Malaca and that he saw there was so little utterance of that commodity as he could not meet with any Merchant that would deal for it he was fain to resolve for to spend the winter there until such time as he might meet with some opportunity to put it off Howbeit he was advised by some of the best experienced of the Country to send it unto Lugor which is a great Town in the Kingdom of Siam an hundred leagues lower towards the North for they alledged that this Port was very rich and of great vent by reason of a world of Junks that arrived there dayly from the Isle of Iaoa from Lava Taniampura Iapara Demaa Panaruca Sydayo Passarvan Solor and Borneo whose Merchants were used to give a good rate for such like commodities in exchange of gold or stone This advice was well approved of by Antonio de Faria who instantly went about to put it in execution To which end he took order for the providing of a vessel by reason the Foyst wherein he came was altogether unfit for a further voyage Matters thus disposed of he deputed one named Christovano Borhalho for his Factor a man exceeding well vers'd in business of Traffique with whom there imbarqued some sixteen men as well Soldiers as Merchants with a hope that one crown would yield them six or seven what in the commodities they should carry as in those they should return Hereupon wretched I being one of the sixteen we parted from the Port on a Saturday and sailed with a favorable wind along the coast till Thursday next in the morning that we arrived at Lugor Road and anchored at the mouth of the River There it was thought fit to pass the rest of the day to the end we might inform our selves of what was behoveful for us to do as well for the sale of our commodities as for the safety of our persons And to say truth we learnt such good news that we were confident of gaining above six times double and to be sure of freedom and liberty during all the month of September according to the Ordinance of the King of Siam because it was the month of the Kings Sumbayas Now the better to clear this you must know that all along this coast of Malaya and within the Land a great King commands who for a more famous and recommendable Title above all other Kings causeth himself to be called Prechau Saleu Emperor of all Sornau which is a Country wherein there are thirteen Kingdoms by us commonly called Siam to the which fourteen petty Kings are subject and yield homage that were anciently obliged to make their personal repair unto Odiaa the Capital City of this Empire as well to bring their Tribute thither as to do the Sumbaya to their Emperor which was indeed to kiss the Courtelas that he ware by his side Now because this City was seated fifty leagues within the Land and the Currents of the Rivers so strong as these Kings were oftentimes forced to abide the whole winter there to their great charge they petitioned the Prechau King of Siam that the place of doing this their homage might be altered whereupon he was pleased to ordain that for the future there should be a Viceroy resident in the Town of Lugor which in their language is called Poyho unto whom every three years those fourteen Kings should render that duty and obedience they were accustomed to do unto himself and that during that time they spent there in performing the same being the whole month of September both their own merchandize and that of all others as well natives as strangers that either came in or went out of the Country should be free from all manner of imposts whatsoever So that we arriving in the time of this freedom there was such a multitude of Merchants that flocked thither from all parts as we were assured there was no less then fifteen hundred Vessels in the Port all laden with an infinity of Commodities of very great value And this was the good news we learnt at such time as we arrived at the mouth of the River wherewith we were so well pleased that we presently resolved to put in as soon as the wind would permit us But alass we were so unfortunate that we could never come to see what we so much desired for about ten of the clock just as we had dined and were preparing to set sail we saw a great Junk coming upon us which perceiving us to be Portugals few in number and our Vessel small fell close with our prow on the larboard side and then those that were in her threw into us great Cramp-irons fastened unto two long chains wherewithall they grappled us fast unto them which they had no sooner done but straightway some seventy or eighty Mahometans came flying out from under their hatches that till then had lien lurking there who with a mighty cry cast so many stones darts and lances which â—ell as thick as hail upon us that of us sixteen Portugals twelve rested dead in the place together with six and thirty others as well Boys as Mariners Now for us four remaining Portugals after we had escaped so dreadful â—n incounter we leapt all of us into the Sea where one was drowned and we three that were left getting to land as well as we could being dangerously hurt and wading up to the wast in mud went and hid our selves in the next adjoyning wood In the mean time the Mahometans of the Junk entring into our Frigot not contented with the slaughter they had made of our men like mad dogs they killed six or seven Boys out-right whom they found wounded on the Dâ—ck not sparing so much as one of them That done they imbarqued all the goods of our Vessel into their Junk then made a great hole in her and so sunk her Immediately whereupon leaving their anchor in the Sea and the Cramp-irons wherewithall they had grappled us unto them they set sail and made away as fast as ever they could for fear of being discovered After this our escape seeing our selves all sore hurt and without any hope of help we did nothing but weep and complain for in this disaster we knew not what to resolve on so much were we amazed with that which had befaln us within the space of half an hour In this desolation we spent the rest of that sad day but considering with our selves that the place was moorish and full of Adders and Lizards we thought it our safest course to continue there all the night too as accordingly we did standing up to the middle in the Owze The next morning as soon as it was day we went along by the Rivers side until we came unto a little channel which we durst not pass as well for that it was very deep as for fear of a great number of Lizards that we saw in it so that in great pain we stayd not only that night there but five days
iustice that conducted us they took their leaves of us in most courteous manner The next morning as soon as it was day they sent us the Letter sealed with three Seals in green Wax the Contents whereof were these Ye servants of that high Lord the resplendent mirrour of an uncreated light before whom our merits are nothing in comparison of his we the least servants of that holy house of Tauhinaâ—el that was founded in favour of the fifth prison of Nanquin with true words of respect which we owe unto you we give your most humble persons to understand that these nine strangers the bearers of this Letter are men of a far country whose bodies and goods have been so cruelly intreated by the furie of the sea that according to their report of ninety and five that they were they only have escaped shipwrack being cast by the tempest on the shore of the Isles of Tautâ—a upon the coast of the Bay of Sumbor In which pitious and lamentable case as we have seen them with our own eyes begging their living from place to place of such as charitie obliged to give them something after the manner of good folkes it was their ill fortune without all reason or justice to be apprehended by the Chumbin of Taypor and sent to this fifth prison of Faniau where they were condemned to be whipped which was immediatly executed upon them by the Ministers of the displeased arm as by their Process better appeareth But afterwards when as through too much crueltie their thumbs were to be cut off they with tears besought us for that Soveraign Lords sake in whose service we are imployed to be assisting unto them which presently undertaken by us we preferred a Petition in their behalf whereunto this Answer was made by the Court of the crowned Lyon That mercy had no place where justice lost her name whereupon provoked by a true zeal to Gods honour we addressed our selves to the Court of those four and twenty of the austere life who carried by a blessed devotion instantly assembled in the Holy House of the remedy for the poor and of an extream desire they had to succour these miserable creatures they interdicted that great Court from proceeding any further against them and accordingly the success was agreeable to the mercy of so great a God for these last Iudges revoking the others first Sentence sent the cause by way of Appeal to your Citie of Pequin with amendment of the second punishment as you may see more at large by the proceedings In regard whereof most reverend and humble Brethren We beseech you all in the Name of God to be favourable unto them and to assist them with whatsoever you shall thinke necessary for them that they may not be oppressed in thier right which is a very great sin and an eternal infamy to us who again intreat you to supply them with your Alms and bestow on them means to cover their nakedness to the end they may not perish for want of help which if you do there is no doubt but that so pious a work will be most acceptable to that Lord above to whom the poor of the earth do continually pray and are heard in the Highest of Heavens as we hold for an Article of Faith On which earth may it please that divine Majestie for whose sake we do this to preserve us till death and to render us worthy of his presence in the house of the Sun where he iâ— seated with all his Written in the Chamber of the zeal of Gods honour the ninth day of the seventh Moon and the three and twentieth year of the Raign of the Lyon crowned in the Throne of the World CHAP. XXVIII The Marvels of the Citie of Nanquin our departure from thence towards Pequin and that which hapned unto us till we arrived at the Town of Sempitay THis Letter being brought to us very early the next morning we departed in the manner before declared and continued our voyoge till Sun-set when as we anchored at a little Village named Minhacutem where the Chifuu that conducted us was born and where his Wife and Children were at that time vvhich vvas the occasion that he remained there three dayes at the end whereof he imbarqued himself vvith his family and so we passed on in the company of divers other Vessels that went upon this River unto divers parts of this Empire Now though we vvere all tyed together to the bank of the Lauteaa where vve rowed yet did we not for all that lose the view of many Towns and Villages that were scituated along this River whereof I hold it not amisse to make some descriptions To which effect I will begin with the Citie of Nanquin from whence we last parted This City is under the North in nine and thirty degrees and three quarters scituated upon the river of Batampina which signifies The flower of fish This river as we were told then and as I have seen since comes from Tartaria out of a lake called Fanistor nine leagues from the City of Lancama where Tamberlan King of the Tartarians usually kept his Court Out of the same lake which is eight and twenty leagues long twelve broad and of a mighty depth the greatest rivers that ever I saw take their source The first is the same Batampina that passing through the midst of this Empire of China three hundred and threescore leagues in length disimbâ—ques into the sea at the bay of Nanquin in thirty six degrees The second named Lechuna runs with great swiftness all along by the mountains of Pancruum which separate the Country of Cauchim and the State of Catebenan in the height of sixteen degrees The third is called Tauquida signifying the Mother of waters that going North-west traverseth the Kingdom of Nacataas a Country where China was anciently seated as I will declare hereafter and enters into the sea in the Empire of Sornau vulgarly stiled Siam by the mouth of Cuy one hundred and thirty leagues below Patana The fourth named Batobasoy descends out of the Province of Sansim which is the very same that was quite overwhelmed by the sea in the year 1556. as I purpose to shew else-where and renders it selâ— into the sea at the mouth of Cosmim in the Kingdom of Pegu The fifth and last called Leysacotay crosseth the Country by East as far as to the Archipelago of Xinxipou that borders upon Mocovye and fals as is thought into a sea that is not navigable by reaâ—on the clymate there is in the height of seventy degrees Now to return to my discourse the City of Nanquin as I said before is seated by this river of Batampina upon a reasonable high hill so as it commands all the plains about it The climate thereof is somewhat cold but very healthy and it is eight leagues about which way soever it is considered three leagues broad and one long The houses in it are not above two stories high and all built
King of Tartaria if we would have continued in his service After the King was departed from the City of Fanaugrem he proceeded on in his journy travelling but only six leagues a day by reason of the great number of persons that he carried along with him The first day he dined at a little Town called Benau where he stayed until the evening and then went to lodge at a Monastery named Pamgatur The next morning he departed from thence and so with not above three thousand horse in his Train he prosecuted his journy for nine dayes together passing by many goodly Towns at least they seemed to be so without permitting any reception to be made him by any of them In this manner he arrived at the City of Lingator seaâ—ed on a river of fresh water which for the bredth and deepness of it is frequented with much shipping There he abode five days for that he found himself somewhat indisposod with the tediousness of the journy From this place he departed before day taking no greater company with him then thirty horse and so withdrawing himself from the communication of so much people as continually importuned him he spent most part of the time as he went by the way in hawking and hunting those of the Countryes by which he past providing game always ready for him In this sort going on he slept most commonly amidst very thick woods in Tents pitched for him to that purpose Being arrived at the river of Baguetor he passed down the same in certain vessels called Laulees and Iangoas which were there ready for him till he came to a Town named Natibasoy where about evening he landed without any kind of pomp The rest of his journy he made by land so that at the end of thirteen dayes he arrived at Vzamguee where he had a most magnificent reception At his entry thereinto there marched before him as it were in triumph all the spoyls which he had taken in the wars whereof the principal and those which he made most reckoning of were twelve Chariots laden with the Idols of whom I have spoken heretofore and whereof the forms were different as they use to have them in their Pagodâ— Of these Idols there were threescore and four of brass which seemed to be Gyants and nineteen of silver of the same Stature for as I havâ— delivered before these people glory in nothing so â—uch as to triumph over those idols that so they may say That in despight of their enemies he had made their gods his slaves Round about these twelve Chariots went divers Priests by three and three weeping and bound with iron chains After them followed forty other Chariots each of them being drawn by two Rhinocerots and full from the bottom to the top of an infinite company of Arms and trayled Colours In the tayl of them there were twenty more carrying each of them a very great Chest barr'd with iron and wherein as we were told was the treasure of the Tâ—nocouhos In the same order marched all other things which are used to be most esteemed of in such triumphant entries as two hundred Elephants armed with Castles and warlike Panoures which are certain swords that are fastened to their teeth when they fight and a great number of horses laden with sacks full of dead mens heads and bones so that in this entry this King of Cauchin presented to the view of his people all that he had gained from his enemies in the battail he had given them After we had been a full month in this City during which time we had seen a world of stately shews sports and several sorts of rejoycings accompanied with most costly feasts and banquets set forth and made not onely by the greater persons but by the common people also the Tartar Ambassadour that had brought us thither moved the King again about our voyage whereunto he gave us so gracious an ear that he presently commanded we should be furnished with a Vessel for to carry us to the Coast of China where we hoped to meeâ— with some Portugal ship that might transport us to Malaca and from thence to the Indiaes which accordingly was done whereupon without further delay we prepared all things necessary for our departure CHAP. XLIII Our Departure from the City of Uzamguee and our adventures till our arrivall at the Isle of Tanixumaa which is the first Land of Jappon with our going ashore there UPon the twelfth of Ianuary we departed from the City of Vzamguee exceedingly rejoycing at our escape from so many labours and crosses which we before had sustained and imbarqued our selves upon a river that was above a league broad down the which we went seven dayes together beholding in the mean time on either side thereof many fair Towns and goodly Boroughs which by the outward appearance we believed were inhabited by very rich people in regard of the sumptuousness of the buildings not only of particular houses but much more of the Temples whose steeples were all covered over with gold as likewise in regâ—rd of the great number of Barques and Vessels that were on this river abundantly fraught with all sorts of provisions and merchandise Now when we were come to a very fair Town called Quaâ—geparun containing some eighteen or twenty thousand fires the Naudelum who was he that conducted us by the express commandmâ—nt from the King stayed there twelve dayes â—o trade in exchange of silver and pearl whereby he confessed to us that he had gained fourteen for one and that if he had been so advised as to have brought salt thither he had doubled his mony above thirty times we were assured that in this Town the King had yearly out of the silver Minâ—s above fifteen hundred Picos which are forty thousand Quintals of our weight besides the huge revenue that he drew out of many other different things This Town hath no other fortification then a weak brick wall eight foot high and a shallow ditch some thirty foot broad The inhabitants are weak and unaâ—med having neither Artillery nor any thing for their defence so that five hundred resolute souldiers might easily take it We parted from this place on Tuesday morning and continued our course thirteen dayes at the end whereof we got to the Port of Sanchan in the Kingdom of China Now because there was no shipping of Malaca there for they were gone from thence nine dayes before we went seven leagues further to another Port named Lampacau where we found two Juncks of Malaya one of Patana and another of Lugor And whereas it is the quality of us Portugals to abound in our own sence and to be obstinate in our opinions there arose amongst us eight so great a contrariety of judgment about a thing wherein nothing was so necesâ—ary for us as to maintain our selves in peace and unity that we were even upon the point of killing one another But because the matter would be too shamefull to recount in
Junck where looking very carefully unto them yet could I not in two dayes get one word from them But at length by the means of yolks of egs and good broaths which I made them take they came again to themselves so that in six or seven dayes they were able to render me a reason of their accident One of those Portugals was called Christovano Doria who was since sent into this Country for a Captain to Saint Tomé the other Luys Taboâ—da and the third Simano de Brito all men of credit and rich Merchants These same recounted unto us that coming from the Indiaes in a vessâ—l belonging to Iorge Manhoz that was married at Goa with a purpose to go to the Port of Charingan in the Kingdom of Bengala they were cast away in the sands of Rucano for want of taking heed so that of fourâ—core persons that they were in the vessel onely seventeen being saved they had continued their course all along by the Coast for five dayes together intâ—nding if possibly they could to recover the river of Cosmira in the Kingdom of Pegu there to shâ—p thâ—mselves for the Indiaes in some vâ—ssâ—l or other thaâ— they should meet with in the Port but whilest they were in this resolution thâ—y were so driven by a most impetuous Westerly wind that in one day and a night they lost the sight of Land finding themselves in the maâ—n Sea without Oars without Sayls and all knowledge of the winds they continued in that State sixteen daâ—s together at the end whereof their water coming to sail all died but those three he saw before him Upon the finishing of this relation we proceeded on in our course and within four days after we met with five Portugal vessels which were sayling from Bengala to Malaca Having shewed them Pedro de Faria's Order I desired them to keep in consort together for fear of the Achems Army that ranged all over the Coast lest through their imprudence they should fall into any mischief and thereof I demanded a Certificate from them which they willingly granted as also furnished me very plentifully with all things necessary Having made this dispatch we continued our course and nine days after we arrived at the Bar of Martabano on a Friday the seven and twentieth of March one thousand five hundred forty and five having past by Tarnassery Tovay Mâ—rguin Iuncay Pullo Camuda and Vagaruu without hearing any tidings of those hundred Portugals in search of whom I went bâ—cause before that they had taken pay in the service of the Chaubainhaa King of Martabano who according to report had sent for them to assist him against the King of Bramaa that held him besieged with an Army of seven hundred thousand men as I have declared before howbeit they were not at this time in his Service as we shall see presently It was almost two hours within night when we arrived at the mouth of the River where we cast anchor with a resolution to go up the next day to the City Having continued some time very quiet we â—ver and anon heard many Cannon shot whereat we were so troubled as we knew not what to resolve on As soon as the Sun rose the Nâ—coda assembled his men to Councel for in Semblable occasions he always used so to do and told them that as sure as they were all to have a share in the peril so it was fit that every one should give his advice about it Then he made them a Speech wherein he represented unto them that which they had heard that night and how in regard thereof he feared to go unto the City Their opinions upon it were very different howbeit at length they concluded that their eyes were to be witnesses of that whereof they stood in such doubt To this end we set Sail having both wind and tyde and doubled a poâ—nt called Mounay from whence we discovered the City invironed with a world of men and upon the River almost as many vessels and although we suspected what this might be because we had heard something of it yet left we not off from sayling to the Port where we arrrived with a great deal of care and having discharged our Ordnance according to the usual manner in signe of peace we perceived a vessel very well furnished came directly to us from the shore wherein there was six Portugals at which we exceedingly rejoyced These presently came abord our Junck where they were very well entertained having declared unto us what we were to do for the safety of our persons they councelled us not to budge from thence for any thing in the world as we had told them our resolution was to have fled that night to Bengala because if we had followed that designe we had 〈◊〉 been lost and taken by the Fleet which the King of Bramaa had in that place consisting 〈◊〉 seventeen hundred Sayls wherein were comprised an hundred Gallies very well furnished with strangers They added withall that they were of opinion I should go ashore with them to Ioano Cayâ—yro who was Captain of the Portugals for to give him an account of the cause that brought me thither the rather for that he was a man of a sweet disposition and a great friend of Pedro de Faria's to whom they had often heard him give much commendation as well for his noble extraction as for the goodly qualities that were in him besides they told me that I should find Lançarote Gueyreyro and the rest of the Captains with him unto whom my aforesaid Letters were directed and that I should do nothing therein prejudicial to the Service of God and the King This counsel seeming good unto me I went presently to land with the Portugals to wait on Ioano Cayeyro to whom I was exceeding wâ—lcome as likewise to all the rest that were in his quarters to the number of seven hundred Portugals all rich men and of good esteem Then I shewed Ioano Cayeyro my Letters and the Order that Pedro de Faria had given me Moreover I treated with him about the affair that led me thither whereupon I observed that he was very instant with the Captains to whom I was addrest who answered him that they were ready to serve the King in all occasions that should be presented howbeit since the Letter of Pedro de Faria Governour of Malaca was grounded on the fear that he was in of the Army of the Achems composed of an hundred and thirty Sayl whereof Bijaya Sora King of Pedir was General and it having fallen out that his Admiral had been defeated at Tarnasery by those of the Country with the loss of seventy Lanchares and six thousand men it was not needful they should stir for that occasion for according to what they had seen with their own eyes the Forces of that enemy were so mightily weakned as they did not think he could in ten years space recover again the loss he had sustained To this they added many other reasons
have a good successe in the pleasure thou seemest to take in making war upon thine enemies The Ambassador having received this Letter departed from the Court the third day of November in the year one thousand five hundred forty and six accompanied with certain Lords who by the expresse commandement of the Calaminham went along with him to Bidor where they took their leave of him after they had made him a great feast presented him with divers gifts But before I intreat of the way which we held from this place till we came to Pegu where the King of Bramaa was I think it convenient and necessary to make a relation here of certain things which we saw in this country wherein I will acquit my self as succinctly as I can as I have done in all other matters whereof 〈◊〉 have spoken heretofore for if I would discourse in particular of all that I have seen and of that which hath past as well in this Empire as in other Kingdomes where I have been during my painfull voyages I had then need to make another volume far bigger then this same and be indued with a wit much above that I have howbeit that I may not wholly conceal things so remarkable I am contented to say so much thereof as my grosse stile will permit me to deliver The Kingdome of Pegu hath in circuit an hundred and forty leagues is scituate on the South side in sixteen degrees and in the hearâ— of the Country towards the rhomb of the East it hath an hundred forty leagues being invironed all above with an high ground named Pangavirau where the Nation of the Bramaas doth inhabit whose country is fourscore leagues broad and two hundred long This Monarchy was in times past one sole Kingdome which now it is not but is divided into thirteen estates of Soveraignes who made themselves masters of it by poysoning their King in a banquet which they made him in the City of Chaleu as their histories relate of these thirteen estates there are eleven that are commanded by other Nations who by a tract of another great country are joyned to all the bounds of the Bramaas where two great Emperors abide of which the one is called the Siamon and the other the Calaminham who is the same I purpose only to treat of According to report the Empire of the Prince is above three hundred leagues bredth and as much in length and it is said that antiently it contained seven and twenty Kingdomes the inhabitants whereof spake all one language within this Empire we saw many goodly Cities exceedingly well peopled and abounding with all provisions necessary for mans life as flesh fresh water fish corn pulse rice pastâ—res vines and fruits the chief of all these Cities is Tymphan where this Emperor the Calaminham with his Court commonly resides it is seated along by a great river named Pitâ—y and invironed all about with two broad walls of earth made up with strong stone on either side having very broad ditches and at each gate a Castle with high Towers certain Merchants affirmed unto us that this City had within it some four hundred thousand fires and albeit the houses are for the most part not above two stories high yet in recompense thereof they are built very stately and with great charge especially those of the Nobility and of the Merchants not speaking of the great Lords which are separated by great inclosures where are spacious outward Courts and at the entring into them arches after the manner of China as also gardens and walks planted with trees and great ponds all very handsomely accommodated to the pleasures and delights of this life whereunto these people are very much inclined We were also certified that both within the inclosure of the City and a league about it there were six and twenty hundred Pagodes some of which wherein we had been were very sumptuous and rich indeed for the rest the most of them were but petty houses in the fashion of Hermitages These people follow four and twenty Sects all different one from another amongst the which there is so great a confusion of errors and diabolicall precepts principally in that which concerns their bloudy Sacrifices as â—abhor to speak of them but the Idol which is most in vogue amongst them and most frequented is that whereof I have already made mention called Quiâ—y Frigau that is to say The God of the Meats of the Sun for it is in this false God that the Calaminham believes and does adore him and so do all the chiefest Lords of the Kingdome wherefore the Grepos Menigrepos and Talagrepos of this false god are honored far more then all others and held in the retation of holy personages their superiours who by an eminent title are called Cabizondos never know women as they say but to content their bruitish and sensuall appetites they want not diabolicall inventions which are more worthy of tears then recital during the ordinary Fairs of this City called by them Chanduâ—â—s we saw all things there that nature hath created as iron steel lead tin copper lattin saltpeter brimstone oyl vermillion honey wax sugar lacre benjamin divers sorts of stuffes and garments of silk pepper ginger cinamon linnen cloth cotton wool alum borax corâ—alines christall camphire musk yvory cassia rhubarbe turbith scamony azure woad incense cochenill saffron myrâ—he rich porcelain gold silver rubies diamonds emerauds saphirs and generally all other kind of things that can be named and that in so great abundance as it is not possible for me to speak that which I have seen and be believed women there are ordinarily very white and fair but that which most commends them is that they are of a good nature chast charitable and much inclined to compassion The Priests of all these four and twenty Sects whereof there are a very great number in this Empire are cloathed in yellow like the Roolims of Pegu they have no money either of gold or silver but all their commerce is made with the weight of cates casis maazes and conderins The Court of the Calaminham is very rich the Nobility exceeding gallant and the revenue of the Lords and Princes very great the King is feared and respected in a marvellous manner he hath in his Court many Commanders that are strangers unto whom he giveth great pensions to serve him for the safety of his person our Ambassador was assured that in the City of Timphan where most commonly the Court is there are above threescore thousand horse and ten thousand Elephants the gentlemen of the country live very hand somely and are served in vessels of silver and sometimes of gold but as for the common people they use porcelain lattin in summer they are apparrelled in sattin damask and wrought taffetiâ—s which come from Persia in winter in gowns furred with marterns there is no going to Law amongst them noâ— does any man enter into bond there but if there be any difference
