the Mediterranean there was a City called Jol which was rebuilt by Juba the Father of Ptolomy who chang'd the name of Jol into Jol-Caesaria affirming further that the said City had a little Island before the Port at the 37. degree of Elevation Whence it may be inferr'd that he speaks of Algiers inasmuch as there is no City on the Coast of Africk at the 37. degree which hath a little Island before the Port but this It is to be observ'd that we speak here of young Juba Son of King Juba the first of that name and Nephew or Grand-child to that great Boncho King of Mauritania This Juba of whom I speak was taken in the Battel wherein the forces of Pompey being retreated out of Africk were defeated by the Caesarian Party And this young Juba was carried to Rome fasten'd to the Emperor 's triumphal Chariot according to the custom of the Romans Being a young man he was brought up at Rome and prov'd so successful in his Studies that the Emperor Augustus not onely gave him his liberty but also married him to a daughter of Mark Anthony's and Cleopatra named Silenâ— Queen of Egypt as Suetonius affirms lib. 1. and for dowry gave him his Father's Kingdom to wit all Mauritania which at that time comprehended the Kingdoms of Morocco Trâ—â—ante Fez Tremesen Oran Tunis Algiers â—â—gy as far as Bona which is a vast space of a very fertile and rich ground Thence is it that Plutarch saies that Juba had a fortunate Slavery and as Suetonius affirmes lib. 2. Juba in acknowledgement of the kindness he had receiv'd and to continue in the Emperor's favour gave that City the name of Joâ—-Caesaria Whence it may easily be conjectur'd that this City was in that time a place of great account since Juba made choice of it among all those of his Kingdome to eternise the name of that glorious Prince Augustus Caesar since he Re-built it and kept his Court there as Pliny affirms lib. 5. ch 2. After Juba's Death Ptolomey his Son succeeded him in his Father's Kingdome But the Emperour Caligula caus'd him to be Kill'd and by that means became Master of all those Kingdoms dividing them into two Provinces calling the one Mauritania Tingitensis from the name of the City Tingis now called Tangiers according to Suetonius lib. 2. making that City the Metropolis of Mauritania Tingitensis and calling the other part Mauritania Caesariana taking that name from Jol-Caesaria inasmuch as that City was the Metropolis of that great Province In that met the Assembly which the Romans called Conventus Provinciarum and the Roman Governours kept their Residence there The Emperour Claudius who succeeded Caligula inrich'd that City with Roman Colonies with the same freedome and priviledges as the Citizens of Rome then had In the year of our Lord 427. Guntario and Genserico Kings of the Vandalls and Alans having subdu'd Spain pass'd into Africk destroy'd and sack'd the two Mauritania's especially the two Metropolitan Cities And in the year 697. the Alarbes or Arabians destroy'd in a manner all Africk but notwithstanding that second Destruction that City was still Inhabited and that by reason of its excellent Scituation For the Sea strikes against the Walls of it and a little Island distant from the City about a Bow-shot serves for a Port to it The Fortifications in that time were very good and the Soil very fertil by reason of a great many Springs which water the Gardens Whence it came that this City never wanted Citizens The change of the name of Jol-Caesaria was caus'd by the Alarbes who conquer'd Africk for they call'd it as indeed they do at present Algezir which signifies an Island inasmuch as there is a little Island before the City as if they meant by Algezir the City of the Island But in regard Foreiners cannot well pronounce the word Algezir the Italians and Spaniards call it Argil the French Alger and the English commonly Algiers When the Alarbes were absolute Masters of Africk and had made a division of all the Provinces Mauritania Caesariensis fell to the King of Tremesen to whom those of Algiers paid tribute a long time till one Albuferiz a very powerful King of Tunis became Master of the City of Bugy forcing even the King of Tremesen to be his Tributary The King of Bugy dying divided his Territories among his three Children and gave the youngest whose name was Habdulhaziz the City of Bugy making it as it were the Metropolis of that new Kingdom This King Habdulhaziz engag'd himself in a War against the King of Tremesen those of Algiers finding themselves incommodated by the War and considering that the King of Tremesen to whom they paid a great Tribute had no care of them nor Foâ—ces sufficient to defend them were oblig'd to pay Tribute to the King of Bugy and so they declar'd themselves enemies to the King of Tremesen This subjection lasted till the Count Pedro Navarro in the year of our Lord 1509. got for the King of Spain the Cities of Oran and Bugy Those of Algiers fearing the same success as Oran and Bugy thought it their best course to put themselves under the protection of the great Prince of the Alarbes named Selim Eutemi who had always Liv'd in the Campagnes about Algiers This Selim came and made his residence in the City of Algiers to defend it which he did for some years till the Turks by Tyranny became Masters of Algiers as shall be seen in the subsequent discourse How the City of Algiers came under the power of the Turks THe ordinary exercise of the Citizens of Algiers in that time was to play the Pyrats with their Barks with Oars and this exercise increas'd daily In the year 1592. in which King Ferdinand got the City of Granada great numbers of Moors pass'd as well from Granada as from Valentia and Arragon into Africk who had been brought up in Spain So that knowing the ways the Language and being vers'd in the business of War all their work was by perpetual Incursions to infest the Coasts of Spain Majorâ—a Minorca Ivica and the other Islands The City of Oran being reduc'd in the year 1509. as we said before King Ferdinand sent a powerful Fleet to destroy the City of Algiers with all Pyrats belonging to it and to clear the Sea of that barbarous Nation Those of Algiers seeing that Naval force ready to fall upon them submitted to the King of Spain obliging themselves to pay him an annual Tribute And whereas the main design was to destroy the Pyrats the Spaniards made a Fort within the City kept by a Captâ—in and two hundred Souldiers This place was always well furnish'd with Ammunitions and Provisions and kept both Pyrats and Citizens in awe As long as that great Monarch liv'd those of Algiers paid their Tribute and patiently endur'd the inconvenience of that Fort not presuming so much as to Mutter till the Death of that King which happen'd in the year
antient way of fortification with little square Towers The Ditch about it is not above sixteen foot wide and about the depth of a Pike dry full of filth and ill kept having no fortifications without The whole City is commanded by the hills which encompass it and the Inhabitants can make no advantage of the Walls as to defence in regard there is no Champion behind them but the want of room in the City hath forc'd them to build houses on the Râ—mâ—arts which serves for one side of Walls The streets are very narrow and are chain'd up in the night time save onely the principal streets which runs cross the City from the Poâ—t of Babaloet between the Grand Mosquey and the Bassa's Palace to the Gate of Babazon which is not shut up There are many Mosqueys The Bassa's Palace is a publike structure for those who are advanc'd to that charge well built after the modern way of Architecture Since the year 1650. part of the Garrison is lodg'd in five great publick houses built square with a spacious Court in the midst which may serve for an Armoury They will contain each of them about six hundred Soldiers each whereof hath a room to himself not paying any thing for it But some of the best accommodated take lodgings in other great houses well built which they call Fondâ—cas and belong to private persons The Castle called Alcazabar is onely that part of the City which lies Southward divided by a Wall which begins at the Rampart on the East-side and reaches to that on the West About three hundred paces from the City there is in the Sea a little Island which in the year 1530. was joyn'd to the City by a Moale made for the safety of Ships and Gallies which about the beginning of the year 1662. was carryed away by a Tempest with the loss of many Vessels and Gallies There are also some inconsiderable Fortresses without the City whereof the chiefest is that built by Asan Bassa in the year 1545. about one thousand and seven hundred paces from the City on a Hill at the same place where the Emperor Charles V. had set up his Tent in the year 1541. Neer that place is the source of the Spring which supplies the City with fresh water which it does so plentifully that they need no other besides that and the rain water which is preserv'd in Cesterns It is convey'd by Arches and Pipes under ground which fill the Reservatories in divers places as well in the upper as lower part of the City even to the Gate at the water-side where all the branches fall into one great Channel which conveyes the rest of the water into the Sea and there the Gallies and other Vessels take in their provisions of water At every Reservatory or Conduit there is a Cock with a dish standing by for the convenience of those who would drink Those who come to these Conduits for water take it in their Turns save onely the Jews who are to give way to every Slave who comes after them and to be serv'd last of all The water which falls to the ground is receiv'd into holes neer those Conduits and is convey'd into Common-Shores under ground which carry away the filth of the Privyes about the City all whith fall into these Shores and meet together in one neer the three Gates of the Store-houses where all falls into the Sea The hundred thousand Souls which inhabit this City are