his beloved white Horses that drew in his Chariot as it is related by Herodotus l. 1. n. 189 190. and after him by Seneca De Ira l. 3. 6. 21 Truely the circumstances of the Story agree so well to this River besides the affinity of the Names that if it were not this we cannot well imagine where to find it Indeed it might move some scruple that Herodotus finds the Spring of this River in Matiana if we had not observed how confused and large the notion of Matiana is in his Geography so as it may well be extended even to that place where we also believe the Fountain of this River to be Besides it is no unusual thing with Herodotus to be overtaken with that vulgar Errour which we have observed to be common to him with others to mistake adventitious In-lets for the native and original Streams of Rivers But Stephanus speaks full as much to our purpose as we desire for he whence-soever he had it going about to relate the famed story of Gyndes in voce Gyndes prefaceth it with such a Description of the River as sets it right with our Observation for thus he writes Gyndes Assyriorum fluvius maximus secundùm Euphratem Is cùm Cyri impetum c. Whether or no this River were as great as he makes it as like enough it might be yet undoubtedly if it were a River of Assyria it could be no other then this that we have described Others again have called this River Cydnus and it appears to be the same by the Course that it runs and Fall in like manner into the River Choaspes or Reception of it rather with whose conjoyned waters it crosseth the Eastern borders of Assyria yet so as in the way it may seem to shed out of it a little Stream which falls into that branch of Tigris that after we shall speak of not far from the Rivers Lycus and Caprus the like whereto being related by Pliny and others of the Fall of Choaspes in like manner into Tigris it might well enough be the same these two Rivers having before conjoyned their waters And the observation of this is useful to reconcile some differences to be found in Historians in relating the Battel at Arbela For Q. Curtius l. 4. saith that when Darius being put to flight was glad to shift for himself Paucis fugae comitibus ad Lycum amnem contenderet quo trajecto dubitavit an solveret pontem c. Arrianus De Expedit Alex. l. 4. seems to call it Bumadus which is observed to be the same River which Ptolemy calls Caprus But Justin plainly calls it Cydnus Histor l. 11. Suadentibus deinde quibusdam ut pons Cydni fluminis ad iter hostium impediendum intercluderetur non ità saluti suae velle consultum ait ut tot millia sociorum hostibus objiciat debere aliis fugae viam patere quae patuerit sibi And from thence no doubt Orosius took an occasion of that gross Errour when dreaming of no other Cydnus then that which runneth through Cilicia into the Syrian Sea he took boldness to write that the last Battel betwixt Alexander and Darius was at Tarsus Histor l. 3. c. 17. And the like mistake arising from a like misprision occasioned other Learned men to discredit another Story concerning this River reported by an eye-witness out of his own knowledge This was Diotimus Embassadour from the State of Athens to the Persian who delivered it with his own mouth to Eratosthenes from whom Strabo thus relates it Geog. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diotimum Strombichi filium ducem Legationis Atheniensium è Cilicia adverso flumine Cydno in Choaspin fluvium navigâsse qui Susa alluit ac XL dierum spatio Susa pervenisse idque ipsum sibi narrâsse Diotimum Though Eratosthenes had no just cause to except against the Credit of the Relator yet he confesses the Relation it self seemed very incredible unto him because he could not conceive how Cydnus could possibly flow under Euphrates and Tigris to fall into Choaspes But if there were not onely a double Cydnus as by this may sufficiently appear but also a double Cilicia and one of them at the very place where Diotimus took Barge then I hope this wonder will cease And that there was so the Author of the Book of Judith may serve for a sufficient witness for relating the march of Nabuchodonosor's Army under the conduct of Holophernes towards the West he tells us Chap. 2. 21. that they went forth of Ninive three days journey towards the Plain of Bectileth and pitched from Bectileth near the Mountain which is at the left hand of the upper Cilicia It is more evident then can be denied by the sequel of the history that the Mountain which is here said to lie on the left hand i. e. to the North of the Region called Cilicia was that part of Mount Taurus that bounded Mesopotamia and Assyria on that side and the Plains of Bectileth are supposed by Junius to be the Plains that lay about the City Bithias not far from Samosata But whether that were so or no for it may well be doubted because Bithias lay more then three daies journey from Ninive yet certain it is that hereabouts and nearer Ninive Ptolemy sets the Region Calacine which Strabo calls Chalachena and both of them might as well every whit have called it Cilicia for so Pliny calls some of the Inhabitants of those parts Silices or rather Cilices which is indeed no other then that Region whither the captive Israelites were translated when they were led away into Assyria which 2 Kings 17. 6. is called Chalach and had its denomination from the City Chalach built by Nimrod Gen. 10. 11. near as may seem to the utmost North-west border of Assyria where we have formerly found this River to make its Division And the reason why this Apocryphal Author calls this Region the upper Cilicia was in all probability with relation to that other better known in the West that lay upon the Recess of the Syrian Sea which had no doubt both its name and the reason of it from the same Hebrew Root with this And so it appears plainly that howsoever this report of Diotimus hath hitherto passed for little better then a prodigious Lie yet it is indeed a remarkable Truth and gives us full assurance of the Course of this River in the same manner that we have set it I might here farther adde something concerning another name of this River taken up as seems in after-times and it is Zirma Corma Somra and Samura For Agathias finds it on the North of Assyria under the name of Zirma Hist l. 4. When it crosses the East of that Region Tacitus calls it Corma Annal. l. 12. When it runneth through Susiana Benjamin in Itiner calls it Somra and Samura Which to be the same River with this we speak of appears by the answerable Course that it held But having already tired my pen
Aedituorum Cynicorum turba And we may well presume that from them that double Region took name which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Anchoret n. 58. Through both which seeing he finds the River Phison flowing his Testimony might well enough save us farther labour in this search if Phison were the same to him that it is to us But seeing it is manifest that he as divers of the Ancients besides calls that Stream of this River by the name of Phison which we have found to be Gihon and is extended by them as far as Ganges we having bestowed this title upon Pasitigris are bound to find another Land of Havilah besides this in the East-Indies much farther removed towards the West And we doubt not but the second Havilah will help us herein who being the son of Cush Gen. 10. 7. his dwelling may be presumed not to be far removed from Susiana For though we have denied that Countrey to be Havilah as finding no good warrant to assert it and willing to reserve it to his Father Chus to whom of right it did belong yet seeing divers of his Brethren passed over into Arabia which was the next-adjoyning Countrey to the West and separated from it at no greater distance then the Stream of this River which compassed a good part of it in such manner as Moses intimates we need not despair to find him there amongst his kindred and his dwelling seated in such wise as Moses hath described it And hereof we have the Testimony of Moses himself to assure us who describing the dwelling of the Ishmaelites the known Inhabitants of Arabia the Desart sets their Western Bound at Sur which lies in the way to Aegypt and the Eastern at Havilah lying in the way to Assyria Gen. 25. 18. And they dwelt from Havilah to Shur that is before Aegypt as thou goest toward Assyria And in the same position did Saul many Ages after find them when he was sent to make war against the Amalekites 1. Sam. 15. 7. And Saul smote the Amalekites from Havilah until thou comest to Shur that is over against Aegypt And though no question but in after-times they underwent the same Changes that the rest of their neighbours the Arabians did yet they still continued a Nation of such note that Heathen Authors also have made mention of them For Strabo speaking of the way betwixt Petra in Nabathaea and Babylon which he makes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stadia sets out the passage of that journey in this wise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tota autem via versus Ortum aestivum tendit per adjacentes Arabum gentes Nabataeos scilicet Chaulotaeos Agraeos Where that by the Chaulotaeans are to be understood the posterity of Chavilah there is no more question to be made then that by the Agraei he meant the Hagarens or Hagarites who in Psal 83. 6. are joyned with the Edomites Ishmaelites and Moabites and in 1 Chron. 5. 19 20. it is plainly intimated that their Countrey lay to the East of the Reubenites Gadites and the half Tribe of Manasses farther East of which those Chaulotaeans dwelt even as far as the Stream of Phison So that whereas Strabo in that Journal betwixt Petra and Babylon sets the Chaulotaeans next to the Nabathaeans and before the Agreans it is not because the Agreans dwelt more East then the Chaulotaeans but because the Chaulotaeans dwelt farther to the South then the Agreans possessing some part of the Countrey that lay betwixt them and the Nabathaeans in the way to Babylon And so is Dionysius Afer to be understood who in like manner remembreth both these Nations save that the Chaulotaei in Strabo are by him called Cablasii in Perieg 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Verùm enimvero primi ultra declivitatem Libani Divites habitant cognomento Nabataei Prope autem Chablasii que Agrei quos juxta tellus Chatramitica incolitur è regione Persicae terrae And this gives some probability to the Conjecture of August Steuchus Eugub Cosmop in Gen. c. 2. that the Chauchabeni which Ptolemy sets along the Current of Euphrates and to the South of Babylonia were indeed Chaulatheni Λ being changed into χ and θ into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was easie However no man can well deny that those Evaleni mentioned by Glaucus an ancient Historian l. 2. Arabicorum as he is cited by Stephanus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the true posterity of this Havilah And so were those Bliulaei placed by Ptolemy in Arabia Tab. Asiae 6. for that they were indeed Evilaei Pliny persuades us who calls the Hills that lay about them Montes Eblitei And if any object that these were without the compass of the River Phison because they are in Arabia Felix whereas this River emptied it self into the Persian Gulf at Teredon now called Balsara I answer It is true Ptolemy indeed finds the end of its Course about that City but we have cause to believe that Ptolemy is herein defective for not onely Philostorgius apud Niceph. Hist Ecclesiast l. 9. c. 19. makes the Island Messene which lies betwixt the two jaws of this River emptying it self into the Sea much larger then Ptolemy's description will bear but also Geog. Nub. finds a Stream at least of this River flowing still on to the South and upon the bank of it two great Cities Manbeg and Madar And Petrus Texeira a learned man and an expert Traveller in those parts assures us that it reached as far South as Catifa near unto Baharen for thus he writes in his Itinerary relating his passage up Tigris after they had sailed the Persian Gulf Ubi octo aut novem leucas adverso flumine ascenderis dividit se Fluvius in duo brachia quorum unus labens versus meridiem Sinum Persicum ingreditur in Katifa juxta Barhen ità ut à Continente veluti dividat regionem quae in longitudinem patet supra octoginta leucas Which large measure as it might alone assure us that the Island made by this Stream took up a great part of the Western coast of the Persian Gulf so it is farther confirmed by the situation of Baharen near which was the mouth of this River for it is placed by Ulughbekius in the Latitude of 23 Deg whis is almost as far South as the Western bottome of the Persian Gulf in Ptolemy All which long Course of this River being anciently inhabited by Havilah the Author of a populous Nation aad spreading far it will now be no hard matter to find within the compass of this Countrey all those precious things mentioned by Moses Gen. 2. 11 12. viz. Gold Bdellium and the Onyx-stone For who hath not heard of the Gold of Arabia And whereas Moses seems to denote some excellency in it above ordinary by adding And the Gold of that Land is good so also doth Diodorus Siculus whose words are a sufficient Commentary