them CHAP. VII What happened to me at Penaiu with the King of Batas expedition against the Tyrant of Achem and what he did after his Victory over him BY that time we had sailed seven or eight leagues up the River at the end we arrived at a little Town named Botterrendan not above a quarter of a mile distant from Panaiu where the King of Batas was at that time making preparation for the War he had undertaken against the Tyrant of Achem. This King understanding that I had brought him a Letter and a Present from the Captain of Malaca caused me to be entertained by the Xabandar who is he that with absolute power governs all the affairs of the Army This General accompanied with five Lanchares and twelve Ballons came to me to the Port where I rode at anchor Then with a great noise of Drums Bells and popular acclamations he brought me to a certain Key of the Town called Campalator There the Bendara Governor of the Kingdom stayed for me in great solemnity attended by many Ourâ—balons and Amborraias which are the noblest persons of his Court the most part of whom for all that were but poor and base both in their habit and manner of living whereby I knew that the Country was not so rich as it was thought to be in Malaca When I was come to the Kings Palace and had past through the first Court at the entrance of the second I found an old woman accompanied with other persons far nobler and better apparelled then those that marched before me who beckoning mâ— with her hand as if she had commanded me to enter Man of Malaca said she unto me Thy arrival in the King my Masters Land is as agreeable unto him as a sâ—owre of rain is to a crop of Rice in dry and hot weather Wherefore enter boldly and be afraid of nothing for the people which by the goodness of God thou seest here are no other then those of thine own Country since the hope which we have in the same God makes us believe that he will maintain us all together unto the end of the world Having said so she carried me where the King was unto whom I did obeysance according to the man-of the Country then I delivered him the Letter and the Present I had brought him which he graciously accepted of and asked me what occasion drew me thither Whereunto I answered as I had in commission that I was come to serve his Highness in the Wars where I hoped to 〈◊〉 the honor to attend on him and not to leave him till such time as he returned Conqueror of his Enemies Hereunto I likewise added that I desired to see the City of Achem as also the scituation and fortifications of it and what depth the River was of whereby I might know whether it would bear great Vessels and Gallions because the Captain of Malaca had a design to come and succor his Higness as soon as his men were returned from the Indiaes and to dâ—liver his mortal Enemy the Tyrant of Achem into his hands This poor King presently believed all that I said to be true and so much the rather for that it was conformable to his desire in such sort that rising out of his Thâ—one where he was set I saw him go and fall on his knees before the carcass of a Cows head set up against the wall whose horns were guilt and crowned with flowers Then lifting up his hands and eyes O thou said he that not constrained by any material love whereâ—nto Nature hath obliged thee dost continually make glad all those that desire thy milk as the own mother doth him whom she hath brought into the world without participating either of the miseries or pains which ordinarily she suffers from whom we take our Being be favorable unto the prayer which now with all my heart I offer up unto thee and it is no other but this that in the meadows of the Sun where with the payment and recompence which thou receivest thou art contented with the good that thou dost here below thou wilt be pleased to conserve me in the new amity of this good Captain to the end he may put in execution all that this man here hath told me At these words all the Courtiers which were likewise on their knees said three times as it were in answer How happy were he that could see that and then dye incontinently Whereupon the King arose and wiping his eyes which were all beblubbered with the tears that proceeded from the zeal of the prayer he had made he questioned me about many particular things of the Indiaes and Malaca Having spent some time therein he very courteously dismissed me with a promise to cause the Merchandise which the Mahometan had brought in the Captain of Malaâ—a's name to be well and profitably put off which indeed was the thing I most desired Now for as much as the King at my arrival was making his preparations for to march against the Tyrant of Achem and had taken order for all things necessary for that his Voyage after I had remained nine days in Panaiu the Capital City of the Kingdom of Batas he departed with some Troops towards a place named Turban some five leagues of where he arrived an hour before Sun-set without any manner of reception or shew of joy in regard of the grief he was in for the death of his children which was such as he never appeared in publique but with great demonstrations of sorrow The next morning the King of Batas marched from Turban towards the Kingdom of Achem being eighteen leagues thither He carried with him fifteen thousand men of War whereof eight thousand were Bataes and the rest Menancabes Lusons Andraguires Iambes and Bournees whom the Princes his neighbors had assisted him with as also forty Elephants and twelve Carts with small Ordnance namely Faulcons Bases and other field Pieces amongst the which there were three that had the Arms of France and were taken in the year 1526. at such time as Lopo Vaz dâ— Sampayo governed the State of the Indiaes Now the King of Batas marching five leagues a day came to a River called Quilem There by some of the Tyrants Spies which he had taken he learnt that his Enemy waited for him at Tondacur two leagues from Achem with a purpose to fight with him and that he had great store of strangers in his Army namely Turks Cambayans and Malabars Whereupon the King of Batas assembling his Councel of War and falling into consultation of this affair it was concluded as most expedient to set upon the Enemy before he grew more strong With this resolution having quit the River he marched somewhat faster then ordinary and arrived about ten of the clock in the night at the foot of a Mountain half a league from the Enemies Camp where after he had reposed himself a matter of three hours he marched on in very good order for which effect having
Paâ—iaâ— he was counselled not to hazard himself in that Voyage because it was reported for a certainty how all that Country was up in arms by reason of the Wars which the Prechau Muan had with the Kings of Chamay and Champaa And withall he had Information given him of a famous Pirate named Similau whom he went presently to seek out and having found him the said Similau related strange wonders unto him of an Island called Calempluy where he assured him there were seventeen Kings of China interred in Tombes of Gold as also a great number of Idols of the same Metâ—al and such other immense treasures as I dare not deliver for fear of not being credited Now Antonio de Faria being naturally curious and carried with that ambition whereunto Souldiers are for the most part inclined lent so good ear to this Chineses report as looking for no other assurance of it then what he gave him he presently resolved to undertake this Voyage and expose himself to danger without taking further counsel of any man whereat many of his friends were with reason offended CHAP. XXIV Antonio de Faria departs from Liampoo for to seek out the Island of Calempluy the strange things that we saw and the hazard we ran in our voyage thither THe season being now fit for Navigation and Antonio de Faria furnished with all that was necessary for this new Voyage which he had undertaken to make on Munday the fourteenth of May in the year one thousand five hundred forty and two he departed from this Port to go to the Island of Calempluy For which purpose he imbarqued in two Paâ—oures resembling small Gallies but that they were a little higher by reason he was counselled not to use Junks as well to avoid discovery as in regard of the great curranâ—â— of water that descended from the Bay of Nanquin which great Vessels with all their sails were not able to stem especially at the time wherein he set forth for then the snows of Tartaria and Nixihuâ—flaâ— dissolving ran all the Months of May Iune and Iuly into these Seas with a most violent impetuosity In these two Vessels were fiftie Portugals one Priest to say Masse and fortie eight Marriners all Natives of Patana as also two and fortie slaves so that the whole number of our company amounted to an hundred forty and one persons for the Pirate Similaâ— who was our Pilot would have no more men nor Vessels for fear of being known because he was to traverse the streight of Nanquin and to enter into Rivers that were much frequented whereby we might probably be subject to great hazâ—rd That day and al the night following we imployed in getting out from amongst the Islands of Angitur and pursued our course through Seas which the Portugals had neither seen nor sailed on till then The first five dayes we had the wind favourable enough being still within sight of land till we came to the mouth of the River of the Fishings of Nanquin There we croâ—t over a Gulf of forty leagues and discovered a very high Mountain called Nangafo towards the which bending Northerly we sailed fiftie dayes at length the wind abated somewhat and because in that place the Tides were very great Similau put into a little River where was good anchoring and riding inhabited by men that were white and handsome having very little eyes like to the Chineses but much different from them both in language and attire Now during the space of three dayes that we continued there the Inhabitants would have no manner of communication with us but contrariwise they came in troopes to the shore by which we anchored and running up and down like mad-men they howled in a most hideous fashion and shot at us with slings and cross-bows As soon as the weather and the sea would permit us Similau by whom all vvas then governed began to set sail directing his course East Northeast and so proceeded seven dayes in sight of land then traversing another Gulfe and turning more directly to the East he past through a straight ten leâ—gues over called Sileupaquin There he sailed five dayes more still in view of many goodly Cities and Towns this River being frequented with an infinite company of Vessels whereupon Antonio de Faria knowing that if he hapned to be discovered he should never escape with life resolved to get from thence and continue this course no longer which Similau perceiving and opposing the advice that every one gave him Signior said unto him I do not think that any of your company can accuse me for mis-performing my duty hitherto you know how at Liampoo I told you publiquely in the General Councel that was held in the Church before an hundred Portugals at the least that we were to expose our selves to great dangers and chiefly my self because I was a Chinese and a Pilot for all you could be made to endure but one death wheras I should be made to endure two thousand if it were possible whereby you may well conclude that setting apart all treason I must of necessity be faithful unto you â—s I am and ever will be not only this Voyage but in all other enterprizes in despight of those that murmur and make false reports unto you of me howbeit if you fear this danger so much as you say and are therefore pleased that we shall take some other way lesse frequented with men and vessels and where we may sail without dread of any thing then you must be contented to bestow a far longer time in this voyage wherefore resolve with your company upon it without any further delay or let us return back for lo I am ready to do whatsoever you will Antonio de Faria embracing and giving him many thanks fell to discourse with him about that other safer way of which he spake Whereupon Similau told him that some hundred and forty leagues further forwards to the North there was a River somewhat larger by half a league called Sumhepadano where he should meet with no Obstacle for that it was not peopled like the streight of Nanquin wherein they now were but that then they should be retarded a month longer by the exceeding much winding of this River Antonio de Faria thinking it far better to expose himself to a length of time then to hazard his life for abridgement of way followed the counsel that Similau gave him so that going out of the streight of Nanquin he coasted the land five dayes at the end whereof we discovered a very high Mountain towards the East which Similau told us was called Fanius approaching somewhat neer unto it we entred into a very fair Port forty fathom deep that extending it self in the form of a Crescent was sheltred from all sorts of winds so spacious withall as two thousand Vessels how great soever might ride there at ease Antonio de Faria went ashore with some ten or eleven Souldiers and rounded this haven but could not
side amazed to think how liberally it hath pleased God to heap up on this people the goods of the earth on the other side I am exceedingly grieved to consider how ungratefull they are in acknowledging such extraordinary favours for they commit amongst themselves an infinite of most enormous sins wherewithal they incessantly offend the Divine Goodness as well in their bruitish and diabolical Idolatries as in the abominable sin of Sodomy which is not only permitted amongst them in publique but is also accounted for a great vertue according to the instructions of their Priests CHAP. XXXII Our Arrival at the City of Pequin together with our imprisonment and that which moreover happened unto us there as also the great Majesty of the Officers of their Court of Iustice. AFter we were departed from that rare and marvellous Town whereof I have spoken we continued our course up the river until at length on Tuesday the nineteenth of October in the year 1541. we arrived at the great City of Pequin whither as I have said before we had been remitted by Appeal In this manner chained three and three together we were cast into a prison called Gofaniauserca where for our welcom we had at the first dash thirty lashes a piece given us wherewith some of us became very sick Now as soon as the Chifuu who conducted us thither had presented the process of our sentence sealed with twelve seals to the Justice of the Aytao which is their Parliament the twelve Chonchalis of the criminal Chamber unto whom the cognisance of our cause appertained commanded us presently away to prison whereupon one of those twelve assisted by two Registers and six or seven officers whom they term Hupes and are much like our Catchpoles here terrified us not a little as he was leading us thither for giving us very threatning speeches Come said he unto us By the power and authority which I have from the Aytao of Batampina chief President of the two and thirty Iudges of strangers within whose brest are the secrets of the Lyon crowned on the throne of the world inclosed I enjoyn and command you to tell me what people you are as also of what country and whether you have a King who for the service of God and for the discharge of his dignity is inclined to do good to the poor and to render them justice to the end that with tears in their eyes and hands lifted up they may not addresse their complaints to that Soveraign Lord which hath made the bright Enamel of the skies and for whose holy feet all they that reign with him serve but for sandals To this demand we answered him that we were poor strangers natives of the Kingdom of Siam who being imbarqued with our Merchandise for Liampoo were cast away in a great storm at sea from whence we escaped naked with the loss of all that we had and how in that deplorable estate we were fain to get our living by begging from door to door till such time as at our arrival at the Town of Taypor the Chumbim then resident there had arrested us for prisoners without cause and so sent us to the City of Nanquin where by his report we had been condemned to the whip and to have our thumbs cut off without so much as once daigning to hear us in our justifications by reason whereof lifting up our eyes to Heaven we had been adviced to have recourse with our tears to the four and twenty Judges of austâ—er life that through their zeal to God they might take our cause in hand since by reason of our poverty we were altogether without support and abandoned of all men which with an holy zeal they incontinently effected by revoking the cause and annulling the judgment that had been given against us and that these things considered we most instantly besought him that for the service of God he would be pleased to have regard to our misery and the great injustice that was done us for that we had no means in this Country nor person that would speak one word for us The Judg remained somtimes in suspence upon that we had said to him at length he answered that we need say no more to him for it is sufficient that I know you are poor to the end this affair may go another way then hitherto it hath done neverthertheless to acquit me of my charge I give you five days time conformably to the Law of the third Book that within the said term you may retain a Proctor to undertake your cause but if you will be advised by me you shall present your request to the Tanigores of the sacred Office to the end that they carryed by an holy zeal of the honour of God may out of compassion of your miseries take upon them to defend your right Having spoken thus he gave us a Taeis in way of alms and said further to us Beware of the prisoners that are here for I assure you that they make it their trade to steal all that they can from any one whereupon entring into another chamber where there were a great number of prisoners he continued there above three hours in giving them audience at the end whereof he sent seven and twenty men that the day before had received their judgment to execution which was inflicted upon them by whipping to death a spectacle so dreadful to us and that put us in such a fright as it almost set us besides our selves The next morning as soon as it was day the Jaylors clapt irons on our feet and manacles on ouâ— hands and put us to exceeding great pain but seven days after we had endured such misery being laid on the ground one by another and bewayling our disaster for the extream fear we were in of suffering a most cruel death if that which we had done at Calempluy should by any means chance to be discovered it pleased God that we were visited by the Tanigores of the house of mercy which is of the jurisdiction of this prison who are called in their language Cofilem Gnaxy At their arrival all the prisoners bowing themselves said with a lamentable tonâ— Blessed be the day wherein God doth visit us by the ministery of his servants whereunto the Tanigories made answer with a grave and modest countenance The Almighty and divine hand of him that hath formed the beauty of the stars keep and preserve you Then approaching to us they very courteously demanded of us what people we were and whence it proceeded that our imprisonment was more sensible to us then to others To this speech we replied with tears in our eyes that we were poor strangers so abandoned of men as in all that Country there was not one that knew our names and that all we could in our poverty say to intreat them to think of us for Gods sake was contained in a letter that we had brought them from the Chamber of the Society of the house
of light women exempted from the tribute which they of the City pay for that they are Curtisans whereof the most part had quitted their husbands for to follow the wretched trade and if for that cause they come to receive any hurt their husbands are grievously punished for it because they are there as in a place of freedom and under the protection of the Tutan of the Court Lord Steward of the Kings house In this inclosure do likewise remain all the Landresses by them called Maynates which wash the linnen of the City who as we were told are above an hundred thousand and live in this quarter for that there are divers rivers there together with a number of wells and deep pools of water compassed about with good walls Within this same inclosure as the said Aquisendan relates there are thirteen hundred gallant and very sumptuous houses of religioâ—s men and women who make profession of the four principal Laws of those two and thirty which are in the Empire of China and it is thought that in some of these houses there are above a thousand persons besides the servants that from abroad do furnish them with victuals and other necessary provisions We saw also a great many houses which have fair buildings of a large extent with spacious inclosures wherein there are gardens and very thick woods full of any kind of game either for hawking or hunting that may be desired And these houses are as it were Inns whither come continually in great number people of all ages and sexeâ— as to see Comedies Playes Combates Bul-baitings Wrastlings and magnificent Feasts with the Tutons Chaems Conchacys Aytaos Bracalons Chumbims Monteos Lauteas Lords Gentlemen Captains Merchants and other rich men do make for to give content to their kindred and friends These houses are bravely furnished with rich hangings beds chairs and stools as likewise with huge cupbards of plate not only of silver but of gold also and the attendants that wait at the table are maids ready to be married very beautiful and gallantly attired howbeit all this is nothing in comparison of the sumptuousness and other Magnificences that we saw there Now the Chineses assured us there were some feasts that lasted ten days after the Carachina or Chinese manner which in regard of the state pomp and charge thereof as well in the attendance of servants and wayters as in the costly fare of all kind of flesh fowl fish and all delicacies in musick in sports of hunting and hawking in playes comedies tilts turnayes and in shews both of horse and foot fighting and skirmishing together do cost above twenty thousand Taeis These Inns do stand in at least a million of gold and are maintained by certain Companies of very rich Merchants who in way of commerce and traffique employ their mony therein where by it is thought they gain far more then if they should venture it to sea It is said also that there is so good and exact an order observed there that whensoever any one will be at a charge that way he goes to the Xipaton of the house who is the superintendant thereof and declares unto him what his designe is whereupon he shews him a book all divided into chapters which treats of the ordering and sumptuousness of Feasts as also the rates of them and how they shall be served in to the end that he who will be at the charge may chuse which he pleases This book called Pinetoreu I have seen and heard it read so that I remember how in the three first Chapters thereof it speaks of the feasts whereunto God is to be invited and of what price they are and then it descends to the King of China of whom it sayes That by a speciall grace of Heaven and right of Soveraignty he hath the Government of the whole earth and of all the Kings that inhabit it After it hath done with the King of China it speaks of the feasts of the Tutons which are the ten Soveraign dignities that command over the forty Chaems who are as the Vice-royes of the State These Tutons also are termed the beams of the Sun for say they as the King of China is the Son of the Sun so the Tutons who represent him may rightly be termed his beams for that they proceed from him even as the rayes do from the Sun But setting aside the bruitishness of these Gentiles I will only speak of the Feast whereunto God is to be invited which I have seen some to make with much devotion though for want of faith their works can do them little good CHAP. XXXIV The Order which is observed in the Feasts that are made in certain Inns and the State which the Chaem of the two and thirty Vniversities keeps with certain remarkable things in the City of Pequin THe first thing whereof mention is made in the Preface of that Book which treats of Feasts as I have said before is the Feast that is to be made unto God here upon earth of which it is spoken in this manner Every Feast how sumptuous soever it be may be paid for with a price more or less conformable to the bounty of him that makes it who for all his charge bestowed on it reaps no other recompence then the praise of flatterers and idle persons wherefore O my Brother saith the Preface of the said Book I counsel thee to imploy thy goods in feasting of God in his poor that is to say secretly to supply the necessities of good folks so that they may not perish for want of that which thou hast more then thou needest Call to mind also the vile matter wherewith thy father ingendred thee and that too which is far more abject wherewith thy mother conceived thee and so thou wilt see how much inferiour thou art even to the bruit beasts which without distinction of reason apply themselves to that whereunto they are carried by the flesh and seeing that in the quality of a man thou wilt invite thy friends who possibly by to morrow may not be to shew that thou art good and faithful invite the poor creatures of God of whose groans and necessities he like a pitiful Father taketh compassion and promiseth to him that doth them good infinite satisfaction in the house of the Sun where as an Article of faith we hold that his servants shall abide for evermore in eternal happiness After these words and other such like worthy to be observed the Xipaton who as I told you is the chief of them that govern this great Labyrinth shews him all the Chapters of the Book from one end to the other and bids him look what manner of men or Lords he will invite what number of guests and how many days he will have the feast to last for addeth he the Kings and Tutons at the feasts that are made for them have so many Messes of meat so many Attendants such Furniture such Chambers such vessel such plate such sports