divided into twelve thousand Souldiers Turks belonging to the ordinary Garrizon thirty or fourty thousand Slaves of all Nations and the rest Citizens of Algiers Moors Moriscoes and Jews and some Christian-Merchants The chief Governour of all these is the Bassa who takes it not unkindly to be flatter'd with the title of Sultan He acknowledges a kind of subjection to the Grand-Seignor in words but makes little account of his orders Pass-ports or the Treaties he hath concluded with other Soveraign Princes if he hath not agreed to them himself The Soldiery is more dreadful to him then the Grand-Seignor Accordingly his greatest work is to see them punctually pay'd at every new Moon for if he delay it three hours after it is due he is in danger of being Massacred or at least imprison'd This is done out of the Tributes which the Alarbes and some petty Princes Moors about Algiers pay him as also out of the contributions of the people and his proportion of the Prizes The Bassa is also to be careful that he take no more then his due for fear of incensing the Soldiery which prognosticates certain death to him as it did in the year 1661. in the month of September to Ramadan Bassa whose throat with twenty eight persons of his Councel were cut by the Soldiers and their bodyes cast to the Dogs in the Streets for having caus'd to be adjudg'd to himself a greater proportion of a prize of Wheat then was due to him The rest of the Councel being forc'd to the water-side got into a Fisher-boat and put off from land to avoid the fury of the mutinous Soldiery but they were taken by the Malteses After this exploit the soldiers took out of prison another Bassa whom they had imprison'd some years before because they were not punctually paid and re-advanc'd him to the Government exhorting him to do righteous things which yet he forgot within three days after thinking of nothing so much as to be reveng'd of an Aga who had prosecuted his former imprisonment and to execute his design he promis'd ten thousand Patacoons to two soldiers to kill his enemy which they undertook and went with that resolution to the Aga's and desir'd to speak with him The Christian Slave who spoke to them judging by their countenances and the Scimitars they had contrary to the custome of Soldiers who wear onely long Skeenes when they walk about the City that they were engag'd upon some lewd attempt made answer that his Patron was gone abroad though he were not and went presently and gave his Master an account of all who having discover'd the Bassa's design made his complaints to the Souldiers who mutiny'd seiz'd his person and shut him up between four walls without any covering where he had onely room enough to sit down with a hole to put him in some meat The Aga thank'd the soldiers for the speedy justice they had done offering himself to be their Bassa with a promise to augment their pay by a Double a month which they accepted The necessity of this punctual payment obliges the Bassa to endeavour the getting of mony above all things by hook or by crook by breach of Treaties or a wrong interpretation thereof This last reason was the cause that his Majesty of Great Brittain in August 1661. sent his Admiral the Earl of Sandwich with eighteen Men of War to lye before Algiers to demand reparation for that the Pyrates had taken out of the Vessels of his Subjects some persons who were not English
easily judg'd that she was a Pyrat But our ignorant Master order'd the Boat to be put out to enquire what they were thinking it had been some French or Dunkirk Pyrat The Turks who were in the Caravel as I understood after I was taken seeing they were expected with the sails furl'd up and that the Boat was put out to Sea and in a word observing all that is wont to be done when a fight is intended attributed that procedure to the want of experience in our Master and the desire he had to defend himself The Captain of the Caravel in like manner caus'd his men to furl up their sails being unwilling to come any neerer us In the mean time night came on and the Caravel continu'd still in sight with a Lantern at her stern as a signal to her Companions This was the judgement of us Passengers but our Master laugh'd at us All we could obtain of him by fair words was to put our Ship into a posture of defence in which preparation we spent the night but of four pieces that were aboard there was onely one fit to be us'd All these things past while both Ships were in a manner at a stand both having their sails furl'd up In that posture the night pass'd away and about 5. in the morning Aug. 22 we discover'd two great Ships making all the sail they could toward us That oblig'd us to entreat our Master to make away but he continued obstinate every one gave his reasons and the Master who had not any himself would not hearken to any from others About 10. in the morning the two Ships got up to the Caravel but all without any colours Soon after they had got the wind of us and were come up within Musket-shot There was upon the stern of the greater of the two Ships a Turk who had a little Flag or Streamer about his arm and there stood by him a Christian Slave who cry'd out in the Flemish tongue Strâ—pht vâ—or Argiers that is Deliver your selves up for Algiers Whereupon he who held the Streamer display'd it It was green wrought with Half-moons It is easie to conjecture how much we were pleased with that sight We propos'd it to our Master that he would treat and proffer to give them thirty two thousand Paracoons conditionally they would land us on the next place of Christendom for it sometimes happens that when the Turks take a Ship upon treaty they keep their words and set the Prisoners ashore in some Christian Country assoon as they can But our gallant Master instead of treating onely ask'd whether he should have good Quarter Answer was made from the Turkish Ships Yes yes good Quarter Whereupon without any more ado the Master caus'd the Flag at the stern to be taken down and with three or four of the Seamen got into the Boat and made towards the Turkish Ships to deliver themselves up into the hands of their enemies Assoon as they were aboard there the Turks greedy of pillage came presently in their Boat to the number of ten or twelve aboard our Ship under the conduct of a Captain who was an English-man but a Renagado I being on the Deck he as'd me what Country-man I was Whereto I made answer that I was a Dunkirker and by profession a souldier Whereupon he reply'd in Dutch Have patience Brother this is the chance of War to day for you and to morrow for me I gave him what money I had about me and at the same time another a Turk putting his hand in my pocket took out my Box my Handkercher my Beads and my Prayer-Book which he return'd me again with the Handkercher but the Beads and the Box he kept by reason whereof he said I was a Surgeon Having rifled those who were on the Deck and at the Stern they carried us aboard one of their Ships leaving in ours about a dozen Turks to conduct it and the wind being Easterly they turn'd towards the Coast of Spain and within two dayes we discover'd that Cape of Galicia which is called Cap del â—ort I was all this while as it were in a dream wherein a man sees strange apparitions which cause fear admiration and curiosity reflecting on the several Languages for they spoke the Turkish the Arabian Lingua Franca Spanish French Dutch and English the strange habits the different Armes with the ridiculous Ceremonies at their Devotions assuring you that all this found me matter of speculation But admiration fear curiosity and melancholy finding me nothing to eat and my stomach calling for it I joyn'd with four Christian slaves who though they were allow'd nothing but Bisket yet made pottage of Rice or something else they had brought with them from ashoar 'T is to be noted these slaves came in one of the Algiers Ships for the Turks make use of Christian slaves for Sea-men The wind continu'd still favourable The eleventh day after our taking we got to the streight of Gibraltar at which passage the Turks observe many superstitious ceremonies among others one is they cast into the Sea a pot full of Oyl and believe that that pot goes to a mountain called by Seamen La Montague des Signes For the Turks aâ—eâ— that there lives there a glorious 〈◊〉 or Saint who as they affirm and believe is nourish'd by that Oyl so cast into the Sea They also put little Candles lighted on the great Guns suffering them to burn during that passage especially when they go through in the night All these superstitions are perform'd with many prayers and ceremonies The third day after our passage through that streight we were got about Sun-rising opposite to the City of Algiers whereupon the Captain caus'd the great Guns to be discharg'd which noise brought all the curious persons about the City to the water-side For my part I was asleep among thirteen other Christians every one with a foot chain'd and they had cast Anchor ere we were got out of the Irons Assoon as I had my feet at liberty I got up on the Deck whence I saw the Sea-side cover'd with Alarbes I ask'd the Captain who was an affable person what those people were for they had no other cloathing then three or four Ells of cloath wrapp'd about their bodies without any Taylor 's work about it he told me These are the poorer sort and the Inhabitants of the Villages of this Country Here begins our Tragedy The Owners of the Ships which had taken us having got us ashoar conducted us to the Market where the Christians are sold to see if any one there knew us Thence we were brought to the Palace of the Bassa or Governor Some give him the title of King but he is onely a Vice-roy inasmuch as he receives his part of the new slaves to wit of eight one falls to him He was set in the Hall of Audience cross-legg'd as Taylors are here when they are at work on a spacious seat cover'd with a piece of blew