operâque Regam fuisse ductum putaret vulgus But sure they were not the Vulgus that Pliny meant by Sunt qui tradunt but such Authors as having written the Description and History of those parts he makes use of and now and then names some of them in his Works For that Pliny had this report from the Natives of Babylonia is without all warrant and if he had yet seeing they lived upon the place and had reason to be acquainted with such passages happening in their own Country their deposition for the affirmative ought in justice to be received before the negative of any man whatsoever living in an age and place so far remote The Learned Scaliger was so fully satisfied of the truth of Pliny's relation concerning the cutting of this River by Gobares that he supposeth by an easie change of G into C it took from him also as the Author the name of Cobar and was in his opinion the very same with Cebar in Ezechiel where the captive Israelites were placed But though I cannot for some reasons subscribe to this Opinion of Scaliger yet is it far more probable then the Opinion of Junius who affirms it to be Pison for betwixt Nahar-malca and Pison there is no affinity neither in sound nor signification Nor is that surmise for it is no more of any validity at all to prove that ever this River inherited the name of Pison because after its joyning with Tigris it gives it the name of Piso-tigris for though divers Authors have spoken of Pasi-tigris yet that it should receive that name from its commixture with this River not one The testimony of Pliny quite overthrows it for he draws the original of this compound name not from Tigris commixing with any Stream of Euphrates but from the reuniting of his own divided waters for about 125 miles to the North of Seleucia he parts himself into two and having run all that space in several Chanels ubi remeavere aquae saith he Pasitigris appellatur And if we desire to know whereabout that was that which he subjoyns intimates that it was at or about Seleucia and Ctesiphon for presently he adds Atque ut diximus inter Seleuciam Ctesiphontem vectus in lacus Chaldaicos se fundit now this was near upon 60 miles above that place where Nahar-malca falls into his Chanel And indeed if Havil◠be Susiuna as Junius expounds it the name of Pison must be drawn up thus high at least or else it will not answer that which Moses testifieth of it that it compasseth the whole Land of Havila For though Ptolemy as we have said point the North-bound of Susiana at Arae Herculis yet if that be true which was observed that the ancient Assyria was equal onely with the bounds of Adiabene all that Region which lieth South thereof must be assigned to the ancient Susiana but then Nahar-malca is so far from compassing it that it washeth not much more then half part of the Western Coast thereof and that not in an entire Chanel of its own but as a small addition of a far greater River receiving it which therefore may in reason challenge the honour of this mention before it But the truth is Junius is mistaken in taking Susiana for Havila for there is no authority produced nor probable conjecture alledged to approve it save onely that there is in this Region Gold Bdellium and the Onyx-stone all which because we hope hereafter to find with better proof in the true Havila that Moses meant we remit the farther prosecution of that question to its proper place Onely here let us adde that seeing these two Rivers have appeared so exceeding doubtful Junius had no cause to accuse so many good Authors of negligence for neglecting them as approving but onely two natural Streams of Euphrates Nam Mela quidem Plinius Solinus alii negligentiùs videntur perscripsisse duos solùm Euphratis alvees propterea quòd alios Aquaeductus magis quà m naturales alveos esse putaverunt And they had good reason to think so as appeareth by that which hath been said CHAP. VI. Of the two remaining Chanels and the Fertility of the Eastern part of this Region AND are the two remaining Streams then unquestionably natural and not artificial Doubtless they have much more to say for themselves then the former yet if they be called to the trial they will not escape without some suspicion For to proceed to the third River which running through Babylon still retains the name of the main Stream Euphrates Some good Authors affirm this River also to have been cut and name us the party by whom viz. Semiramis when she built the City for whereas the Plains of Babylonia were all covered with water as Herodotus testifieth l. 1. n. 184. and then sure there were none of these Rivers Belus going about to lay the foundations of Babylon drained them as Abydenus apud Euseb Praep. Evang. l. 9. c. ult testifies Omnia inquit illa loca aquis contecta fuisse dicuntur Belus autem regionem siccâsse perhibetur Babyloniam condidisse By which draining of the waters at too great a distance as it seems the City soon found the want of it and therefore Semir amis rebuilding and enlarging it which Orosius saith she did in the 64. year from the first of Ninus among other her famous works she cut a Chanel for this River through the City Thus much Pomp. Mela affirms l. 1. c. 11. Ex operibus certè ejus insignia multa sunt duo maximè excellunt constituta Urbs mirae magnitudinis Babylon ac siccis olim regionibus Euphrates Tigris immissi Where Olivarius hath this note Euphrates Tigris olim non Chaldaeam irrigabant er at enim regio sicca nisi curâ Semiramidis adjectis fossis ambo fluvii immissi fuissent And Propertius seconds the same report with his testimony l. 3. Eleg. 10. Persarum statuit Babylona Semiramis urbē Ut solidum cocto tolleret aggere opus c. Duxit Euphraten medium quâ condidit arces Now though Semiramis were indeed ancienter then Moses albeit Herodotus makes her younger as living but five Ages before Nitocris l. 1. n. 184. and Porphyrie apud Euseb Praep. Evang. l. 10. c. 3. seems to make her his contemporary yet if this River were cut by her hand it could be no River of Paradise which was ancienter then Adam himself And I cannot persuade my self that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ipse Perath Moses meant any Branch but the main Body of the great River the River Euphrates as the Scripture every where calleth it which Moses therefore forbare to describe by the Countries through which it runs because it was well enough known to the Israelites as being one of the Bounds of their Land So that now there remains but one native Stream to this River and one we must needs leave it for its ancient Chanell which may seem by best title to belong to Naharsares though
River Hiddekel with good Evidence found out AND now there remains but one Division more fully to compleat the number of the four Heads and this we have occasionally touched upon before in producing the testimony of Pliny who gives us a clear account of it Hist l. 6. c. 27. Tigris ex Armenia acceptis fluminibus claris Partheniâ ac Nicephorione Arabas Aroeos Adiabenósque disterminans quam diximus Mesopotamiam faciens lustratis Montibus Gordyaeorum circa Apamiam Mesenes oppidum citra Seleuciam Babyloniam CXXV M. P. divisus in alveos duos altero Meridiem ac Seleuciam petit Mesenen perfundens altero ad Septentrionem flexus ejusdem Gentis tergo Campos Cauchas secat The same Division is also remembred by Stephanus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who findes the point of it in the same place that Pliny doth viz. about Apamia the Northern Stream he calls by the name of Tigris minor and the Southern Delas which is but a contraction of Dehelath or as otherwhile it is written Degelath and Diglath and Tegelath and Tiglath and is the same no doubt with the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being pronounced like G as in Gomorrha and in Greek is as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Latin Aquaeductus and accordingly is translated in 1 Kings 18. 32. Geog. Nub. calls it Dogiail part 6. clim 4. where in like manner he makes mention of this Division agreeable to the former Tacrit est ex Urbibus Mausel jacétque ab Occidente Tigris opponitur illi in mediterraneo Urbs Hatdher Prope Tacrit separat se à Tigri flumen Dogiail quod ejus terminos secans excurrit ad dominium Sora-man-rai illúdque alluit usque ad partes vicinas Baghdad If any haply think this an inconsiderable Division because not long after their parting these Streams meet again viz. at or before they attain Seleucia and Ctesiphon as Pliny intimates loc cit where he immediately subjoyns Ubi re-meavere aquae Pasitigris appellatur Postea recipit ex Media Choaspem atque ut diximus inter Seleuciam Ctesiphontem vectus in Lacus Chaldaicos se fundit To this we answer That it is more then probable that Pliny was deceived by the homonymy of the word Tigris which River shedding several Streams from it and all still carrying the name of the original Stream he might easily mistake one for another Truly I think he will hardly persuade any that hath attentively considered the Chorography of these parts that the River Choaspes fell into that Stream of Tigris that runs by Seleucia and Ctesiphon and yet it fell into Tigris too for even this Stream we are in search of was even now by Stephanus called Tigris minor and with this it fell not into the Chaldaean Lakes as Pliny saith for no part of Tigris fell into them but they were wholly made by the effusion of Euphrates but into the Lakes of Susiana whose Coast towards the Persian Gulf was very fenny as Strabo notes and in particular that very Lake whereinto we observed the former River to fall as will immediately appear But be it so that some of the waters of this Northern Stream fell into the Southern at the same place where Pliny saith they did yet certain it is that it was not the whole body of the Stream but some small Chanel drawn out of it which served notwithstanding to make the inclosed portion of ground a perfect Island and is therefore by Pliny himself as well as Stephanus called Mesene But that the main Stream held his Course still farther on towards the North-east we have the warant of Pliny himself to assure us who finds a Town situate upon the Banks of it at so large a distance from Seleucia as will forbid us to think it could in any probability run back again unto it for thus he writes in the fore-mentioned Book and Chapter In Septentrionali Tigris alveo Oppidum est Babytace Abest à Susis CXXXV M. pass Ibi mortalium soli aurum in odio contrahunt id defodiunt nè quo cui sit in usu If Babytace were removed but 135 miles from Susa it was removed at a far greater distance from Seleucia for betwixt that and Susa himself a little before had set no less then 450 miles out of which if we deduct 135 there remains still 315 miles all which this River having run before it attained Babytace it is altogether incredible that the main Stream should ever turn back again so suddenly as to fall into Tigris about Seleucia and indeed it did not but held its Course still on forward even to Susa it self having first met with the former River Gihon and Choaspes with it and afterward the River Eulaeus by which access of Waters it became a mighty Stream and flowing on still towards the Persian Gulf it carried all these Rivers along with it under its own name of Tigris as we have learned before out of Strabo And hence it is that Benjamin in his Itinerary calls the River that passed through Susa Tigris upon a Bridge whereof that joyned the two parts of the City he tells of a memorable Monument of Glass hung up in iron chains made at the cost of a Mahometan Prince in honour of the Prophet Daniel if we may believe him Nor is the name which this River holds at this day much dissonant from its ancient appellation for in our modern Maps the River which runs by Susa is called Tiritri which Constantine L'Empereur in his Notes upon the place of Benjamin supposeth to have been corrupted from Tigris And no doubt but this Tigris was it whose Chanel Eumenes filled with the slaughtered bodies of Antigonus's Souldiers attempting to force a passage over it for so it is expresly called by Diodorus Siculus who notwithstanding had already told us of their quiet and uninterrupted passage over another Tigris long before they attained the place of this Defeat for that was within a daies journey of Susa where Eumenes had his Head-quarters having fortified the passages of this Tigris that flowed by it while Antigonus was yet in Babylonia recruiting his Army and framing a Bridge of Boats over that other Stream of Tigris that ran by Seleucia which accordingly he did and passed his Army over by it into Susiana without any lett or hindrance finding no opposition till attempting the passage of this Tigris he received that remarkable Overthrow An evidence so clear of this Stream of Tigris which we now speak of that it is a wonder some good Chronologers should not hereby rather have been led on to the observation of it then so unjustly as they do to charge Diodorus with a contradiction of which he is no way guilty save only through the default of their own mistake Now if Tigris were the same that Moses calleth Hiddekel as Vatablus saith is agreed upon by all we need not doubt to affirm this to be the third River of Paradise