savoury viands for to relish ones drink all in so great abundance that it would be very superfluous to say more of it but what I speak is to shew how liberally God hath imparted to these miserable blinded wretches the good things which he hath created on the earth to the end that his holy Name may therefore be blessed for evermore CHAP. XXXV The Prison of Xinanguibaleu wherein those are kept which have been condemned to serve at the reparations of the wall of Tartaria and another inclosure called the Treasure of the dead with the revenues whereof this prison is maintained DEsisting now from speaking in particular of the great number of the rich and magnificent buildings which we saw in this City of Pequin I will only insist on some of the Edifices thereof that seemed more remarkable to me then the rest whence it may be easie to infer what all those might be whereof I will not make any mention here to avoid prolixity And of these neither would I speak were it not that our Lord may one day permit that the Portugal Nation full of valour and of lofty courage may make use of this relation for the glory of our great God to the end that by these humane means and the assistance of his divine favor it may make those barbarous people understand the verity of our holy Catholique faith from which their sins have so far esloigned them as they mock at all that we say to them thereof Hereunto I will adde that they are extravagant and senceless as they dare boldly affirm that only with beholding the face of the Son of the Sun which is their King a soul would be more happy then with all other things of the world besides which perswades me that if God of his infinite mercy and goodness would grant that the King of the people might become a Christian it would be an easie matter to convert all his Subjects whereas otherwise I hold it difficult for so much as one to change his belief and all by reason of the great awe they are in of the Law which they fear and reverence a like and whereof it is not to be believed how much they cherish the Ministers But to return to my discourse the first building which I saw of those that were most remarkable was a prison which they call Xinanguibaleu that is to say The inclosure of the Epiles the circuit of this prison is two leagues square or little less both in length and bredth It is inclosed with a very high wall without any battlements the wall on the outside is invironed with a great deep ditch full of water over the which are a many of draw-bridges that are drawn up in the night with certain iron chains and so hang suspended on huge cast pillars In this prison is an arch of strong hewed stone abutting in two towers in the tops whereof are six great sentinel bells which are never rung but all the rest within the said inclosure do answer them which the Chineses affirm to be above an hundred and indeed they make a most horrible din. In this place there are ordinarily three hundred thousand prisoners between seventeen and fifty whereat we were much amazed and indeed we had good cause in regard it is a thing so unusual and extraordinary Now desiring to know of the Chineses the occasion of so marvellous a building and of the great number of prisoners that were in it they answered us that after the King of China named Crisnago Docotay had finished a wall of three hundred leagues space betwixt this Kingdom of China and that of Tartaria as I have declared other where he ordained by the advice of his people for to that effect he caused an Assembly of his Estates to be held that all those which should be condemned to banishment should be sent to work in the repairing of this wall and that after they had served six years together therein they might freely depart though they were sentenced to serve for a longer time because the King pardoned them the remainder of the term by way of charity and alms but if during those years they should happen to perform any remarkable act or other thing wherein it appeared they had advantage over others or if they were three times wounded in the Sallies they should make or if they killed some of their enemies they were then to be dispensed with for all the rest of their time and that the Chaem should grant them a certificate thereof where it should be declared why he had delivered them and how he had thereby satisfied the Ordinances of War Two hundred and ten thousand men are to be continually entertained in the work of the wall by the first institution whereof defalcation is made of a third part for such are dead maimed and delivered either for their notable actions or for that they had accomplished their time And likewise when as the Chaem who is as the chief of all those sent to the Pitaucamay which is the highest Court of Justice to furnish him with that number of men they could not assemble them together so soon as was necessary for that they were divided in so many several places of that Empire which is prodigiously great as I have delivered before and that withall a long time was required for the assembling them together another King named Gopiley Aparau who succeeded to that Crisnago Dacotay ordained that the great inclosure should be made in the City of Pequin to the end that as soon as any were condemned to the work of this wall they should be carried to Xinanguibaleu for to be there altogether by which means they might be sent away without any delay as now is done So soon as the Court of Justice hath committed the prisoners to this prison whereof he that brings them hath a Certificate they are immediately left at liberty so that they may walk at their pleasure within this great inclosure having nothing but a little plate of a span long and four fingers broad wherein these words are engraven Such a one of such a place hath been condemned to the general exile for such a cause he entred such a day such a month such a year Now the reason why they make every prisoner to carry this plate for a testimony of their evil actions is to manifest for what crime he was condemned and at what time he entred because every one goes forth conformably to the length of time that shall be since he entred in These prisoners are held for duly delivered when they are drawn out of captivity for to go and work at the wall for they cannot upon any cause whatsoever be exempted from the prison of Xinanguibaleu and the time they are there is counted to them for nothing in regard they have no hope of liberty but at that instant when their turn permits them to work in the reparations for then they may be sure to be delivered according
report that a certain King great Grandfather to him that then raigned in China named Chausi-Zarao Panagor very much beloved of his people for his good disposition and vertues having lost his sight by an accident of sickness resolved to do some pious work that might be acceptable to God to which effect he assembled his Estates where he ordained that for the relief of the poor there should be Granaries established in all the Towns of his Kingdom for wheat and rice that in the time of dearth which many times happened the people might have wherewithall to nourish themselves that year and to that purpose he gave the tenth part of the Duties of his Kingdom by a Grant under his hand which when he came to signe accordingly with a golden stamp that he ordinarily used because he was blind it pleased God to restore him perfectly to his sight again which he enjoyed still as long as he lived By this example if it were true it seemed that our Lord Jesus Christ would demonstrate how acceptable the charity that good men exercise towards the poor is to him even though they be Gentiles and without the knowledge of the true Religion Ever since there have been always a great many of Granaries in this Monarchy and that to the number of an hundred and fourteen thousand As for the order which the Magistrates observe in furnishing them continually with corn is such as followeth A little before reaping time all the old corn is distributed â—orth to the inhabitants as it were by way of love and that for the term of two months after this time is expired they unto whom the old corn was lent return in as much new and withall six in the hundred over and above for waste to the end that this store may never fail But when it falls out to be a dear year in that case the corn is distributed to the people without taking any gain or interest for it and that which is given to the poorer sort who are not able to repay what hath been lent to them is made good out of the Rents which the Countries pay to the King as an alms bestowed on them by his special grace Touching the Kings Revenues which are paid in silver Picos they are divided into three parts whereof the first is for the maintenance of the King and his State the second for the defence of the Provinces as also for the provisions of Magazines and Armies and the third to be laid up and reserved in a Treasury that is in this City of Pequin which the King himself may not touch unless it be upon occasion for defence of the Kingdom and to oppose the Tartars Cauchins and other Neighbouring Princes who many times make grievous war upon him This Treasure is by them called Chidampur that is to say The wall of the Kingdom for they say that by means of this treasure being well imployed and carefully managed the King needs lay no impositions upon the people so that they shall not be any ways vexed and oppressed as it happens in other Kingdoms for want of this providence Now by this that I have related one may see how in all the great Monarchy the Government is so excellent the Laws so exactly observed and every one so ready and careful to put the Princes Ordinances in execution that Father Navier having well noted it was wont to say that if ever God would grant him the grace to return into Portugal he would become a Suter to the King for to peruse over the rules and ordinances of those people and the manner how they govern both in time of war and peace adding withall that he did not think the Romans ever ruled so wisely in all the time of their greatest prosperity and that in matter of policy the Chineses surpassed all other Nations of whom the Ancients have written CHAP. XXXVII The great number of Officers and other people which are in the King of China's Pallace with our going to Quincay to accomplish the time of our Exile and what befell us there OUt of the fear I am in left coming to relate in particular all those things which we saw within the large inclosure of this City of Pequin they that shall chance to read them may call them in question and not to give occasion also unto detractors who judging of things according to the little world they have seen may hold those truths for fables which mine own eyes have beheld I will forbear the delivery of many matters that possibly might bring much contentment to more worthy spirits who not judging of the riches and prosperity of other Countres by the poverty and misery of their own would be well pleased with the relation thereof Howbeit on the other side I have no great cause to blame those who shall not give credit to that which I say or make any doubt of it because I must acknowledge that many times when I call to mind the things that mine eyes have seen I remain confounded therewith whither it be the Grandeurs of this City of Pequin or the magnificence wherewith this Gentile King is served or the pomp of the Chaems and Anchacys of the Government or the dread and awe wherein all men are of these Ministers or the sumptuousness of their Temples and Pagodes together with all the rest that may be there for within the only inclosure of the Kings Pallace there are above a thousand Eunuchs three thousand women and 12 thousand men of his Guard unto whom the King gives great entertainment and pentions also twelve Tutons dignities that are Soveraign above all others whom as I have already declared the vulgar call The beams of the Sun Under these twelve Tutons there are forty Chaems or Vice-roys besides many other inferiour dignities as Judges Majors Governours Treasurers Admirals and Generals which they term Anchacys Aytaos Ponchacy Lauteas and Chumbims whereof there are above five hundred always residing at the Court each of them having at the least two hundred men in his train which for the most part to strike the greater terror are of divers Nations namely Megores Persians Curazens Moems Calaminhams Tartars Cauchins and some Braamas of Chaleu and Tanguu for in regard of valour they make no account of the Natives who are of a weak and effeminate complection though otherwise I must confess they are exceeding able and ingenious in whatsoever concerneth Mechanick Trades Tillage and Husbandâ—y they have withall a great vivacity of spirit and are exceeding proper and apt for the inventing of very subtle industrious things The women are fair and chaste and more inclined to labour then the men The Country is fertile in victual and so rich aboundâ—ng in all kind of good things as I cannot sufficiently express it such is their blindness as they attribute all those blessings to the only merit of their King and not to the Divine Providence and to the goodness of that Soveraign Lord who
propound things unto him that cannot be whereupon turning himself towards us Go get you gone said he unto us and to morrow morning fail not to be ready for to come again when I shall send for you These words exceedingly contented us as there was great cause they should and accordingly the next day he sent us nine horses very well furnished upon which we mounted and so went to his Tent He in the mean time had put himself into a Piambre that is somewhat like to a Litter drawn with two horses richly harnessed round about him for his Guard marched threescore Halberdiers six pages apparelled in his Livery mounted on white Curtals and we nine on horsback a little more behind In this manner he went on towards the place where the King was whom he â—ound lodged in the great and sumptuous Edifice of the Goddess Nacapirau by the Chineses called the Queen of Heaven whereof I have spoken at large in the thirty â—ourth Chapter Being arrived at the first trenches of the Kings Tent he alighted out of his Litter and all the rest likewise off â—rom their horses for to speak to the Nautaran of whom with a kiâ—d of ceremony after the fashion of the Gentiles he craved leave to enter which was presently granted him Thereupon the Mitaquâ—r being returned into his Litter passed through the gates in the same manner as beâ—ore only we and the rest of his followers waited upon him on foot When he came to a low and very long Gallery where there was a great number of Gentlemen he alighted again out of his Litter and told us that we were to attend him there for that he would go and know whether it were a fit time to speak with the King or no. We stayed there then about an hour during the which some of the Gentlemen that were in the Gallery observing us to be strangers and such kind of people as they had never seen the like they called us and very courteously bid us to sit down by them where having spent some time in beholding certain tumblâ—â—s shewing â—eats of activity we perceived the Mitaquer coming forth with four very beautiful boys attired in long coats after the Turkish fashion garded all over with green and white and wearing about the small of their legs little hoops of gold in the foâ—m of irons and shackleâ— The Gentlemen that were pâ—esent as soon as they saw them rose up on their feet and drawing out their Courâ—elasses which they wore by their sides they laid them on the ground with a new kind of ceremony saying three times Let the Lord of our heads live an hundred thousand years In the mean while as â—e lay with our heads bending to the ground one of those boys said aloud unto us You men of the other end of the world rejoyce now for that the hour is come wherein your desire is to be accomplished and that you are to have the liberty which the Mitaquer promised you at the Castle of Nixiamcoo wherefore arise from off the earth and lift up your hands to Heaven rendring thanks unto the Lord who during the night of our peaceable rest enammels the Firmament with Stars seeing that of himself alone without the merit of any flesh he hath made you to encounter in your exile with a man that delivers your persons To this Speech prostrated as we were on the ground we returned him this answer by our truch-man May Heavens grant us so much happiness as that his foot may trample on our heads whereunto he replied Your wish is not small and may it please God to accord you this gift of riches These four boys and the Mitaquer whom we followed past through a Gallery erected upon five and twenty pâ—llars of brâ—ss and entred into a great room where there were a number of Gentlemen and amongst them many strangers Mogores Persians Bordies Calamiâ—hams and Bramaas After we were out of this room we came unto another where there were many armed men ranged into five Files all along the room with Courtelasses on their shoulders that were garnished with gold Tâ—ese stayed the Mitaquer a little and with great complements asked him some questions and took his oath upon the Maces the boys carried which he performed on his knees kissing the ground three several times whereupon he was admitted to pass on into a great place like a quadrangle there we saw four ranks of Statues of brass in the form of wild men with clubs and crowâ—s of the same mettal guilt These Idols or Gyants were each of them six and twenty spans high and six broad as well on the breâ—t as on the shoulders their countenances were hideous and deformed and their hair curled like to Negroes The desire we had to know what these figures signified made us to demand it of the Tartars who answered us that they were the three hundred and threescore gods which framed the days of the year being placed there expresly to the end that in their effigies they might be continually adored â—or having created the fruits which the earth produceth and withall that the King of Tartary had caused them to be transported thither from a great Temple called Angicamoy which he had taken in the City of Xipaton out of the Chappel of the Tombs of the Kings of China for to triumph over them when as he should happily return into his Country that the whole world might know how in despight of the King of China he had captivated his gods Within this place whereof I speak and amidst a plantation of Orange-trees that was invironed within a fence of Ivy Roses Rosemary and many other sort of flowers which we have not in Europe was a Tent piâ—ched upon twelve Ballisters of the wood of Champhire each of them wreathed about with silver in the fashion of knotted card-work bigger then ones arm In this Tent was a low Throne in the form of an Altar garnished with branched work of fine gold and over it was a cloth of State set thick with silver Stars where also the Sun and Moon were to be seen as also certain clouds some of them white and others of the colour of which appear in the time of rain all enammelled so to the life and with such art that they beguiled all those that bâ—held them for they seemed to rain indeed so as it was impossible to see a thing more compleat either for the proportions or colours In the midst of this Throne upon a bed lay a great Statue of silver called Abicau Nilancor which signifies the God of the health of Kings that had been also taken in the Temple of Angicamoy Now round about the same Statue were four and thirty Idols of the height of a child of five or six years old ranged in two Files and set on theâ—r knees with their hands lifted up towards this Idol as if they would adore him At the entry into this Tent there were four young Gentlemen richly clad
to his hope so great an enterprise had been wherein hâ— had consumed so much treasure caused his Councel of War to be assembled in the which were present the seven and twenty Kings that accompanied him and likewise many Princes and Lords and the most part of the chief Commanders of the Army In this Councel it was resolved that in regard Winter was at hand and that the rivers had already overflowed their banks with such force and violence as they had ravaged and carried away mâ—st of the Trenches and Pallisadoes of the Camp and that moreover great numbers of the souldiers died daily of sickness and for want of victuals that therefore the King could not do better then to raise his Siege and be gone before Winter came for fear lest staying longer he should run the hazard of losing himself and his Army All these reasons seemed so good to the King that without further delay he resolved to follow this counsel and to obey the present necessity though it were to his great grief so that incontinently he caused all his Infantry and Ammunition to be imbarqued then having commanded his Camp to be set on fire he himself went away by Land with three hundred thousand Horse and twenty thousand Rhinocerots Now after they had taken an account of all the dead they appeared to be four hundred and fifty thousand the most of whom died of sickness as also an hundred thousand Horses and threescore thousand Rhinocerots which were eaten in the space of two months and an half wherein they wanted victual so that of eighteen hundred thousand men wherewith the King of Tartaria came out of his Country to besiege the City of Pequin before the which he lay six months and an half he carried home some seven hundred and fifty thousand less then he brought forth whereof four and fifty thousand died of sickness famine and war and three hundred thousand went and rendred themselves unto the Chineses drawn thereunto by the great pay which they gave them and other advantages of honour and presents which they continually bestowed on them whereat we are not to marvel seeing experience doth shew how that alone is of far more power to oblige men then all other things in the world After the King of Tartaria was gone from this City of Pequin upon a Munday the sevenâ—eenth of October with three hundred thousand horse as I have related before the same day about evening he went and lodged near to a river called Quaytragun and the next morning an hour before day the Aâ—my began to mâ—rch at the souâ—d of the Drums Fifes and other instruments of war acâ—ordâ—ng to the order prescribed them In this manner he arrived a little before night at a Town named Guiiampâ—a which he found altogether depopulated After his Army had reposed thereabout an hour and an half he set forth again and marching somewhat fast he came to lodg at the foot of a great mountain called Liampeu from whence he departed towards morning Thus marched he eight leagues a day for fourteen days together at the end whereof he arrived at a good Town named Guauxitim which might contain about eleven or twelve thousand fires There he was counselled to furnish himself with victuals whereof he had great need for which purpose therefore he begirt it round and skaliâ—g it in the open day he qâ—ickly mâ—de himself Master of it and put it to the sack with so cruel a Massacre of the inhabitants as my fellows and I were ready to swoond for very astonishment Now after that the wood and fire had consumed all things and that the Army was abundantly provided of ammunition and victual he depâ—rted at the break of day and though he past the next morning in the view of Caixiloo yet would not he attaque it for that it was a great and strong Town and by scituation impregnable having heard besides that there were fifty thousand men within it whereof ten thousand were Mogors Cauchins and Champaas resolute souldiers and much more warlike then the Chineses From thence passing on he arrived at the walls of Singrachirau which are the very same that as I have said heretofore do divide those two Empires of China and Tartaria There meeting with no resistance he went anâ— lodged on the further side of it at Panquinor which was the first of his own Towns and sâ—ated some three leagues from the said wall and the next day he marched to Psipator where he dismissed the most part of his people In this place he stayed not above seven days which he spent in providing pay for his souldiers and in the execution of certain prisoners he had taken in that war and brought along with him These things thus expedited he as a man not very well pleased imbarqued himself for Lançâ—me in sixscore Lanlees with no more then ten or eleven thousand men So in six dayes after his imbarquing he arrived at Lançame where not permitting any reception to be made him he landed about two hours within night The King abode in this City of Lançame until such time as all his forces as well horse as foot were arrived there which was within six and twenty days then having all his Army together he went on to another City far greater and fairer called Tuymicoa where he was visitâ—d by some Princes his Neighbours and hy the Ambassadors of many other Kings and Soveraigns of more remoter Countrys of which the chiefest were six great and mighty Monarchs namely Xataanas the Sophy of Persia Siamon Emperour of the Gueos whose Country borders on that of Bramaa and Tanguu the Calamiâ—ham Lord of the indomptable force of the Elephant of the Earth as I shall deliver hereafter when I come to treat of him and his State the Sournaâ— of Odiaa that names himself the King of Siam whose dominion râ—ns seven hundred leagues along the coast with that of Tanauserin and on Champaa side with the Malayos Berdios and Patanes and through the heart of the Country with Passioloqua Capioper and Chiammay as also with the Lauhos and Gueos so that this Prince alone hath seventeen Kingdoms within his State by reason whereof for to make himself the more redoubted amongst the Gentiles he causeth himself to be stiled The Lord of the white Elephant the fifth was the great Mogor whose State is within the heart of the Country near to the Corazones a Province bordering upon Persiu and the Kingdom of Dely and Chitor and the last an Emperour of a Country named Caran as we were informed there the bounds of whose Soveraignty are at the Mountains of Goncalidau sixty degrees further on where a certain people live whom they of the Country call Moscovites whereof we have some in this City which were fair of complection well shapen and apparelled with Breeches Cassocks and Hats like to the Flemings which we see in Europe the chiefest of them wearing Gowns lined with Sables and the rest with ordinary furs The Ambassador
it is the property of God through a coelestial and divine nature to do good unto all wherefore we are all bound as well in general and particular to imitate this our Lord who hath created and doth nourish us by doing that unto those who stand in need of the good of this world as we would that they should do unto us for that by this work we are more pleasing unto him then by any other whatsoever For as the good Father of a Family rejoyceth to see his children made much of and presents given to them so our Heavenly Lord who is the true Father of us all rejoyceth at such time as with a zeal of charity we communicate one with another whereby it is evident that the covetous man who shuts his hand when the poor ask something of him which they want constrained thereunto by necessity and that turns him another way without assisting them shall be treated in the same manner by a just judgment of God and driven down into the bottom of the sink of the night where like a frog he shal croke without ceasing being tormented by the hunger of his covetousness This being so I do advise and enjoyn you all since you have ears to hear me that you do that which the Law of the Lord obligeth you to do which is that you give of that whereof you have too much to the poor who have not wherewith to feed themselves to the end God may not be wanting to you when you shall be at the last gasp of your life Go to then let this charity be so remarkable and universal in you that the very fowls of the air may taste of your liberality And this you ought to do to keep the poor having need of what you possess in excess from being forced by their necessity to rob other men of their goods whereof you would be no less blameable then if you killed an infant in the cradle I commend also unto your remembrance that which is written in the Book of our truth touching the good you are bound to do unto the Priests that pray for you to the end they may not perish for want of the good you ought to do unto them which would be as great a sin before God as if you should cut the throat of a little white heifer when she is sucking of her Dam by the death of whom a thousand souls would die which are buried in her as in a golden Tomb in expectation of the day which is to accomplish the promise that was made unto them wherein they shall be transformed into white pearls for to dance in Heaven like unto the moats which are in the beams of the Sun Having uttered these things he added many others thereunto and delivering a world of extravagancies and fooleries he bestirred himself in such manner as was a wonder to behold so that we eight Portugals were exceedingly amazed at the extream devotion of these people and how that in lifting up their hands to Hands to Heaven they ever and anon repeated this word Taiximida that is to say So we believe In the mean time one of our fellows named Vincent Morosa hearing the auditors so often use that word Taiximida said in imitation of them Such may thy life be and that with such a grace and so setled a countenance not seeming any way to jeer him that not one in the Assembly could forbear laughing He in the mean while continued still firm and more and more confirmed seeming even to weep out of an excess of devotion Now his eyes being always fixed on the Talapicor he whensoever he chanced to look on him could not chuse but do as the rest did so that upon the conclusion of his Sermon all that heard him fell to laughing out-right The Prioress her self and all the Menigregues of her Monastery could not contain themselves in their serious humour imagining that the faces which the Portugal made and his actions were so many effects of his devotion and good meaning For if one had thought it to be otherwise and that he had not done it out of derision no question but he had been so chastised as he should never have been able to mock again When the Sermon was ended the Talapicor returned to the Pagod where he lodged being accompanied with the most honourable of all the Assembly together with the Ambassadours unto whom all the way as he went he ceased not to commend the devotion of the Portugal Look said he there is not so much as these people who live like beasts and without the knowledge of our truth but see well enough that there is nothing but what is godly in that I have preached whereunto all answered that it was as he said The day after we parted from the Town of Quanginau and continued our voyage down the river for the space of fourteen dayes during the which we saw a number of Towns and great Boroughs on either side of us at the end whereof we arrived at a City called Lechuna the chiefest of the Religion of these Gentiles and such it may be as Rome is amongst us In this City was a very sumptuous Temple where there were many remarkable edifices in the which seven and twenty Kings or Emperours of this Monarchy of Tartaria have been buried Their Tombâ— are in Chappels wonderful rich as well for the excellency of their workmanship which is of an infinite cost as for that they are within covered all over with plates of silver wherein there are divers Idols of different forms made also of silver On the North side a little part from the Temple was an inclosure worthy the observation both for its extent and the fortification thereof within it were two hundred and fourscore Monasteries as well of men as of women dedicated to certain Idols and for the service of all these Pagodes or Temples there are ordinarily as we were assured two and forty thousand Priests and Menigrepes not comprising therein those which were lodged without the inclosure for the service of these false priests We observed that in these two hundred and fourscore houses there was an infinite company of pillars of brass and upon the top of each pillar are idols of the same mâ—ttal guilt besides thosâ— which lâ—kewise were there all of silver These Idols are the Statues of them whom in their false Sect they hold for Saints and of whom they recount such fopperies as would make a man wonder to hear them For they give unto each of them a Statue more or less rich and guilded according to the degrees of vertue which they have exercised in this life And this they do expresly that the living may be incited to imitate them to the end there may be as much done unto them when they are dead In one of these Monasteries of the Invocation of Quiay Frigau that is to say The God of the moats of the Sun was a sister of the Kings the widdow of Raiâ—