Governor and he laugh'd at those who taught that a man is not oblig'd to keep his word with people of another Religion or Sect. To suffer him to go knowing he was a Christian went against our Conscience We advis'd with an old Cavalier who was better acquainted with the disposition of the Turks then he who out of zeal without prudence had converted that Turk His advice was that Saldens should speak alone to the Turk and that his discourse should be to this purpose Alli so was his Name you know that you embrac'd the Christian Religion in Flanders what is now your intention In case he reply I am a Christian and I will continue in the Christian Apostolick and Roman Faith Then Saldens shall say to him Go to the Governor and tell him that you are a Christian and that you will stay here and go and say the same thing to your four Companions Then the Governor in the presence of his Companions will ask him whether he will return into his Country If he answers that he will not and if he say that he is a Christian he shall stay and the Governor shall be discharg'd Saldens put this advice in execution but Alli made answer that he would return into his Country Whereupon we engag'd our selves no further in the business Mach 24. 1642. Was the day of our absolute liberty whereupon one of my friends made these two Chronograms whereof one shews the day of my being taken by the Turks the other that of my Redemption Chronicum Captivitatis MensIs aVgVstI DIe XXII CaptVs Chronicum Redemptionis MartII XXIIII reDVCtVs fVIt The day after our arrival we went all three to the great Church at Ceuta to do our devotions This Church is called Our Lady's Church of Africk and it is the Metropolitane Church We kiss'd the Bishop's hand who was a devout old Man and all his train consisted of one Negro-Slave He ask'd us whether we were Christians he meant Catholicks We answer'd that we were Roman Catholicks and subjects of his Majesty of Spain Upon this answer the good Bishop gave us his benediction We staid at Ceuta eight days intending to go to Gibraltar with a Brigantine well arm'd for that passage is very dangerous This Brigantine had fifteen banks and on every bank two Souldiers to Row who had their Arms lying ready by them In four hours we pass'd from Africk to Europe not without great fear of being once more taken by the Turks for I knew those Souldiers were as good Sea-men as the English Master when we were taken shew'd himself a valiant Souldier We came to Gibraltar and stay'd there three days and went to do our devotions at a Chappel a quarter of a league without the City and directly where the distance is least between Africk and Europe called Our Lady's Chappel of Europe a place much frequented by all those who have friends and Relations in Slavery VVe went from Gibraltar on Horse-back for Cadiz which is two days journey M. Caloën and I were in our white cloaks and red caps whence it came that in our way and at all the Villages where we alighted all those who had any friends in Slavery came to see us to know whether we had any Letters or news from them Being at Cadiz we got us cloaths made us after the Christian mode and thence we went to Madrid where we staid two months all three together Some days after Saldens went away with his old Master the Marquess of Solero for the Army of Catalonia and M. Caloën and I came to St. Sebastian's in Biscay and travell'd without any Pass through all France trusting to an Attestation we had from the Fathers employ'd about the Redemption of Captives certifying that we came out of Slavery But where we had no occasion to shew the Attestation we pretended to be Hollanders Being come to Paris we were inform'd that at Dieppe as also at Callice the Governors very strictly examin'd Strangers especially such as would cross over into England To avoid this examination we took Shipping at Rovën in a Hamburgher bound for Scotland Being at Sea we told the Master that we would gladly see England and that if he would set us ashoar neer Dover we would give the Boats-crue somewhat to drink VVe were accordingly landed within half a league of Dover whither we went afoot And the next day we pass'd over with the Packet-boat to Dunkirk Thus after divers traverses of fortune and strange adventures I came to Dunkirk reflecting on the hardship the dangers the vain hopes the happinesses the misfortunes and a thousand other accidents which I had run through during the time of my unhappy travels wherein I was much troubled in body but much more afflicted in mind I leave it to the Reader to imagine what satisfaction it was to me to see the Steeples and other Structures of my dear Country where I had wish'd my self a thousand and a thousand times representing to my self the delightful interview of my dear friends and particularly my indulgent Mother from whom my Brothers and Sisters for important reasons had till that time conceal'd my Captivity and other misfortunes perswading her sometimes that I was sick sometimes that other accidents yet such as were probable had happened to me Amidst these reflections on the 20. day of August 1642. I came to the City of Bruges rendring most humble thanks to God who had conducted me through so many dangers by Sea and Land to the gates of the City where I drew my first breath and gave me the time and convenience to praise his glorious Mother the Virgin Mary whom all Christians ought to invocate as the Comforter of the afflicted But for my part I shall for many reasons acknowledge all the days of my life that I am particularly oblig'd to honor her to serve her and to render her all possible thanks as a Christian ought to do to the common Mother of all Christians And in the next place according to the commandment of God to honour my natural Mother whom I found in health with my Brothers and Sisters The content and joy we had at our meeting I omit as being beyond expression But what I have said elsewhere to wit that mourning and sorrow are the neer attendants of joy and satisfaction may be further seen here also for some few days after my return my Brother-in-law and dear Mother ended their days to whom I wish eternal rest laying aside my Pen to acknowledge the pains the Reader hath taken in perusing my Adventures A SHORT ACCOUNT Of the ANTIQUITY Of the City of ALGIERS THe City of Algiers is scituated in a Province of Africk anciently called Mauritania Caesariensis on the side of the Mediterranean Sea Its elevation is at 37. degrees It is not known who were the Founders of this City for what is conjecturable seems fabulous But whta's most certain is that Strabo a creditable Author speaking of Mauritania Caesariensis says that on
Assoon as he came in sight of Tiberius the faithful the grateful and harmeless Youth took out of his Pocket six Aspers Turkish money and the steel of a Tinder-box and made him this complement Sir you have redeem'd me in requital whereof I give you all I have in the world and shall pray for you as long as I live This complement proceeded from so great sincerity that all present of whom I was one were extreamly satisfy'd at the fidelity and gratitude of Morin whereby Tiberius conceiving himself oblig'd afresh bestow'd Cloaths and Linnen on him and put him into a condition fit to wait on some person of quality RELATION XXXVII A Wrack in the Haven BEing at the Bassa's Palace I was acquainted there with a Spanish slave named John de Silva who had serv'd the King of Spain some years as a soldier in the City of Oran in Africk five days journey from Algiers the Citizens of which place speak the Moorish language in regard it was recover'd from the Moors in the time of King Ferdinand as also by reason of the great commerce there is to this day between it and the Moors This de Silva spoke the Moorish-language perfectly well Having been a long time a slave at Algiers without any hope of redemption he resolv'd to make an escape encourag'd thereto by his perfect speaking of the language To compass his design he put on his Patron 's cloaths and so was in the Turkish mode got on horse-back with a Lance in his hand a Turbant on his head and a Cimitar by his side Thus accoutred he began his journey very fortunately Having travell'd four days he came to a Village of Mostaga just at noon and it being the custom of all the Mosqueyes of Barbary to give at noon the signal to put the people in mind of praising God with the ordinary prayer called in their Language Sala which is done with many gestures and strange postures of the face and several motions of the arms and hands kneeling and looking towards the East and West De Silva to take away all suspicion from the Moors alighted and fell a making of gestures as they did and pretended to be a Mahumetane But the Moors soon observ'd that our Cavalier was not perfect in his Ceremonies and not regarding that he spoke their language and was in Turkish habit they stopp'd him took away his cloaths and finding he was no Mahumetane sent him bound with a Guard to Algiers where he receiv'd three hundred blows with a cudgel just when he thought to have enjoy'd his liberty So that he may well be said to have been cast away in the very Haven RELATION XXXVIII The Adventures of Philip de Cherf of Ulamertingue Knight of the Order of Saint James THough the hardships and misfortunes which slaves are to endure be common to all reduc'd to that miserable condition yet some have a greater portion thereof then others Among the former may be numbred the Knight de Cherf whom I have mention'd in the discourse of my Captivity as will be seen by the ensuing Relation After we fell into the hands of the Turks the Pyrate-ships which brought us to slavery cast Anchor before the City of Algiers discharging their Guns to give notice of their arrival The news of the rich prize was presently spread abroad as well among the Turks of the Garrison as the people and as it commonly happens that news encreases by going from mouth to mouth so it was reported that besides thirty thousand Patacoons which were found in the prizes there was among the slaves a