as finding it not onely passing under that name but holding a Course so answerable to the Description of Moses as might serve alone to exclude all doubting Gen. 2. 14. And the name of the third River is Hiddekel that is it which goeth toward the East of Assyria And such and so agreeable to the same point of the Compass is the Current of this Stream as Pliny hath set it that we cannot desire a better Commentary For if as we have heard him say this Stream after its breaking from the other at Apamia ran upward towards the North ad Septentrionem flexus then it must of necessity bend its Course towards the East of the ancient Assyria so that howsoever it watereth also the South side of that Region yet this intimation of its inclination towards the North brings it up also to the East with so large a bend as may well satisfie as much as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth require And indeed that Testimony of Pliny doth represent to our minds the Current of this River at a higher draught towards the North then we know well how to express in a Map keeping any tolerable correspondence with the Tables of Ptolemy Besides the Prophet Daniel hath abundantly secured us that this River was Hiddekel by the circumstances of that famous Vision which he saw upon the Banks of it Dan. 10. where v. 4. he calls it the great River which is Hiddekel For if at the time when he saw that Vision he was President of Susiana and ordinarily resident upon his charge in the Metropolis of that Province or the place where the Royal Court used to be kept viz. Sushan the Palace as may be gathered from Dan. 8. 2. and is sufficiently proved by Scaliger both in his Proleg in lib. De Emend Temp. and in his Notae ad Frag. then there is no more doubt to be made that Hiddekel in him is the same Stream of Tigris which Secular Writers have found flowing through Susiana then that Ulai is the same River with that which by them is usually called Eulaeus ibid. And here also it is much to consider what mis-shapen resemblances of the true name of this River have been continued to posterity even amongst Heathen Authors For while it runs through Susiana in its own proper Chanel and hath not yet mingled its waters with the River Eulaeus it is by Pliny called Hedypnus l. 6. c. 27. Recipit amnem Hedypnum praeter Asylum Persarum venientem unum ex Susianis Some have written it Hedypus but Jo. Boccatius calls it in like manner as Pliny doth Hedypnus lib. de Fluminib Hedypnus fluvius est Susianorum Persarum in Eulaeum flumen decurrens Strabo is observed to call this same River Hedyphon or as others write it Helyphon Geog. l. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Capta est etiam prope flumen Hedyphontem Seleucia magna Civitas quae priùs Soloce vocabatur Now how easily these corrupted names of Hedypus or Hedypnus Hedyphon or Helyphon might be formed out of the true and proper name of this River Hiddekel I think none will unwillingly grant that hath been but lightly acquainted with the many far more unlikely changes of foreign or as they used to call them barbarous words made usually both by Greek and Latin Writers CHAP. XIII Proving the other Branch of this Division to be Pishon AND as we doubt not but this Stream was Hiddekel so there is no more doubt to be made that the remaining Stream was Pishon And this we are the more emboldened to affirm because here we fall in with company for not onely Junius but divers other Learned men both before and after him have been awakened to the observation of this by the name Pasitigris or Pisotigris given it by Pliny and others being indeed no other then its own proper name compounded with the common and vulgar name of this River Whereunto we may adde the Testimony of Xenophon who calls this River Physcum amnem by an easie mistake for Phison De Expedit Cyri lib. 2. A Tigride verò quartis castris M. pass LXXX confectis ad Physcum amnem pervenere Hujus latitudo pass erat XX. Ponte is jungebatur Nec longè aberat ampla Civitas Opis nomine If any prejudge this Testimony as impertinent because Xenophon saith that they had passed Tigris already and left it 80 miles behind their back before they came to the River Physcus let them but consult the History and they shall be forced to acknowledg that Xenophon had often before this called the Branches of Euphrates by the name of Tigris and that this Branch which they now had passed from was Nahar-malca the uppermost of its Streams from which directing their march towards Assyria which afterward they entered into not far from the River Lycus having first passed the former Stream of this Division of Tigris at a Town called Caenae after they had marched with it on their left hand some while in the Campi Cauchae or as he calls them Solitudines Mediae this Physcus amnis which they met withall in the mid way could be no other then the remaining Stream of the same Division which Moses calleth Phison And that it was a part of Tigris we have farther assurance from the City Opis situate so near unto it and lying a little above the Bridge where they passed over it For in the same manner hath Strabo also described the Decourse of the River Tigris by this City Geog. l. 11. In intimo Paludis recessu Tigris in voraginem incidens longóque spatio infra terram labens apud Chalonitidem emergit indè ad Opin Semiramidis murum procurrit Quintus Curtius is observed several times to call the River Tigris by the name of Phasis being so taught by the Natives of those parts which D. Marius Niger imputeth as an Errour to him Geog. Asia Com. 3. Curtius Tigrim Fluvium Phasim incolas vocare ait nescio an errore inductus quemadmodum de Tanaï fecit But if he erred no more about Tanais then he did about Tigris our charity will easily absolve him from much guilt and judge him not onely worthy of a pardon but of thanks for acquanting us so honestly though not without some little imperfection with the testimony of the Natives touching the name of this River in their own language for better witnesses then these we cannot desire and we have great presumptions to believe that howsoever it seemed to sound Phasis in his ears yet it was Phison in their mouths the true and ancient name of this River The same pardonable mistake is noted in Pasitigris for Phisotigris and some have observed the like in the Praenomen of the City Charax built not far from the mouth of this River where it emptieth it self into the Persian Gulf. For whereas Dion in the Life of Trajan calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so doth Stephanus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Pliny l. 6. c. 27.
Moses and would rejoice to see his Authority vindicated to hear a Heathen stand up thus stoutly in his defence against the general vote of Geographers not obscurely rejecting their contrary Opinion as an Errour And he might be the bolder to doe this if it be true which is observed by an able Commentator though himself incline the other way that he had the vulgar Creed to justifie him in it Farnab in locum Vterque fluvius oritur ex Armeniae montibus verùm non parùm distantibus vulgò tamen creditum unum habuisse Fontem And certain it is that learned Boetius among the rest was of this belief for discoursing excellently as his manner is how casual events are guided by Providence which he makes the common fountain out of which they flow and into which at length they finally resolve themselves he illustrates it by this Simile of Tigris Euphrates which issuing out of the same Fountain saith he and having enclosed a large compass of ground at length meet together again bringing their wreck along with them His words are in his Treatise De Consolat Philosoph l. 5. carm 1. Rupis Achaemeniae scopulis ubi versa soquentûm Pectoribus figit spicula pugna fugax Tigris Euphrates uno se fonte resolvunt Et mox abjunctis dissociantur aquis Si coëant cursúmque iterum revocentur in unum Confluat alterni quod trahit unda vadi Conveniant puppes vulsi flumine trunci Mistáque fortuitos implicet unda modos Quos tamen ipsa vagos terrae declivia casus Gurgitis lapsi defluus ordo regunt Sic quae permissis fluitare videtur habenis Fo rs patitur fraenos ipsáque lege meat CHAP. VIII A farther Enquiry where this Fountain is Objections answered THE concurring Testimonies of these Authours will I hope be deemed sufficient to support the credit of this Assertion if we can by good authority discover what and where this Fountain was And hereunto that clause in the fore-cited Testimony of Lucan may perhaps afford us some help Incertum tellus si misceat amnes Quod potiùs sit nomen aquis For though these words be capable of several constructions and Commentators have left us here to sink or swim to our selves though oft-times they spend many lines in less needful Criticisms yet to my apprehension the Poet's meaning is this That these two Rivers after their efflux out of their common Fountain run still so near together that when they overflow their Chanels and their waters touch each other as by the supposition he makes it seems sometimes they do if then they should intermingle their Streams it would be a hard matter to determine which of the two Rivers should bear the name of their conjoyned waters This passage suits so well save onely the difference of a name with that Observation which Cl. Caesar brought home with him to Rome out of these parts when he warred in the East which was not long before the Poet wrote that I doubt not but he had relation to it and the account that Pliny makes us of that report of Cl. Caesar is the best Commentary that we may expect upon that clause Plin. l. 6. c. 27. Tam vicinum Arsaniae fluere eum sc Tigrim in regione Arrhene Claudius Caesar author est ut cùm intumuêre confluant nec tamen misceantur leviórque Arsanias innatat IIII M. ferè spatio mox divisus in Euphratem mergitur If we had as full assurance that this Arsanias of Caesar did flow out of the same Fountain with Tigris as his unmixed overflow doth accord with that which Lucan testifies of Euphrates it would be no presumption to affirm that they were one and the same River And though this be no easie task to perform no Geographer that I have met with having undertaken to give us any account of the first Spring of Arsanias yet so much they have acquainted us withall as may serve to satisfie any ingenuous mind in this matter Plutarch lib. De Fluviis tells us a strange story as some have construed it though in our opinion not so strange as true He saith that the River Tigris runs into Araxes and so into the Lake Arsacis His words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tigris fluvius est Armeniae defluens in Araxem simul Arsacidem paludem This relation seems so incredible to his Commentator Mausacus that he fears not to charge it back upon him for a Falshood Falsum est quod docet hoc loco Author noster Tigrim in Araxem defluere Falsi arguere potes ex Strabone innumer is aliis authoribus The reason that moved him to be so bold with his Author was this then as I suppose because Strabo and other Geographers had told him that though Tigris and Araxes flow out of the same Mountain as some say yet their course is so directly contrary Araxes running into the Caspian Sea on the North and Tigris into the Persian Gulf on the South that it is not imaginable how they should ever run the one into the other But had Strabo or any other Geographer told him that there were no more Rivers of this name but one or that it was not possible for any Writer to miscall another River by that name Himself observes a mistake in the name of the Lake and why might not the same befall the River also That Lake which Plutarch here calls Arsacis Strabo and Dionysius After as he notes called Arsene and Thonitis and Pliny Thespitis which he supposeth ought to be read Thonitis but there is no good warrant for that Correction for The spitis is as probable a name as Thonitis and Ptolemy calls it so placing upon it a City called Thospia from which in probability it borrowed this name And though Strabo make this and Arsena the same Lake yet Pliny doth not but sets them at a good distance for the first Lake that Tigris runs into he calls Arethusa Ptolemy Arsissa in all probability Plutarch's Arsacis but placed by him a Degree and more to the North of Thespitis But whether they were one or several Lakes it is not much material to our purpose Most likely it is that the Lake either gave or took its name from the River Arsanias flowing into it and so did the Country about it which Ptolemy calls Arsea others Arsena but Procopius alwaies either Arzane or Arxane which hath so near affinity to Araxis that it leaves us no just cause to doubt that Plutarch's Araxis is the same River that others call Arsanias Which being so we have found these Rivers meeting very early together after which their first Conjunction they seem not to part asunder for a long time for so far as we can discern them they run in the same or a near-adjoyning Chanel they fall both into the same Lakes dive into the ground alike spring again alike in a word they sever not at least at no considerable distance till in the Region of