away towards the Court crying along in the streets that the strangers Harquebuse had killed the Prince At these sad news the people flocked in all haste with weapons and great cries to the house where I was Now God knows whether I was not a little amazed when coming to awake I saw this tumult as also the young Prince lying along upon the floor by me weltring in his own blood without stirring either hand or foot All that I could do then was to imbrace him in my arms so besides my self as I knew not where I was In the mean time behold the King comes in a Chair carried upon four mens shoulders and so sad and pale as he seemed more dead then alive after him followed the Queen on foot leaning upon two Ladies with her two daughters and a many of women all weeping As soon as they were entred into the Chamber and beheld the young Prince extended on the ground as if he had been dead imbraced in my arms and both of us wallowing in blood they all concluded that I had killed him so that two of the Company drawing out their Scymitars would have slain me which the King perceiving Stay stay cried he let us know first how the matter goes for I fear it comes further off and that this fellow here hath been corrupted by some of those Traitors kinred whom I caused to be last executed Thereupon commanding the two young Gentlemen to be called which had accompanied the Prince his Son thither he questioned them very exactly Their answer was that my Harquebuse with the inchantments in it had killed him This deposition served but to incense the Assistants the more who in a rage addressing themselves to the King What need Sir have you to hear more cried they here is but too much let him be put to a cruel death Therewith they sent in all hast for the Iarabuca who was my Interpreter to them now for that upon the arrival of this disaster he was out of extream fear fled away they brought him straightly bound to the King but before they fell to examining of him they mightily threatned him in case he did not confess the truth whereunto he answered trembling and with tears in his eyes that he would reveal all that he knew In the mean time being on my knees with my hands bound a Bonzo that was President of their Justice having his arms bared up to his shoulders and a Poynard in his hand dipped in the blood of the young Prince said thus unto me I conjure thee thou Son of some Divel and culpable of the same crime for which they are damned that inhabit in the house of smoak where they lye buried in the obscure and deep pit of the Center of the earth that thou confess unto me with a voice so loud that every one may hear thee for what cause thou hast with these sorceries and inchantments killed this young innocent whom we hold for the hairs and principal ornament of our heads To this demand I knew not what to answer upon the suddain for that I was so far besides my self as if one had taken away my life I believe I should not have felt it which the President perceiving and beholding me with a terrible countenance Seest thou not continued he that if thou doest not answer to the questions I ask thee that thou mayst hold thy self for condemned to a death of blood of fire of water and of the blasts of the wind for thou shalt be dismembred into the air like the feathers of dead fowl which the wind carries from one place to another separated from the body with which they were joyned whilest they lived This said he gave me a great kick with his fooâ— for to rowse up my spirits and cried out again Speak confess who they are that have corrupted thee What sum of mony have they given thee how are they called and where are they at this present At these words being somewhat come again to my self I answered him that God knew my innocence and that I took him for witness thereof But he not contented with what he had done began to menace me more then before and set before my eyes an infinite of torments and terrible things wherein a long time being spent it pleâ—sed God at length that the young Prince came to himself who no sooner saw the King his Father as also his Mother and Sisters dissolved into tears but that he desired them not to weep and that if he chanced to die they would attribute his death to none but himself who was the only cause thereof conjuring them moreover by the blood wherein they beheld him weltring to cause me to be unbound without all delay if they desired not to make him die anew The King much amazed with this language commanded the Manacles to be taken off which they had put upon me whereupon came in four Bonzoes to apply remedies unto him but when they saw in what manner he was wounded that his thumb hung in a sort but by the skin they were so troubled aâ— it as they knew not what to do which the poor Prince observing Away away said he send hence these divels and let others come that have more heart to judg of my hurt since it hath pleased God to send it me Therewith the four Bonzoes were sent away and other four came in their stead who likewise wanted the courage to dress him which the King perceiving was so much troubled as he knew not what to do howbeit he resolved at length to be advised therein by them that were about him who counselled him to send for a Bonzo called Teixâ—andono a man of great reputation amongst them and that lived then at the City of Facataa some seventy leagues from that place but the wounded Prince not able to brook these delayes I knâ—w not answered he what you mean by this counsel which you give my Father seeing me in the deplorable estate wherein I am for whereas I ought to have been drâ—st already you would have me stay for an old rotten man who cannot be here until one hath made a journy of an hundred and forty leagues both in going and coming so that it must be a month at least before he can arrive wherefore speak no more of it but if you desire to do me a pleasure free this Stranger a little from the fear you have put him in and clear the room of all this throng he that you believe hath hurt me will help me as he may for I had rather die under the hands of this poor wretch that hath wept so much for me then be touched by the Bonzo of Facaâ—aâ— who at the age he is of of ninety and two years can see no further then his nose CHAP. XLVI My curing the young Prince of Bungo with my return to Tanixuâ—â—a and imbarquing there for Liampoo and also that which hapened to us on land after the shipwrack we
he imbaâ—qued in twelve thousand rowing Vessels whereof two thousand were Seroos Laulers Caturos and Foists Now all this great Fleet set forth from Pegu the ninth day of March 1545. and going up the River of Ansedaa it went to Danapluu where it was furnished with all such provisions as was necessary From this place following on their way through a great River of fresh water called Picau Malacou which was above a league broad at length upon the thirteenth of April they came within view of Prom. There by some whom they took that night they learned that the King was dead and how he had left for his successor to the Kingdom a son of his of thirteen years of age whom the King his Father before he dyed had marryed to his wives sister the Aunt of the said young Prince and Daughter to the King of Avaa This young King was no sooner advertised of the King of Bramaa his coming to besiege him in his City of Prom but he sent presently away to the King his Father-in-law for succor which he instantly granted and to that end speedily raised an Army of 30000 Mons Tarces and Chalems choyce men and trained up in the Wars of whom he made a son of his and brother to the Queen General In the mean time the Bramaa having intelligence thereof used all possible diligence for to besiege the City before so great a succor might arrive To which purpose having landed his Army in a plain called Meigavotau some two leagues below the City he continued there five days in making ready such preparations as were needful Having given order for all things he caused his Army to march one morning before day directly to the City with the sound of Drums Fifes and other such instruments of War where being arrived about noon without any opposition he began presently to settle his Camp so that before it was night the whole City was environed with Trenches and very great Ditches as also with six rows of Cannons and other Pieces of Ordnance CHAP. LIII That which passed between the Queen of Prom and the King of Bramaa together with the first Assault that was given to the City and the Success thereof THe King of Bramaa had been now five days before the City of Prom when as the Queen that governed the State in the place of her Husband seeing her self thus besieged sent to visit this her enemy with a rich jewel of precious stones which was presented unto him by a Talagrepo or religious man of above an hundred years old who was held amongst them for a Saint together with a Letter wherein this was written Great and mighty Lord more favoured in the House of fortune then all the Kings of the earth the force of an extream power an increasing of the Salt-seas whereinto all lesser rivers do render themselvos a Shield full of very fair devices Processor of the greatest States upon the Throne whereof thy feet do repose with a marvellous Majesty I Nhay Nivolau a poor woman Governess and Tutress of my Son an Orphan do prostrate my self before thee with tears in mine eyes and with the respect which ought to be rendred unto thee I beseech thee not to draw thy Sword against my weakness for thou knowest that I am but a silly woman which can but only cry unto God for the wrong that it done me whose property also it is to succour with mercy and to chastice with justice the States of the world be they never so great trampling them under his feet with so redoubted a power that the very Inhabitants of the profound house of smoak do fear and tremble before this Almighty Lord I pray and conjure thee not to take from me that which is mine seeing it is so small a thing as thou shalt not be the greater for it when thou hast it nor yet the less if thou hast it not whereas contrarily if thou my Lord wilt shew thy self pitiful to me that act of clemency will bring thee such reputation as the very Infants themselves will cease from sucking the white breasts of their Mothers for to praise thee with the pure lips of their innocency and likewise all they of my Country and Strangers will ever remember such thy charity towards me and I my self will cause it to be graven on the Tombs of the dead that both they and the living may give thee thanks for a thing which I do beg of thee with so much instance from the bottom of my heart This holy man Avenlachim from whom thou shalt receive this Letter written with mine own hand hath Power and Authority to treat with thee in the Name of my Fatherless Son concerning all that shall be judged reasonable touching the tribute and homage which thou shalt think fit to have rendred unto thee upon condition that thou wilt be pleased to let us enjoy our houses so that under a true assurance thereof we may bring up our children and gather the fruit of our labours for the nourishment of the poor Inhabitants of this paltry Town who will all serve thee and I to with a most humble respect in all things wherein thou shalt think good to imploy us at thy pleasure The Bramaa received this Letter and Ambassage with a great deal of authority and entertained the Religious man that delivered it to him with much honour as well in reguard of his age as for that he was held as a Saint amongst thâ—m with all he granted him certain things which were at first demanded as a Cessation of Arms till such time as Articles should be agreed on as also a permission for the Besieged to converse with the Besiegers and other such things of little consequence In the mean time judging with himself that all those offers which this poor Queen made him and the humble submissions of her Letter proceeded from weakness and fear he would never answer the Ambassadour clearly or to purpose Contrarily he caused all the places there abouts that were weak and unarmed to be secretly ransaked and the poor Inhabitants thereof to be unmercifully butchered by their barbarous enemies whose cruelty was so gâ—eat that in five dayes according to report they killed fourteen thousand persons the most part whereof were women children and old men that were not able to bear Arms. Hereupon the Rolim who brought this Letter relying no longer on the false promises of this Tyrant and discontented with the little respect he used towards him demanded leave of him to return to the City which the Bâ—amaa gave him together with this answer That if the Queen would deliver up her self her Treasure her Kingdom and her Vassals to him he would recompence her another way for the loss of her State but withall that she was to return him a peremptory answer to this proposition of his the very same day which was all the time I could give her that so he might upon the knowledge of her resolution determine upon
King of Bramaa as attributing the cause thereof to the negligence of some of his Capâ—ains in the â—ll guarding of the Terrace that the day following he caused two thousand Pegu's to be bâ—hâ—aded which had stood sentinel that night This adventure rendred things quiet for the space of twelve days during which the besieged stirred not in the mean time one of the four principal Captain of the City named Xemim Meleytay fearing that which all others in general misdoubted namely that they could not escape from falling into the hands of so cruel an Enemy treated secretly with the Tyrant and upon condition that he would continue him in his charge not meddle with any of the houses of his friends and make him Xemin of Ansedaa in the Kingdom of Pegu with all the Revenue which the Bainhaa of Malacou had there being thirty thousand Duckats a year he would deliver him up the City by giving him entrance into it through the gate which he commanded The King of Bramaa accepted hereof and for a gage of performance on his part he sent him a rich Ring from off his finger This Treason so concluded was effected on the three and twentieth of August in the year 1545. wherein this Tyrant of Bramaa carryed himself with all the barbarousness and cruelty that he used to practise in the like cases And for as much as I conceive that I should never have done if I should recount here at large how this affair past I will say no more but that the gate was opened the City delivered up the Inhabitants all cut in pieces without so much as sparing one the King and Queen made prisoners their Treasurers taken the Buildings and Temples demolished and many other inhumanities exercised with such outragiousness the belief whereof is beyond the imagination and thought of man and truly I never represent unto my self in what manner it was done as having seen it with mine own eyes but that I remain as it were astonished and besides my self at it For as this Tyrant was touched to the quick with the affront he had lately received so he executed all the cruelties he could imagine against thosâ— miserable Inhabitants for to be revenged of the ill success he had had in the siege which could not proceed from any other but a base mind and vile extraction for it ordinarily falls out that barbarousness finds place in such kind of people rather then in generous and valiant hearts Whereunto may be added that he was a man without faith and of an effâ—minate disposition though he was nevertheless an Enemy to women albeit there were in that Kingdom and in all the others whereof he was Lord those that were very white and fair After the bloody ruine of that wretched City the Tyrant entred into it in great pomp and and as it were in triumph through a breach that was made of purpose in the wall and by his express commandment When he was arrived at the young Kings pallace he caused himself to be crowned King of Prom and during the Ceremony of this Coronation he made that poor Prince whom he had deprived of his Kingdom to continue kneeling before him with his hands held up as if he adored some God and ever and anon they constrained him to stoup down and kiss the Tyrants feet who in the mean time made shew as if he were not pleased therewith This done he went into a Balcone which looked on a great Market place whither he commanded all the dead children that lay up and down the streets to be brought and then causing them to be hacked very small he gave them mingled with Bran Rice and Herbs to his Elephants to eat Afterward with a strange kind of ceremony at the sound of Trumpets Drums and other such like Instruments there was above an hundred Horses led in loaden with the quarters of men and women which also he commanded to be cut small and then cast into a great fire kindled expresly for it These things so done the Queen was brought before him that was wife to the poor little King who as I said before was but thirteen years of age and she thirty and six a woman very white and well-favored Aunt to her own Husband Sister to his Mother and Daughter to the King of Avaa which is the Country from whence the Rubies Saphirs and Emeralds do come to Pegu and it was the same Lady whom this Bramaa had sent to demand in marriage of her Father as it was then spoken but that he refused him saying to his Embassador for an answer That the thoughts of his Daughter soared a pitch higher then to be the wife of the Xemim of Tanguu which was the family whence this Tyrant was issued But now that she was fallen into his hands as his slave whether he used her so either out of a revenge of that affront or out of scorn and contempt so it was that he made her to be publiquely stript stark naked and to be torn and mangled with whipping and then in that manner to be led up and down all the City where amidst the cries and hooting of the people he exposed her to other cruel torments wherewith she was tortured till she gave up the ghost When she was dead he made her to be bound to the little King her Husband who was yet living and having commanded a great stone to be tyed about their necks they were cast into the River which was a kind of cruelty very dreadful to all that beheld it To these barbarous parts he added many others so inhumane as it is not likely that any other but he could imagine the like And for a conclusion of his cruelties the next day he caused all the Gentlemen that were taken alive being some three hundred to be impaled and so spitted like rosted Pigs to be also thrown into the River whereby may be seen how great and unheard of the injustice of this Tyrant was which he exercised on these miserable wretches CHAP. LIV. The King of Bramaa his besieging of the Fortress of Meleytay with his going from thence to Avaa and that which passed there FOurteen days were past since the doing of these things during the which the Tyrant employed himself in fortifying the City with a great deal of diligence and care when as his spies whom he had sent out brought him word that from the City of Avaa a Fleet of four hundred rowing Vessels was come down the River of Queitor wherein there were thirty thousand Siamon Soldiers besides the Mariners of which the King of Avaas son and brother to the poor Queen was General for this Prince having received advertisement of the taking of the City of Prom and of the death of his sister and brother-in-law went and lodged in the Fortress of Meleytay which was some twelve leagues up the River from Prom. This news much troubled the Tyrant howbeit he resolved to go himself in person against his Enemies before
Bramaaes there in pieces and had withall seizâ—d on the principall places of the country At these news the King was so troubled that without further delay he raised the siege and imbarqued himself on a river called Pacaâ—au where he stayed but that night and the day following which he imployed in retiring his great Ordnance and ammunition Then having set fire on all the Pallisadoes and lodgings of the Camp he parted away one Tuesday the fifteenth day of October in the year a thousand five hundred forty and eight for to go to the Town of Marâ—abano Having used all possible speed in his voyage at seventeen days end he came thither and there was amply informed by the Chalagonim his Captain of all the Zemindoos proceedings in making himself King and seizing on his treasure by killing fifteen thousand Bramaaes and that in divers places he had lodged five hundred thousand men with an intention to stop his passage into the Kingdome This news very much perplexed the King of Bramaa so that he fell to thinking with himself what course he should take for the remedying of so great a mischief as he was threatned with In the end he resolved to tarry a while at Martabano to attend some of his forces that were still behind and then to go and fight a battell with his enemy but it was his ill luck that in the space of fourteen days only which he abode there of four hundred thousand men which he had fifty thousand quitted him For whereas they were all Pegâ—es and consequently desirous to shake off the Bramaaes yoke they thought it best to side with the new King the Zemindoo who was a Pegu as well as they and they were the rather induced thereunto by understanding that this Prince was of an eminent condition liberall and so affable to every one that he thereby won most men to be of his party In the mean time the King of Bramaa fearing lest the defection of his souldiers should daily more and more increase was advised by his Councell to stay no longer there in regard the longer he should tarry the more his forces would diminish for that a great part of his Army was Pegues which were not likely to be very faithful unto him This counsell was approved of by the King who presently marched away towards Pegu neer unto which he was no sooner arrived but he was certified that the Zemindoo being advertised of his coming was attending ready to receive him So these two Kings being in the view of one another incamped in a great â—laine some two leagues from the City of Pegu the Zemindoo with six hundred thousand men and the Bramaa with three hundred and fifty thousand The next day these two Armies being put into battell array came to joyn together one Friday the sixteenth of November the same year a thousand five hundred forty and eight It was about six of the clock in the morning when first they began their incounter vvhich vvas performed vvith so much violence as a generall defeat ensued thereupon yet fought they with an invincible courage on either part but the Zemindoo had the worse for in lesse then three hours his whole Army was routed with the slaughter of three hundred thousand of his men so that in this extremity he vvas forced to save himself only with six horse in a fortress called Battelor where he stayed but one hour during the vvhich he furnished himself with a little Vessell wherein he fled the night ensuing up the river to Câ—daa Let us leave him now flying untill we shall come to him again whenas time shall serve and return to the King of Bramaa who exceedingly contented vvith the victory vvhich he had gotten marched the next morning against the City of Pegu where as soon as he arrived the inhabitants rendred themselves unto him on condition to have their lives and goods saved Whereupon he took order for the dressing of them that were hurt as for those that he lost in this battell they were found to be threescore thousand in number amongst the which were two hundred and fourscore Portugals all the rest of them being grievously wounded Having already intreated of the successe which the King of Bramaas voyage had in the kingdom of Siam and of the rebellion of the Kingdom of Pegu me thinks it will not be amisse for me to speak here succinctly of the scituation extent abundance riches and fertility which I saw in this kingdom of Siam and in this Empire of Sornaâ— to shew that the conquest thereof would have been far more utile unto us then all the estates which now we have in the India's and that we might obtain it with a great deal lesse charge This kingdom as may be seen in the Map is seven hundred leagues in length and a hundred and threescore in bredth the most part of it consists in great plaines where are a world of corn grounds and rivers of fresh water by reason whereof the Country is exceeding fertile and abundantly stored with cattell and victualls In the most eminent parts of it are thick Forests of Angelin wood whereof thousands of ships might be made there are also many mines of Silver Iron Steel Lead Tin Saltpetre and Brimstone likewise great abundance of Silk Aloes Benjamin Lacre Indico Cotton wooll Rubies Saphires Ivory and gold There is moreover in the woods marvailous store of Brasill and Ebony wherewith an hundred Juncks are every year laden to be transported to China Hainan the Lequios Camboya and Campâ—aa besides Wax Honey and Sugar which divers places there do yeeld very plentifully The Kings yearly revenue is ordinarily twelve millions of gold over and above the presents which the great Lords make him that comes to a great matter In the jurisdiction of his territories there are six and twenty hundred populations which they call Prodou as cities and towns amongst us besides villages and small hamlets whereof I have no reckoning The most part of those populations have no other fortifications or walls then palisadoes of wood so that it would be easie for any that should attaque them to make themselves masters thereof the rather for that the inhabitants of those places are naturally effeminate and destitute of arms offensive and defensive This coast of this kingdom joyns upon the two North and South Seas on that of the Indiaes by Iunçalo and Tanauçarius and on that of China by Monpolocata Cuy Lugor Chintabu and Berdio The capitall City of all this Empire is Odiaa whereof I have spoken heretofore it is fortified with walls of brick and mortar and contains according to some foure hundred thousand fires whereof an hundred thousand are strangers of divers countries of the world for whereas the country is very rich of it self and of great traffick there passes not a yeare whereunto from the Provinces and Islands of Iaoa Bale Madoura Augenio Bâ—rneo and Solor there sailes at the least a thousand Iuncks besides other smaller vessells
delay This done he parted the day following with a small train from the City of Pegu to give example to others to do the like and wept and lodged at a Town called Mouchan with an intention to tarry there those fifteen days he had limited the Lords to come unto him Now whenas six or seven of them were already past he was advertised that Xemin de Satan Governor of a Town so named had secretly sent a great sum of gold to the Zemindoo and had withall done him homage for the same Town where he commanded This news somewhat troubled the King of Bramaa who devising with himself of the means which he might use to meet with the mischief that threatned him he sent for Xemin de Satan who was then in the said Town of his Government with a purpose to cut off his head but he betaking himself to his bed and making shew of being sick answered that he would wait upon the King as soon as he was able to rise Now in regard he found himself to be guilty and misdoubting the cause wherefore he was sent for he communicated this affair to a dozen of his kinsmen that were there present with him who all of them concluded together how since there was no better way to save himself then in killing the King that without further delay it was to be put in execution so that all of them offering secretly to assist him in this enterprise they speedily assembled all their Confidents without declaring unto them at first the occasion wherefore they did it and withall drawing others unto them with many fair promises they made up of all being joyned together a company of six hundred men Whereupon being informed that the King was lodged in a certain Pagode they fell upon it with great violence and fortune was so favourable unto them that finding him almost alone in his chamber they slew him without incurring any danger That done they retired into an outward Court where the Kings Guard having had some notice of this treason set upon them and the conflict was so hot between them that in half an hours space or thereabout eight hundred men lay dead in the place whereof the most part were Bramaaes After this Xemin de Satan making away with four hundred of his followers went to a place of a large extent called Poutel whither all those of the country round about resorted unto him who being advertised of the death of the King of Bramaa whom they mortally hated made up a body of five thousand men and went to seek out the three thousand Bramaaes which the King had brought thither vvith him And forasmuch as these same vvere dispersed in severall places they vvere all of them easily slain not scarce so much as one escaping With them also vvere killed fourscore of three hundred Portugals that Diego Suarez had with him vvho together vvith all the rest vvhich remained vvith their lives saved rendred themselves upon composition and vvere received to mercy upon condition that for the future they should faithfully serve Xemin de Satan as their proper King vvhich they easily promised to do Nine days after this mutiny the Rebell seeing himself favoured by fortune and such a multitude of people at his devotion which were come to him out of this Province to the number of thirty thousand men caused himself to be declared King of Pegu promising great recompences to such as should follow and accompany him untill he had wholly gained the Kingdome and driven the Bramaaes out of the country With this design he retired to a fortresse called Tagalaa and resolved to fortifie himself there out of the feare he was in of the forces vvhich vvere to come to the succour of the deceased King thinking to find him alive having been advertised that many vvere already set forth from the City of Pegu for that purpose Now of those Bramaaes which Xemin de Satan had slain one by chance escaped and cast himself all woundeâ— as he vvas into the river and swimming over never left travelling all that night and the day follovving for fear of the Pegues untill he arrived at a place called Coutasarem where he incountred with the Chaumigrem the deceased Kings Foster-brother vvho vvas incamped there vvith an army of an hundred and â—ourscore thousand men vvhereof there vvere but only thirty thousand Bramaaes all the rest Pegues finding him then upon the point of parting from thence in regard of the heat that vvould be vvithin tvvo hours after he acquainted him vvith the death of the King and all that had past besides Now though this news greatly troubled the Chaumigrem yet he dissembled it for the present with so much courage and prudence as not one of his followers perceived any alteration in him But contrarily putting on a rich habit of Carnation Sattin imbroidered with gold and a chain of precious stones about his neck he caused all the Lords and Commanders of his Army to assemble before him and then speaking to them with the semblance of a joyfull man Gentlemen said he this fellow which you saw come to me but now in such hast hath brought me this Letter which I have here in my hand from the King my Lord and yours and although by the contents thereof he seemeth to blame us for our carelessâ—ness in lingering thus yet I hope e're long to render him such an accompt of it as his Highnesse shall give us all thanks for the service we have done him By this letter too he certifies me that he hath very certaine intelligence how the Zemindoo hath raised an army with an intent to fall upon the Towns of Cosmin and Dalâ—â— and to gain all along the rivers of Digon and Meâ—doo the whole Province of Danaplâ—â— even to Ansedaa wherefore he hath expresly enjoyned me that as soon as possibly I may I put into those places as the most important such forces as shall be able to resist the enemy and that I take heed nothing be lost through my nâ—gligence because in that case â—e will admit of no excuse This being so it seems to me very importanâ— and necessary for his service that you my Lord Xemiâ—brum go instantly without all delay and put your self with your forces into the Town of Dâ—laa and your brother-in-law Baâ—â—haa Quem into that of Digon with his fifteen thousand men as for Colonel Gipray and Monpocasser they shall go with their thirty thousand souldiers into Ansedaa and Danapluu and Ciguamcan with twenty thousand men shall march along to Xaraa and so to Mâ—lacou moreoâ—er Quiay Brazagaran with his brethren and kinsmen shall go for Generall of the Frontier with an Army of fifty thousand men to the end that assisted with those forces he may in person give order wheresoever need shall be Behold what the King hath written to me whereof I pray you let us make an agreement and all sign it together for it is no reason that my head should answer for your