Lord of great Quality meaning the fore-said Knight Some said he was a General others an Ambassadour and all imagin'd that the rest were his Servants which was no small happiness for us and that the money which they gave out was found belong'd to him This news was partly forg'd by the Pyrates themselves as they are wont to invent new stratagems to enhance the price of slaves newly brought in loading them with titles and wealth to draw in the Buyers to make greater proffers in hopes of a better ransom The Bassa hearing this news took the Knight for his proportion which is of eight one at his own choice as I have said elsewhere The Knight was conducted to a Stable of the Bassa's where he found other slaves and among those some Spanish Captains and Officers whom he durst not frequent nor so much as speak to in the day time least there should be notice taken of his demeanour among those Officers-slaves with whom he would not be familiar to take off the suspicion of his being a person of high quality which had been augmented by the least conversation accompany'd by mutual expressions of respect the consequences of acquaintance And to beat it out of the Bassa's head that he was neither General nor Ambassador he kept seven or eight days all alone and had nought to eat but a crust of dry bread which being observ'd by the Bassa's Cook he order'd him the remainder of some Rice which is the ordinary food of the Turks nay finding him so submissive and serviceable he suffer'd him to creep into the Kitchin to help the Skullions in bringing in Wood Coals turning the Spit and the like Offices which he could not do but onely with his right arm having lost the use of the left by a Musket-shot he had receiv'd in his Catholick Majesty's service in the year 1639. at the siege of Salses In requital of the good services which the Knight did in the Kitchin the Cook suffer'd him to eat with the Skullions who were Moors and took it ill that a Christian should put his fingers into the same dish with them No doubt the Knight thought himself at an entertainment in Hell with the Pages of Lucifer whose Livery and meen those boys had being about fifteen or sixteen years of age having their cloaths all black with grease and nastiness and so suiting excellently well with their dark hue And yet the Knight endeavor'd all he could to put himself into the same posture that he might be thought the fitter for that company and employment Three months pass'd away in that miserable course of life whereof the Knight made this advantage that he made the Bassa quit the opinion he had of his being a General or Ambassador and consequently the hope of getting much mony out of him which put him upon a resolution to sell his slave as he did to the General of the Gallies Alli Pegelin He acted his part well enough so far but the new Master who had observ'd what was reported concerning his slave began to be very round with him asking him in the Language commonly spoken between the Turks and the slaves who he was and of what Country The Knight being oblig'd to make answer said he was a poor Youth born at Ostend the Son of a mean Irish-Officer giving himself out to be of that Nation as well because he had the looks
attended by four or five Guardians well furnish'd with Cudgels and Bulls-pizzles He began to enquire what had pass'd but those who had fought like Lyons slunk away and hid themselves like Foxes Notwithstanding that the Patron by his exact enquiry made a shift to surprize one of the Spanish party and ordering him to be stripp'd stark naked he caus'd him to be held by four Slaves by the hands and feet with his belly on the ground and a hundred blows with a Cudgel to be given him over the Back and the Buttocks which execution perform'd our Patron was appeas'd The rest of the Combatants hid themselves fearing the like treatment By this time we had been six months at Algiers a sufficient terme to have receiv'd answers from Flanders We went together M. Caloën Saldens and I to our Patron 's Lodgings we kiss'd his Robe or the Sleeve of his inner Garment a Turkish Reverence and I told him that we had been so long at Algiers presuming that he was sufficiently inform'd of our poverty and that we understood that he had agreed with some of his Slaves about their Redemption conditionally that they should go in a Ship which lay ready to set sail for Legorn in Italy and that they continu'd there in prison till their ransomes were paid for the Great Duke of Florence then permitted some such thing we ask'd him how much he would have from us What are you willing to give replyed he We expect your excellency should make your demand answer'd I For it may be you will set such a rate on us that there will be no likelihood of any agreement After he had a little consider'd he said You shall pay two thousand Patacoons at Legorn or fifteen hundred here That 's absolutely impossible for me said I for I am a poor souldier and therefore I had rather continue a slave at Algiers then dye in prison at Legorn The most I shall be able to give will be five hundred Patacoons at Legorn Whereto he made answer You offer too little I am now going out of the City for certain days which was true for his Horse stood ready for him we will talk further of it at my return Those words gave me much comfort for I imagin'd our Patron thought my proffer not much out of the way With this answer we return'd to the Bath And our Patron went away with the Slaves of the Caravan to fell Timber for the building of a new Frigot against the year following In the mean time we were at work about a house our Patron had a building in the upper part of the City for it is to be noted that the City of Algiers is built on the ascent of a high mountain and the place where that house was built was so steepy to get up to that a Mule could not go up it with any load So that all the materials were to be carried up on mens backs or in their arms This was about the middle of February The Guardian conducted us to the work as he was wont but at our going from the Bath we ordered the Knight de Cherf to get some kind of pottage ready for us against our return This Knight was exempted from working becaâ—se he was lame While we were at work two Turks came to the Bath and ask'd for three Dunkirk-slaves named John-Baptist Caloën Emanuel d' Aranda and Renier Saldens but there was not any body knew those slaves They shew'd an attestation in Latine and the Spanish slaves being commonly Sea-men said the attestation was in Dutch and the French slaves said it was in English The two Turks began to be angry and said Call a Papas that is a Priest or some Gentlemâ—n for in the Country of Dunkirk the Papas and the Gentlemen commonly speak that Language and not such raskally dogs as you aâ—e Thence the Spanish and French slaves inferr'd that the Attestation was writ in Latine Then they call'd a slave of Braâ—â—â—â—â— by a military name called Francis the Student because he had studied at Lovain He writ Letters for the slaves of Dunkirk as the Reader may find more at large in the XVI Relation He read the Attestation and though we had chang'd our names yet by the marks of the time and the Ship wherein we were taken he immediately concluded that we must be the three Christian slaves whom the Turks enquir'd for Whereupon he made them answer that he knew us very well and that we were Slaves in that very Bath but that we were then abroad at work Now Monsieur Caloën and Renier Saldens not fearing blows as much as I did were got from their work aâ—d had hid themselves in some corner of the Bath where they pass'd away the time at Cards This Student found them out and told them that there were two Turks below who came from Duâ—kirk and that they had letters for them They both immediately ran down where they found the two Turks who gave them a letter which was from Monsieur Caloën's father He was very joyful and the Turks also because they had found us all at Algiers for the contract which those Turks had made with our Friends requir'd that they should deliver us wherever we were in Barbary They thereupon conducted Monsieur Caloën and R. Saldens to the house of the Turk Barber Assan father-in-law to Mustapha Ingles who was in prison at Bruges with four others to be exchang'd for us three The Mother and Grand-mother of Mustapha were extreamly glad to hear that he was alive and that he might ere long return into his Country I knew nothing of all this for I continu'd at work till the Guardian gave every one permission to go and get something towards his subsistance I had a good stomach for it was afternoon so that hoping to meet with some pottage of the Knight's providing as we had appointed I run from my work streight to the Bath and as I was going in I met with the Student who said to me James I have good news for you which is that you are no longer a Slave For there are two Turks come from Dunkirk and M. Caloën and Saldens are gone out along with them This so good and so unexpected news over-joy'd me so that I had almost fallen into a swound so far was I then from thinking of hunger I went immediately to find out my two Companions with the Turks whom I met with all four in the Street Assoon as M. Caloën perceiv'd me he said to the Turk This is our third Companion Emanuel d' Aranda I ask'd the Turks how my Friends did they told me that my Mother knew nothing of my misfortune and that my Brother was well They came along with us to the Bath and spoke to the Guardian not to put us to work any more in regard we were free We spent the remainder of the day very merrily drinking with our friends upon this good news but we minded not much the old saying Joy may