6. cap. 9. numbring the most remarkable Cities of Armenia he writes thus Oppida celebrantur in minore Caesarea Aza Nicopolis in majore Arsamote Euphrati proximum Tigri Carcathiocerta Now if Arsamote which without doubt was the same that Ptolemy calls Arsamosata were as near Euphrates as Carcathiocerta was to Tigris it was seated upon the very banks of it But in Ptolemy it is set well-nigh two Degrees distant which make up so large a summe of miles that for my part I believe this is an errour in Ptolemy and credit rather that exacter Writer Geog. Nub. who sets them about 24 miles distant For he Part. 5. clim 5. describing the way betwixt Meledin in Armenia minor to Majafarecqin in Armenia major tells us that when we come to Alhama which is opposite to the Town of Malattia on the South the same Town that Ptolemy calls Melitene situate at or near upon that long Stream which Geographers usually call Euphrates from thence there are 12 miles to Tal-Batric and other 12 to Tal-Aresias Now Tal-Aresias is the very same that Pliny calls Arsamote Ptolemy Arsamosata for the signification in them both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is neither more nor less then Collis or Mons Solis and if we would know where that was situate he tells us Jacet autem Aresias ad magnum quoddam flumen quod è montibus excurrens tandem Euphrati se miscet infra Samosata Which agrees so well with the description that Pliny maketh of Arsanias that we need not doubt but that was the same River which ran by this City Whereunto if we adde the report that Dion and Tacitus make of Paetus his making a Bridge over this River when he made that cowardly Composition with the Parthian there will remain no farther cause of questioning for Dion expresly calls it Arsanias 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Parthus dimisit Paetum priùs cum eo pactus ut ponte sibi jungeret fluvium Arsaniam But Tacitus calls it Arsametes Annal. l. 15. Fluvio Arsameti is castra praefluebat pontem imposuit which hath so near affinity with the Citie 's name Arsamote that though Lipsius think it corrupted in Tacitus and to be amended by Dion we may well conjecture that the City and River gave or took their name one from the other or else from some other cause common to them both However if Arsamote were placed near upon Euphrates as Pliny hath told us and yet that River be evidenced by clear proof to be the same that himself elsewhere calls Arsanias it will follow by his own confession that Arsanias was Euphrates which is most true for it was its primitive and original Stream as Moses assures us CHAP. IX Of the first Division of the River Tigris after its Separation from Euphrates and the various Names given to one Branch of it by several Authors AND now having by God's assistance waded through the chiefest difficulty and discovered the Fountain of the River of Paradise and two of its main Heads we may I hope with more encouragement proceed to the inquiry of the rest if onely we shall admonish this That from henceforward Euphrates which the Jews subtracting the Article call Perath or as Josephus hath it Phorath the Inhabitants of those parts sometimes Furro but for the most part Frat constantly holds this name all its Course throughout But whether Tigris as yet may challenge the name of Hiddekel will better appear in this ensuing Discourse Nevertheless we make choice of his Stream to follow as our Guide in this Search as having formerly found upon examination the Streams of Euphrates altogether unable to abide the trial And it is not long that Tigris hath run after its Separation from Euphrates and last rise from its new Fountain before it come to a second Division for having past the Gordiaean Mountains and being now about to enter Assyria it parts its Stream asunder and openeth its arms as I may so say to embrace it Thus much I gather from Epiphanius in Anchoret n. 58. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tertius inquit fluvius est Tigris qui è regione Assyriorum fluit Quippe Orientis tractus dividens sub terram demergitur Qui cùm ex Armenia inter Cardiaeos Armenios oriatur depressus iterum emergit Assyriorum agros divisus irrigat Ptolemy indeed takes no notice of this Division in the Historical part of his Geography which will be no wonder to those that know how many such like omissions may be observed in him yet if I be not deceived there is something in his Tables that referrs this way I mean his ancient Tables for those set out by Gerard Mercator promising correction are herein faulty In the ancient Editions of Jacob. Eszlar and Georg. Vbelin and Maginus Asiae Tab. 3. which contains the Map of Armenia major with some other of those Regions that lay to the North of it two Streams of Tigris are fairly drawn not far from its Fountain the one running Westward towards Armenia minor the other Eastward on the back of the Mountain Niphates which bounds Assyria to the North. Indeed if Ptolemy had intimated any such thing these might have been taken for Rivers running into it but seeing he doth not we take leave upon the grounds already and farther to be discovered to assign the Western Branch to Arsanias running into Euphrates and the Eastern to this new Division of Tigris intimated by Epiphanius If any wonder why their Course is not drawn out to the length the streightning bounds of the Map which was to end with the South-bounds of Armenia may be rendred as a good reason of this Eclipsis and being thus cut off as it seems they became neglected in the following Maps However that there was such a Branch of Tigris running to the North of Assyria or Adiabene we have Pliny for a sufficient witness for thus he states the Bounds of Adiabene l. 6. c. 9. Adiabenen Tigris Montium sinus cingunt or as some reade it Montium sinus invii cingunt which that it is to be understood in relation to Armenia the circumstances of the place evidently prove and if any doubt should be moved of it that other passage of his in the same Book cap. 15. makes it clear Adiabenis connectuntur Carduchi quondam dicti nunc Cordueni praefluente Tigri Which is also attested by D. Marius Niger Geog. Asiae Com. 5. Juxta Cadusiorum regionem Corduci sunt qui quondam sic appellabantur nunc verò Cordueni qui Adiabenis connectuntur medio elabente Tigri But never did any Author mention the Carduchi to the West or South of Tigris but generally all to the North in the Mountains of Anti-Taurus assigned to Armenia and Media betwixt which and the Mountain Niphates the Valley lay in which this River ran And this same River still holding on its Course I take to be it which Josephus mentioneth but nameth not as parting betwixt Adiabene and
same with the fore-mentioned encircling Rivers which as himself a little before hath told us were anciently called Tigris and Oena What that Oena was we forbear to enquire at present as pursuing some farther notice of Diavas and Adiavas whose Radix if we search we cannot I think more probably fetch it elsewhere then from the Chaldee word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and accordingly rendered viz. Aurum as Dan. 2. 32 38. So that applied to the River it will make it as much as Flumen aureum or as the Greeks would express it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of which name I find a River in these parts mentioned by Aethicus so nearly resembling this we speak of that for my part I doubt not but they were the same His words are these Fluvius Chrysorrhoas nascitur in campis Assyriis de Monte Caucaso vicinatur ei Tigris fluvius Fluvius Tigris etiam ipse de Monte Caucaso quasi visitur natus cùm aestivis temporibus sub humo eum desuper Aethiopiam currere ex viriditate superni cespitis prodatur fluvius subditus latenter erumpit ob hoc ortus ejus non comprehenditur quoniam de obscuritate promitur nam ambo includunt Cordubennam oppidum ad unum redacti magnam faciunt coronam etiam alia Oppida includunt Thesiphon Seleuciam currentes millia 882. immerguntur ad Auge oppidum quod est in Sinu Persico Not to engage my self to justifie every particular in this piece of Geography thus much atleast may be clearly gathered from it That this River falling into the River Tigris and with it including the Metropolis of the Gordiaeans which it seems stood in a little Island after their running some while together in a conjoyned Chanel this united Stream separateth it self again into two so as with its encirclings it encompasseth a large space of ground Which is so consonant to the former relations that we need not doubt they all referre to the same truth though under different names for the name of Tigris was more famous and better known to Strangers but this of Diavas or Adiavas became so grateful to the Natives that with it they baptized both these Streams for I find the Western Branch called Zaba which is indeed but the contract of Zahaba of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aurum not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lupus and so in the Chaldee Tongue was pronounced Dihaba or Diavas Paulus Diaconus relating the Expedition of Heraclius the Emperour against the Persian writes thus Kalendis Decem. venit ad fluvium magnum Zabam cùm hunc transisset castrametatus est juxta Niniven Now wheresoever the ancient Ninive were seated certain it is that that Town which went under that name in the time of Heraclius was situate either upon or very near the banks of Tigris for opposite to the Ruines of it was Mosal built in Mesopotamia the River onely parting betwixt them and that also joyned by a Bridge Benjamin in Itinerario pag. 62. Edit Elzivir Ista Civitas sc Al-mozal jam indē à diebus priscis maxima Persidis initium est ad Tigrin flumen sita inter quam Niniven Pons tantùm intercedit Haec devastata est attamen multos pagos arces habet A Ninive Arbeelem usque una est parasanga Ninive autem Tigridis ripae imminet The like hath Geog. Nub. Part. 6. clim 4. Mausel est Urbs ad occidentalem Tigris partem exstruct a habétque territoria ampla provincias magnas ac prae caeteris territorium Lino i. e. Nini Urbis vetustissimae sitae ab orientali latere Tigris è regione Mausel And for the upper Stream of this River that that also was called by the Natives Diavas or Adiavas we have the Testimony of Moses Bar-cephas a Learned man born and living about these parts who in his Treatise of Paradise divers times makes mention of this River for so I fear not to affirm sometimes calling it Dijobis and otherwhile Dijabis as cap. 21 and 28. Whereupon though the Learned Masius forbears to pass his Conjecture yet others have not feared to call it Danubius Which they might easily doe by the Epenthesis of a letter and yet not vary from the true signification of the word For the Arabian City Dizahab mentioned Deut. 1. 