from the River of Tinlau with his ill success thereupon and the succor we met withall 73 CHAP. XXII Antonio de Faria hath news of the five Portugals that were made Captives his Letter to the Mandarin of Nouday about them and his assaulting the said Town 76 CHAP. XXIII Antonio de Faria's Navigation till he came to the Port of Liampoo his arrival and gallant reception there by the Portugals 81 CHAP. XXIV Antonio de Faria departs from Liampoo for to go and seek out the Island of Calempluy the strange things that we saw and the hazard we ran in our Voyage thither 87 CHAP. XXV Our arrival at the Island of Calempluy with the description thereof what happened to Antonio de Faria in one of the Hermitages there and how we were discovered 92 CHAP. XXVI Our casting away in the gulph of Nanquin with all that befell us after this lamentable shipwrack 97 CHAP. XXVII Our arrival at the Town of Taypor where we were made Prisoners and so sent to the City of Nanquin 103 CHAP. XXVIII The Marvels of the City of Nanquin our departure from thence towards Pequin and that which happened unto us till we arrived at the Town of Sempitay 107 CHAP. XXIX Our arrival at Sempitay our encounter there with a Christian woman together with the original and foundation of the Empire of China and who they were that first peopled it 112 CHAP. XXX The foundation of the four chief Cities of China together with which of the Kings of China it was that built the wall betwixt China and Tartaria and many things that we saw as we past along 116 CHAP. XXXI The order which is observed in the moving Towns that are made upon the Rivers and that which further befell us 122 CHAP. XXXII Our arrival at the City of Pequin with our imprisonment and that which moreover happened unto us there as also the great Majesty of the Officers of their Court of Iustice. 125 CHAP. XXXIII What past between us and the Tanigores of Mercy with the great favor they did us and a brief relation of the City of Pequin where the King of China keeps his Court. 131 CHAP. XXXIV The order which is observed in the Feasts that are made in certain Inns and the state which the Chaems of the two and thirty Universities keeps with certain remarkable things in the City of Pequin 134 CHAP. XXXV The Prison of Ximanguibaleu wherein those are kept which have been condemned to serve at the reparations of the wall of Tartaria and another Inclosure called the Treasure of the dead with the revenues whereof this Prison is maintained 137 CHAP. XXXVI Of an Edifice scituated in the midst of the River wherein were the hundred and thirteen Chappels of the Kings of China and the publique Granaries established for the relief of the poor 142 CHAP. XXXVII The great number of Officers and other people which are in the King of China's Pallace with our going to Quincay to accomplish the time of our Exile and what befell us there 144 CHAP. XXXVIII A Tartar Commander enters with his Army into the Town of Quincay and that which followed thereupon with the Nauticors besieging the Castle of Nixiamcoo and the taking of it by the means of some of us Portugals 149 CHAP. XXXIX The Mitaquer departs from the Castle of Nixiamcoo and goes to the King of Tartaria's Camp before Pequin with that which we saw till we arrived there and the Mitaquers presenting us unto the King 154 CHAP. XL. The King of Tartaria's raising his siege from before Pequin for to return into his Country and that which passed until his arrival there 158 CHAP. XLI In what manner we were brought again before the King of Tartaria with our departure from that Kingdom and all that we saw and befell us in our Voyage till our arrival at the Court of the King of Chauchinchina 160 CHAP. XLII The reception of the Tartarian Embassador by the King of Chauchinchina with the said Kings going to the City of Uzanguea and his triumphal entry thereinto 167 CHAP. XLIII Our departure from the City of Uzanguea and our adventures till our arrival at the Isle of Tanixumaa with our going a shore there 170 CHAP. XLIV The great Honor which the Nautaquin Lord of the Isle did to one of us for having seen him shoot with an Harquebuse and his sending me to the King of Bungo with that which passed till my arrival at this Court 172 CHAP. XLV The great mishap which befell the King of Bungo's son with the extream danger that I was in for the same and what followed thereupon 176 CHAP. XLVI My curing the young Prince of Bungo with my return to Tanixumaa and imbarquing there for Liampoo and also that which happened to us on land after the shipwrack we suffered by the way thither 178 CHAP. XLVII The carrying of us to the Town of Pungor and presenting us to the Broquen Governor of the Kingdom with that which ensued upon it 181 CHAP. XLVIII The King of Lequios sending a cruel sentence against us to the Broquen of the Town where we were Prisoners to the end he should put it in execution and that which further happened unto us till our arrival at Liampoo 184 CHAP. XLIX My sailing from Liampoo to Malaca with the sending me by the Captain of the Fortress there to the Chaubainhaa at Martibano and all that befell us in our Voyage thither 189 CHAP. L. The Continuance of our Voyage to the Bar of Martibano and certain memorable particularities happening there 195 CHAP. LI. In what manner the Chaubinhaa rendered himself to the King of Bramaa and the cruel prâ—ceeding against the Queen of Martabano and the Ladies her attendants 201 CHAP. LII In what manner the sentence of death was executed on the person of the Chaubinhaa King of Martabano Nhay Canatoo his wife and an hundred and forty women with that which the King of Bramaa did after his return to Pegu. 205 CHAP. LIII That which passed between the Queen of Prom and the King of Bramaa together with the first assault that was given to the City and the success thereof 209 CHAP. LIV. The King of Bramaa his besieging the Fortress of Meleytay with his going from thence to Avaa and that which passed there 282 CHAP. LV. Our going with the King of Bramaa's Embassador to the Calaminham with the course which we held until we arrived at the Temple or Pagode of Tinagoogoo and a description thereof 215 CHAP. LVI The great and sumptuous Procession made in this Pagode together with their Sacrifices and other particularities 218 CHAP. LVII What we saw in the continuing of our Voyage until we arrived at the City of Timplan 223 CHAP. LVIII The Magnificent Reception of the King of Bramaa his Embassador at the City of Timplan and that which passed betwixt the Calaminham and him 226 CHAP. LIX An ample Relation of the Empire of Calaminham and of the Kingdoms of Pegu and Bramaa
great Ordnance twelve Harquebuzes forty sacks of stones threescore Headpieces and a Coat of guilt Mail lined with Crimson Sattin for his own person together with many other garments of divers sorts as also twenty pieces of Caracas which are stained linnen or Cotten Tapestry that come from the Indiaes and cloth of Malaya wherewith they usually apparel themselves in that Country as well for his wife as his daughters All these things being laden aboard a Lanchara with oars he desired me to conduct and present them from him to the King of Aaru adding withall that this business greatly concerned the King of Portugals service and that at my return besides the recompence I should receive from him he would give me an extraordinary pay and upon all occasions employ me in such Voyages as might redound to my profit whereupon I undertook it in an ill hour as I may say and for a punishment of my sins in regard of what arrived unto me thereupon as shall be seen hereafter So then I imbarqued my self on Tuesday morning the fifth of October 1539. and used such speed that on Sunday following I arrived at the River of Panetican upon which the City of Aaru is scituated I no sooner got to the River of Panetican but presently landing I went directly to a Trench which the King in person was causing to be made at the mouth of the River for to impeach the Enemies dis-imbarquing Presenting my self unto him he received me with great demonstration of joy whereupon I delivered him Pedro de Faria's Letter which gave him some hope of his coming in person to succor him if need required with many other complements that cost little the saying wherewith the King was wonderfully contented because he already imagined that the effect thereof would infallibly ensue But after he saw the Present I brought him consisting of Powder and Ammunitions he was so glad that taking me in his arms My good friend said be unto me I assure thee that the last night I dreamt how all these things which I behold here before me came unto me from the King of Portugal my Masters Fortress by mâ—ans whereof with Gods assistance I hope to defend my Kingdom and to serve him in the manner I have always hitherto done that is most faithfully as all the Captains can very well testifie which have heretofore commanded in Malaca Hereupon questioning me about certain matters that he desired to know as well concerning the Indiaes as the Kingdom of Portugal he recommended the finishing of the Trench to his people who wrought very earnestly and chearfully in it and taking me by the hand on foot as he was attended only by five or six Gentlemen â—e led me directly to the City that was about some quarter of a league from the Trench where in his Palace he entertained me most magnificently yea and made me to salute his wife a matter very rarely practised in that Country and held for a special honor which when I had done with abundance of tears he said unto me Portugal here is the cause that makes me so much to redoubt the coming of mine Enemies for were I not withheld by my wife I swear unto thee by the Law of a good and true Moor that I would prevent them in their designs without any other ayd then of my own Subjects for it is not now that I begin to know what manner of man the perâ—idious Achem is or how far his power extends Alas it is the great store of Gold which he possesseth that covers his weakness and by means whereof he wageth such forces of strangers wherewith he is continually served But now that thou mayst on the other side understand how vile and odious poverty is and how hurtful to a poor King such as I may be come thee along with me and by that little which I will presently let thee see thou shalt perceive whether it be not too true that Fortune hath been exceeding niggardly to me of her goods Saying so he carried me to his Orsenal which was covered with thatch and shewed me all that he had within it whereof he might say with reason that it was nothing in comparison of what he needed for to withstand the attempts of two hundred and thirty Vessels replenished with such warlike people as the Achems and Mulabar Turks were Moreover with a sad countenance and as one that desired to discharge his mind of the grief he was in for the danger was threatened him he recounted unto me that he had in all but six thousand men Aaruns without any other forraign succor forty Pieces of small Ordnance as Falconets and Bases and one cast Piece which he had formerly bought of a Portugal named Antonio de Garcia sometimes Receiver of the Toll and Customs of the Ports of the Fortress of Pacem whom Georgio â— ' Albuqurque caused since to be hanged and quartered at Malaca for that he treated by Letters with the King of Bintham about a plot of Treason which they had contrived together He told me besides that he had also forty Muskets six and twenty Elephants fifty Horsemen for the guard of the place eleven or twelve thousand staves hardened in the fire called Salignes whose points were poysoned and for the defence of the Trench fifty Lances good store of Targets a thousand pots of unslack'd Lime made into Powder and to be used in stead of pots of Wild-fire and three or four Barques full laden with great flints In a word by the view of these and such other of his miseries I easily perceived he was so unprovided of things necessary for his defence that I presently concluded the Enemy would have no great ado to seize on this Kingdom Nevertheless he having demanded of me what I thought of all this Ammunition in his Magazin and whether there were not enough to receive the guests he expected I answered him that it would serve to entertain them but he understanding my meaning stood musing a pretty while and then shaking his head Verily said he unto me if your King of Portugal did but know what a loss it would be to him that the Tyrant of Achem should take my Kingdom from me doubtless he would chastise the little care of his Captains who blinded as they are and wallowing in their avarice have suffered my Enemy to grow so strong that I am much afraid they shall not be able to restrain him when they would or if they could that then it must be with an infinite expence I labored to answer this which he had said unto me with such resentment but he confuted all my reasons with so much truth as I had not the heart to make any farther reply withall he represented divers foul and enormous actions unto me wherewithall he charged some particulars amongst us which I am contented to pass by in silence both in regard they are nothing pertinent to my discourse and that I desire not to discover other mens faults
retire to the Lanchara where we remained with five Boys and eight Mariners not having so much as the worth of a peny left of all our merchandize which amounted to fifty thousand crowns in gold and stone only In this Lanchara we past away all the night very much afflicted and still harkening what might be the end of this mutiny which was risen among the people as I have before related At length perceiving the matters grew worse and worse and that there was no hope for us to recover any part of our goods we thought it a far safer course to go away to Patana then by staying to run a hazard of being killed as above four thousand persons were With this resolution we parted from this place and in six days arrived at Patana where we were very well received by the Portugals which were in that Country unto whom we recounted all that had past at Pan and the pitious estate wherein we had left that miserable Town This accident very much afflicted them so that desiring to give some remedy thereunto with a true affection of charitable Christians they went all to the Palace of the King and complained to him of the wrong that had been done to the Captain of Malaca beseeching him thereupon they might be permitted to recover if it were possible the loss they had sustained and have leave granted to right themselves upon any merchants goods belonging to the Kingdom of Pan to the value of the sum they had been despoyled of The King having heard their complaint and presently granting what they demanded It is reasonable said he that you should do as you have been done unto and that you should spoyl them that first have spoyled you especially in a matter that concerns the Captain of Malaca unto whom all of you are so much obliged The Portugals having rendred him very humble thanks for this grace returned to their houses where they concluded to seize upon all the goods they could meet with belonging to the Kingdom of Pan until such time as they had fully recovered their loss It hapned then about nine days after they being advertised that some ten leagues off in the river of Calantan were three Junks of China very rich and appertaining to Mahometan Merchants Natives of the Kingdom of Pan that by foul weather at Sea were constrained to put in there our people resolved to fall upon them To which effect out of three hundred Portugals that were then in the Country we chose out fourscore with whom we imbarqued our selves in two Foysts and one round ship well provided of all things we thought to be necessary for this enterprize So we departed three days after with all speed for fear lest the Mahometans of the Country having discovered our design should advertise them of it whom we went to seek Of these three vessels one Ioano Fernandez Dabrea born in the Isle of Madera was General who with forty Soldiers went in the round ship and the other two Foysts were commanded by Laurenco de Goes and Vasco Sermento both of them of the City of Braganea in Portugal and very well experienced in Sea-service The next day we arrived at the river of Calentan where as soon as we decryed the three Junks riding at anchor which we had been told of we set very valiantly upon them and albeit those that were in them did at first do their best endevor to defend themselves yet at length all their resistance was in vain for in less then an hour we reduced them all under our power so as seventy and four of theirs were slain and but three of ours though we had many men hurt I will not hold you here with any particular discourse of what was done on either side let it suffice that after the three Junks had rendred themselves we presently set sail and carryed them away with us in all haste because the whole Country thereabout was in an uproar directing our course towards Patana where by the favor of a fair wind we arrived the next day in the afternoon Having then cast anchor we saluted the Town with a peal of Ordnance in sign of joy which put the Mahometans of the Country out of all patience for though we stood in the terms of good friends with them yet they left not to use all possible means both of Presents which they gave to the Governors and the Kings Favorites and otherwise for to make our prizes voyd and that the King would expel us out of his dominions whereunto he would at no hand consent saying that he would not for any thing in the world break the peace which his Ancestors had made with the Christians of Malaca â—nd that all that he could do therein was to become a third betwixt them Whereupon he deâ—â—â—ed us that the three Necodas of the Junks so are the Commanders of them called in that Country restoring unto us what had been taken from the Captain of Malaca we would likewise render unto them as well their vessels free as the overplus a matter which Ioano Fernandez Dabrea and the rest of the Portugals very willingly agreed unto to testifie the desire they had to content him As indeed he was exceedingly well pleased with them for it which he expressed both in courteous language and many promises of his future favor Thus were the fifty thousand duckets recovered that Pedro de Faria and Tome Lobo had lost and the Portugals were in great esteem over all that Country so that their valor rendred them very formidable to the Mahometans A little after the Soldiers assured us that in the three Junks we had taken there was only in lingoâ—s of silver besides the other merchandize wherewithall they were laden to the value of two hundred Taieis which in our mony amounts to an hundred thousand duckets CHAP. XIV The Misfortune that befell us at the entry into the River of Lugor our hiding our selves in a Wood with that which happened unto us afterwards and our return unto Malaca HAving sojourned six and twenty days at Patana for to sell away some few commodities of China that I had there arrived a Foyst from Malaca commanded by one Antonio de Faria who came thither by the express commandment of Pedro de Faria to treat with the King about some accord as also to confirm the ancient league anew which he had with Malaca and withall to give him thanks for the good entertainment he gave in his Kingdom to those of the Portugal Nation This business was carryed with a fair shew of an Embassie accompanyed with a Letter and a Present of Jewels sent in the name of the King of Portugal our Master and taken out oâ— his Coffers as all the Captains of that place used to do Now for as much as the said Antonio de Faria had brought along with him some ten or twelve thousand crowns worth of Indian woolen and linnen cloth which he had taken up on his credit at
the which we thanked them weeping with so much acknowledgment of their goodness and charity as the tears stood in their eyes so that presently sending for a Physician they bid him look carefully to us for that we were poor flocks and had no other means but what we had from the house That done he took our names in writing and set them down in a great book whereunto we all of us set our hands saying it was necessary it should be so that an accompt might be rendred of the expence was to be made for us Having spent eighteen days in this Hospital where we were sufficiently provided for with all things necessary it pleased God that we throughly recovered our healths so that feeling our selves strong enough to travel we departed from thence for to go to a place called Zuzoangances some five leagues from that Hospital where we arrived about sun-set Now in regard we were very weary we sat us down upon the side of a fountain that stood at the entrance of that Village being much perplexed and unresolved what way to take In the mean time they which came to fetch water seeing us set there in so sad an equipage returned with their pitchers empty and advertising the inhabitants of it the most of them came presently forth to us Then wondering much because they had never seen men like unto us they gathered altogether as if they would consult thereupon and after they had a good while debated one with another they sent an old woman to demand of us what people we were and why we sat so about that fountain from whence they drew all the water they used Hereunto we answered that we were poor strangers natives of the Kingdom of Siam who by a storm at sea were cast upon their Countrey in that miserable plight wherein they beheld us Tell me replyed she what course would you have us to take for you and what resolve you to do for here is no house for the repose of the poor whereinto you may be received To these words one of our company answered with tears in his eyes and a gesture conformable to our designe that God being that which he was would never abandon us with his Almighty hand but would touch their hearts to take compassion of us and our poverty and further that we were resolved to travel in that miserable case we were in till we had the good fortune to arrive at the City of Nanquin where we desired to put our selves into the Lanteaas there to serve for rowers to the Merchants that ordinarily went from thence to Cantano and so to get to Comhay where great store of our Country Junks usually lay in which we would imbarque our selves Thereupon having somewhat a better opinion of us then before Seeing you are said she such as you deliver have a little patience till I come again and tell you what these folks resolve to do with you wherewith she returned to those country people which were about some hundred persons with whom she entred into a great contestation but at length she came back with one of their Priests attired in a long gown of red damask which is an ornament of chiefest dignity among them in this equipage he came to us with an handful of ears of corn in his hand Then having commanded us to approach unto him we presently obeyed him with all kind of respect but he little regarded it seeing us so poor whereupon after he had thrown the ears of corn into the fountain he willed us to put our hands upon them which we accordingly having done You are to confess said he unto us by this holy and solemn oath that now you take in my presence upon these two substances of bread and water which the high Creator of all things hath made by his holy will to sustain and nourish all that is born into the world during the pilgrimage of this life whether that which you told this woman but now be true for upon that condition we will give you lodging in this village conformably to the charities we are bound to exercise towards Gods poor people whereas contrarily if it be not so I command you in his Name that you presently get you gone upon pain of being bitten and destroyed by the teeth of the gluttenous Serpent that makes his abode in the bottom of the house of smoak Hereunto we answered that we had said nothing but what was most true whâ—rewith the Priest remaining satisfied since you are said he such as you say come you along boldly with me and rely on my word Then returning with us to the inhabitants of the place be told them that they might bestow their alms upon us without offence and that he gave them permission so to do whereupon we were presently conducted into the Village and lodged in the porch of their Pagode or Temple where we were furnished with all that was needful for us and had two mats given us to lie upon The next morning as soon as it was day we went up and down the street begging from door to door and got four Taeis in silver wherewith we supplied our most pressing necessities After this we went away to another place called Xianguulea that was not above two leagues from that with a resolution to travel in that sort as it were in pilgrimage to the City of Nanquin to which it was then some hundred and forty leagues for we thought that from thence we might go to Cantano where our ships traded at that time and it may be our designe had succeeded had it not been for ill fortune About even-song we arrived at that village where we sat us down under the shadow of a great tree that stood by it self but it was our ill hap to meet with three boyes that kept certain cattel there who no sooner perceived us but betaking them to their heels they cried our Thieves thieves whereat the inhabitants came instantly running out armed with lances and cros-bowes crying out stop the thieves stop the thieves and so perceiving us that fled from them they mauld us cruelly with stones and staves in such manner as we were all of us grievously hurt especially one of our boyes that died upon it Then seizing on us they tied our arms behind us and leading us like prisoners into the village they so beat and buffeted us with their fists as they had almost killed us then they plunged us into a cistern of standing water that reached up to our wasts wherein were a great number of horse-leeches In this miserable place we remained two days which seemed two hundred years to us having neither rest nor any thing to eat all that time At last it was our good fortune that a man of Zuzoangance from whence we came passing by chanced to understand how we had been used by those of the Village and thereupon went and told them that they did us great wrong to take us for thieves for