they understood her not and said to us Farewell Country-men we shall acquaint your Companion Saldens what condition we left you in And with that they went away Whereupon the ch 〈…〉 man Slaves who 〈…〉 at last she call'd 〈…〉 a great deal 〈…〉 chain In the 〈…〉 insatiable 〈…〉 months 〈…〉 with the 〈…〉 in the 〈…〉 their 〈…〉 chai◠〈…〉 immediate 〈…〉 your 〈…〉 me 〈…〉 with 〈…〉 kneâ— there was time enough 〈…〉 was 〈◊〉 at the Mosâ—eâ—ey that 〈…〉 ver I 〈◊〉 ended to make all 〈…〉 went 〈…〉 to our houseâ— to 〈…〉 for the 〈◊〉 she had of me She 〈…〉 Leggs out of the Irons and that 〈…〉 absolute liberty 'T was about the time th 〈…〉 Sala is the prayer of the Tu 〈…〉 quey door to expect my Patron 〈…〉 together to speak with the 〈…〉 told us he should not go away 〈…〉 would 〈…〉 with the first 〈…〉 with my 〈◊〉 pressing him all 〈…〉 provision for our voyage for I 〈…〉 not have any thing aboard but old Bis 〈…〉 ess gave me half a Majorca-Cheese a 〈…〉 ne fifteen pounds of white Bisket M. CaloeÌ„ 〈…〉 also something of Mustapha's mother Being ready to be gone there arose another difficulty to wit that the Turk who was to go along with us to Tituan and to have fifty Patacoons for his pains should be paid by us but after some contest it was concluded that we should pay the one half and they the other December the 8. the wind was fair for us and we went aboard wheâ—e we found some Christian Slaves bound for Tituan there to treat about their liberty with some Merchants Jews and Moors Being all aboard a Gun was discharg'd as a signal for the Farmers of the Customes to come and search the Ship and especially to see whether the Christians who were redeem'd had paid the duty for though the Patron be satisfy'd yet before a Christian can be dismiss'd he is to pay a certain proportion according to his ransom Having visited the Ship they return'd to the City whence they gave the signal that the Ship might be gone inasmuch as they cannot get into the City untill the Ship be at Sea And this is done to prevent the stealing of Slaves The wind continu'd right for us till we came to the unhappy place Cabo de Tenes three leagues from Algiers I call it unhappy because the Emperor Charles V. in the year 1541. Oct. 17. lost there by tempest the best part of his Gallies and Ships when the enterprize upon Algiers fail'd Here the wind turn'd quite contrary to us which oblig'd us to return to the place from whence we came and the next day we got to Algiers I went to my Patron Mahomet's where I staid till the wind turn'd which was after some few days and then we went aboard again The wind was so good that in three days we pass'd the Islands of Frumentera and Yvica and we were got in â—ight of the coast of Valentia But all to no purpose for after eight dayes being at Sea we were glad to put in again at Algiers whether we got December 29. Those of the City seeing the Ship return'd thought she had finish'd her Voyage but they were mistaken I was extreamly disorder'd for we were sixteen Christians who had been shut up eight days and as many nights in a room towards the Prow which was but nine foot in length and seven in breadth And among those sixteen Christians there were some sick who were very troublesome to the others And all consider'd I wonder we were not all sick for the tempest lasted eight days without any intermission So that not one of us during all that time went out on the Deck to clear himself of Vermine or to wash but continu'd in our little room like so many Dogs in a Kennel Assoon as they had cast anchor I went ashore and to my Patron 's who was astonish'd to see me I acquainted him what misery we had been in for the space of eight days I was troubl'd that we could not advance our Voyage but the refreshments ashore rais'd my spirits Besides I was glad to see the solemnities us'd by the Turks when they celebrate their Easter which they call the Easter of Ramadan for they have several Easters And though I had been at Algiers the year before yet had I not seen any of those solemnities for at the time of Easter I was shut up in the Bassa's Palace This Festival lasts eight days and is celebrated with great pomp and much rejoycing there being every day without the City Cavalcades and certain recreations on Horse-back which in the Spanish language are called Juego de Caguas And the Turks children are drawn in little triumphal Chariots and Christian slaves serve for Horses and they know what is to be given them for their pains Some in those eight days make a shift to get fifteen or sixteen Patacoons The other Christian Slaves sold the children some toys or other as they do at the Kâ—rmesses in Flanders Others had instruments for some childish plaies and they also made a shift to get money out of the children and every day there was wrestling at which exercise some Moors were very expert but the most considerable celebration of the Easter consisted in drinking though it be directly contrary to the command of the Alcoran Wine and Brandy and making good cheer which they must eat with a very good appetite For they fast a whole month before their Easter whereto they are oblig'd onely in the day time This Lent or to say better Fast is so rigorously observ'd that if it were known any one had eaten a bit in the day time they would pour melted Lead into his mouth according to their Laws but in the night they are permitted to eat And to give people notice that they may eat Drums are beaten all night up and down the streets This Easter is also advantageous to the Christians for as in these parts on New-years day they give New-yeers-gifts or something to the Men and Maids so the Turks do the like at the Easter of Ramadan and the three or four first days no slave is put to any work Having seen all these solemnities the wind continu'd still contrary till the 14 of January 1642. and then we embark'd the third time Assoon as we were got out of the Port the wind turn'd But in regard we had return'd twice and that some Turks had abus'd our Master saying he understood not his profession he incens'd at that reproach swore that he would not return any more to Algiers till he had finish'd his voyage nay that he would rather sink The wind was absolutely contrary so that we could onely Laveer hoping it would turn The eighth day we got before Oran that is about fourty leagues from Algiers The same night the Turks who were upon the Guard in the Ship discover'd at Sea two other Ships which continually followed ours Our Master and his people were afraid they might
this proposal thought he should not let slip so fair an opportunity He writ a letter to his Brother at Algiers to send him immediately by Sea ten little Guns with all things requisite for them which his Brother did sending him five Galliots loaden with Artillery Powder and other Ammunition Barberossa having receiv'd them took a good quantity of provisions which he put upon Horses and began his march towards Tremesen Several Nations of Moors through whose Countries he pass'd submitted to him and some follow'd him in hopes of good booty But Aruch Barberossa finding himself got so far into the Country was afraid the King of Tunis who was driven out of his Kingdom might return with some Moors to recover it and prevent his retreat or that the General of Oran might come out with his forces and hinder his return All this hindred not his marching into the Country commanding his third Brother Isaac Beniioub to keep the City of Tunis with two hundred Musketters Turks and some Moors He march'd four leagues beyond Oran where he met with Abuziien King of Tremesen who knew nothing of the infidelity of his Subjects but hearing of Barberossa's advance he thought it fitter to meet him in the field with his forces then to expect him and suffer himself to be shut up in a City as not being over-confident of the Citizens of Tremesen His Army consisted of six thousand Horse and three thousand Foot As soon as both Armies were in sight they were set in order for an engagement The place was very fit for it was in the spacious Campagne about Aganel The fight began very furiously on both sides but Barberossa soon had the advantage by reason of the great number he had of small Shot and his small Guns so that the King 's best Troops were defeated and himself forc'd to retreat to Tremesen where the Citizens his Subjects took him Prisoner and cut off his Head before Barberossa got thither to whom they sent the Head by their Deputies with the Keys of the City promising him as they had done before submission Two days after he made his solemn entrance into Tremesen confiscating the Goods of the deceas'd King as well to pay his Souldiers as to make some Fortifications about the City for he conceiv'd his Neighbour-hood would not be well lik'd by those of Oran and to secure himself he immediately entred into a confederacy with Muley-hamet King of Fez promising him assistance against the King of Morocco against whom Muley-hamet was in open War conditionally that Muley-hamet would defend the Kingdom of Tremesen against their common enemies the Christians Barberossa to enjoy himself after his Victories resided the remainder of the year 1517. at Tremesen leaving for his Lieutenant at Algiers his second Brother Cheredin But it was the pleasure of Divine Justice at length to give a check to these great Successes for Barberossa's third Brother Isaac Benijoub who commanded the new Conquests at Tunis and other places through his extraordinary Exactions and Tyrannies become so odious to the Moors of the Country that they revolted and kill'd him with all his Turks except forty who thinking to make an escape were all cut to pieces Barberossa was extremely troubled at the Death of his Brother but desert'd his revenge to a fitter opportunity In September in the year 1517. came into Spain King Charls who afterwards was Emperour with a powerful Naval Army The Marquess of Comares advertis'd of his Arrival went in Person to wait on him and give him an account of what had pass'd in Africk And the Pyrat Barberossa growing daily more and more dreadful he advis'd his Majesty to quench that spreading fire And to animate his Majesty the more he carried along with him Abuchen-men King of Tremesen who had taken refuge at Oran and got of his Majesty ten thousand Souldiers to engage against Barberossa and the Turks Which the