1. which comes of the same Root with this and is accordingly rendered by the Septuagint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Gold-mines that were found about it is by some rendered Denaba Which name Dizaba which is near of sound to Dijabis being applied to this River and the Article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prefixed unto it which is usual with the Eastern Nations to doe to the names of Rivers as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 10. 4. it will become Hudizaba or Hudizabis which might so easily be changed into Hydaspis in a Western man's mouth that if any be found to call it so their errour is as pardonable while their grounds are so good as we take that of Caesarius the brother of Nazianzen to be who in his Dialogues makes Danubius one of the Rivers of Paradise upon the former mistake A considerable Truth in our opinion howsoever others who had never heard of another River pretending any affinity to this name but that famous one in Germany have proposed it to be derided as an idle Conceit Now for Authority to prove that this River hath sometimes passed under the name of Hydaspis we may produce that of Virgil Georg. l. 4. Praeterea Regem non sic Aegyptus ingens Lydia nec populi Parthorum aut Medus Hydaspes Observant It is strange to see how Commentators are troubled to find what this Medus Hydaspes should be for they tell us they never read of any River of that name in Media but onely in India and therefore some are bold with the Verse and pretending to correct it make it much worse for they would have it read Medus Hydaspésve and so it should become Versus hypermeter Others are of opinion that it took this Epithete because the Medes under Alexander overcame the Indians Junius Philargyrus in loc Apud omnes satis constat Hydaspem flumen Indiae esse non Mediae sed potest videri Poeta Hydaspem Medum dixisse jure belli quòd Medi duce Alexandro vicerint Porum Indorum Regem in suam redegerint potestatem A vain and frivolous reason without all warrant or probability for so the Poet should rather have called it Graecus Hydaspes But if the ground of Virgil's calling this River so which indeed ran by Media did not come to their observation they might have been awakened to the enquiry of another Hydaspes by that which Plutarch writes of this River though it be usual with that Author whosoever he was to conjoyn or rather confound divers Rivers far distant but going under the same Name into the same
Description Lib. De Flu. c. 1. writing of Hydaspes he tells us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Indiae autem fluvius est vehementiùs influens in Syrtem Saroniticam Here again Maussacus falls foul upon his Author and tells us in plain terms Fabula haec est gratum mendacium sed non ferendum and all because he had never read of a Syrtis Saronitica or Sinus Saronicus but in the Bay of Corinth But haply we may find a more probable place for it when we have resumed the consideration of that which Aethicus formerly related of the Out-let of the River Chrysorrhoas which was the same for he saith it emptied it self into the Persian Gulf ad Auge oppidum which himself had called before Anisauge which Town we may in vain seek for in Ptolemy or any other Geographer for it is indeed a mere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no great wonder in Aethicus and ought to be read Augeanis or rather which was the true name of it Aginis for so Arrianus libro Rerum Indic calls that Town where this River emptieth it self into the Persian Lake A Lacu ad ipsum flumen navigatio est stadiorum DC Ibi pagus quidam Susiorum est quem Aginim vocant Is à Susis distat stadiis quingentis About which distance Ptolemy placeth a City in these parts called Saura which to have been a City of some note appeareth by this that the name of it is transmitted to these times for in our Modern Maps mention is made of it as also in Geog. Nub. who calls it sometime after the old name Saura sometimes by a new one as it seems Daurac and sets it near the Persian Gulf or at least a Bay shooting it self up into the Land which first received this River and might well receive from it the name of Sinus Saronicus or Syrtis Saronitica it being usual with Bays to receive their names from some near-adjoyning remarkable City CHAP. X. A farther Prosecution of the same Argument and this Stream found at last sutably to Moses's Description to be Gihon AND now the knot is untied and both the Head and Out-let of this River is discovered between which so large a space of ground is interposed that we may well imagine that in so long a Course it receiveth other waters into it besides those of its own Chanel And so indeed it doth for it taketh in the River Choaspes out of Media also Eulaeus and out of Susiana another Branch of Tigris of which we shall speak afterwards And thus much Strabo hath observed out of Polycletus who affirmed Choaspem Eulaeum Tigrim in Lacum quendam confluere atque ex eo indè in Mare exire yet so as both they and all other Rivers which they take into them first meet together in one conjoyned Chanel which carrieth the name of Tigris for so he immediately notes that other had affirmed Sunt qui affirment flumina omnia quae Susiam pervadunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in unum Tigridis alveum illabi And hence proceeded that difference among Authors some ascribing that to one of these Rivers which others ascribe unto another as Ex. gr that high esteem which the Persian Kings made of the waters of Choaspes is by some ascribed to Eulaeus by others to Danubius for so Giraldus and out of him Ortelius Tab. Daciae Moesiae hath observed Babylonios Reges ex Danubio sive Istro aquas inter gazas reposuisse De Diis Syntag. 17. Which is a remarkable passage and gives us full assurance of the Course of this River as we have described it For this Danubius was not Ister as they falsly imagine but the same formerly spoken of which others have called Diavas Dijabis Adiavas and Virgil and Plutarch Hydaspis But if any haply doubt whether Plutarch's Hydaspis were the same with this because he saith it was fluvius Indiae they are to note that the name of India is given by good Authors to divers other Countries besides that famous one vulgarly known by this name in the East for to omit examples not so nearly relating to our purpose the Regions of Assyria and Susiana are if I mistake not by the Writers of the Emperour Trajan's Life called India Eutrop. Breviar l. 8. relating his Conquest of those parts sets it down thus Seleuciam Ctesiphontem Babylonem Edessios vicit ac tenuit usque ad Indiae fines Mare Rubrum accessit atque ibi tres Provincias fecit Armeniam Assyriam Mesopotamiam cum his gentibus quae Macedenam attingunt But none ever affirmed that Trajan conquered the East-Indies For though in emulation of Alexander he rigg'd a Navy in the Persian Gulf which Eutrop. with others calls Mare rubrum with a purpose to assault those parts yet it doth not appear that ever he landed his Army there having received intelligence while he was yet in his Voiage that these Countries had revolted which made him speedily return to settle those parts as accordingly he did and after reduced them into the form of Provinces as Dion Cassiodorus c. testifie with Eutropius Or if this Testimony be not sufficient we have another beyond all exception and that is the Testimony of Nicephorus who confidently calls Adiabene an Indian Region Hist Ecclesiast l. 9. c. 18. Adiabene verò Regio est Indica ampla celebris And hence Theophilus a famous man born in this Countrey and while he was but yet a youth sent Hostage by the Adiabenians to the Emperour Constantine and by him sent back again as his Embassadour into those Eastern Countries where he converted many to the Christian Faith was by the men of that age usually surnamed Theophilus Indus Id. ibid. And for the same reason I think it was that this same River also got the surname of Indus for so Plutarch also though he give another fabulous reason of this Name yet plainly testifies that it was called Indus loc citat Which is another great stumbling-block in his Commentator's way and is not indeed easily to be removed but by the help of this observation Assuredly they that fetched the Spring of the River Indus out of the Mountains of Armenia could mean no other River but this and that some have done this appears by the Testimony of Sabellicus Ennead l. 1. who accordingly affirms it Indus in Armeniae montibus oritur And we have farther assurance that this was the River by the Testimony of Dionysius Periegetes who mentioneth a River under this name running into Choaspes or rather taking in the Stream of Choaspes into its Chanel and with it watering the whole Region of Susiana These are his words in Periegesi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And may we not well suppose that this was the remaining Stream of that famous River Gyndes which Cyrus in his march from Persia towards Babylon cut into so many pieces because it had drowned one of
indeed the Cossaei did border upon it not onely here in Mesobatene where they inhabited upon Mount Zagrus but all along its Course to its Spring upon those Mountains that lay to the back of Assyria even to Armenia where having formerly seated themselves they straggled afterward farther Eastward into Media and Persia and possessed divers Mountainous places in those Countries even to the borders of India though not without some change of their Name So much I learn from Strabo who speaking of the Northern parts of Media writes thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quod autem ad Septentrionem vergit montosum asperum frigidum est ubi degunt Cadusii montani Amardi Tapyri Cyrtii aliique id genus qui aliunde in ista migraverunt loca sunt Latrones Zagrus enim Niphates istas gentes sparsas habent qui in Persia sunt Cartii Amardi sic enim vocant Mardos qui in Armenia sunt eodem hodiéque nomine censentur eundémque habitum tenent By which Testimony it is evident that the Cartii and Mardi or Amardi in Media and Persia were originally descended from the Cartii and Mardi in Armenia and the Mountains adjoyning to it where we need not doubt to find them seeing Ptolemy reckoning up the Countries that lay East to the Fountains of Tigris nameth Gordene quae magis Orientalis Cortaea qui sub ipsa sunt Mardi who yet were of the same progeny with their neighbours though attaining this different name which as it is well observed by learned Mr. Fuller so it may be farther confirmed by comparing the Writers of Alexander's Conquest of these Nations for those whom Arrianus calleth Mardos Curtius calleth Cardos And it is very probable which he conjectures that this name was given them in stomach by their neighbours the Assyrians because they could not conquer them for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deficere and in the Chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is Apostata or Rebellis and such they were alwaies to the Assyrian Monarchs who undertaking to invade them were put to the worst and their Armies wholly routed by them as a Native of those parts told Xenophon Which doubtless was the reason why Adramelech and Sharezer having slain their Father Sennacherib fled into the land of Ararat where this Nation dwelt for protection As for the Cartii which Strabo more usually calleth Curtii as also the Cordi Cordiaei and Gordiaei Cardueni Carduchi c. that they were originally Cossaei their name it self notwithstanding all this alteration may evince For by the light alteration of an S into an R Cossaei at the first became Cortii and Curtii and Cartii afterward Cardi and Cordi and Gordii and Gordiaei c. And hereof we may gather a good argument from the different writing of their Countrie 's name in Ptolemy For whereas Maginus and Marius Niger have it Cortaea Ortelius in his Nomenclator Ptolemaicus with others hath it Cotaea which anciently to have been Cosaea or Cossaea none will deny that knows how customary it is in the Syriack Tongue to change S into T as hath already been observed And seeing this Countrey lay so near the River that watered the land of Chus and the Name answereth so exactly to it for how small is the difference betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Cotaea I should rather incline to believe that this might be the more likely place from whence that Colony was transplanted into Samaria not onely because it lay nearer to those places remembred in the Catalogue of the Assyrian Conquests as Gozan and Haran and Reseph and the Children of Eden which were in Thelasar but also because the captive Israelites who seem to have changed Countries with them were bestowed here-abouts 2 Kings 17. 