this Stone upon which this new place is to be built for I desire that hereafter it should be so called wherefore I pray you all as Friends and command you as your King not to call it otherwise to the end the memory thereof may remain immortal to those that shall come after us to the end of the World By which means it shall be manifested to all men that the thirteenth day of the eighth Moon in the year one thousand six hundred thirty and nine after the Lord of all things created had made those that lived upon the Earth see how much he abhorred the sins of Men for the which he drowned the whole World with Water that he sent down from Heaven in satisfaction of his divine Iustice it shall I say be manifested to them that the new Prince Pequin built this Fortress whereunto he gave his Name And so conformable to the Prophesie which the dead childe hath delivered it shall be published over all by the voice of strange People in what manner the Lord is to be feared and what Sacrifices are to be made that they may be just and acceptable unto him Now this was that which King Pequin said unto his Vassals and which is at this day to be seen engraven on a silver Scutcheon fastened to an Arch of one of the principal Gates of the City called Pommicotay where in memory of this Prophecy there is ordinarily a Guard of forty Halberdiers with their Captain whereas there are but onely four in all the rest who are bound to render an account of all that pass in and out there daily And because the Histories relate that this new King laid the first foundation of this City on the 3 d of the moneth of August the Kings of China do on that day usually shew themselves to the People and that with such Pomp and Majesty that I profess I am not able to declare the least part of it much less to describe the whole Now in regard of this first Kings words which the Chineses hold for an infallible Prophecy his Descendants do so fear the accomplishment thereof that by a Law expresly made by them the admittance of any Strangers into this Kingdom saving Ambassadours and Slaves is forbidden upon most grievous pains So that when any do chance to arrive there they banish them presently from one place to another not permitting them to settle any where as they practised it towards me and my eight companions And thus as I have succinctly delivered was this Empire of China founded and peopled by the means of this Prince named Pequin the eldest of Nancaa's three Sons As for the other two called Pacan and Nacau they afterwards founded the other two Towns aforesaid and withall gave them their own Names It is also the general opinion that their Mother Nancaa founded the City of Nanquin which took its denomination from her continuing so to this day and is the second City of this great Monarchy The Histories further affirm that from the time of this first Founder the Empire of China augmented always from one King to another by a just Succession till a certain Age which according to our Computation was in the Year of Lord one thousand one hundred and thirty After which a King that then reigned named Xixipan inclosed the City of Pequin within the space of three and twenty years in such manner as it is seen at this day and that fourscore and two years after another King his Grand-childe called Iumbileytay made the like so that both together were sixty leagues in circuit namely each of them thirty ten in length and five in breadth Now it is certain and I have often times read it that each of these Inclosures or Walls hath a thousand and threescore round Bulwarks as also two hundred and forty Towers very fair strong large and high with gilt Lions upon Globes being the Arms of the Kings of China which are very pleasing to the eye Without the last Inclosure is an exceeding great Ditch round about it ten fathom deep and forty broad continually replenished with many Barques and Boats covered over head as if they were Houses where both Provisions and all sorts of Merchandise are sold. This City according to the Chineses report hath above three hundred and threescore Gates in each of which as I have before recited there are always four Halberdiers who are obliged to render an account of all that go in and out daily There are also certain Chambers in it whither it is the custome to bring such Children as wander and go astray in the Town to the end their Parents that lose them may be sure to hear of them there I will refer my speaking more largely of the Magnificences of this goodly City to another place for that which I have now delivered in haste and as it were en passant was but to make a brief Relation of the original of this Empire and of the first Founder of the City of Pequin which may be truly said to be the chiefest of all the World for greatness policy riches and abundance of all things that can be desired of man as also of the Foundation of the second City of this mighty Kingdom that is Nanquin and of the other two Pacan and Nacan whereof I have heretofore spoken and in which the Founders of them are buried in very stately and rich Temples within Tombs of white and green Alabaster all garnished with Gold and erected upon Lions of Silver with a world of Lamps and perfuming Pans full of divers sorts of sweet Odours round about them Now that I have spoken of the Original and Foundation of this Empire together with the circuit of the great City of Pequin I hold it not amiss to intreat as succinctly as I may of another particular which is no less admirable then those whereof I have made mention before It is written in the fifth Book of the Scituation of all the remarkable places of this Empire or rather Monarchy for to speak truly there is no appellation so great but may be well attributed unto it that a King named Crisnagol Dicotay who according to the computation of that Book reigned in the year of our Lord five hundred and eighteen happened to make war with the Tartar about some difference between them concerning the State of Xenxinapau that borders on the Kingdom of Lauhos and so valiantly demeaned himself in a Battel against him that he defeated his Army and remained Master of the Field whereupon the Tartar confederating himself with other Kings his Friends did by their assistance assemble together greater Forces then the former and therewith invaded the Kingdom of China where it is said he took three and thirty very important Towns of which the principal was Panquilor insomuch that the Chinese fearing he should not be well able to defend himself concluded a Peace with him upon condition to relinquish his right which he pretended to that in
question betwixt them and to pay him two thousand Picos of Silver for to defray the Charges of those strangers the Tartar had entertained in this War by this means China continued for a good while quiet but the King doubting lest the Tartar might in time to come return to annoy him again resolved to build a Wall that might serve for a Bulwark to his Empire and to that end calling all his Estates together he declared his determination unto them which was presently not onely well approved of but held most necessary so that to enable him for the performance of a business so much concerning his state they gave him ten thousand Picos of Silver which amount according to our account unto fifteen Millions of Gold after the rate of fifteen hundred Ducates each Pico and moreover they entertained him two hundred and fifty thousand men to labour in the work whereof thirty thousand were appointed for Officers and all the rest for manual services Order being taken then for whatsoever was thought fit for so prodigious an enterprise they fell to it in such sort as by the report of the History all that huge Wall was in seven and twenty years quite finished from one end to the other which if credit may be given to the same Chronicle is seventy Iaos in length that is six hundred and fifteen miles after nine miles every Iao wherein that which seemed most wonderfull and most exceeding the belief of man was that seven hundred and fifty thousand men laboured incessantly for so long a time in that great work whereof the Commonalty as I delivered before furnished one third part the Priests and Isles of Aynen another third and the King assisted by the Princes Lords Chaems and Anchacys of the Kingdom the rest of the building which I have both seen and measured being thirty foot in height and ten foot in breadth where it is thickest It is made of Lime and Sand and plaistered on the outside with a kind of Bitumen which renders it so strong that no Cannon can demolish it Instead of Bulwarks it hath Sentries or Watch-towers two stages high flanked with Buttresses of Carpentry made of a certain black wood which they call Caubesy that is to say Wood of Iron because it is exceeding strong and hard every Buttress being as thick as an Hogshead and very high so that these Sentries are far stronger then if they were made of Lime and Stone Now this Wall by them termed Chaufacan which signifies Strong resistance extends in height equal to the Mountains whereunto it is joyned and that those Mountains also may serve for a Wall they are cut down very smooth and sâ—eep which renders them far stronger then the Wall it self but you must know that in all this extent of land there is no Wall but in the void spaces from Hill to Hill so that the Hills themselves make up the rest of the Wall and Fence Further it is to be noted that in this whole length of an hundred and fifteen leagues which this Fortification contains there are are but onely 5 Entries whereby the Rivers of Tartaria do pass which are derived from the impetuous Torrents that descend from these Mountains and running above five hundred leagues in the Country render themselves into the Seas of China and Cauchenchina howbeit one of these Rivers being greater then the rest disemboques by the Bay of Cuy in the Kingdom of Sournau commonly called Siam Now in all these five Passages both the King of China and the King of Tartaria keep Garrisons the Chinese in each of them entertains seven thousand men giving them great pay whereof six thousand are Horse the rest Foot being for the most part strangers as Mogores Pancrus Champaas Corosones Gizares of Persia and other different Nations bordering upon this Empire and which in consideration of the extraordinary pay they receive serve the Chineses who to speak truth are nothing couragious as being but little used to the Wars and ill provided of Arms and Artillery In all this length of Wall there are three hundred and twenty Companies each of them containing five hundred Souldiers so that there are in all one hundred and threescore thousand men besides Officers of Justice Anchacis Chaems and other such like persons necessary for the Government and entertainment of these Forces so that all joyned together make up the number of two hundred thousand which are all maintained at the Kings onely charge by reason the most of them are Malefactours condemned to the reparations and labour of the Wall as I shall more amply declare when I come to speak of the Prison destined to this purpose in the City of Pequin which is also another Edifice very remarkable wherein there are continually above thirty thousand Prisoners the most of them from eighteen to forty five years of age appointed to work in this Wall Being departed from those two Towns Pacau and Nacau we continued our course up the River and arrived at another Town called Mindoo somewhat bigger then those from whence we parted where about half a mile off was a great Lake of Salt-water and a number of Salt-houses round about it The Chineses assured us that this Lake did ebb and flow like the Sea and that it extended above two hundred leagues into the Country rendring the King of China in yearly Revenue one hundred thousand Taeis onely for the third of the Salt that was drawn out of it as also that the Town yielded him other one hundred thousand Taeis for the Silk alone that was made there not speaking at all of the Camphire Sugar Pourcelain Vermilion and Quick-silver whereof there was very great plenty moreover that some two leagues from this Town were twelve exceeding long Houses like unto Magazines where a world of people laboured in casting and purifying of Copper and the horrible din which the Hammers made there was such and so strange as if there were any thing on earth that could represent Hell this was it wherefore being desirous to understand the cause of this extraordinary noise we would needs go to see from whence it proceeded and we found that there were in each of these Houses forty Fornaces that is twenty of either side with forty huge Anvils upon every of which eight men beat in order and so swiftly as a mans eye could hardly discern the blows so as three hundred and twenty men wrought in each of these twelve Houses which in all the twelve Houses made up three thousand eight hundred and forty workmen beside a great number of other persons that laboured in other particular things whereupon we demanded how much Copper might be wrought every year in each of these Houses and they told us one hundred and ten or sixscore thousand Picos whereof the King had two thirds because the Mines were his and that the Mountain from whence it was drawn was called Corotum baga which signifies a River of Copper for that from the
Tribunal fourteen steps high that was all overlaid with fine gold Her face was very beautiful and her hands were heaved up towards Heaven at her armpits hung a many of little idols not above half a finger long filed together whereupon demanding of the Chineses what those meant they answered us That after the waters of Heaven had overflowed the earth so that all mankind was drowned by an universal Deluge God seeing that the world would be desolate and no body to inhabit it he sent the goddess Amida the chief Lady of honour to his wife Nacapirau from the Heaven of the Moon that she might repair the loss of drowned mankind and that then the goddess having set her feet on a Land from which the waters were withdrawn called Calemphuy which was the same Island whereof I have spoken heretofore in the streight of Nanquin whereof Antonio de Faria went on land she was changed all into gold and in that manner standing upright with her face looking up unto Heaven she sweat out at her armpits a great number of children namely males out of the right and females out of the left having no other place about her body whence she might bring them forth as other women of the world have who have sinned and that for a chastisement of their sin God by the order of nature hath subjected them to a misery full of corruption and filthiness for to shew how odious unto him the sin was that had been committed against him The goddess Amida having thus brought forth these creatures which they affirm were thirty three thousand three hundred thirty and three two parts of them females and the other males for so say they the world was to be repaired she remained so feeble and faint with this delivery having no body to assist her at her need that she fell down dead in the place for which cause the Moon at that time in memory of this death of hers whereat she was infinitely grieved put her self into mourning which mourning they affirm to be those black spots we ordinarily behold in her face occasioned indeed by the shadow of the earth and that when there shall be so many years ran out as the goddess Amida brought forth children which were as I have delivered thirty three thousand three hundred thirty and three then the Moon will put off her mourning and afterwards be as clear as the day With these and such like fopperies did the Chineses so turmoil us as we could not chuse but grieve to consider how much those people which otherwise are quick of apprehension and of good understanding are abused in matter of Religion with such evident and manifest untruths After we were come out of this great place where we saw all these things we went unto another Temple of religious Votaries very sumptuous and rich where they told us the Mother of the then reigning King named Nhay Camisama did abide but thereunto we were not permitted to enter because we were strangers From this place through a street arched all along we arrived at a Key called Hichario Topileu where lay a great number of vessels full of pilgrims from divers Kingdoms which came incessantly on pilgrimage to this Temple for to gain as they believe plenary indulgences which the King of China and the Chaems of the Government do grant unto them besides many priviledges and franchises throughout the whole Country where victuals are given them abundantly and for nothing I will not speak of many other Temples or Pagodes which we saw in this City whilest we were at liberty for I should never have done to make report of them all howbeit I may not omit some other particulars that I hold very fit to be related before I break off this discourse whereof the first were certain houses in several parts of this City called Laginampurs that is to say The School of the poor wherein fatherless and motherlesâ— children that are found in the streets are taught to write and read as also some trade whereby they may get their living and of these houses or schools there are about some five hundred in this City Now if it happen that any of them through some defect of nature cannot learn a trade then have they recourse to some means for to make them get their living according to each ones incommodity As for example if they be blind they make them labour in turning of handmils if they be lame of their feet they cause them to make laces riband and such like manufactures if they be lame of their hands then they make them earn their living by carrying of burdens but if they be lame both of feet and hands so that nature hath wholly deprived them of means to get their living then they shut them up in great Convents where there are a number of persons that pray for the dead amongst whom they place them and so they have their share of half the offerings that are made there the Priests having the other half if they be dumb then they are shut up in a great house where they are maintained with the amerciaments that the common sort of women as oyster-wives and such like are condemned in for their scolding and fighting one with another As for old queans that are past the trade and such of the younger sort as by the lewd exercise thereof are becomâ— diseased with the pox or other filthy sickness they are put into other houses where they are very well looked unto and furnished abundantly with all things necessary at the charge of the other women that are of the same trade who thereunto pay a certain sum monthly and that not unwillingly because they know that they shall come to be so provided for themsâ—lves by others and for the collecting of this mony there are Commissioners expresly deputed in several parts of the City There are also other houses much like unto Monasteries where a great many of young maids that are Orpâ—ans are bred up and these houses are maintained at the charge of such women as are convicted of adultery for say they it is most just that if there be one which hath lost her self by her dishonesty there should be another that should be maintained by her vertue Other places there are also where decayed old people are kept at the charge of Lawyers that plead unjust causes where the parties have no right and of Judges that for favoring one more thâ—n another and corrupted with bribes do not execute justice as they ought to do whereby one may see with how much order and policy these people govern all things In the prosecution of my discourse it will not be amiss here to deliver the marvellous order and policy which the Kings of China observe in furnishing their States abundantly with provisions and victuals for the relief of the poor people which may very well serve for an example of charity and good government to Christian Kingdoms and Commonwealths Their Chronicles
yielded unto thee at the hour of our death as to our Lord and God unto whom we acknowledge they appertain both by Creation and Redemption After this Confession they said the Lords Prayer and the Creed which they pronounced very distinctly whereat we could not chuse but shed a world of tears to see these innocents born in a Country so far remote from ours and where there was no knowledge of the true God thus to confess his Law in such religious terms This being done we returned because it was three of the clock in the morning to our lodging exceedingly astonished at that we had seen as at a thing which we had great reason to admire CHAP. XXXVIII A Tartar Commander enters with his Army into the Town of Quincay and that which followed thereupon with the Nauticors besieging the Castle of Nixiamcoo and the taking of it by the means of some of us Portugals WE had been now eight months and an half in this captivity wherein we endured much misery and many incommodities for that we had nothing to live upon but what we got by begging up and down the Town when as one Wednesday the third of Iuly in the year 1544. a little after midnight there was such a hurly burly amongst the people that to hear the noise and cries which was made in every part one would have thought the earth would have come over and over which caused us to go in haste to Vasco Calvo his house of whom we demanded the occasion of so great a tumult whereunto with tears in his eyes he answered us that certain news were come how the King of Tartary was fallen upon the City of Pequin with so great an Army as the like had never been seen since Adams time In this army according to report were seven and twenty Kings under whom marched eighteen hundred thousand men whereof six hundred thousand were horse which were come by land from the Cities of Luançama Famstir and Mecuy with fourscore thousand Rhinocerots that draw the waggons wherein was all the Bâ—gage of the Army as for the other twelve hundred thousand which were foot it was said that they arrived by Sea in seventeen thousand vessels down through the river of Batampina By reason whereof the King of China finding himself too weak for the resisting of such great forces had with a few retired himself to the City of Nanquin And that also it was reported for a certain that a Nauticor one of the chiefest Tartar Commanders was come to the Forrest of Malincataran not above a league and an half from Quinçay with an Army of threescore and two thousand Horse wherewith he marched against the Town that in all likelihood he would be there within two hours at the furthest These news so troubled us that we did nothing but look one upon another without being able to speak a word to any purpose howbeit desiring to save our selves we prayed Vasco Calvo to shew us what means he thought we might use to effect it who sad and full of grief thus answered us O that we were in our Country between Laura and Carncha where I have often been and should be there now in safety but since it cannot be so all that we can do for the present is to recommend our selves to God and to pray unto him to assist us for I assure you that an hour ago I would have given a thousand Taeis in silver to any one that could have got me from hence and saved me with my wife and children but there was no possibility for it because the gates were then all shut up and the walls round about invironed with armed men which the Chaem hath placed there to withstand the enemy So my fellows and I that were nine in number past the rest of the night there in much affliction and unquietness without any means of counselling one another or resolving on what we were to do continually weeping for the extream fear we were in of what should become of us The next morning a little before Sun-rising the enemy appeared in a most dreadful manner they were divided into seven very great Battalions having their Ensignes quartered with green and white which are the colours of the King of Tartaria marching in this order to the sound of their Trumpets they arrived at a Pagode called Petilau Namâ—ioo a place of good receit in regard of the many lodgings it had which was not much distant from the walls In their Vantguard they had a number of Light-horse who ran confusedly up and down with their Lances in their Rests Being in this sort come to the Pagode they stayed there about half an hour and then marching on till they were within an haâ—quâ—buse shot of the walls they suddenly ran to them with such hideous cries as one would have thought that Heaven and Earth would have come together and rearing up above two thousand Ladders which for that purpose they had brought aloâ—g with them they assaulted the Town on every side with a most invincible courage Now though the besieged at the beginning made some resistance yet was it not able to hinder the enemy from effecting his designe for by the means of certain iron rams broking up the four principal gates they rendred themselves Masters of the Town after they had slain the Chaem together with a great number of Mandarins and Gentlemen that were run thither to keep them from entring Thus did these Barbarians possess themselves of this miserable Town whereof they put all the inhabitants they could meet withall to the sword without sparing any and it was said that the number of the slain amounted to threescore thousand persons amongst whom were many women and maids of very great beauty which appertained to the chiefest Lords of the place After the bloody Massacre of so much people and that the Town was fired the principal houses overthrown and the most sumptuous Temples laid level with the ground nothing remaining on foot during the disorder the Tartars continued there seven days at the end whereof they returned towards Pequin where their King was and from whence he had sent them to this execution carrying with them a world of gold and silver only having burnt all the Merchandise they found there as well because they knew not how to transport it away as for that the Chineses should not make any benefit of it Two days after their departure they arrived at a Castle named Nixianicoo where the Nauticor of Luançama their General pitched his Camp and intrenched himself on all sides with an intention to take it by assault the next day to be revenged on the Chineses there for that upon his passing by them towards Quinçay they had cut off an hundred of his men by an Ambuscado After the Army was encamped and intrenched and that the General had placed sure Guards and Sentinels in all places he retired to his Tent whither he sent for the seventy Captains that commanded
Streamers waving upon the Battlements The first Salutation between the besiegers and the besieged was with arrows darts stones and pots of wild-fire which continued about half an hour then the Tartars presently filled the ditch with bavins and earth and so reared up their ladders against the wall that now by reason of the filling up of the ditch was not very high The first that mounted up was Iorge Mendez accompanied with two of ours who as men resolved had set up their rest either to die there or to render their valour remarkable by some memorable act as in effect it pleased our Lord that their resolution had a good success for they not only entred fiâ—st but also planted the first colours upon the wall whereat the Mitaquer and all that were with him were so amazed as they said one to another Doubtless if these people did besiege Pequin as we do the Chineses which defend that City would sooner lose their honour then we shall make them to do it with all the forces we have in the mean time all the Tartars that were at the foot of the ladders followed the three Portugals and carried themselvâ—s so valiantly what with the example of a Captain that had shewed them the way as out of their own natural disposition almost as resolute as those of Iapan that in a very shâ—rt space above 5000 of them were got upon the walls from whence with great violence they made the Chineses to retire whereupon so furious and bloody a fight ensued between either party that in less then half an hour the business was fully decided and the Castle taken with the death of two thousand Chineses and Mogores that were in it there being not above sixscore of the Tartars slain That done the gates being opened the Mitaquer with great acclamations of joy entred and causing the Chineses colours to be taken down and his own to be advanced in their places he with a new ceremony of rejoycing at the sound of many instruments of war after the the manner of the Tartars gave rewards to the wounded and made divers of the most valiant of his followers Knights by putting bracelets of gold about their right arms and then about noon he with the chief Commanders of his Army for the greater triumph dined in the Castle where he also bestowed bracelets of gold upon Iorge Mendez and the other Portugals whom he made to sit down at table with him After the cloth was taken away he went out of the Castle with all his company and then causing all the walls of it to be dismantelled â—e razed the place quite to the ground setting on fire all that remained with a number of ceremonies which was performed with great cries and acclamations to the sound of diveâ—s instruments of war Moreover he commanded the ruines of this Castle to be sprinkled with the blood of his enemies and the heads of all of them that lay dead there to be cut off as for his own souldiers that were slain he caused them to be triumphantly buried and such as were hurt to be carefully looked unto this done he retired with a huge train and in great pomp to his tent having Iorge Mendez close by him on horsback As for the other eight of us together with many brave Noblemen and Captains we followed him on foot Being arrived at his tent which was richly hung he sent Iorge Mendez a thousand Taeis for a reward and to us but an hundred a piece whereat some of us that thought themselves to be better qualified were very much discontented for that he was more respected then they by whose means as well as his the enterprise had been so happily atchieved though by the good success thereof we had all obtained honour and liberty CHAP. XXXIX The Mitaquer departs from the Castle of Nixiamcoo and goes to the King of Tartary his Camp before Pequin with that which we saw till we arrived there and the Mitaquers presenting us unto the King THe next day the Mitaquer having nothing more to do where he was resolved to take his way towards the City of Pequin before which the King lay as I have delivered before To this effect having put his Army into battel aray he departed from thâ—nce at eight of the clock in the morning and marching leasurely to the sound of his warlike instruments he made his first station about noon upon the bank of a river whose scituation was very pleasant being all about invironed with a world of fruit trees and a many goodly houses but wholly deserted and bereaved of all things which the Barbarians might any way have made booty of Having past the greatest heat of the day there he arose and marched on until about an hour in the night that he took up his lodging at a prety good Town called Lantimay which likewise we found deserted for all this whole Country was quite dispeopled for fear of the Barbarians who spared no kind of person but wheresoever they came put all to fire and sword as the next day they did by this place and many other along this river which they burnt down to the ground and that which yet was more lamentable they set on fire and clean consumed to ashes a great large plain being above six leagues about and full of corn ready to be reaped This cruelty executed the Army began again to move composed as it was of some threescore and five thousand horse for as touching the rest they were all slain as well at the taking of Quinçay as in that of the Castle of Nixiamcoo and went on to a mountain named Pommitay where they remained that night The next morning dislodging from thence they marched on somewhat faster then before that they might arrive by day at the City of Pequin which was distant about seven leagues from that mountain At three of the clock in the afternoon we came to the river of Palamxitan where a Tartar Captain accompanied with an hundred horse came to receive us having waited there two days for that purpose The first thing that he did was the delivering of a letter from the King to our General who received it with a great deal of ceremony From this river to the Kings quarter which might be some two leagues the Army marched without order as being unable to do otherwise partly as well in regard of the great concourse of people wherewith the ways were full incoming to see the Generals arrival as for the great train which the Lords brought along with them that over-spread all the fields In this order or rather disorder we arrived at the Castle of Lautir which was the first Fort of nine that the Camp had for the retreat of the Spies there we found a young Prince whom the Tartar had sent thither to accompany the General who alighting from his horse took his Scymitar from his side and on his knees offered it unto him after he had kissed the ground five times