Pyrat hearing of sent for assistance to the King of Fez according to their mutual confederacy But seeing that the relief came not with the expedition he expected and that the Marquess of Comares was already got to Oran and marching with his Forces towards him he thought it his best course not depending on the relief from Fez to come out of Tremesen with fifteen hundred Turks and Andalusians Arquebusiers and five thousand Moorish Horse But considering that the said number of fifteen hundred Arquebusiers were not able to oppose ten thousand Christians for he had no great confidence of his Moorish Horse he resolv'd to continue at Tremesen expecting from day to day the relief from the King of Fez. But when the Marquess was come in sight of Tremesen Barberossa observ'd that the Citizens began to flinch from him whereupon he took a third resolution which was to get away with his Turks in the night time without giving any notice thereof to the Citizens and to make all the haste he could towards Algiers This resolution was prosecuted but at the first halt he made the Marquess having intelligence of it so speedily pursu'd him with some Fire-locks that he overtook him about eight Leagues from Tremesen at the passage of a River named Huexda Barberossa finding himself pursu'd so closely and his Turks kill'd made use of this Stratagem to gain time to cross the River He caus'd to be strew'd along the High-way great quantities of Money Plate and other things of great Value thinking by that means to amuse the Christians while he got over the River But that valiant Marquess encourag'd his Souldiers with so many urgent reasons that they slighted all those rich Baits to take Barberossa alive who as I said was at the River-side ready to cross it when the Christians furiously charg'd the retreating Turks Which Barberossa perceiving fac'd his Enemies resolving to Dye generously in Fight The fifteen hundred Turks and Barberossa among them defended themselves like Lions but in a short time they were all Kill'd and Barberossa also Thus ended all the great designs of Barberossa who first brought the Turks into Barbary and taught them the way to get Wealth out of the Western parts of the World laying the Foundations of what the Turks are to this Day possess'd of in Barbary The Marquess of Comares satisfi'd with this Victory return'd to Tremesen with the Head of the Tyrant on a Pike for a Trophey and without any opposition of the people put the King Abuchen-men in possession of his Kingdome Fourteen days after this defeat the King of Fez Abdeda came neer Milta with twenty thousand Moorish Horse to assist Barberossa But hearing of the defeat of his Army and his Death fearing the like misfortune he return'd the same way he came and the Marquess leaving the King of Tremesen re-establish'd in his Kingdome return'd to Oran Thus dy'd Aruch Barberossa after he had continu'd fourteen years in Barbary committing incredible out-rages on the Christians by Sea and doing the Moors of Barbary much greater mischiefs by Land For he
was the first who reduc'd them into that condition wherein they now are of being Subjects and as it were half Slaves to the Turks The news of Barberossa's death was soon carried to his younger Brother Cheredin Barberossa who Govern'd at Algiers It troubled him very much upon a double account both out of a consideration of the loss of his Brother and a fear that the victorious Marquess might come and besiege him in the City of Algiers Whereupon he was neer resolving to leave the place and to retire with twenty two Galliots towards the Levant But some Pyrats advis'd him to expect a while to see which way the victorious Christians would take their march And finding that the Marquess being return'd to Oran sent his Men aboard in order to their Transportion into Spain the Turkish Souldiers with the Pyrats chose Cheredin for their King and Captain-General of the Kingdome of Algiers And indeed he was a Person deserv'd to succeed his Brother Being possess'd of that Kingdom the first thing he did was to send a Galley with some Letters to the Grand-Seignor acquainting him with his Brother's death and desiring his protection and assistance against the Christians promising either to pay Tribute or put the Kingdom into his hands together withall he was possess'd of in Barbary The Grand Seignor hearing this news not onely return'd a favourable answer but also sent him an assistance of two thousand Turks accepting of the proffer he made him that the City of Algiers with its Territories should be put into his hands All these transactions happen'd about the beginning of the year 1519. The Reader may here see how and when the City of Algiers came into the hands of the Turks I thought it not besides my purpose to bring in this short History to undeceive those who imagin'd that Aruch Barberossa had made these acquests in Barbary as a General of the Grand Seignor's For what he did was upon his own account without any other title then that of a Pyrat by Sea and a Tyrant by Land In the year 1530. Cheredin finding himself incommodated by reason of the Fort which the Christians kept in the Island before the Port resolv'd to beat it down with Cannon-shot and afterwards to make a Port from the City to the Island which very design Aruch Barberossa had in the year 1516. For by reason of that Fort the Ships were oblig'd to secure themselves on one side of the City neer the Gate called Babazon where they lay in great danger to be cast away upon the least tempest Cheredin Barberossa began his enterprise upon the Fort with this stratagem Two young Lads Moors by his secret order went and delivered themselves to those of the Fort saying they would embrace the Christian Religion They were kindly entertain'd and the Captain who commanded the Fort named Martin de Vargas took them into the house and caus'd them to be Catechiz'd that they might receive the holy Sacrament of Baptism On Easter-day when the Governor and all his Souldiers were at Church these two Youths went up to the top of a little Tower whence they gave the signal to those of the City by a Flagg which being observ'd by a Servant-maid of the Governors she immediately went and acquainted her Master with the treachery who came presently out of the Church with all his Souldiers and fearing the enemies he put these two youths in prison and a while after caus'd them to be both hang'd up in an eminent place whence those of the City might see the spectacle Cheredin had soon notice of it and was extreamly incens'd thereat as if it had been done in derision of the Mahumetane Religion He sent a Boat to the Fort with a Renagado named Alcade Huali to tell the Governor that if he would deliver up the place he and his people should have good conditions otherwise they were to expect no mercy The Governor made answer that he was astonish'd that Cheredin Barberossa a person so highly esteem'd for his experience in military affairs did not consider that he had to do with Spaniards who value their honour above all things and laugh at the menaces of their enemies That he was further to know that he was of the House of Vargas that he glory'd not so much in the Nobility as his endeavors to imitate the Heroick vertues of his Ancestors and that therefore he would expect the utmost attempts of Cheredin Barberossa and do all he could to shew himself faithful to his God and his Prince Cheredin having receiv'd this answer took some great Guns out of a French Galion which chanc'd to lye before Algiers and some other pieces which had been cast there some months before for that purpose May 6. 1530. he rais'd a Battery which plaid fifteen days and nights without any intermission and the distance being but two hundred paces or thereabouts the Muskettiers also shot continually so that the sixteenth of May the Walls were almost broken down and a great number of the besieg'd kill'd or wounded Cheredin took one thousand three hundred Musketteers and Archers Turks in fourteen Galliots and being come to the Fort they landed without any obstacle For the Governor was wounded with fifty three of the Soldiers and the rest extreamly tyr'd out as may be easily conjectur'd having been sixteen days in continual alarmes The Captain Martin de Vargas yeelded up the place on certain conditions and after three months imprisonment he was without any reason bastinado'd to death in the presence of Cheredin Thus dy'd that valiant Captain carrying along with him to heaven the crown of Martyrdom and leaving to his Successors an example of valour and fidelity which vertues are so deeply rooted in that illustrious family that there are to this day in the Low-Countries Knights who are not onely heirs of that Noble House but also imitators of the Vertues of their Ancestors and such as are look'd upon all over the world as examples of Valour and Fidelity After the massacre of this brave Captain he employ'd the Christian Slaves to make a Moal from the City to the Fortress which was finish'd in two years Of the Scituation Strength and Government of the City of Algiers THe scituation of this famous Den of Pyrates is on the ascent of a mountain which rises by degrees from the Sea-side up into the Country representing to those who â—ail by it the several stories of a Theatre the variety of the Structures whereof a man hath as it were a full sight makes the prospect the more delightful Insomuch that there is no house but all the rest may be seen from it which way soever a man turns his eye when he is upon the Terraces wherewith they are covered They have also all of them this convenience that they have a prospect into the Sea as far as eye can see It is in a manner square and about three thousand paces in compass The Walls are of Brick built after the