6. In the ninth year of Hoshea the King of Assyria took Samaria and carried Israel away into Assyria and placed them in Halah and in Habor by the River of Gozan and in the Cities of the Medes As we have formerly noted Halach or Chalach to be Chalachena so Habor or Chabor was either Al-Chabur which Geog. Nub. sets in the North of Assyria or else some Region in Mount Coathras which in the Greek Copies of Ptolemy is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gozan gave name to a double Region but both adjoyning to these parts the one in Mesopotamia the other in Media And for the Cities of the Medes I suppose not onely Amedon is meant which Geog. Nub. calls Hamadan Benjamin Tudelensis Hemdan and saith in Itinerario that he found therein near upon 50000 Israelites but all other Cities in that Countrey out of which those Nations were drawn that were sent with the Chuthites to make up that Samaritan Colony and are thus reckoned Ezra 4. 9. The Dinaei Aparsathcaei Tapelaei Aparsaei Arcavaei Babylonii Susanchaei Dehavaei and Helamaei which omitting the Babylonians and Susanchites which are well enough known without a Commentary are expounded by Junius to be the Dennani or Dani or most commonly Daii joyned with the Mardi by Herodot l. 1. the Paraetaceni the Tapyri the Persae the Araceni or Inhabitants of Oracana a City of Media in Ptol. the Daritae called also Zapovorteni or rather the Debae so called by contraction for Dehabae and the Inhabitants of Elymaïs the ancient neighbours of the Cossaei Nor am I any thing deterred from this opinion by that of Abrabaniel who makes Cuth or Cutha a City of the Chaldaeans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cuth est Civitas alia in Chaldaeorum regione For as the name of Chaldaea is found given to other Regions beside that which lies upon Babylonia so this in which the Curdi dwelt is commonly known to the Arabians by that name Leunclavius Pandect Turc nu 232. A vicinis Persis Turcis ea Regio Curdistan appellatur quam nunc quoque Keldan vocant Arabes id est Chaldaeam And so much Stephanus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had observed Chaldia Regio Armeniae Incolae Chaldi But other Chaldi in Armenia there are none but the Cardi formerly called Cartii and Curtii and at the first Cossaei As for the name of Scythae which Heathen Authors give this Nation as it was sutable enough to them in regard of their often flitting and wandring for Historians represent them to us like right Nomades and therefore they are not unjustly called by Strabo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so no doubt but it was taken from their well-known name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the City Bethsan which was re-edified and re-peopled by them is famously known by the name of Scythopolis Plin. l. 5. c. 18. Scythopolin antea Nisam Libero Patre sepultâ Nutrice ibi Scythis deductis id est Chuthaeis And so the Countrey from whence they came is from ultimate Antiquity remembred by the Heathen under the name of Scythia being indeed Cotaea or Chutha which lying so near as it doth to the Mount Gordiaeus where the Ark is said to rest after the
Deluge I doubt not but it might be made appear by good proof that this was that Scythia Saga in qua renatum ferunt mortale genus Cato in Frag. But the clearing of this would lead us into too large a Digression and therefore I forbear it and proceed to the prosecution of the subject in hand Seeing the Radical Letters in the Original were the same save the different pronunciation of a Vowel in all those several names of Cissii Cossaei Cuthaei and Susii we need not doubt to affirm that these were indeed the true and primitive Aethiopians whom the Inhabitants of Asia as Josephus hath told us called Chusaei And hence it appears that their Etymologie is false that have derived the name of Susiana from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in the Persian Tongue they say as well as the Hebrew signifies a Lilly I will not deny but Sushan the Palace and haply Susa the City whence those Susanchites Ezra 4. 9. might take their denomination from that Root but certainly that Region whose ancient name was Cissia still continuing to a part of this Province in Ptolemy's time and the name of the Inhabitants not onely Cissii but Cossaei could have no other original of their denomination then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And hereof the Inhabitants themselves give us good assurance who even to this day call their Countrey not Susiana but Cusistan which is neither more nor less then the Country of Chus Benjamin in Itin. calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cuzestan others call it Curestan even as Chus the son of Cham is by Berosus called Cur. Dom. Mar. Niger Geog. Asiae Com. 5. Susiana Provincia sequitur quam quidam in partem Persidis ponunt nomen à Susa Urbe clariss deducens nunc à Barbaris patriâ linguâ Chus dicitur And no marvel it should take its name from him who with his posterity seated himself here very early after the Floud even before the building of Babel For if Nimrod the son of Chus when he went with his rebellious Associates into the land of Shinar to build that Tower journeyed from the East as Moses saith they did Gen. 11. 2. then in all probability the place from whence they set out was Susiana which lies next East to Babylonia Indeed Chus had a numerous posterity whence it was that his name spred so far Some of them passed into Arabia over the River Tigris which I should chuse for a more probable Bounder of the Eastern and Western Aethiopians mentioned in Homer then the Arabian Sea or Mare Rubrum though I know also that many Secular Writers have comprehended the Persian Gulf under that name Of the Western or Arabian Aethiopians many Commentators have written learnedly and if they had turned their pens to enquire after these in the East also I doubt not but they might have found out a better interpretation of many places of Scripture then ordinarily hath been given As Ex. gr where Chus and Elam are joyned together Esay 11. 11. Paras Chus and Phut Ezek. 38. 5. as formerly Paras Phut and Lud Ezek. 27. 10. For as Paras and Elam are well known to be Eastern Nations to whom the Cossaei were near neighbours so we should not alwaies need to goe into Africk and Asia minor for Phut and Lud but find them nearer at hand if we did well consider that place in Judith 2. 23. And whether any help may hence be had for the better understanding of that obscure Prophecy Esay 18. 1. I leave to better judgments to enquire But surely it was not without cause that in that parallel Prophecy Zeph. 3. 10. the Chaldee Paraphrast renders Trans flumina 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aethiopiae by E Regionibus ultra flumina 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Indiae whether thereby he meant the less noted India that we have by the way touched upon or that other more famous and better known Region removed farther towards the East for even there also were Cushites or Aethiopians The Israelites in Nisebor by the River Gozan are said in bellum proficisci ad Regionem Cusch per viam deserti Benj. in Itin. And Herodotus clearly distinguishing the Eastern Aethiopians from the Western joins them with the Indians Polymn sive l. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aethiopibus quidem qui sunt ultra Aegyptum Arabibus praeerat Arsames qui verò ab ortu Solis erant Aethiopes bifarià m enim militabant ordinati erant cum Indis And not onely long after did Philostratus find Aethiopians about the River Indus but Homer long before had set them as far East as the rising of the Sun And whether the River Gihon might not anciently compass even these also I cannot certainly affirm but the confounding of this River not onely with Indus but with Ganges also by so many good Writers might seem to intimate as if they were believed anciently to have communicated in their Streams And their opinion falls not far short of this who have found the Fountain of Ganges in the Mountains of Media as Artemidorus that ancient and famous Geographer is said to have done and that of the fore-cited Benjamin if we were certain it were true might render it probable who finds a Stream of Tigris emptying it self into the Sea over against the Island Nikrokis which Constantine L' Empereur supposes to be Zeilan formerly called Nanigeris an Island once famed with an opinion of Paradise a River whereof Ganges is still held to be by the native Indians who yearly testifie that credulity by many superstitious Ceremonies But the most remarkable Testimony is the Draught of this River in that famous Tabula Itineraria antiqua lately set out by Peutinger wherein the Head of it being set much about the place where we have found it it is drawn quite through the East and falls into the Oriental Ocean having taken in by the way the River Ganges If any ask how it should come to pass then that the Course of it now should be intercepted if indeed it be wholly intercepted I answer they will cease to wonder if they consider not onely what Strabo hath related of a great Earthquake whereby a great change happened among the Rivers in those parts Geog. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et Duris refert Rhagades quae in Media sunt nomen indè habere quòd Terrae-motibus rupta fuerit terra apud Caspias portas complurésque eversae Urbes Pagi ac Fluviorum variae inciderint mutationes but remember also what formerly hath been noted of Cyrus cutting the Stream of Gyndes into so many Chanels as might well suffice to exhaust the greatest River But I do not take upon me to maintain this nor is there any need that I should it being not much material to our purpose seeing that Course of this River which we have formerly asserted from so good authority is abundantly sufficient both to clear and justify the Geography of Moses CHAP. XII Another Division of Tigris and the
Biblioth l. 3. c. 12. Effoditur in Arabia Aurum quod non igni decoquitur ut apud alios consurvit sed evestigio effossum nucibus id castaneis simile reperitur colore est ità lucido ut pretiosos lapides ab artificibus auro inclusos splendidiores reddat Not to mention the Gold of Parvaim 2 Chron. 3. 6. which Junius supposes to have been fetched from Barbatia which was a City in this part of Arabia as appears by Pliny l. 6. c. 28. And as for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though there be difference amongst Expositors what they were some taking the former Bedolach for a precious Stone others for a Tree and the most for a precious Gumme issuing out of that Tree in colour white like unto Manna Num. 11. 7. Exod. 16. 31. and the latter Shoham some translating the Onyx as our English and others some the Beryll as the Chaldee Burla and the Arabick al Belor and the Septuagint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Exod. 28. 20. whatsoever they were if they were any of these they were undoubtedly to be found in this Coast For if Bdellium were a sweet Gumme as is most likely the Tree that yielded it grew in this soil as Dioscorides witnesseth lib. 1. cap. 69. Bdellium alii Bolchon appellant alii Madelcon lacryma est Saracenicae arboris and the Countrey of the Saracens we well know was taken in his time to be here Or if it were a kind of Pearl Benjamin assures us it was to be found about Catifa near which we have found the Out-let of this River And for the Beryll and Onyx and other precious Stones this Countrey is so well known to yield them even to this day that it is altogether needless to produce the testimony of the Ancients onely because it serves so well to clear the words of Moses let us take notice of the report that Nearchus Admiral of Alexander's Fleet made of the Western Coast of the Persian Gulf which lay upon the land of Havilah Strabo Geog. l. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Dicit autem in Persicae orae initio Insulam esse in qua multi pretiosi Uniones gignantur in aliis verò clari pellucidi lapilli In Insula quoque ante Euphratem arbores Thus redolentes nasci quarum radices fracta succum effundunt As in this latter clause among those odoriferous Trees that yielded such excellent juice we may well believe Bdellium was not wanting so in the former amongst those Unions and precious Stones we may be as sure that there was both the Beryll and the Onyx And that it was thus in the In-land as well as about the Sea-coast Diod. Siculus is a competent witness from whom those that desire it may receive farther satisfaction loc citat And hence it was that this Countrey growing famous for those rich Commodities as it appears to have been of old by Moses taking notice of it this part of the Land of Havilah was by Secular Geographers assigned to that part of Arabia that vulgarly and not undeservedly goes under the glorious title of Arabia Felix CHAP. XV. An Enquiry where the Region of Eden lies HAving thus finished the Description of the River with its four Heads it remaineth now that we turn our eyes back again to see if we can discover any thing more perfectly concerning the Region of Eden and the Situation of Paradise in it And though we well know how obnoxious to exceptions such particularizing is yet having ingaged our selves thus far and already discovered some marks in Moses to guide us in this search we shall not refuse to doe our best endeavour to finish that also As for the Limits of Eden I think it lies not in the wit of any man at this day to set us out punctually and exactly how large or narrow the compass of that Countrey was in Moses's Chorography yet seeing himself hath told us that the Spring of this River was in Eden he hath left us assured that it was either the same or at least a part of that Countrey which Secular Geographers call Sophane lying betwixt the Mountains Masius and Anti-Taurus which did so overshadow it on both sides though it self also were full of lesser Hills that from thence it seems to have taken its denomination for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Eustath Comment in Dionys Perieg calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is as much as obtegere vel obumbrare and so this name was therefore given it eò quòd verticibus Taurinis umbratur as Ammianus speaks in the description of Amida a famous City of this Province lib. 18. And it is not unlikely but we shall find the place we seek for in these parts if we call to mind in what manner and with what words Cl. Marius Victor hath formerly described unto us the nature and quality of that part of this Region where we have already discovered the Fountain of this River calling it Armeniae Saltus ac Medica Tempe which is so exact a Paraphrase of Eden and so fully consonant to the words of Moses that no Poet could have given us a better Besides the name Anthemusia given to this Region if we pursue it to its first Original hath much pregnancy in it to evince this For if we translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of Greek into Hebrew which was very near the vulgar language of the Natives of those parts what other word could we chuse to render it by but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Truly their significations differ no more then a flowery and fragrant place doth from a place of pleasure And that this name was anciently appropriated to the Region of Sophene as it is easie to gather out of Strabo so it is observed to our hand by D. Marius Niger who limits it out with the very same Bounds Geog. Asiae Com. 3. Sub Basilisena inter Anti-Taurum Masium Montes jacet Sophena in convalle quadam Regio felix And the very same was the situation of Anthemusia Idem Com. 4. Praeterea Regiones in Provincia sunt Anthemusia inter Casium al. Masium Taurum Montes ad Armeniam c. Yet in Ptolemy's time and after as we may gather from Ammianus it may seem to have stretched its name so far South into Mesopotamia as to reach the places about Edessa for Batne municipium so highly extolled for the admirable delightfulness of the place by the pen of Julian the Apostate is by Ammianus seated in Anthemusia And that the Grecians after they had conquered the East did in this manner change the old name of this Countrey into another of their own language yet the same in signification we may be assured from Cornelius Tacitus who mentioning some of the Cities within this Province and amongst the rest Anthemusias remembred also by Pliny under the name of Anthemusia lib. 5. c. 25. and Anthemus lib. 2. c. 26. which we may well
suppose was the same City with that which Ezek. 27. 23. is called Eden observes by the way that they had formerly other names till the Greeks changed them Annal. lib. 6. At Tiridates volentibus Parthis Nicephorium Anthemusiada caeterásque Urbes quae Macedonibus sitae Graeca vocabula usurpant Halúm que Artemitam Parthica Oppida recepit However there can be no doubt but that the children of Eden which dwelt in Thelasar 2 Kings 19. 12. were true and native Inhabitants of this Region for not onely other circumstances of the Text do persuade it but the names of the places remembred with it do assure it viz. Gozan Haran and Reseph all which Cities are placed by Ptolemy in the North parts of Mesopotamia and some of them if I be not deceived within the compass of Anthemusia largely taken And though it be not easie to design the very place where Telasar was seated nor indeed what it was whether a Castle a City or a Countrey or perhaps all for Eusebius and after him Hierom give us no more notice of it then that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Regio Syriae by which no doubt they meant Assyria and understood it in no other sense then that it was conquered and after possessed by the Assyrians yet even that is sufficient to satisfie us that it stood not near Aden in Arabia Felix where Benjamin dreamed that he had found it Nor is there any great probability in the opinion of Junius that it was Thilutha a Castle seated in an Island of Euphrates not far from the borders of Babylonia for beside the difference of the names the removing of it at so far a distance from the forementioned Cities as the South Bounds of Mesopotamia are from the North renders it very improbable Nor can I subscribe to the Hierosolymitan Paraphrast who affirms Resen built by Nimrod in Assyria Gen. 10. 12. to be Telasar adding this farther for the better designation of the place that it was situate betwixt Ninive and Harjath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Telasar inter Niniven Harjath For this affords small help to us that know not what that Harjath was whether Charchathiocerta the Metropolis of Sophane as Junius supposeth or rather that Harra or Arra whose Territory is remembred by Geog. Nub. to lie within Assyria betwixt which and Ninive if Telasar stood in all likelihood it was no other in the Paraphrast's meaning then some place of strength in the Island of Eden famous among the Eastern Christians to this day lying but twelve miles above Mosal whereto the Opinion of Epiphanius may be accommodated who calls Resen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by which I suppose he meant Labbana which Ptolemy placeth upon the banks of Tigris at or near about this Island But though I will not deny that Telasar in after-times might be called Resen yet surely Resen in Assyria was none of the places which Sennacherib boasts of in his Conquests for they were belonging to other Nations that had other Gods whereas this was in his own native Countrey and near his Royal City and if it should be supposed that he might re-conquer it after some Revolt yet if Telasar had been Resen in Assyria it should in reason have challenged the first mention in the Catalogue of his Victories in that order wherein they are set down and not after Gozan Haran and Reseph More likely therefore it is that Resen which was Thelasar was that mentioned by Geog. Nubiensis amongst the Cities of Diar-Rabiaa and placed betwixt Amed and Majafarecquin Part. 6. Clim 4. De Provinciis Diar-Rabiaa sunt Nisibin Azun Amed Rasaain Majafarecquin c. Nor yet doth he mean thereby the Rhisina mentioned in Ptolemy as appears not onely by the situation of it but also because he afterward remembreth that Rhisina by the name of Ras-alain ibid. though it is true the signification in them both is the same viz. Caput seu Fons aquae And as that Rhisina or Ras-alain took that name because it stood near the Fountain of the River Cobar so might this haply take the same appellation because it stood near the last Spring of Tigris for so it must needs doe if it stood South of Majafarecquin and North of Amida which as Ammianus notes lib. 18. è latere quidem Australi geniculato Tigridis meatu subluitur propiùs emergentis And if this Resen were Telasar we may well conjecture that the children of Rasses Judith 2. 23. conquered by Nabuchodonosor were the same with the children of Eden that were in Telasar formerly subdued by some of the Assyrian Kings for that that Rasses was either this Ras-aain or some place near it the circumstances of the history plainly prove Or if we imagine it to have been some strong Hold or Castle it might in likelihood be seated upon that Hill out of which Tigris last riseth and where the strong Hold of Amida after stood remembred by Ammianus and in Geog. Nub. called Tur-aamdin and Propugnacula Amed which stood a considerable distance to the North of the City as appears by the cited Authors and more plainly in Not. Prov. Or if we rather suppose it to have been a City it is as likely to have been Thalimasus as any other which Procop. De Bel. Persico lib. 1. sets 40. stad distant from Amida for the Letter M with its foregoing Vowel being rejected which in forein words often proves Epentheticall it will become Thalasus which might easily be corrupted from Thalasar Howsoever it is certain that the Children of Eden possessed the Confines of Armenia and Mesopotamia and their Countrey took up part of both So much we learn from Aethicus who twice makes mention of it under the name of Adonis by the like change of the word as the Garden of Eden was by the Poets fictitiously represented under the Gardens of Adonis Once he names it among the Provinces of the East where his Commentator Simlerus knows not how to expound it otherwise then by Eden in Moses and afterward among the Rivers For speaking of a River which he calls Armodius he describes it thus Fluvius Armodius nascitur in Aethiopia inlustrans Regionē Adonis Mesopotamiam currit mill 724 accipitur Sinu Persico Here it is evident that Adonis and Mesopotamia are neighbour Regions and that Adonis lay more to the North through which this River flowing that it should find its Head in Aethiopia will not seem strange if we remember what hath been noted before and that Aethicus a little after finds Tigris also rising in the same Aethiopia and in that it is said after so long a Course to empty it self into the Persian Gulf it is apparent that it falls in by the way either with Tigris or Euphrates but rather Euphrates which we have before observed to pass under a name so near to this that we may well suppose them to be the same For as by most it is called Arsanias so by Tacitus it is called Arsametes which
remembrance of the Garden of Eden and of Paradise For to examine the first Bagrandavena or rather as most write it Bagravadena or Bagradena who easily discerns not that it is a compound word and that the latter part of its composition was Adena so that haply in its own proper language it was written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and what is this in effect but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Moses calls it For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst the Rabbins is pubescere and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 applied to the description of a place is as much as ager pube variorum seminum laetus as Ammianus describes a Garden-spot near Seleucia which very place if I mistake not Xenophon calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And hereto accords the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from whence no doubt the Rabbins had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which as applied to mankind it signifies Juvenis Ezek. 9. 6. so applied to a place it is lectus electus selectus and so that Valley in Mount Libanus where the House of Eden mentioned Amos 1. 