who with each of them a Cenâ—er in his hand went two and two about then at the sound of a bell prostrated themselves on the ground and censed one another saying with a loud voice Let our cry come unto thee as a sweet perfume to the end thou mayest hear us For the Guard of of this Tent there were threeâ—core Halberdiers who at a little distance invironed it all about They were clothed with guilt leather and had Murrians on their heads curiously engraven all which were very agreeable and majestical objects Out of this place we entred into another division where there were four Chambers very rich and well furnished in the which were mâ—ny Gentlemen as well strangers as Tartars From thence passing on whithâ—r the Mitaquer and the young boys conducted us we arrived at the door of a great â—ow room in form like to a Church where stood six Ushers with their Maces who with a new complement to the Mitaquer caused us â—o â—nter but kept out all others In this room was the King of Tartaria accompanied with many Princes Lords and Captains amongst whom were the Kings of Pafua Mecuy Capinper Raina Benan Anchesacotay and others to the number of fourteen who in rich attire were all seated some three or four paces from the foot of the Tribunal A little more on the one side were two and thirty very fair women who playing upon divers instruments of musick made a wonderful sweet Consort The King was set on his Throne under a rich Cloth of State and had about him twelve young bâ—ys kneeling on their knees with little Maces of gold like Scepters which they carried on their shoulders close behind him was a young Lady extreamly beautiful and wonderfully richly attired with a Ventiloe in her hand wherewith she ever and anon fanned him This same was the sister of the Mitaquer our General and infinitely beloved of the King for whose sake therefore it was that he was in such credit and reputation throughout the whole Army The King was much about forty years of age full stature somewhat â—â—an and of a good aspect His beard was very short his Mustaches after the Turkish manner his eyes like to the Chineses and his countenance severe and majestical As for his vesture it was violet colour in fashion like to a Turkish Roak imbroydered with pearl upon his feet he had green Sandals wrought all over with gold pearl and great purls among it and on his head a sattin cap of the colour of his habit with a rich band of diamonds and rubies intermingled together Before we past any farther after we had gone ten or eleven steps in the room we made our complement by kissing of the ground three several times and performing other ceremonies which the Truch-men taught us In the mean time the King commanded the musick to cease and addressing himself to the Mitaquer Ask these men of the other end of the world said he unto him whether they have a King what is the name of their Country and how far distant it is from this Kingdom of China where now I am Thereupon one of ours speaking for all the rest answered That our Country was called Portugal that the King thereof was exceeding rich and mighty and that from thence to the City of Pequin was at the leâ—st three years voyage This answer much amazed the King because he did not think the world had been so large so that striking his thigh with a wand that he had in his hand and lifting up his eyes to Heaven as though he would render thanks unto God he said aloud so as eveâ—y one might hear him O Creator of all things are we able to comprehend the marvels of thy greaâ—ness we that at the best are but poor worms of the earth Fuxiquidane fuxiquidane let them approach let them approach Thereupon beckening to us with his hand he caused us to come even to the first degree of the Throne where the fourteen Kings sat and demanded of him again as a man astonished Pucau pucau that is to say how far how far whereunto he answered as before that we should be at least three years in returning to our Country Then he asked why we came not rather by Land then by Sea where so many labours and dangers were to be undergon Thereunto he replyed that there was too great an extent of land through which we were not â—ssured to pass for that it was commanded by Kings of several nations What come you to seek for then added the King and wherefore do you expose your selves to such dangers Then having rendred him a reason to this last demand with all the submission that might be he stayed a prety while without speaking and then shaking his head three or four times he addressed himselfe to an old man that was not far from him and said Certainly we must needs conclude that there is either much ambition or little justice in the Country of these people seeing they come so far to conquer other Lands To this Speech the old man named Raia Benan made no other answer but that it must â—eeds be so for men said he who have recourse unto their industry and invention to run over the Sea for to get that which God hath not given them are necessarily carried thereunto either by extream poverty or by an excess of blindness and vanity derived from much covetousness which is the cause why they renounce God and those that brought them into the world This reply of the old man was seconded with many jeering words by the other Courtiers who made great sport upon this occasion that very much pleased the King in the mean time the women fell to their musick again and so continued till the King withdrew into another Chamber in the company of these fair Musicians and that young Lady which fanned him not so much as one of those great Personages daring to enter besides Not long after one of those twelve boys that carried the Scepters before mentioned came to the Mitaquer and told him from his sister that the King commanded him not to depart away which he held for a singular favour by reason this message was delivered to him in the presence of those Kings and Lords that were in the room so that he stirred not but sent us word that we should go unto out tent with this assurance that he would take care the Son of the Sun should be mindful of us CHAP. XL. The King of Tartaria's raising of his Siege from before Pequin for to return into his Country and that which passed until his Arrival there WE had been now full three and forty dayes in this Camp during which time there past many fights and skirmishes between the besiegers and the besieged as also two assaults in the open day which were resisted by them within with an invincible courage like resolute men as they were In the mean time the King of Tartaria seeing how contrary
it in the Kings head that you can be any ways profitable unto him It were fitter for you therefore to shave away your beards that you may not deceive the world as you do and we will have women in your places that shall serve us for our money Whereupon the Bramaas of the Guard being incensed against us drove us away from thence with a great deal of shame and contumely And truly not to lye never was I so sensible of any thing as this in respect of the honour of my Country-men After this the Chaubainhaa went on till he came to the Tent of the King who attended him with a Royal Pomp for he was accompanied with a great number of Lords amongst the which there were fifteen Bainhaas who are as Dukes with us and of six or seven others that were of greater dignity then they As soon as the Chaubainhaa came near him he threw himself at his feet and so prostrated on the ground he lay there a good while as it were in a swoon wiâ—hâ—ut â—peaking a word but the Rolim of Mounay that was close by him supplyed that defect and likâ— a religious man as he was spake for him to the King saying Sir Here is a Spâ—ctacle able to move thy heart to pity though the crime be such as it is Remember then that the thing most pleasing to God in this world and whereunto the effects of his mercy is soonest communicated is such an action and voluntary submission as this is which here thou beholdâ—st It is for thee now to imitate his clemency and so to do thou art most humbly intreated by the hearts of all them that are mollified by so great a misfortune as this is Now if thou grantest them this their request which with so much instance they beg of thee be assured that God will take it in good part and that at the hour of thy death he will stretch forth his mighty hand over thee to the end thou mayst be exempted from all manner of faults Hereunto he added many other speeches whereby he perswaded the King to pardon him at least-wise he promised so to do wherewith the Rolim and all the Lords there present shewed themselves very well contented and commended him exceedingly for it imagining that the effect should be answerable to that which he had ingaged himself for before all Now because it began to be night he commanded the most of them that were about him to retire as for the Chaubainhaa he committed him into the hands of a Bramaa Commander named Xemin Commâ—dau and the Queen his wife with his children and the other Ladies were put into the custody of Xemin Ansedaa as well because he had his wife there as for that he was an honourable old man in whom the King of Bramaa much confided The fear which the King of Bramaa was in left the men of war should enter into the City of Martabano and should pillage it now that it was night before he had done all that which I am hereafter to relate was the cause that he sent to all the gates of the City being four and twenty Bramaa Captains for to guard them with express Commandment that upon pain of death no man should be suffered to enter in at any of them before he had taken order for the performance of the promise which he had made to the strangers to give them the spoil of it howbeit he took not that care and used such diligence for the consideration he spâ—ke of but onely that he might preserve the Chaubainhaas treasure to which effect he spent two whole days in conveighing it away it being so great that a thousand men were for that space altogether imployed therein At the end of these two days the King went very early in the morning to an hill called Beidao distant from his quarters some two or three flight shoot and then caused the Captains that were at the Guard of the gates to leave them and retire away whereupon the miserable City of Martabono was delivered to the mercy of the Souldiers who at the shooting off of a Cannon which was the signal thereof entred presently into it pell-mell and so thronging together that at the entring into the gates it is said above three hundred were stifled for as there was there an infinite company of men of War of different Nations the most of them without King without Law and without the fear and knowledge of God they went all to the Spoile with closed eyes and therein shewed themselves so cruel minded that the thing they made least reckoning of was to kill an hundred men for a crown And truly the disorder was such in the City as the King himself was fain to go thither six or seven times in Person for to appease it The Sack of this City endured three days and an half with so much avarice and cruelty of these barbarous enemies as it was wholly pillaged without any thing left that might give an eye-cause to covet it That done the King with a new ceremony of Proclamations caused the Chaubainhaas Pallaces together with thirty or forty very fair rich Houses of his principal Lords and all the Pagods and Temples of the City to be demolished so that according to the opinion of many it was thought that the loss of those magnificent Edifices amounted to above ten millions of gold wherewith not yet contented he commanded all the buildings of the City that were still a foot to be set on fire which by the violence of the wind kindled in such manner as in that onely night there remained nothing unburnt yea the very Walls Towers and Bulwarks were consumed even to the foundations The number of them that were killed in this Sack was threescore thousand persons nor was that of the prisoners much less There were an hundred and forty thousand houses and seventeen hundred Temples burnt wherein also were consumed threescore thousand Statues or Idols of divers mettals during this Siege they of the City had eaten three thousand Elephants There was found in this City six thousand pieces of Artillery what of brass and iron an hundred thousand Quintals of Pepper and as much of Sanders Benjamin Lacre Lignum Aloes Camphire Silk and many other kinds of rich Merchandise but above all an infinite number of commodities which were come thither from the Indiaes in above an hundred vessels of Cambaya Achem Melinda Ceilam and of all the Streight of Mecqua of the Lequios and of China As for the gold silver precious stones and jewels that were found there one knows not truly what they were for those things are ordinarily concealed wherefore it shall suffice me to say that so much as the King of Bramaa had for certain of the Chaubainhaas Treasure amounted to an hundred Millions of gold whereof as I have said before our King lost the Moitie as well for our sins as through the malice and envy of wicked dispositions The next day after the
that other succors came to joyn with them as indeed the report went that fourscore thousand all Mons by Nation and led by the King of Avaa were on their way thither With this resolution the Tyrant of Bramaa set forth towards Meleytay with an Army of three hundred thousand men namely two hundred thousand by Land alongst the Rivers side whereof the Chaumigrem his Foster-brother was Commander in chief and the other hundred thousand under his own conduct being all choyce men and imbarqued in two thousand Seroos Being come within sight of Meleytay the Avaas desiring to shew that the resolution wherewith they were come thither was of far more power with them then any fear they could have and that also their Enemies might not receive any benefit by their Fleet which lay on the River and do them an affront besides by taking of it they set all theâ—â— Vessels on fire and burnt them every one Then without any dread of that which the flesh doth naturally most fear they got all into the field and ranged themselves into four Battalions in three of which whereof each one made ten thousand men were the thirty thousand Mons and in the the other that were somewhat bigger were all the Mariners of the four hundred Vessels they had burnt These same they placed in the Vaunt-guard with an intention that they should weary the Enemies with whom they made a cruel fight which lasted about half an hour wherein all these Mariners were cut in pieces presently after them the thirty thousand Mons close compacted together in three Battalions presented themselves and with wonderful violence set upon their Enemies between whom and them followed so extraordinary and cruel a battel as not longer to insist upon it nor to recount in particular how things past which also I cannot well do it shall suffice me to say that of the thirty thousand Mons eight hundred only escaped out of it who being routed made their retreat into the Fortress of Meleytay but that which was most memorable herein was that of the King of Bramaas two hundred thousand men an hundred and fifteen thousand lay dead in field and all the rest for the most part were wounded In the mean time the Tyrant which came along on the River in the two thousand Seroos arrived at the place of Battel where beholding the strange massacre which the Mons had made of his people he became so enraged at it that dis-imbarquing his Forces he instantly layd siege unto the Fortress with a purpose as he said to take all those eight hundred that were in it alive This siege continued seven whole days together during the which those without gave five assaults to it and the besieged defended themselves always very valiantly howbeit seeing that the last hour of their life was come and that they could no longer hold that place for their King as they had hoped they might by reason of the fresh Forces which the King of Bramaa had landed like couragious men as they were they resolved to dye in the field as their companions had done and valiantly revenge their deaths with that of their Enemies whereunto they were the more willingly carryed because they perceived well that if they continued still in the place they should never make use of their valor as they desired to do for that the Tyrants Ordnance would by little and little consume them This resolution taken they under the favor of a very dark and rainy night sallyed forth and first of all fell upon the two first Courts of guard that were on the Lands side cutting all in pieces that they met withall Then following their design they passed on like desperate men and whether they did it either to shew that they regarded not death which threatened them or for the desire they had to gain honor so it was that they behaved themselves so couragiously and pressed the Tyrant so neer as they forced him to leap into the River and swim for his life in so much that all the Camp was in disorder and broken through in I know not how many places with the death of above twelve thousand men amongst whom were fifteen hundred Bramaas two thousand strangers of divers Nations and all the rest Pegu's This â—ight last not above half an hour in which time the eight hundred Mons were all slain there being not so much as one of them that would yield upon any composition whatsoever Hereupon the Tyrant of Bramaa seeing the fight ended and all things quiet went and reassembled his Forces together and so entered into the Fortress of Meleytay where he presently commanded the Xemims head to be cut off saying that he was the sole cause of that disaster and that he who had been a Traytor to his King could not be faithful unto him behold the recompence which this Tyrant made him for delivering up the City of Prom unto him howsoever it justly belonged unto him for a punishment of his perfidiousness that carryed him to betray his King and his own Country into the power of his Enemies After this they fell to dressing of the hurt men which were in very great number We pâ—st all this night with much apprehension always keeping good watch and the next morning as soon as it was day the first thing that we did was to rid away the dead bodies which were in so great number all over the Camp that the ground was quite covered with them After this we took a view of those that were killed as well on the one as the other party and we found that on the Bramaas side there were an hundred and fourscore thousand and on the Prince of Avaas forty and two thousand wherein were comprized the thirty thousand Mons. That done after the Tyrant had fortified the City of Prom as also the Fort of Meleytay and made two other Forts upon the bank of the River in such places as he judged to be most important for the safety of that Kingdom he went up the River of Queitor in a thousand rowing Serâ—os wherein were imbarqued seventy thousand men In this Voyage his intention was to go in his own person for to observe the Kingdom of Avaa and to see the City himself the better to consider the strength of it and thereby judg what Forces he should bring for to take it So he proceeded still on for the space of eight and twenty days and during that time passed by many goodly places which within the Kingdom of Chaleu and Iacuçalaon were upon the bank of the River At length he arrived at the City of Avaa the thirteenth of October the same year a thousand five hundred forty and five Being come to the Port he remained there thirteen days and that while burned between two and three thousand Vessels that he found there Moreover he set fire on many Villages thereabout which cost him not so little but that he lost in all these degasts eight thousand of
Plains of Lacre wherewith they ordinarily traded to Marâ—abanâ— and do also lade there many vessels with those commodities for to transport them into dâ—vers Countries of the Indiaes as to the Streight of Mecqua to Alcoçer aâ—d Iudaa There is also in this Town great store of Musk far better then that of China which from thence is carriâ—d to Martâ—bano and Pegu where those of our Nation buy of it therewith to traffiqâ—e at Narâ—ingua Orixaa and Masulepatan The women of this Country are all very white and well-â—avoured They apparel themselves with Stuffs made of Silk and Cotten-wool wear links of gold and silver about their legs and rich Carcanets about their necks The ground there is of â—t self exceeding fertile in Wheat Rice Millets Sugar Wax and Cattel This Town with ten leagues of circuit about it yields every year to the King of Iangomaa threescore Altars of gold which are seven hundred thousand Duckets of our mony From thence we coasted the river Southward for the space of above seven dayes and arrived at a great Town named Catammâ—â— which in our language signifies the golden Crevice being the Patrimony of Raudâ—avâ—a Tinhau the Calaminhams second Son The Naugator of this Town gave good entertainment to the Ambassadour and sent him many sorts of refreshments for his followers withall he gave him to understand that the Calaminham was at the City of Tâ—mplan We dâ—parted from this place on a Sunday morning and the day after about evening we came to a Fortress called Campalagor built in the midst of the river in the form of an Island upon a rock and invironed with good free-stone having three Bulwarks and two Towers seven stories high wherein they told the Ambassador was one of the four and twenty Treasures which the Calaminham had in this Kingdom the most part whâ—reof conâ—â—sted â—n Lâ—ngâ—ts of silver of the weight of six thousand Caudins which are four and twenty thousand Quintals and it was said that all this silver was buried in wells under ground After this we still continued our course for the space of thirteen days during the which we saw on both sides of the river many very goodly places whereof the most were fair Towns and the rest stately high Trees delicate Gardens and great Plains full of Corn as also much Cattel red Deer Shamoises and Rhinocerots under the keeping of certain men on horsback who looked to them whilest they â—ed On the river there were a great number of vessels where in much abundance was all things to be sold which the earth produceth wherewith it hath pleased God to enrich these Countries more then any other in the world Now forasmuch as the Ambassadour fell sick here of an Impostume in his stomack he was councelled to proceed no further till he was healed so that he resolved to go with some of his Train for to be cured to a famous Hospital some twelve Leagues from thence in a Pagode named Tinagoogoo which signifies the God of thousand Gods and so departing at the same instant he arrived there on Saturday about night The Ambassadour being set on shore was the next day led to an Hospital called Chipanocan whither the greatest Lords used to repair when they were sick and where there were two and forty several Lodgings very neat and convenient in one of the which he was placed by the express command of the Puitaleu who was as it were Governour of the Hospital There care was taken that he wanted for nothing but was furnished in abundance with all that was necessary for him I will omit the odours the neatness the care of attendance the vessels the robes the exquisite meats the delicacies and all the delights that may be imagined which were to be had there with as much perfection and curiosity as more cannot be desired Thither likewise came twice a day to him exceeding fair women who sung to the Tune of Instruments of Musick and at certain hours represented Playes or Comedies before him that were very pleasant and finely set forth Now that I may not trouble my self in recounting here at length the infinite number of things which I could speak of concerning this Subject I will pass over many of them in silence whereof other persons that could better express them then my self would peradventure make great esteem After we had been eight and twenty days there by which time the Ambassador was perfectly cured we departed from thence for to go to a Town named Meidur twelve leagues further up the river of Angeguma But that I may not be blamed for failing in the promise which I made heretofore of speaking of this Pagods of Tinagoogoo I will here leave the Ambassadour to his Voyage and return me to the Pagode that of so many things which we saw there I may deliver some one for to shew how little we Christians do to save our souls in comparison of that much these wretches do to lose theirs During the eight and twenty dayes which the Ambassadour imployed in recovering his health we nine Portugals that waited on him not knowing what to do or how to bestow our time in the mean while no more then the rest we past it away in divers things according to each ones fancy and delight for to that purpose we wanted no commodities Thus some applied themselves to the hunting of Stags and Wild-boars whereof there is great store in that Country Some to the pursuing of Tygers Rhinocerots Ounces Zeores Lions Buffles Wild-bulls and of many other such kind of beasts which we have not heard spoken of in our Europe some to shooting at Wild-ducks Geese and such like Water-fowl some to hawking with Vultures and Faulcons and some to fishing for Trowts Mackarels Chevins Mullets Soles and many other sorts of fish whereof there is great abundance in all the rivers of this Empire In this manner we bestowed our time now in one thing and then in another but that which we gave our selves most unto was to hear and see as also to enquire after the Laws of the Country the Pagodes and Sacrifices which we beheld there with much terrour and astonishment Howbeit I purpose not to make any relation here more then of a few of them which I conceive may suffice to draw out the consequences of those that I shall not discourse of I say then that one of those sacrifices was made on the day of the new Moon of December namely on the ninth of that Month which is a time wherein these blinded people are accustomed to celebrate a Feast called by those of the Country Massunterivoo by those of Iappon Ferioo by the Chiâ—eses Manâ—ioo by the Lequios Champas and Cauchins Ampatilor by the Siamens Bramaas Pâ—fuas and Sacotays Sansaporau so that though all these names through the diversity of those languages are different yet do they in our tongue signifie all one thing that is The memorial of all the dead This was then the Feast which we saw celebrated