with their Merchandize contrary to the peace made with England The Admiral came before the City August 22. 1661. sending ashore his Lieutenant with Credential Letters to make his complaints to the Bassa and the Duana but the Admiral had no other satisfaction then that he got the English Consul out of the City and batter'd some of the houses with his great shot This Bassa does many time deceive his Confederates and takes their Merchandise forcing the Masters of Ships by Cudgelling to confess that the goods belong to other Nations or if he forbeaâ— that rigor there is a stoppage set on the goods and while they pretend to verifie the fact all is sold and under some ill pretence the prize is declared good And to say truth it is very hard for the Bassa to observe peace with any Nation whatsoever if he will be belov'd by his Souldiers in as much as his proportion out of the prizes is the greatest part of his Revenue which it would not be if he exactly observ'd peace with any other Nations which would have all the Trading were there a freedom of Navigation and consequently there would be but few prizes and his Revenue arising from his proportion thereof would come to little or nothing The twelve thousand soldiers which make the ordinary Forces of the Bassa are most of them Renegadoes dissolute persons without Religion or Conscience fugitives out of Christendom and Turkey for the enormity of their crimes This place is a refuge to all such persons nay to such as have offended the Grand Seignor himself as it happen'd in the year 1640. upon my arrival at Algiers when some shew'd me Sigala Son of that famous Admiral a Renegado of Genua of the same name who had taken refuge in this City to avoid being strangled as their custome is upon this score that in the year 1636. being commanded by the Grand Seignor to convey with a Squadron of Gallies the Ships which brought home the yearly tribute of Egypt and other wealth that had joyned with them he had left his Gallies and came ashoar to spend away his time among women and in entertainments insomuch that during his absence the Maltezes had an opportunity to carry away that Ship which had the Tribute and the precious commodities in it And this it was that had forc'd Sigala to get away with his Galley to Algiers where he liv'd by what he got by Piracy till the death of Sultan Amurat soon after which he obtain'd his pardon of Sultan Hibraim his Brother and Successor The soldiers observe the Bassa's orders if they approve of them and they oblige him to change them if they like them not and so they rather command the Bassa then are commanded by him In the year 1642. a tributary King of Algiers refus'd to pay his Tribute and came with an Army into the field whereupon the Bassa Isouf being unwilling to go out against him would have been excus'd upon his indisposition But his excuse was not receiv'd there was a necessity of his going if he would preserve his life and charge only the Soldiers were so kind as to permit him to go as far as he could in a Galley but imagining the Bassa might take some occasion to leave them they accompany'd him with another Galley better furnish'd with both Rowers and Soldiers with order to force the Bassa to land at the place appointed which he quietly did There are Renegado's of all Christian Nations and in my time I found there above three thousand French Heretofore the Renegadoes could not serve for Soldiers among the Turks and Janizaries and the Turks and Janizaries could not go upon the account of Piracy But Mahomet Bassa to prevent the jealousies and quarrels happening thereby reconcil'd the Renegadoes with the Turks allowing in the year 1568. to both the priviledge of being Soldiers or Pyrates without any difference The Moors the Morisos the Algerians the Sons of Turks born at Algiers Renegado Jews are not admitted into the Soldiery but the Jews who would serve eâ—ting Swins flesh before they renounce affirm that by that means they are become Christians and then they renounce with the same solemnities as are observ'd by the Christians The pay of the Souldiery is eight Morisco Doubles a month every Double is worth twelve Patars that is somewhat better then twelve pence Sterling according to the number of the years they have been in service the pâ—y is encreas'd and they receive a Double a month more then they had before In like manner if there be a Son born to the Grand-Seignor by the Sultaness a Double if any Soldier hath kill'd his enemy in a Skirmish or hand to hand and hath brought away his head a Double if they have had any remarkable engagement against the rebellious Alarbes the Bassa promises them an augmentation of a Double in the month but all the monthly augmentations of Doubles are not to exceed the number of fourty The Batchelor-Soldiers have greater priviledges then those who are married the latter have no daily allowance of bread the former have four loaves The pay is to be exact and punctual as I said before 'T is not out of any fear of the Christians that the Bassa maintains so great a number of Souldiers but that he might be the more dreaded by those of Algiers the Alarbes and the petty Princes who pay him tribute against whom they are sent if they come not soon enough to prevent them The soldiers keep little or no guard within the City but a Watch which they call Mesuart walks round about it with twenty five persons At the Gates there are but two or three men In the Summer Algiers is in a manner distitute of a Garrison for some of the soldiers are dispers'd to Tremesen Bugy Sargel and other places under the jurisdiction of Algiers They often change the Garrisons and send that of one place to another Another part of the soldiery is sent away by Bodies of five or six hundred thirty or fourty leagues into the Country to quarter on the Alarbes and to receive the Tribute and the greatest part is employ'd at Sea in the Galleys I observ'd in the Summer 1641. that the sixty five Pyrates Ships and the four Gallies which were then at Sea every one for what could be gotten were most of them mann'd by soldiers of the Garrison The remainder who are neither employ'd at Sea nor sent to the Posts before-mentioned live at ease and divert themselves at their Country-houses two or three leagues out of the City The Citizens and the originary Inhabitants of the Country are irreconcileable enemies of the Garrison There is but one Councel called the Duana which with the Bassa resolves all matters of State and what relate to the administration of Justice This Councel meets commonly thrice a week in a Gallery of the Bassa's Palace It consists of fourty persons The Bassa sits as Taylers do cross-legg'd on a Table about two foot high
at a little distance from the Wall cover'd with a shaggy-Carpet and so long that twelve of the chiefest may sit as the Bassa does six on the right hand and as many on the left the rest of the Councel stand at both ends of the Table cross the Gallery making with the Arch a kind of circle This Bassa hath commonly a Fan of Feathers in his hand he pronounces sentence and the plurality of voices carries it but they have this particulary remarkable that they begin to gather the voices while some one is alledging new reasons for or against the business under deliberation All causes wherein the soldiers are concern'd are try'd before this Councel but differences between Citizens are determin'd before the Caya who is as it were the Bassa's Lieutenant Every man is to prosecute and plead his own cause in person without the assistance of any Advocate Lawyer or Atturney Great Robbes Murtherers and other eminent Criminals are put to death if they be Moors or Jews but the souldiers are supported by their Agas who ever find excuses to get them off unless the offence be against another souldier An accusation prov'd by two witnesses is sufficient in order to condemnation He who hath the worst in any cause receives a certain number of blows with a cudgel besides what he is oblig'd to do by the Sentence If the accusation be found malicious the Accuser is to suffer a punishment suitable to the crime impos'd The sin of abhomination is not punish'd among them As to the grimaces of their Religion they are the same with those us'd in most parts of Turkey This is a short account of the State and Government of Algiers where the miseries of Slavery have consum'd the lives of six hundred thousand Christians since the year 1536. at which time Cheredin Barberossa brought it under his own power 'T is hard to imagine a reason why its Government being so ill administred could endure so long making that hole dreadful to all Europe since its scituation strength and Fortresses are no way considerable I must confess Christian Princes will ever have cause to remember the enterprise of that great Monarch Charles V. made on this City in the year 1541. with an unfortunate issue but I hope that will not divert their generous thoughts from promoting the advantages of Christendom There was a concurrence of many accidents in the attempt of that great Emperor which may be avoided or are particular to that expedition The season for the taking of Algiers was Autumne at which time the Mediterranean Sea is no less rough then the other Seas by reason of storms and tempests which hindred the coming in of provisions to that Army and occasion'd the loss of the Baggage and Artillery The Garrison was then return'd some from Sea others from their expeditions against the Alarbes and the Tributaries The dissention among the Emperor's Commanders contributed also somewhat thereto and yet notwithstanding all these traverses Asan Bassa a generous Captain a Renegado born in Sardinia brought up by Cheredin Barberossa and all the people of Algiers were in distress for fresh water the source whereof had been diverted another way Nay they never durst attribute their deliverance to their valour but their opinion still is that a Marabout or Santon that is a Saint who then liv'd neer the City wrought a miracle beating the Sea with his staff which caus'd that dreadful tempest They have accordingly erected to the memory of this Marabout a Chappel without Babaloët-gate on the left hand where he is interr'd for which place