debts is so rare among Princes that many of them hardly ever pay their own Hitherto have I presented the Reader with variety of passages out of our English Chronicles to demonstrate the Glory Honour and Renown of the City of London and the Courage of her Citizens the Power of her Magistrates the Strength of the Commonalty and the undeniable Influence of the whole Corporation upon the rest of the Kingdom and have given him here and there the words and expressions of private men as so many illustrative Arguments on the Points Wherefore now I shall produce no less than what I account a Royal Testimony in confirmation of the many demonstrative Evidences already brought and that of no less a Prince than his present Majesties Royal Father King Charles the First and out of an Author so little partial to the City that the very name of Peter Heylin and the diligent perusal of Arch-Bishop Lauds Life by him writ may sufficiently convince an indifferent Reader that he was none of Londons greatest Favourers or Admirers since 't was look'd on as the Retreat and Receptacle of the Grandees of the Puritan faction as he is pleased to stile all those he thought contrary to that Party of Men he will needs call the Church of England A Proof therefore out of such an Adversary's mouth as Heylins seems a very convincing Argument when he himself is forced meerly by truth and matter of fact to confess and acknowledge the influence of London on all parts of the Kingdom in that passage where he intimates it to have been generally look't upon as the compass by which the lesser Towns and Corporations were wont to steer their course and to plead it's practice on all occasions What I conceive to be the Kings Testimony by that writer deliver'd is by him brought in as the reason of his Majesties preferring Laud to the Bishoprick of London viz. For that he was a Man of a more active Spirit than the former Bishop and so fitter to carry on the design of rendring the City conformable to that propos'd Model of Church Government which was intended for the whole Nation and therein therefore principally to be promoted because of the Influence it had by reason of it's wealth and trading on all parts of the Kingdom and that upon the correspondence and conformity thereof the welfare of the whole depended This Testimony doubtless is of great authority because proceeding from so Judicious a Prince and related by an Author not to be suppos'd over ready to write any thing in favour of this City to which he seems to have born a very great animosity because the Citizens would not be so thorough-pac'd Episcopal as his Reverend Doctorship would have had them to have been But now methinks it should be of greater prevalency than ever since that King Charles himself before he dyed out of his own experience knew much more of the Cities strength and Power than many of his Predecessors did for some ages before For 't is plain beyond denial dispute or contradiction out of the memory of Man and the everlasting Records of time that in the late Wars between him and his two Houses of Parliament 't was the Cities power and influence that rais'd them to that height of Grandeur which made them so formidable to all the Royal party Whereas without her help and assistance how little able they had been to have long subsisted or
Chusing of Aldermen who â—hen had the Rule of the City and its Wards and â—ere yearly chang'd as are the Sheriffs In the 29th â—ear Nicholas Bat contrary to a former Ordinance â—eing Chosen Sheriff again was discharg'd and punish'd â—s being convict of Perjury The Mayor likewise Miâ—hael Tony Chosen anew for the following year was deâ—os'd and punish'd after that by Deposition of the Alâ—ermen he was found guilty in the said Crime Whatâ—ver were the grievances and faults committed in the â—est of the Land some we read complain'd of particuâ—arly among the Clergy the City-Officers shall be sure 〈◊〉 be watch'd if they were not of the side some would â—ave them In the 31th year Pyers Aleyn being Mayor John Voyle and Nicholas Bat Sheriffs the Franchises of London were seized on St. Bartholomews Eve for a Judgâ—ent pretended to be wrongfully given by the Mayor â—nd Aldermen against a Widdow woman named Marâ—aret Vyell and the Rule of the City committed to Will. Haveryll and Edward of Westminster till Lady day when the Mayor and Sheriffs were again admitted 〈◊〉 their Offices How ready were some to carp at the 〈◊〉 of this Honourable Society Rather than fail of an â—casion to diminish the Cities Liberties we find thâ— here wrongfully making a pretence for upon due Eâ—amination afterwards made the former Judgment 