5. and the City Paradisus mentioned by Ptolemy stood is by Guilel Tyrius called Vallis Baccar and Vaccar And of the same importance is the name Macedena which Eutropius formerly alledged applieth to this place as appears by the places mentioned with it and the reducing it into the form of a Province by Trajan with the Nations that lay about it viz. Anthemusium the Arabians the Quinque Regiones Transtigritanae so often mentioned in following Histories c. Now what is Macedena but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and is all one in signification with Bagradena or Bacaradena and in them both as much as pretiosissima vel selectissima portio Hedenis and what else was that but the Garden Or if we may suppose Eutropius called it Macedena in stead of Bacedena or Bagedena extricating the R and so it is written by some even this also comes up to our purpose and fully speaks out the thing we seek for viz. Hortus Edenis For the Eastern Nations even to this day call a Garden Baga as Petrus Texeira in his Itinerary tells us For dicoursing of the Original of the name of that famous City Bagdat he affirms that it took this denomination from hence because it was formerly a Garden-spot Nomen autem invenisse putatur à Baga Persis Horto qùia primò tantùm Bagadaden id est Horti ibidem fuerunt And in all likelihood they derived this word from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth esca praeda cibus and by changing Gimel into Tzajin it is made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ezek. 7. 21. from which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I suppose the corrupted word Bajavandena receives most properly the former part of its composition So that which way soever we turn it the memory of the Garden of Eden may be retrived from this name And no less clearly may it be gathered from the second name given by others to this Region viz. Arzane Arsane Arsea c. For what more apt Radix can we find for it then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which among the Rabbins signifies Hortus even as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth Hortulanus as Buxtorfius teacheth us in his Lexicon Rabbino-Philosophicum and so accordingly Hesychius interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is himself after tells us that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 locus floridus and yet in the next word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he tells us also that it signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Both which significations how well they may be applied to the place we now discourse of will appear if we consider that this Region was a part of Sophane which among other significations is also translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Septentrio Ezek. 47. 17. And for those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he speaks of that they are to be found 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the flowry Meadows of this Region we need not doubt seeing that name also is to be found here-about For not onely have we the River Nymphaeus so often remembred in Procopius and called by Pliny by a correspondent name Parthenias but the same Pliny tells us also that the place where Tigris riseth again after it hath run some space under ground is called Nymphaeum which renders it very probable that the same name was attributed to the Region that lay about it Now if we would take the notion of Paradise under a Heathen word we cannot have a better then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the description that is given of it is so suitable to that which they make of a Persian Paradise that we may safely affirm they are but Synonyma's of the same thing for as that so this was no other then a delicious Valley abounding with all the choice rarities and delights of Nature where Emperours and Kings had their retiring Palaces and Houses of pleasure We might justifie this by that Nymphaeum in the coasts of Apollonia remembred by Strabo lib. 7. Plutarch in Vita Syllae c. as also that about Stagira mentioned by the same Plutarch in Vit. Alexand. Ludum eis studii locum Nymphaeum prope Miezam assignavit ubi hâc aetate sedes Aristotelis lapideas ambulationes umbrosas monstrant But I shall content my self onely to transcribe the observation that Leunclavius hath made upon this word which is abundantly sufficient to give us the true importance of it Pand. Hist Turc n. 153. Praetor Graeciae noster cujusdam regii vel imperatorii palatii meminit cui nomen dat Nymphaeum Ab eo non procul dissitum describit locum tali Teggiurum vel Imperatorum Prato rebus omnibus simillimum Alicubi de Nymphaeo Michael ait Palaeologus Imperator Nymphaeum pervenerat quo loco recreare se solebant Imperatores postquam Constantinopoli à Flandris in exilium ejecti fuerant Alibi verò Planitiem vel Pratum ipsum describit his verbis Quum dies aliquot Imperator Joannes sc Ducas Vatatzes Phlebiis exegisset Clyzomenen profectus hoc loco nomen est ibidem tentoria figi jussit Nam isthic Imperatores è Nymphaeo digressi commorari solent majorémque Veris partem transigere Quippe totus ille locus mera planities est quae graminis copiam compluribus equis sufficientem producit Aquis etiam irrigatur ac in propinquo multos pagos Civitates habet à quibus ad victum necessariae res copiosè subministrantur But what shall we say to the third name which Strabo gives this Region viz. Syspereitis and otherwhile Hysperatis is there any thing in that also sounding this way Yes very much if we purge it from those superfluities which the fault of some mens tongues and pens have stuffed it with I mean the double S which seems to have thrust it self into this word in the same manner that it hath done into the name of our
neighbour-Kingdom of Spain For as that at the first was Pania as Pliny testifies l. 3. c. 1. after by the addition of an S it became Spania and so S. Paul calls it Rom. 15. 24. and at length by prefixing an article it was made Hispania so it might and we are persuaded it did befall this word from which if we reject the superfluous letter it will become Hypereitis or Hyperatis or rather as it was written in its own native language 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and what I pray is this but Ipse Paradisus And I am the more confirmed in this because Strabo in like manner calls that place in Libya where those Gardens so much famed by the Poets were supposed to be situate Syspereitis which by others are commonly called Hesperides Horti and that they took their name from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is as credible as it is certain that they took their conceit from some broken notions of Moses's Paradise And I hope I may be excused if upon this ground I take liberty to conjecture that the City Pherendis which Ptolemy placeth near about the Fountains of Tigris was anciently written Pheredis it being so common for the letter N to thrust it self into words whereof it is not Radicall and so this also in its own proper character should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which perhaps was the Metropolis of this Region and communicated in the same name with it And I am the rather emboldened to write this because near about the same place was the City Heden seated if Petrus Bizarus misinform us not for he placeth it nigh Mount Cordan or as he calls it Cortestan which is the right situation of this City in Ptolemy Hist Pers lib. 12. Sunt etiam haec loca infrascripta videlicet Combalechum Bastemum Mulasia Vanla Dresherinum Saltamatum quae loca sita sunt in regione vulgò Chimeldata ut plurimùm posita inter Euphratem Tigrim ad latus Montis quem incolae Cortestanum nos Taurum appellamus His quoque adjiciunt Adenam Urbem praeclaram divitem in qua sunt plurimae textrinae lini gossipii jacet ad latus ejusdem Montis c. Indeed Stephanus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioning a City about these parts which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Eddanus a Captain as he imagined finds it seated upon Euphrates and inhabited by Phoenicians but the name Euphrates is ambiguous as hath been noted and it might well be there were more Heden's then one in this Region even as Pliny also remembreth both Anthemus and Anthemusia As for the store of Gold that Alexander is said to find at Cambala a City of Hysperatis that will seem nothing incredible if we remember what was formerly said of the River Chrysorrhoas which taking its spring about this Region had that name given it from its golden streams Nor is it to be neglected that the Region called Mithracina where the famous breed of Nisaean horses yearly sent by the Satrapa of those Territories to the Persian Emperour were kept seems by Strabo and is by D. Marius Niger expresly affirmed to be about this place which as it is an argument of the Fertility of this Soil in regard of the pleasant Meadows and excellent Pasturage here to be found so it testifies in what high esteem they held this portion of ground in that they entitled it to their great God Mithra to whom also Horses were sacred 2 Kings 23. 11. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is as much as Ager vel possessio Mithrae And this also corresponds very well to another title usually given to Paradise in the Scriptures wherein it is divers times called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hortus Domini But I am very sensible how obnoxious these Grammatical Criticisms will be to the censure of such as are willing to shew themselves pertinacious whom we must not presume to persuade to accept such arguments for Apodictical Demonstrations yet if they will consider that these are as good Arguments as the nature of the Subject we handle will well afford or bear and that Notation is one of our Logical Topicks from which sound Arguments may sometime be drawn forasmuch as Nomen may prove Notamen the natures of things otherwhile agreeing with their names according to that of the Poet Conveniunt rebus nomina saepe suis they will give us leave I hope to make use of it to as much service as here we intend to apply it to For it is not the Etymology of a few names onely that hath induced us to this belief but we have farther for the confirmation of it a constant Tradition successively continued in these parts that here-about was the place of Adam's Paradise The firm belief whereof gave no doubt great advantage of credulity to that joculatory Paradise seated in some Valley amongst these Mountains by the allurements whereof that notable Impostour Aladeules engaged so many seduced persons to his service and thereby rendred himself formidable to the mightiest Monarchs of his time A story well known in the Turkish Annals and touched upon by those who have written the Life of Selymus and is related at large by our Countrey-man Mr. Cartwright in his Travels through those parts Nor was this Opinion brought in by the Turks but entertained long before by the Christians yea if my authority fail me not even in the times before the Floud at what time S. Chrysostome was persuaded the place of Paradise was well known The Author that affirms this is Methodius a fabulous Author I confess and full of dross among which notwithstanding some grains of Gold may be found so that if his Traditions be well sifted they may sometimes become helpful to us to spell out divers useful Antiquities which we may in vain seek for in many a better Writer Now this ancient Author in lib. Revel speaking of the death of Seth and the secession of his posterity from the posterity of Cain hath among other things this remarkable passage Mortuo Seth separavit se Cognatio ejus à sobole Caini redierúntque ad natale solum Nam Pater eorum vivens prohibuerat nè miscerentur Et habitavit Cognatio Seth in Cordan monte Paradiso terrestri proximo If the terrestrial Paradise were near the Mount Cordan and that Mount Cordan or Gordiaeus stood in the same place where Ptolemy hath set it then we may rest secured that the happy seat of our First Parents Habitation was at or about the very place that we have described And now to conclude Though all these evidences laid together which surely are as great as well may be expected in a Subject of this nature have not raised our confidence to such a height as some have attained to and as we suppose upon far weaker grounds yet we verily believe that if they whom God hath blessed with abler parts more skill in the Tongues History Geography c. a larger freedom from other imployments and distractions with a more plentiful supply of Books and other accommodations for such a study all which we want would resume this Argument and apply their pens to the farther search of this not-unnecessary Question they might here sooner then in any other place yet discovered find out the true place of the Situation of the Terrestrial Paradise FINIS Miscel l. 1. c. 4. This same River Hydaspes is that which is mentioned also in the Book of Judith Chap. 1. v. 6. as appeareth by the Context In our modern Maps it is called Angua though a little misplaced Aelian Hist var. l. 12. c. 40. Plin. l. 6. c. 27. p. 263. Simul ad ortum Solis cunctae gentes concussae bello quae inter Indum Euphratem amnes inclytos sunt atque imperati Obsides Persarum Regi nomine Cosdroe Sex Aur. Victor in vita Trajani