the Turks have a reverence as some Christians have for places of devotion affirming that if the Christian Army ever return thither they will raise the greatest Tempest that ever was by casting into the Sea the bones of that Marabout In this perswasion consists the force they have to defend themselves against the Christians I conceiv'd my self oblig'd to give this short account of the antiquity and scituation of Algiers to remedy the deficiencies of other Chronologers who confound the years the names and the Nations taking the Turks for the Moors As concerning a more ample description of the City and its Fortresses the dispositions of the Inhabitants the Pirates Merchants Tradesmen their Cloathing the Marabouts or Santons the Ceremonies the exercises of the Women their several Easters their Vices and Vertues and what was done there in the last Age I thought them besides my design and superfluous as being common things related by diverse Historians who speak of the Turks in general And so I pass forwards to those things with I accounted worth my reducing into particular Relations during the time of my Slavery EMANVEL D' ARANDA'S Particular Relations During the time of his SLAVERY The first RELATION The History of a Religious man a Spaniard a Slave at Algiers A Spaniard whom we shall here call Domingo having entred into one of the principal Orders at Sevill in the year 1626. and compleated the year of his Novice-ship took the three accustomed Vows and some years after was advanc'd to Priest-hood in the same Order But Domingo grew weary of that kind of life so that he left the Cloister and retir'd in his Sacerdota habit into the Kingdom of Portugal and plante◠himself in a little Village where after he had sojourn'd some time he made a shift to get a smal◠Country living That life after a while grew as tedious to him as that of the Religious order had been to him before so that he chang'd the habit of a Pries◠into that of a Lay-person and took up his residence at Lisbon the Metropolis of Portugal where he Married and at the years end had a Son Some time after his Wife prov'd with child of a second whereupon Domingo finding himself burthen'd with children and having not wherewithall to maintain them he Listed himself a Souldier to be Transported into ◠Country newly conquer'd by the Portuguez scituate on the River of the Amazons in the Indies where he was to have a certain proportion of Land and other allowances for himself his Wife Son and what other children he should have in that Country Upon these Overtures Domingo embarks in the year 1639. and after they had been some hours at Sea his Wife fell in Labour and was deliver'd of a second Son to whom the Captain of the Vessel whom I know was God-father Some days after they came in sight of some Turkish Pyrats and after a short engagement the Ship was taken and brought to Algiers where the Prisoners were sold Domingo to avoid the miseries of Slavery goes to the Jews and tells them that he was a Jew intreating them to redeem him his Wife and Children The Jews who are commonly more subject to avarice then prodigality began to examine him he immediately answer'd their questions in the Hebrew tongue so that they believ'd what he said In fine they told him he should be redeem'd if he could tell them
some call'd Ho ho for Tituan and it was the same which had been sent to receive them Hans Maurus notwithstanding all his experience and skill in Sea-matters was seiz'd by a Panick fear and said to his Companions Ly down on the ground they are Fisher-men of Tituan we shall be secur'd and beaten In the mean time the boat had cross'd two or three times by the place appointed and reiterated the aforesaid cry striking on a Steel the signal agreed upon between them whereto those ashore were to answer with the like noise But those in the boat seeing no body appear and considering that it was within an hour of day as also that the watch on the Coast of Tituan had perceiv'd them and given the signal to the City by a fire resolv'd to be gone The going away of the boat satisfy'd the Knight and Hans Maurus that those of Ceuta had made the appointed signal whereupon they began to strike with the Steel and to call upon them but all to no purpose and too late so that perceiving their design was discover'd they made their retreat without any noise towards Tituan getting into the City at several Gates where they understood that that night there had been an alarm in the City and that a party of horse had been commanded out into the Country by reason of a fire which had been made by the watch on the Sea-side This body of Horse consists of Citizens who to enjoy some priviledges and the title of imaginary soldiers oblige themselves upon any alarm to ride out into the Country and engage any enemy they meet with All this had pass'd yet so as that those of Tituan knew nothing of the occasion of it nor did they much enquire after it in regard the alarms are very frequent there by reason they are so near neighbours to the City of Ceuta Yet were the Undertakers still in some fear of being discover'd and could not forbear quarrelling at Hans Maurus who had occasion'd the miscarriadge of their design whereat he was so troubled and became so melancholy to think that by his mistake himself and his Companions had miss'd so fair an opportunity of recovering their liberty that he fell sick Yet did his Companions assist him all they could and concern'd themselves as much as might be in the recovery of his health but perceiving he grew every day worse and worse and that whatsoever was administred to him did little good they bethought themselves of endeavouring the welfare of his soul To that end the Knight who knew that Hans Maurus had led a morally good life and that he feared God made it his business to exhort him to renounce Lutheranism and to embrace the Roman-Catholick Religion discoursing with him concerning the difference of those perswasions as he had done several times before Hans Maurus being a person not much acquainted with Letters and the Knight no great Divine he took occasion to remonstrate to him that being born in Norway he had follow'd the Lutheran Religion without any enquiry into the Romane-Catholick that the former was a new and the other the ancient way surpassing the inventions of Luther by fifteen ages and that the latter had been follow'd by his Ancestors whom it would be impious for him to believe damn'd for that and that they were rather wiser then he that he had often said while he was in health that he would do better if he knew what were better that it now concern'd him to think seriously of his conscience and that to that end he would bring him a Priest who would tell him more and that more effectually This discourse made to him in the extremity of his sickness wrought this effect on Hans Maurus that he acknowledg'd to the Knight that it was true he had been exhorted to follow the steps of his Ancestors but that he thought there was so little difference between both Religions that he conceiv'd he might safely enough persevere in his own but since he was now in treated by his friends whom he knew to be real sincere to consider seriously of it he desir'd that a Priest might come to him to give him satisfaction in some doubts The Knight immediately sent for a Religious Dominican a Spaniard and a slave who satisfy'd the doubts of Hans Maurus and undeceiv'd him so that he became a Roman-Catholick made his Confession and communicated with great fervency to the great satisfaction of the Christian slaves who were present and the second day after his conversion he dy'd In this conversion may be seen the goodness of God who gave Maurus the grace to profess the Catholick Faith in recompence of his moral Vertues and good life by a strange accident whereby he was depriz'd of his experience and skill on Saint James's day which made him loose his corporal liberty to give him the incomparable liberty of enjoying the sight of God Eight days after Maurus's death the Knight paid his ransom and went to Ceuta and thence by the way of Gibraltar to Madrid where having receiv'd rewards from his Catholick Majesty he went thence to the Low-Countries having suffer'd greater miseries then any of us though we had been made slaves at the same time And he who shall attentively consider all our Knight did will find that humane Prudence is subject to strange oversights and miscarriages and that God onely is the disposer and director of all human actions RELATION XXXIX What happen'd between my Companion in slavery M. Caloen and his old Patroness THe condition of slaves implies in it self a necessity of their suffering of somewhat from the hands of their Patrons but on the contrary M. Caloën made his Patroness endure many inconveniences I have said elsewhere that an old Moorish Dame had bought him at fourteen hundred Patacoons to be exchang'd for her Grand-son Mustapha who was in the power of Caloën's friends The payment of that sum troubled the old woman as if it had been so many drops of blood got out of her dry'd carkass never considering that it was for the redemption of one so neerly related to her The coverous woman thought to ease her self of some part of the grief by finding out some invention to make M. Caloën to pay seven hundred Patacoons besides the exchange of her Grand-son and this busied her brains day and night One while she resolv'd to use violence but fearing her Mustapha might receive the same treatment she forbore it another she imagin'd that to represent to him how much he had cost her would be a more likely way to compass her design since that it was indeed done as much for M. Caloën's liberty as for her Mustapha's so that it was but just he should pay his proportion but the fear of being laugh'd at and making him more obstinate after she should acquaint him with her intention made her resolve rather to be silent While she was troubled with this diversity of resolutions an Edict was publish'd that all