〈◊〉 found good and true In the 32th year Queen 〈◊〉 Wharf was Farm'd by the Commonalty of the City 〈◊〉 50 l. yearly and committed to the Sheriffs charge But 〈◊〉 Fabian's time the Profits were so diminished that 〈◊〉 was worth but little more than 20 Marks one yeâ— with another That sublunary things ebb and flow 〈◊〉 no strange thing to be wondered at it is so common 〈◊〉 observation Though the Citizens this year enjoy 〈◊〉 their Liberties without interruption the former pretenâ— proving vain and frivolous and falsly grounded yet 〈◊〉 King is said to have been grieved and displeas'd wiâ—â— them for that they would not at his request exchang the Liberties granted aforetime to them by the King 〈◊〉 Middlesex for others to be had in other places 〈◊〉 these Liberties were on either hand I have not found 〈◊〉 may be they had a suspicion they might be trappan'd 〈◊〉 so be loâ—ers by the change They were excellent good 〈◊〉 seems at hold-fast and did not like Childrens play giâ—â— and take Though some body should have come 〈◊〉 promis'd them in the King's Name that they should haâ—â— such and such Priviledges in exchange and be greâ—â— gainers by the Bargain yet how could they tell he 〈◊〉 sufficient Authority from His Majesty to make so largâ— a Promise Where were his Credentials I read of 〈◊〉 produced Therefore in my opinion they had but 〈◊〉 great reason to suspect to have had the Dy put upoâ— them should they have parted with present Priviledgâ—â— in hopes of future Graces A Bird in the hand is commonly reputed worth two in the bush But when thâ— Bird is carelesly let slip and flown who is that skilfâ—â— Fowler that can be sure of catching a better or perhaps any at all In the 34th year Simon Fitz Marr Alderman of London for his disobedience evil Counsel given to the above-named Widdow with other secret labour and matters by him intended to the City's hurt was discharg'd of his Aldermanship and put out of the Council of the City It behov'd them to turn out of their Society such a one who in contradiction to their former order had once before procur'd the King's Command to make them break it and had given such Advice against them that their Liberties were seized on and their own City Officers for a time discarded for no other than a pretended Crime wrongfully laid to their charge Such false Friends and secret Enemies are most carefully to be watched against as alwaies dangerous too too oft destructive to humane Societies In the 36th year was granted by the King that an yearly Allowance should be made of 7 l. for certain Priviledges or Ground belonging to Paul's Church which Fabian tells us continued also to be allowed in his days by the Barons of the Exchequer to every Sheâ—iff when they make their Accounts This same year was also granted for the Citizens more â—ase that whereâ—s before they us'd yearly to present their Mayor to the King in whatsoever place he was in England that henceâ—orth they should for lack of the King's presence at Westminster present the Mayor when Chosen to the Baâ—ons of his Exchequer there to be sworn and admitted as before-times he was before the King Joh. Toleson Mayor Will. Durham Tho. Wymborn then Sheriffs In the 37th â—ear was granted That no Citizen should pay Scavage â—that is Shewage or Toll for any Beasts by them â—rought as they before-time had The swelling of Thames this year drowned many houses about the waâ—er side to the damage of much Merchandise Thames is one of the best friends the City has by whose means their Riches grow and increase by importing and exporting her Citizens Wares 'T is also a fast friend even in adversity which the power and malice of her Enemies have never yet depriv'd her of and yet you here find that she sometimes receives damage even from so good a friend If the best friends may sometimes accidentally injure us what would our Enemies do were their power as large as their malice For these two last years past you may here perceive the favour K. Henry openly shew'd to the City by the beneficial Grants he made her Citizens Yet in the 38th that Tyde is turn'd by procurement of Rich. Earl of Cornwall the King's Brother for displeasure he bare to the City for exchange of certain Ground to the same belonging So that the King under colour that the Mayor had not done due Execution upon the Bakers for default in their Sizes seized the Liberties of the City The offence pretended in the 25th year was that the Mayor had received a certain Sum of Money of Bakers Brewers and other Victuallers which his Predecessors also had done before him In this 38th year here is another pretence found out What an easie matter is it for