we departed from this Pagod of Tinagoogoo and continued on our way for thirteen days together at the end whereof we arrived at two great Towns scituated on the Bank of the river just opposite the one against the other about the distance of a stones cast one of the which was called Manavedéa and the other Singilapau in the midst of this same river which was there somewhat narrow there was an Island by nature formed round and in it a rock six and thirty fathom high and a Cros-bow shoot broad upon this rock was a Fort built with nine Bulwarks and five Towers without the rampire of the wall it was invironed with two rows of great iron gates and from the Bulwarks to the other side of the river ran a huge Chain of iron to keep vessels from passing along so that nothing could possibly enter there At one of these two Towns which was called Singilapau the Ambassadour landed where he was exceedingly well entertained by the Xemimbrum or Governour of it who likewise furnished all his Train with great store of refreshments The next morning we left this place accompanied with twenty Laulês wherein there were a thousand men and better and about evening we arrived at the Custom-houses of the Kingdom which are two strong places and from the one to the other run five mighty great chains of Latten all atwart the whole bredth of the river so that nothing can pass in and out without leave Hither came a man in a swift Seroo to the Ambassadour and told him that he was to go ashore at Campalagro which was one of the two Castles on the South-side for to shew the Letter which this King had sent by him to the Calaminham to see if it were written in the form that was required in speaking to him as was usually observed The Ambassadour presently obeyed and being come to land he was led into a great Hall where were three men 〈◊〉 a table with a great many Gentlemen who gave him good entertainment and demanded of him the occasion of his coming thither as they that knew nothing of it Whereunto the Ambassadour answered That he came thither from the King of Bramaa Lord of Tanguu and that he had a message to deliver unto the holy Calaminham concerning matters greatly importing his Estate Then having made further answer to other questions which were put to him in a way of ceremony by the three principal persons that were at the Table he shewed them the letter wherein they corrected some words which were not of the style wherewith they were accustomed to speak to the Calaminham together with this letter the Ambassadour shewed them the present which he had brought for him whereat they very much wondred especially when they saw the Chair for an Elephant of gold and precious stones which in the judgments of divers Lapidaries was worth above six hundred thousand Duckets besides the other rich pieces that he carried him also as I have before related After we had our dispatch from this first Custom-house we went to the other where we found more venerable men then the former who with another new Ceremony looked likewise on the Letter and the present and put to all the several parcels of it strings of wreathed carnation silk with three Seals in Lacre which was as the conclusion of the receiving of the Ambassy by the Calaminham The same day there came a man from the next Town of Questor sent by the Governour of the Kingdom to visit the Ambassadour with a present of refreshments of flesh fruit and other such things after their manner During nine dayes that the Ambassadour stayed in this place he was abundantly furnished with all things necessary both for his own Person and his Train and withall was entertained with sundry sports of hunting and fishing as also with Feasts accompaied with musick and Comedies represented by very beautiful women and richly attired In the mean time we Portugals went with the permission of the Ambassadour to see certain things which they of the Country had much commended unâ—o us namely veâ—y antique buildings rich and sumptuous Temples very fair Gardens Houâ—es and Castles that were all along the side of this river made after a strange fashion well â—ortified and of great charge amongst the which there was an Hospital for to lodge pilgrims in called Manicafaran signifying in our tongue The Prison of the Gods which was above a Lâ—ague in bredth Here we saw twelve streets all vaulted over and in every one of them two hundred and forty houses namely sixscore on each side which made in all two thousand eight hundred and fourscore all full of pilgrims who the whole year throughout came thither in pilgrimage from divers Countries for as they hold this pilgrimage ought to be of far greater merit then all others because that these Idols imprisoned by strangers have need of company All these pilgrims which as they of the Country say are all the year long without discontinuing above six thousand have meat given them the whole time of their abode there at the charge and out of the revenue of the house They are served by four thousand Priests of Manicafaran who with many others reside within the same inclosure in sixscore religious houses where there are also as many women that serve in the like manner The Temple of this Hospital was very great with three Isles after the fashion of ours in the midst whereof was a remarkable Chappel built round and invironed with three very big Ballistâ—rs of Latten within it there were fourscore Idols of men and women besides many other little gods that lay prostrated on the ground for the fourscore great Idols only stood upright and were all tied together with chains of iron As for the little ones they were as I said laid along on the pavement as the children of these greater and tied six to six by the middle with other slighter chains Moreover without the Ballisters in two Files there stood two hundred forty and four Giants of brass six and twenty spans high with their Halberds and Clubs upon their shoulders as if they had been set there for the Guard of the captive Gods There was over-head upon iron rods that traversed the Isles of the Temple great store of Lamps hanging having seven or eight Matches apiece in them in the fashion of Candlesticks like to them of the Indiaes all varnished without as also the walls were and every thing else that we saw there in token of mourning by reason of the captivity of these Gods Being amazed as well at that which I have recounted as at many other things which I pass over in silence and not able to comprehend what they meant by the imprisonment of these gods we demanded the signification of it of the Priests whereunto one amongst them that seemed of more authority then the rest made us this answer Since I see that being Strangers you desire to learn of me that
neer a moneth in this Port of Zunda where a good number of Portugals were assembled together so soon as the season to go to China was come the three Vessells set sail for Chincheo no more Portugals remaining ashore but only two who went to Siam in a Junck of Patana with their Merchandise I bethought me then to lay hold on this occasion and put my self into their company because they offered to bear my charges in this voyage yea and to lend me some money for to try fortune once more and see whether by the force of importuning her she would not use me bâ—tter then formerly she had done Being departed then from this place in six and twenty daies we arrived at the City of Odiaa the Capitall of this Empire of Sarnau which they of this country do ordinarily call Siam where we were wonderfully well received and intreated by the Portugals which we found there Now having been a moneth and better in this City attending the season for the voyage to China that so I might passe to Iapon in the company of six or seven Portugals who had imbarqued themselves for that purpose I made account to imploy in commodities some hundred duckats which those two with whom I came from Zunda had lent me In the mean time very certain news came to the King of Siam who was at that time with all his Court at the said City of Odiaa that the King of Chiammay allied with the Timocouhos Laaos and Gueos people which on the North East hold the most part of that country above Capimpâ—r and Passilâ—â—o and are all Soveraignes exceeding rich and mighty in Estates had laid siege to the Town of Quiteruan with the death of above thirty thousand men and of Oyaa Capimper Governor and Lievtenant Generall of all that Frontire The King remained so much appalled with this news that without further temporising he passed over the very same day to the other side of the river and never standing to lodge in houses he went and incamped under Tents in the open field thereby to draw others to do the like in imitation of him Withall he caused Proclamation to be made over all the City That all such as were neither old nor lame and so could not be dispensed with for going to this war should be ready to march within twelve daies at the uttermost upon pain of being burned alive with perpetuall infamy for themselves and their descendants and confiscation of their Estates to the Crown To the which he added many other such great and dreadfull penalties as the only recitall of them struck terror not into them of the country but into the very strangers whom the King would not exempt from this war of what Nation soever they vvere for if they would not serve they were very expresly enjoyned to depart out of his Kingdome within three daies In the mean time so rigorous an Edict terrified every one in such sort as they knew not what counsell to take or what resolution to follow As for us Portugals in regard that more respect had alwayes been carried in that country to them then to all other Nations this King sent to desire them that they would accompany him in this voyage wherein they should do him a pleasure because he would trust them onely with the guard of his person as judgiâ—g them more proper for it then any other that he could make choice of and to oblige them the more thereunto the message was accompanied with many fair promises and very great hopes of pensions graces benefits favours and honors but above all with a permission which should be granted them to build Churches in his Kingdome which so obliged us that of an hundred and thirty Portugals which we were there were sixscore of us that agreed together to go to this war The twelve daies limited being past the King put himself into the field with an Army of four hundred thousand men whereof seventy thousand were strangers of divers Nations They imbarqued all in three hundred Sâ—roos Lauleas and Iangâ—s so that on the nineth day of this voyage the King arrived at a Frontire Town named Suropisâ—â— some twelve or thirteen leagues from Quitiruan which the enemies had besieged There he abode above seven daies to attend four thousand Elephants which came to him by Land During that time he was certified that the Town was greatly prest both on the rivers side which the enemies had seized upon with two thousand Vessels as also towards the Land where there were so many men as the number of them was not truly known but as it was judged by conjecture they might be some three hundred thousand whereof forty thousand were horse but no Elephants at all This news made the King hâ—sten the more so that instantly he made a review of his forces and found that he had five hundred thousand men for since his coming forth many had joyned with him by the way as also four thousand Elephants and two hundred carts with field pieces With this Army he parted from Suropisem and drew towards Quitiruan marching not above four or five leagues a day At the end of the the third then he arrived at a valley called Siputay a league and an half from the place where the enemies lay Then all these men of War with the Elephants being set in battell array by the three Masters of the Camp whereof two were Turks by Nation and the third a Portugal named Domingâ—s de Sâ—ixas they proceeded on in their way towards Quitiruan where they arrived before the Sun appeared Now whereas the enemies were already prepared in regard they had been advertised by their Spies of the King of Siaâ—s forces and of the design vvhich he had they attended him resolutely in the plain field relying much on their forty thousand horse As soon as they discovered him they presently advanced and with their vant-guard which were the said forty thousand horse they so charged the King of Siams rearward composed of threescore thousand foot as they defeated them in lesse then a quarter of an hour with the losse of three Princes that were slaine upon the place The King of Siam seeing his men thus routed resolved not to follow the order which he had formerly appointed but to fall on with the whole body of his Army and the four thousand Elephants joyned together With these forces he gave upon the battalion of the enemies with so much impetuosity as at this first shock they were wholly discomfited from whence ensued the death of an infinite company of men for whereas their prinâ—â—s â—ll strength consisted in their horse as soone as the Elephants sustained by the harqueâ—uses and the field pieces fell upon them they were defeated in lesse then an half hour so that after the routing of these same all the rest began instantly to retreat In the meane time the King of Siam following the honor of the victory pursued them to the rivers side
himself absolute Lord of the Empire of Sâ—rnaâ— whereof the revenue was twelve millions of gold besides other comings in which amounted to as much more With all these inventions this Queen used so great diligence for the contenting of the desire which she had to raise her Favorite to the Royalty to marry her self to him and to make the illegitimate son which she had bad by him successor of the Crown as within the space of eight moneths fortune favouring her designes and hoping more fully to execute her wicked plot shee caused most of the great men of the kingdom to be put to death and confiscated all their lands goods and treasures which she distributed amongst such of her creatures as she daily drew to her party Now forasmuch as the young King her son served for the principall obstacle to her intentions this young Prince could not escape her abominable fury for she her self poysoned him even as she had poysoned the King his father That done she married with Vquumcheniraa who had been one of the Purveyors of her house and caused him to be crowned King in the city of Odiaa the eleventh of November in the yeare one thousand five hundred forty five But whereas Heaven never leaves wicked actions unpunished the year after one thousand five hundred forty and six and on the fifteenth day of January they were both of them slain by Oyaa Passilico and the King of Cambaya at a certain banquet which these Princes made in a Temple that was called Quiay Figrau that is to say the god of the atoms of the Sun whose solemnity was that day celebrated So that as well by the death of these two persons as of all the rest of their party whom these Princes also killed with them all things became very peaceable without any further prejudice to the people of the kingdom onely it is true that it was despoyled of the most part of the Nobility which formerly it had by the wicked inventions and pernicious practices whereof I have spoken before CHAP. LXIX The King of Bramaa's enterprize upon the Kingdom of Siam and that which past untill hiâ— arrivall at the city of Odiaa with his besieging of it and all that ensued thereupon THe Empire of Siam remaining without a lawfull successor those two great Lords of the Kingdom namely Oyaa Passiliâ—â— and the King of Cambaia together with four or five more of the trustiest that were left and which had been confederate with them thought fit to chuse for King a certain religious man named Pretiâ—m in regard he was the naturall brother of the deceased Prince husband to that wicked Queen of whom I have spoken whereupon this religious man who was Talagrepo of a Pagodâ— called Quiay Mitrau from whence he had not budg'd for the space of thirty years was the day after drawn forth of it by Oyaa Passilico who brought him on the seventeenth day of January into the city of Odiaa where on the nineteenth he was crowned King with a new kind of ceremony and a world of magnificence which to avoid prolixity I will not make mention of here having formerly treated of such like things Withall passing by all that further arrived in this Kingdom of Siam I will content my self with reporting such things as I imagine will be most agreeable to the curious It happened then that the King of Bramaa who at that time reigned tyrannically in Pegu being advertised of the deplorable estate whereinto the Empire of Sâ—rnau was reduced and of the death of the greatest Lords of the Country as also that the new King of this Monarchy was a religious man who had no knowledge either of arms or war and withall of a cowardly disposition a tyrant and ill beloved of his subjects he fell to consult thereupon with his Lords in the town of Anapleu where at that time he kept his Court. Desiring their advice then upon so important an enterprize they all of them told him that by no means he should desist from it in regard this Kingdome was one of the best of the world as well in riches as in abundance of all things thereunto they added that the season which was then so favourable for him â—romised it to him at so good a rate as it was likely it would not cost him above the revenue of one only year what expence soever he should make of his treasure besides if he chanced to get it he should remain Monarch of all the Emperors of the world and therewithall he should be honored with the soveraign title of Lord of the whiâ—e Elephant by which means the seventeene Kings of Capimper who made profession of his Law must of necessity render him obedience They told him moreover that having made so great a conquest he might thorough the same territories and with the succour of the Princes his Allies passe into China where was that great City of Pequin the incomparable pearl of all the world and against which the great Cham of Tartaria the Siamon and the Calaminham had brought such prodigious Armies into the field The King of Bramaa having heard all these reasons and many others which his great Lords alledged unto him wherein his interest was especially concerned which alwayes works powerfully on every man was perswaded by them and resolved to undertake this enterprise For this effect he went directly to Martabano where in lesse then two moneths and an half he raised an Army of eight hundred thousand men wherein there were an hundred thousand strangers and amongst them a thousand Portugals which were commanded by Diego Suarâ—z d' Albergaria called Galego by way of nick name This Diego Suarez departed out of the Kingdome of Portugal in the year one thousand five hundred thirty and eight and went into the Indiaes with the Fleet of the Vice-Roy Don Garcia de Noronha in a Junck whereof Ioano de Sepulveda of the town of Euora was Captain but in the time of which I speak namely in the yeare one thousand five hundred forty and eight he had of this King of Bramaa two hundred thousand duckats a yeare with the title of his brother and Governor of the Kingdome of Pegu. The King departed then from the Town of Marâ—abano the Sunday after Easter being the seventh of April 1548. His Army as I have already said was eight hundred thousand men whereof only forty thousand were horse and all the rest foor threescore thousand of them being Harquebuziers there were moreover five thousand warlike Elephants with whom they fight in those countries and also a world of baggage together with a thousand pieces of Canon which were drawn by a thousand couple of Buffles and Rhinocerots withall there was a like number of yoke of oxen for the carriage of the victualls Having taken the field then with these forces he caused his Army to march still on untill at length he entred into the Territories of the King of Siam where after five days he came to a
want of care and imprudence His Commanders presently obeyed him and without longer tarrying there each of them went straight to the place whither his Commission directed him The Chaumigrem by means of this so cunning and well dissembled a sleight rid himself in lesse then three hours of all the hundred and fifty thousand Pegues who he knew if once they came to hear of the Kings death would fall upon the thirty thousand Bramaaes that he had there with him and not leave one of them alive This done as soon as it was night turning back to the City which was not above a league from thence he seized with all speed on the deceased Kings Treasure which amounted according to report unto above thirty millions of gold besides jewells that were not to be estimated and withall he saved all the Bramaaâ—s wives and children and took as many arms and as much ammunition as he could carry away After this he set fire on all that was in the Magazines caused all the lesser Ordnance to be rived asunder and the greater which he could not use so to be cloyed Furthermore he made seven thousand Elephants that were in the country to be killed reserving only two thousand for the carriage of his treasure ammunition and baggage As for all the rest it was consumed with fire so that neither in the Palace where were chambers all seeked with gold nor in the Magazines and Arsenalls nor on the river where were two thousand rowing Vessells remained ought that was not reduced to ashes After this execution he departed in all hast an hour before day and drew directly towards Tanguu which was his own country from whence he came some fourteen years before to the conquest of the Kingdome of Pegu which in the heart of the country was distant from thence about an hundred and threescore leagues Now whereas fear commonly adds wings to the feet it made him march with such speed as he and his arrived in fifteen days at the place whither they were a going In the mean time whereas the Chaumigrem had cunningly sent away the hundred and fifty thousand Pegues as I have declared already it happened that two days after they understood how the King of Bramaa was dead Now in regard they vvere mortall enemies of that Nation sixscore thousand of them in one great body turned back in hast for to go in quest of the thirty thousand Bramaaes but when they arrived at the City they found that they were gone from thence three days before this making them to follow in pursuit of them with all the speed that possibly they could they came to a place called Guinacoutel some forty leagues from the City whence they came there they were informed that it was five days since they passed by so that dispairing of being able to execute the design which they had of cutting them in pieces they returned back to the place from whence they were parted where they consulted amongst themselves about that which they were to do and resolved in the end since they had no lawfull King and that the Land was quite freed of the Bramaaes to go to Xemin de Satan as incontinently they did who received them not only with a great deal of joy and good entertainment but promised them mighty matters and much honor by raising them to the principall commands of the Kingdome as soon as time should serve and that he was more peaceably setled Thereupon he went directly to the City of Pegu where he was received with the magnificence of a King and for such crowned in the Temple of Comquiay which is the chief of all the rest CHAP. LXXII That which arrived in the time of Xenim de Satan and an abominable â—ase that befell to Diego Suarez together with the Xemindoos expedition against Xenim de Satan and that which insued thereupon THree moneths and nine dayes had this Tyrant Xenim de Satan already peaceably possessed the city and kingdome of Pegu whenas without fearing any thing or being contradicted by none he fell to distributing the treasure and revenues of the Crown to whomsoever he pleased whereupon great scandalls insued which were the cause of divers quarrells and divisions amongst many of the Lords who for this cause and the injustice which this tyrant did them retyred into severall foraigne Countries and Kingdoms Some also went and sided with the Xemindoâ— who began at that time to be in reputation again For after he had fled from the battell onely with six horse as I have declared heretofore he got into the Kingdom of Ansedaa where as well by the efficacy of his Sermons as by the authority of his person he won so many to his devotion as assisted by the favour and forces of those Lords as adhered to him he made up an army of threescore thousand men with which he marched to Meidoo where he was very well received by those of the Country Now setting aside what he did in those parts during the space of foure moneths that he abode there I will in the mean time passe to a strange accident which in a few dayes fell out in this city that one may know what end the good fortune of the great Diego Suarez had who had been Governour of this Kingdom of Pegâ— and the recompence which the world is accustomed to make at last unto all such as serve and trust in it under the semblance of a good countenance which she shews them at first The matter past in this sort There was in this city of Pegu a Merchant called Manbagoaa a rich man and that of good reputation in the country This same resolved to marry a daughter of his to a young man the son of a worshipfull and very rich Merchant also named Manicaniandarim about that time that Diego Suarez was in the greatest height of his fortune and termed the Kings brother and in dignity above all the Princes and Lords of the Kingdom So the fathers of these young couple being agreed on this marriage and of the dowry that was to be given which by report was three hundred thousand duckats when as the day was come wherein the nuptialls were celebrated with a great deal of state and magnificence and honoured with the presence of most of the gentlemen of chiefest quality in the city it happened that Diego Suarez being come a little before Sun-set from the royall palace with a great train both of horse and foot as his manner was to be alwayes well accompanied passed by Mambogoaas door where hearing the musick and rejoycing that was in the house asked what the matter was whereunto answer being made him that Mambogoaa had married his daughter and that the wedding was kept there he presently caused the Elephant on which he was mounted to stay and sent one to tell the father of the bride that he congratulated with him for this marriage and wished a long and happy life to the new married couple to these words he
the Scales he passed on through all the other quarters where were Comedies dancing wrastling and excellent consorts of all kinds of musick till at length we arrived at Tinagoogoo but with much labor and pain because the throng was so great as one could hardly break through it This Temple had but one â—sle that was very long and spacious and full of great wax lights each of them having ten or eleven wieks in it set up all about in Silver Candlesticks there was also great store of perfumes of Aloes and Benjamin As for the Image of Tinagoogoo it was placed in the midst of the Temple upon a stately Tribunal in the form of an Altar environed with a number of Silver Candlesticks and a many of Children attired in purple which did nothing but cense it at the sound of Instruments of musick whereon the Priests played reasonable well Before this Idol danced to the tune of the said Instrument 〈◊〉 in Ladies which were wonderful fair and richly clad to whom the people presented their alms and offerings which the Priests received for them and thâ—n layd them before the Tribunal of the Idol with a great deal of ceremony and complement ever and anon prostrating themselves on the ground The Status of this Monster was seven and twenty spans high having the face of a Gyant the hair of a Negro wide distorted nostrils mighty great lips and a very sowre and ill-favored countenance He had in his hand an Hatchet in the form of a Coopers Addis but with a far longer handle With this Addis as the Priests made the people believe this Monster the night before killed the gluttonous Serpent of the House of Smoke for that he would have stoln away the ashes of those that sacrificed themselves There also we saw the Serpent amidst the place before the Tribunal in the form of an Adder more horrible to behold then the wit of man can imagine and done so to the life as all that looked on it trembled for fear It was layd all along with the head cut off being eight fathom long and the neck of it as thick as a Bushel so lively represented that though we knew it to be an artificial thing yet could we not chuse but be afraid of it In the mean time all the assistants ran thronging about it some pricking it with the points of their Halberds and some with their Daggers every one with railing speeches cursing and calling it Proud presumptuous accursed infernal Mannor Pool of Damnation envious of Gods goodness hunger-starved Dragon in the midst of the night and many other names which they delivered in such extraordinary terms and so fitted to the effects of this Serpent as we could not but admire them That done they put into Basins which stood at the foot of the Idols Tribunal a world of alms of Gold Silver Jewels pieces of Silk fine Callicoes Mony and hundred other things in very great abundance After we had seen all these things we continued following the Embassador who went to see the Grots of the Hermits or Penitents which were at the utmost end of the Wood all cut out of the hard Rock and in such order as one would have thought that Nature rather then the hand of man had labored in it There were an hundred forty and two of them in some of the which remained divers men whom they held for Saints and that did very great and austere pennance They in the first Grots wore long Robes like the Bonzes of Iapan and followed the Law of an Idol that had sometimes been a man called Situmpor michay who during his life enjoyned those of his Sect to lead their lives in great austerity assuring them that the only and true way to gain Heaven was to subdue the flesh and that the more they labored to afflict themselves the more liberally God would grant them all they could demand of him They which accompanyed us thither told us that they seldom eat any thing buâ— herbs boyled a few Beans of Aricot rosted and wilde fruit which were provided for them by other Priests who as the Purveyors of a Cloister took care to furnish these Penitenâ—s with such things as were confortmable to the Law whereof they made profession After these we saw in a Grot others of a Sect of one of their Saints or rather of a Devil named Angâ—macur these lived in deep holes made in the midst of the Rock according to the Rule of their wretched order eating nothing but Flies Ants Scorpions and Spiders with the juyce of a certain Herb growing in abundance thereabout much like to sorrel These spent their time in meditating day and night with their eyes lifted up to Heaven and their hands closed one within another for a testimony that they desired nothing of this world and in that manner dyed like beasts but they are accounted greater Saints then all the rest and as such after they are dead they burn them in fires whereinto they cast great quantities of most precious perfumes the Funeral pomp being celebrated with great state and very rich offerings they have sumptuous Temples erected unto them thereby to draw the living to do as they had done for to obtain this vain glory which is all the recompence that the world gives them for their excessive pennance We likewise saw others of a Sect alâ—ogether diabolical invented by a certain Gileu Mitray These have sundry orders of pennance and are not much different in their Opinions from the Abissins of Ethiopia Now that their abstinence may be the more agreeable to their Idol some of them eat nothing but filthy thick â—pitings and snot with Grashoppers and Hens dung others clots of blood drawn from other men with bitter fruits and herbs brought to them from the wood by reason whereof they live but a short time and have so bad a look and colour as they fright those that behold them I will pass by them of the Sect of Godomem who spend their whole life in crying day and night on those mountains Godomem Godomem and desist not from it until they fall down stark dead to the ground for want of breath Neither will I speak of them which they call Taxilacons who dye more brutishly then the rest for they shut themselves up in certain Grots made of purposefor it that are very little and close stopped on all 〈◊〉 and then burning green â—histles and thorns in them they choke themselves with the smoke thereof Whereby one may see how by such rude and different ways of living these miserable creatures render themselves the Devils Martyrs who in reward thereof gives them everlasting Hell-fire and verily it is a pititiful thing to behold the great pains which these wretches take to lose themselves and the little that we do to be saved CHAP. LVII What we saw in the continuing of our voyage until we arrived at the City of Timplan AFter we had seen all these things with wonder enough