such to pretend faults who must not be contradicted or at least not without a great deal of caution and circumspection The manner of this Seizure according to the Author is thus to be understood That whereas the Mayor and Commonalty of the City had by the King's Grant the City to Farm with divers Customs and Offices for a stinted ascertained Sum the King at this time set in Officers at his pleasure which were accountable to him for all Revenues and Profits accruing and arising within the City But about the 19th of Novemb. the Citizens having agreed with the foresaid Earl for 600 Marks they were soon after restor'd unto their Liberties Oh the powerful commanding force of Money that can so often make enemies friends and friends enemies The Mayor this year Rich. Hardell being sent for with the
the Citizens the pledges in the 〈◊〉 of London and the Four last mention'd to be 〈◊〉 in the Tower of Windsor were deliver'd The 〈◊〉 renam'd Stewards were also discharged and the 〈◊〉 chose of themselves for Mayor William Fiz 〈◊〉 and for Sheriffs Thomas de la Founde and Gregoâ—â— de Rokisâ—y as Fabiâ—n acquaints us For Levying of 〈◊〉 foresaid Fine were set as well Servants and Coveâ—â—nt-men as Housholders and many refus'd the Liberties of the City to be quit of that charge 〈◊〉 which we may give some part of a guess at the 〈◊〉 of the fine what a considerable summ◠〈…〉 marks was in those days before the â—â—dies were 〈◊〉 into Europe some hundreds of years This controversy with London being thus 〈◊〉 towards an end the King had leasure to mind 〈◊〉 suppressing the remains of the Baron's Party 〈◊〉 de Mountford upon certain conditions was 〈…〉 be at large in the Kings Court and so 〈◊〉 a Season But when the King was come to London suddenly departed to Winchelsea where he accompâ—nied with the Rovers of the Sea till after some 〈◊〉 taken he departed from them into France and 〈◊〉 himself into the Service of the French King So 〈◊〉 an end of the Potent Earl of Leycester's Family in Eâ—â—land This Powerful Earl bid fair for the Rule of 〈◊〉 whole Kingdom but had he reviv'd the Battail◠〈◊〉 a Conqueror how much further he 〈◊〉 have gone I may think but not positively 〈◊〉 mine Another Act of the Kings this year in order to 〈◊〉 total rooting out of the Barons remains was his â—â—ing a Seige to Kenelworth-Castle with a mighty 〈◊〉 but this prov'd a task not quickly at an end Now 〈◊〉 time comes to revenge old slights and neglects 〈◊〉 sides Strangers prepar'd to come over into Englâ—â—â— the Queen had also purchas'd a curse of the 〈◊〉 a womans aid to accurse all the Barons their 〈◊〉 and helpers Commissions were directed to 〈◊〉 Bishops of England to execute but they for fear 〈◊〉 the Barons are said to have deny'd and deferred 〈◊〉 Execution and Sentence of the said curse Wherefoâ—â— she made new labour to the Pope and had it granâ—â—â— that the said Bishops should be corrected for their diâ—â—bedience Whereupon Octobon the Pope's Legate 〈◊〉 Councel by him and the Clergy held this year at Paul's â—â—ch in London suspended those Bishops and sent 〈◊〉 to Rome to be absolv'd of the Pope A pretty 〈◊〉 to go nine Miles with Waltham's calf to Suck a 〈◊〉 In the 50th year about Christmas was Kenelworth 〈◊〉 yielded after near half a years Siege upon 〈◊〉 of life Limb Horse Armes and all things 〈◊〉 in the Castle to the defendants belonging and 〈◊〉 to carry them away and not to be disinherited 〈◊〉 is it any wonder that they had such 〈◊〉 granted them if that be true which Stow relates 〈◊〉 that at the King 's coming to besiege the Castle 〈◊〉 force was so great and those in the Castle so 〈◊〉 daunted at their Enemyes presence that they 〈◊〉 â—pen their Gates and never closed them day no◠〈◊〉 and come whoso would they came to their 〈◊〉 Thus you see the King found it no easy matter 〈◊〉 to suppress the remainders though he had 〈◊〉 power'd the heads of the Baron's party About 〈◊〉 were the Wardens of the five Ports reconcil'd to 〈◊〉 King by favour of Edward the King's Son Observe 〈◊〉 by the way his policy In his Father's time he 〈◊〉 to crush that power which might have 〈◊〉 him in his own Reign and having pretty well 〈◊〉 it he after seems a pretender to Popularity 〈◊〉 mediating with his Father in behalf of many that â—ddressed themselves to him for reconciliation It much â—ails to apply our selves to a fit Intercessor So have known a Stepmother when requested prevail with 〈◊〉 Father her Husband in her Son in Law 's behalf 〈◊〉 he himself could not The Conditions of this reconciliation of the Barons â—â—que Ports are not unworthy of the remark We 〈◊〉 that in Anno. 47. these Wardens of the five Ports 〈◊〉 the Sea with Ships that no Strangers should enter the Land to the King's Aid In 48 we are told 〈◊〉 they rob'd and spoild all men that they might 〈◊〉 sparing neither English Merchants nor others 〈◊〉 which preys as the Common Fame-went the 〈◊〉 of the Land had a good part In 49. we find 〈◊〉 Londoners alledging for themselves in mitigation 〈◊〉 the great Fine required of them that they had 〈◊〉 great part of their Substance by the Rovers of 〈◊〉 Sea among whom are named the Wardens of 〈◊〉 Cinque Ports And yet notwithstanding all these 〈◊〉 Harms done they are Recorded to have had all 〈◊〉 former Priviledges confirmed to them and 〈◊〉 was Granted That if any English-man or 〈◊〉 would Sue for Restitution of Goods by them 〈◊〉 taken or for the Death of any of their Friends â—â—fore Slain that all such Complaints should 〈◊〉 Sued in their Courts there to have their 〈◊〉 determin'd and not elsewhere What greaâ— Assurance could these Barons desire for their own â—â—curity They might well promise themselves impâ—nity when they were in such fair probability to 〈◊〉 their own Judges in their own Cause unless we 〈◊〉 suppose Juries were to be chosen elsewhere 〈◊〉 we might in good reason that the King would 〈◊〉 to such Terms of Accomodation had we it not upâ—â— Record that the common Fame at that Day ran 〈◊〉 the said Wardens of the Five Ports had then the Dâ—minion of the Sea Whereupon the King was after sort compell'd to follow their Pleasures When Man is to take an unpleasant Potion after he 〈◊〉 drunk up the greatest part thereof it not rarely haâ—pens that the Remains in the bottom are harder 〈◊〉 get down than was all the rest About the Feast of Philip and Jacob we hear of 〈◊〉 King's holding a Parliament at Northampton◠〈◊〉 which were confirm'd the old Franchises and Libertâ—â—â— by the King's Progenitors before Granted in the City â—f London with a new Grant for the Shire of Midâ—lesex 'T is good to make things as sure as we 〈…〉 this Parliament were likewise disinherited many Noble-men of the Land who before-time had taken the Barons Party For which cause they accompaâ—â—ed together Robbed in divers parts of the Land â—ook Lincoln and spoil'd it and after Ransomed many of the Rich Burgesses of the Town And taking the â—sle of Ely so strengthened it that they held it long 〈◊〉 Anno 51 At the choosing of the Mayor of London â— Controversie arose between the Rulers and Comâ—ons of the City Wherefore by advice of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen Sir Roger Leyborn a Courtier plain enough by his Actions related before with others â—ame to Guild-hall being Armed under their Gowns â—nd upon Fryday following Alhallon day called the Commons to the Election of the new Mayor How â—â—ee was this Election likely to be whither men came â—ecretly Armed to assist their Party Fabian tells us â—hat the best of
the City gave the Nomination to Aleyn â—â—wch and divers of the others cryed upon Thomas 〈◊〉 Thomas at that time Prisoner in Windsor Castle â—herefore the said Sir Roger with the Assistance of â—he Mayor and others took those Persons and sent â—â—emun to divers Prisons So that what they could not â—o well get by fair means some seem resolved to obâ—ain by force And yet 't is not unlikely but they â—ould be ready enough to bear People in hand that â—uch was a free Election The Act against Disturbance 〈◊〉 Free Elections wherein the King commandeth upon Forfeiture that no man by force of Arms nor by â—alice or menacing shall disturb any to make Free â—lection was not at that time dreaded as not being 〈◊〉 yet enacted for it is plac'd in the third of Edward the First the following King wherefore the Distâ—â—bers might not then think they had such cause 〈…〉 having the Court also on their side as 〈◊〉 must have had since as soon as ever they should 〈◊〉 acted so imprudently as to bring themselves 〈◊〉 the laâ—h of that standing Law Observe we here 〈◊〉 Power and Esteem that usually accompanie◠〈◊〉 Mayoralty of this Honorable City since that 〈◊〉 Faction were for choosing one of their own 〈◊〉 Shall I further remark upon the whole of this 〈◊〉 what Party in a Nation 't is that sticks not at 〈◊〉 nor force to effect their Designs when fair 〈◊〉 is too weak to compass them But who will 〈◊〉 me that this will not be offensive Therefore to 〈◊〉 In this Year the Gentlemen who kept the 〈◊〉 Ely and liv'd there like Outlaws broke out 〈◊〉 times and did much harm in Norfolk Suffolk 〈◊〉 Cambridge Shire took Norwich and after spoiling 〈◊〉 carried away with them many of the rich men 〈◊〉 ransomed them at great sums of Mony This 〈◊〉 occasion the story says to Thieves and other 〈◊〉 dispos'd People to do many other hurts and 〈◊〉 in divers places of the Land and the blame was 〈◊〉 to those Gentlemen Then the Pope's Legate labouâ—â— with the King that those disinherited Gentlemâ—â— might purchase their Lands of him by Fine and 〈◊〉 some Whereupon it was agreed that they 〈◊〉 have their Lands again at five Years value some 〈◊〉 excepted and others of small Possessions to 〈◊〉 Fined at the discretion of the King's Councel 〈◊〉 this took no conclusion saith my Author Anno 52. Aleyn Sowch being Mayor Thomas â—â—singâ— and Robert de Cornehyll Sherists we read of anâ—ther broyl beginning which was like to have creaâ—â— no little disturbance in the Land had it not 〈◊〉 timely appeas'd and brought to an end by the inteâ—cession of wise Mediators For Gilbert de Clare Earl 〈◊〉 Glocester formerly a powerful Man among the Bâ—rons Party by reason of difference and disgust â—â—ising between him and the no less Potent Earl of 〈◊〉 of the same Party having turn'd to the King's side adding to it such considerable strength that it soon over powr'd the weakend Barons but â—â—w upon what occasion Fabian expresses not he refused the King and gathered to him a strong 〈◊〉 in the Marches of Wales To him likewise drew Sir John Eyvile and others of the disinherited 〈◊〉 So that after Christmas he comes with a â—ear Host near unto London When the Mayor and Aldermen of the City were aware of the Earls â—â—ming with so strong a Power and not knowing 〈◊〉 he were the Kings Freind they shut the 〈◊〉 against his Fore-Riders And for that neither 〈◊〉 King nor any of his Councel were then near 〈◊〉 City they went unto the Legate at that time â—â—dged in the Tower and required his Councel â—hether they should suffer the Earl to enter into the â—ay or not whereunto the Legate answered that 〈◊〉 thought not the contrary for the knew well that 〈◊〉 was the Kings true Subject and Friend Not 〈◊〉 after came a Messenger from the Earl to the â—ayor to have Licence to pass through the City 〈◊〉 Southwark where he intended to lodge with 〈◊〉 People which was granted and so the Earl â—â—ssed through the City and was lodg'd in Southâ—ark To him came shortly after by Surry-side 〈◊〉 John Eyvile with a great Company Then the â—ayor kept the Gate of the Bridge shut watchâ—â—g it dayly with armed Men and every night 〈◊〉 the Draw-Bridge to be drawn and the Waterside daily and nightly to be watched with Men in Arms. In short time after the Legate and the Earl agreed in such wise that the Earl by his advice was suffered with certain of his People to be lodged in the City By means whereof he daily drew more and more of his People into it so that finally many things were ordered by him and many of the Commons took his part against the Mayor and Aldermen The Commonalty of the City had had great Power put into their hands by the Statutes made at Oxford as appears before in the Meeting of the Folâ—moot at Pauls Cross they had been lately fin'd after the Barons overthrow for their standing in defence of those Parliament-Acts and but the last year had been disturb'd by the Mayor in their Election of a new Mayor by force of Arms and therefore now we may beleive it all remembred What shall we loose so seasonable an opportunity we may suppose they might then think if not to regain our former power yet at least to vindicate our selves against future affronts Here we may note not a little of the Earls policy After he had gathered together his People he comes away to London and getting leave to pass through it 〈◊〉 part of his Forces he settles himself as near the City as he might in Southwark and then by degrees gets himself and his Power into the City hoping doubtless to find a Party therein willing to second him which hopes we perceive by the sequel were not ill grounded Is not this a plain instance of the Cities Power Esteem and Influence in these days If any can produce plainer proof hereof let them as soon as they please I think here 〈◊〉 Mathematical Demonstration matter of Fact not of Fancy In Easter week we read that the Earl took the Keys of the Bridge and of the Gates from the officers of the City and deliver'd them to such as pleased him and received into the City many of the disinherited Perfons and gave them free liberty to pass the Bridge at all hours of the day and night Of all this the Mayor sent word to the King who then was gathering of this Power in Norfolk and made hasty speed towards London In the mean time the Earl with his Company made Bulwarks and â—â—â—bicanes between the Tower and the City casting 〈◊〉 and Trenches in some places thereof and forfâ—ited it wonderfully saith my Author Then many of the Citizens fearing a new Insurrection deparred from the City as secretly as they could whose goods the Earl seized to his own use or suffered his men to spoile them at his pleasure
dearly belov'd Liberties when they might with greater ease and as effectually gently walk them down as a certain Person is said to have express'd it on a much later Occasion The City petition'd and address'd and she was follow'd by the Country She waited a while with patience and the secluded Members that were chosen in forty and from forty eight kept out of the house till fifty nine for almost twelve years space were restor'd in peace and quietness though under some few Obligations And so there was again the face of a House of Commons Being restor'd they dissolv'd themselves in a short time after to make way for another assâ—mbly call'd a Parliament though some thought in thâ—se times that the Parliament of Forty had been dissolv'd long before by his late Majesties death and so might haply think this a needless Ceremony It being most certain that that Parliament ow'd its beginning to the Kings Writ although its continuance was thought to depend on the continuing Act as long as the King liv'd Yet notwithstanding the House of Commons had actually dissolv'd themselves and it was become the receiv'd opinion that the Parliament of Forty was in Law dissolv'd before upon the old Kings death the next Assembly Stylo Communi Parliament would not barely stick to either of these ways but thought good likewise themselves by vertue of their Authority to declare that Parliament of Forty dissolv'd Whether or no they thought that the bare Act of a single house of Commons without King and Lords could not in Law be took for a formal Repeal of the former continuing Act made by King Lords and Commons joyntly and so rejected it as really insignificant in its self though made use of for the time and out of a Cautious foresight dreaded some ill consequences attending the receiv'd opinion of the long Parliaments being dissolv'd by the Kings death whether or no the continuing Act were formally repeal'd by as good Authority as made it lest thence in time no body knows when occasion might be taken to argue that if a Kings death repeals one unlimited Act it may likewise on the same ground vacate all by him made and so by affirming the same of all other Princes since the first William a foundation might be laid for the Introduction of Arbitrary Power when evil minded Pretenders are absolute enough to attempt it with hopes of Impunity I pretend not to determine For I remember my self to be a Relater of matters of Fact not a Reader of Law Cases Therefore I proceed to acquaint the Reader that that Assembly though call'd without the Kings Writ yet by his Majesty afterwards most Graciously own'd and acknowledg'd for a Parliament thought it fitting and convenient to declare and enact that the Parliament begun and holden at Westminster the third day of November in the sixteenth year of the Reign of the Late King Charles of blessed Memory is fully dissolved and determined They are the words of the Act to be seen in the Statute-book Cap. 1. 12 Car. 2. This was the Assembly that blessed us with his Majesties actual Restauration towards which there had been made so many steps a little before by the Loyal Nobility Gentry and Commonalty of the Land and the Worthy Citizens of this Honourable City Whose publick Reception and Triumphant Cavalcade through the City of London to White hill was very remarkable for the splendid appearance of the Citizens to conduct him the Gallantry shewn by them on so acceptable a Solemnity and the many demonstrations of joy and gladness they gave him worthy themselves and that glorious day which they had so long expected and contributed so much of their assistance to hasten For which I have a passage or two more to produce besides what hath been already brought For the first out of the supplement to Baker I quote his Majesties most Gracious Letter To his Trusty and well belov'd the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common Council of the City of London wherein he Honourably acknowledges the publick and frequent Manifestations of their affections to him and the Encouragement and good Example â—hey gave the Nation to assert the Ancient Government and thereupon concludes with large Promises of Extraordinary kindness to this his Native City to the Renewal of their Charter Confirmation of all priviledges granted by his Predecessors and the adding of new favours to advance the Trade Wealth and Honour thereof The next is a Commemoration of the Cities Joyful Resentment of this Letter and the Kings Declaration enclos'd in it as it was was express'd by the Grateful Duty of the Common-Council who immediately upon the reading of them ordered a Present of Ten thousand Pounds to be made to His Majesty and a thousand pounds to each of his Brothers And likewise deputed several of the Aldermen and worthy Citizens to attend upon His Majesty from the City with a Presentment of their most Dutiful acknowledgments for his Clemency and Goodness towards them So desirous were they to give him the greatest demonstrations of their affection and Loyalty before his Return and Judiciously Wise as well as Loyal to set all parts of the Nation a good Example to imitate in a ready manifestation of their Duty and Allegiance to him after his Return Neither in this would they be behind hand with any of them all For the City of London as being the first the richest and most Honourable and the Seat of Kings for many ages might Judge it self oblig'd as the Supplementer insinuates in point of duty and Reputation to exceed all the rest in the Glory of their performances towards their Soveraign But whatever the Citizens did think of the Obligation on either side certain enough it is that the reiterated expressions of their Loyalty to the King were Honourable and Meritorious to the highest degree For to the splendor of their former Preparations at his first Reception and Triumphal Entrance they added the cost of a most magnificent Entertainment at Guild-hal for that very purpose richly beautified and adorned whither the King his two Brothers the Lords of the Privy Council the two Houses of Parliament and the chief Officers of State were conducted July the fifth 1660. in great Pomp by the Lord Mayor and the Grandees of the City and treated in a Royal manner with the choicest of Delicacies with excellent Musick and whatever else could be thought on or delightful for so Illustrious an Assembly As if the Citizens thought it not enough to entertain the King but for his sake were resolv'd to put themselves to the charge of gratifying others for their Loyalty Where 's now the Man can bring me a parallel hereto General Monk appear'd and London concur'd and then the House of Commons of the Parliament of forty is immediately reviv'd a face of the Ancient Government restor'd a new Parliamentary Assembly call'd the King sent for home to enjoy his Fathers Throne and most peaceably settled therein without the noise of War or
the cries of the wounded in our streets A Miraculous effect of the Cities influence For what parts of the Land are so inconsiderate to oppose when London is engag'd and resolv'd Former Examples may teach them future wisdom These having been the necessary preparatives in sixty one on Saint Georges day April the 23. comes the Kings Coronation the fairest day except the Preceding in which he made his Cavalcade through London the Nation enjoy'd both before and after if the supplementers Observation be well grounded notwithstanding it began to Thunder and Lighten very smartly towards the end of Dinner time and soon after that another meeting of King Lords and Commons at Westminster whither the Kings Writs had Summoned them to make a New Parliament the former Assembly having been dissolv'd the December before by his Majesties Order and Command How acceptable the Actions of that Assembly were to City and Country hath been hinted before and the concurrence of the King when restor'd was not wanting to Authorize their proceedings yet this new Assembly notwithstanding thinking the manner of it's Assembling not to be drawn into Example and that therewas some defect as to the necessary point of Legality in the Statutes then made or at least desirous to remove all doubts fears and scruples about them would not let several of those Acts pass without being formally ratified and confirm'd anew by it's own Authority And therefore consequently not trusting to the receiv'd opinion of the dissolution of the Parliament of forty by the late Kings Death nor relying on the House of Commons Act to dissolve themselves in fifty nine nor the dissolution of the Lords and Commons in sixty another Declaration was made in the point in these word To the end that no Man bereafter may be misled into any seditious or unquiet demeanor out of an opinion that the Parliament begun and held at Westminster upon the third day of November in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred and forty is yet in being which is undoubtedly dissolved and determined and so is hereby Declared and Adjudged to be fully Dissolved and Determined And it was further Enacted by the same Authority That if any Person or Persons at any time after the four and twentieth day of June in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred sixty and one shall Malitiously and Advisedly by Writing Printing Preaching or other Speaking Express Publish Vtter Declare or affirm that the Parliament begun at Westminster upon the third day of November in the year of our Lâ—rd one thousand six hundred and forty is not yet dissolved or is not yet determined or that it ought to be in being or hath yet any continuance or Existence that then every such Person and Persons so as aforesaid offending shall incur the danger and penalty of a Premunire mentioned in a Statute made in the sixteenth year of the Reign of King Richard the second Thus then were all disputes upon this point effectually stil'd and suppress'd by this Authority and Command of King Lords and Commons and the greatness of the penalty incur'd by the person offending which amounts to no less than to be put out of the Kings Protection and have his Lands and Tenements Goods and Chattels forfeited to the King and his Body Attach'd if to be found and brought before the King and his Council there to Answer the premises or that process be made against him by Praemunire facias and if return'd non est inventus than to be Outlaw'd Next I proceed to observe that 't was Petitioning and addressing that prepar'd the way for His Majesties Restauration and therefore doubtless the remembrance thereof should be always grateful and acceptable to the Loyal Such preparatories to great turns and changes being alwaies preferrable to the other rougher methods of drawn Swords and loaded Pistols which are the general effects of Civil Broils and Commotions while these are the rational results of Wisdom and Prudence With the King was that part of the English Clergy likewise restor'd which appropriates to it self the name of the Church of England A Term much gloried in by many as if none but themselves were the constitutive parts thereof and which some now adays pretend freer from Ambiguity than the more general Name of Protestants What we understand by that Term we know very well and are not asham'd thereof Yet by the way I don't think but 't is as lyable to exceptions where Cavils take place as the other title of Protestants so much of late turn'd into ridicule by some few pretenders to wit and sense above the vulgar For if by Church we understand barely an Assembly of Men met together in one place then doubtless without any incongruity it may be applied to many a civil meeting of Men together about their own private concerns If by Church we mean a society of Men conjoyn'd in Spiritual duties or the Ordinances of Divine Worship then I hope it will be no Solecism in common Speech to affirm many of the Dissenters meetings may reasonably lay claim to the Name And if a due Celebration of the Sacraments will make a Church why then may not the Denomination as well belong to some private Conventicles as to the publick Oratories If it should denote only the Association of many distinct Assemblies under the same Ecclesiastical Government what should hinder the Presbiterians from enjoying the Title in those places where they are allowed to exercise their power in Classical Provincial or National Synods Which Power they once exercis'd in England publickly within the Memory of Man But if the Law of the Land makes the difference and the established Government of the Country in Ecclesiastical affairs as with us in England then I am apt to beleive this Expression the Church of England is not without it's Ambiguities and may be a denomination comprehensive of Men of as many different modes and forms as some would fain have us think the word Protestant admits of Heretofore at the first planting of the Gospel in this Isle among the Britains we may call it the British Church When Austin the Monk came in bringing with him the Customs and Ceremonies of the Church of Rome and introduc'd them among the converted Saxons then we may term it the Romish Church When the Monks and Fryers like the Frogs in Egypt had over-spread the whole face of the Land then we may give it the Epithite of Monkish In succeeding Generations when Popery was arriv'd to its height we may name it the Popish Church In King Edward the sixth days it may properly be called Reformed Under the Marian Persecution 't was certainly Popish Queen Elizabeth brought back the Reformed Religion under an Episcopal Government and therefore I venture to give it the Name of the Reformed Episcopal Church A little before the late Wars when the Hierarchy was arriv'd at its highest pitch of Pomp and Grandeur by the Laudean principles and practises It was certainly