every one what the eternal hath ordain'd for them Nor did Polybius know what was reveal'd to Nebuchadnezzar in that dream which Daniel interpreted to him that the Persians Daniel Ch. 2. should subdue the Assyrians the Grecians should ruine the Persians and the Romans should put a period to the Macedonian Monarchy There was no stop to be made to the current of the Victories of the Romans whom the Almighty had pre-ordain'd to become Masters of the World That there is such an All-ruling Providence was not unknown to the wiser Heathens though they being in a mist did not see with so clear eyes as we who are illuminated by the brighter rays of Gods own word and for all that I think few Divines can express in fewer words the omnipotency and unbounded power of the most high than a Pagan Poet did when he wrote Sic ait immensa est finemque potentia coeli Ovid's Met. Non habet quicquid superi voluere peractum est Heav'ns power hath no limits hence we see All done infallibly what Gods decree If Polybius had liv'd in our days he might have seen the hand of Heaven distributing Victory to speak with reverence and submission to the Almighties pleasure more partially than he either heard it was awarded in the Hannibalian or saw it given in the third Punick War of the first whereof he writes when he falls upon this discourse with us He might have seen men of one Nation arm'd alike following one and the same method of War and for any thing I know of equal Courage both parties inflam'd the one with Loyal zeal the other with rebellious rage acting their parts very highly on the bloody stage of War he might have seen I say the best of Soveraign Kings King Charles the First lose his Crown and Life and have his head chopp'd off with an Ax when the worst of Subjects and greatest of Rebels had his deck'd with Bays Or if Polybius had liv'd but one age longer than he did he might have seen the Roman Legions which he so much commends cutting one anothers Throats all Countrey-men all men of equal Courage and Conduct arm'd alike using one and the same Art and Discipline of War embruing their hands in one anothers blood and those who fought for the State and Liberty of their Countrey overthrown kill'd murther'd and massacred and their Enemies almost ador'd for their success in a bad cause and he might have either seen or heard of Pompeys Head ignominiously struck off and Caesars crown'd Caesar and Pompey with Laurels And if Polybius had been an eye-witness of the prodigious success Gustavus Adolphus the Great King of Sweden had in Germany in the year 1630. when he invaded the Roman Empire and how he took Cities Forts and Castles more Emperour Ferdinand the Second for their number and more considerable for their Strength Beauty and Riches in the space of six months and made a greater progress in his Conquests in less than two years time than Hannibal did in Italy the whole eighteen years he stay'd in it If I say he had seen this he had never attributed Victory to the goodness of Arms the cunning of the Art or exactness of the Discipline of War for he would have seen the Emperour Ferdinand the Seconds Generals wise And his Generals couragious experienced vigilant as well and as much as either the King himself or any of his great Captains Besides both Wallenstein Duke of Friedland and Count Tili had that which Polybius himself requires in a General that was they were fortunate Their great Victories over the Kings of Bohemia and Denmark Bethlem Gabor the Duke of Brunswick the Marquesses of Baden and Durlach and the famous Earl of Mansfield being yet fresh in memory And if Polybius had seen any disparity of Arms or Armour or of Horses either for their number or their goodness in this German War he had seen the Emperours Armies have the odds by much neither was the difference of the manner of their War or Ratio Belli so considerable as to cast the Scales so far as that Martial King did in so short a time Nor was Hannibals discent into Italy with few more than twenty thousand men more hazardous than the Kings landing in Germany with eight or ten thousand at most was justly thought to be What was it then would Polybius have said that carried Victory whose wings Ferdinands Generals and Armies thought they had clipp'd over to the Sweed what else but the hand of the Almighty who when that Emperour was very fair to have reduced Germany to an absolute Monarchy said to him and the whole house of Austria Non plus ultra Go no further Titus Livius had read without all question this comparison of Polybius Another comparison of Titus Livius whereof I have spoken enough and it may be hath taken from it a hint to start another question which is this If the great Alexander after his return from India and his subduing so many Nations in little more than ten years time had made a step over to Italy what the issue of the War between him Voided by himself and the Romans would have been And gives his Sentence that infallibly his Countrey men would have beaten that Great Conquerour Paola Paruta a Paruta not satisfied with Livius Noble Venetian and a Procurator of St. Mark refutes Livius his arguments and concludes that the Macedonian would have over-master'd the Romans But in steps a third an Author of no small reputation the renown'd Sir Walter Raleigh Nor Sir Walter Raleigh who will give the prize to neither Macedonian nor Roman but to his own English It will not be denied but the English Nation did admirable feats in France which was indeed the Stage on which Caesar acted his most martial exploits under Edward the Third King of England and his Son the Black Prince as also under Henry the Fifth while he liv'd and after his death under his Valiant Brothers But Paruta refutes Livius yet I have seen none that opposeth Sir Walter and I am sure I shall not because I am not so much beholding to the Grecians and Romans as to the English But those who are curious to read the reasons of all the three may find those of Livy in his ninth Book of his first Decad those of Paruta in the second Chapter of his Political Discourses and those of Raleigh in the first Chapter of the fifth Book of the first part of his History of the World But to return to Livy's question I shall tell my opinion and that is lawful Strong presumptions against Livius his opinion enough for me to do and it is this Since Hannibal as Polybius confesseth carried not much above twenty thousand men over the Alps of all that great Army that he brought out of Spain and with them durst invade the Roman Seignories in Italy it self when Rome was Mistress of Sicily and
first whereof they quarrel'd and invaded them and with the second broke Peace without either regard to Justice or sense of Honour But tell me had the two Consuls at Cannae no more but forty eight thousand Romans and Allies read Polybius his fourth Book you will see they had eight Legions of Romans and as many Allies at five thousand Foot each Legion and three hundred Horse and these extended to eighty thousand Foot and seven thousand two hundred Horse reckoning the Allies Cavalry double that of the Romans Read Livy's twenty second Book you will see Hannibal kill'd at that same Battel forty five thousand Roman Foot and two thousand seven hundred Horse besides Allies and the same Historian will tell you in plain language that the Roman Army at that place consisted of fourscore and seven thousand fighting men And before Hannibal enter'd Italy had the Romans no stronger Armies against the Gauls than forty eight thousand men Yes both Polybius and Livy will tell you of far greater numbers read in other Histories whether Marius had but forty eight thousand Romans against the fierce Nations of the Cimbrians and the Teutones How vain a thing it is then for an Author of Vegetius his reputation to aver that against the mightiest Enemy two Consular Armies each of twenty four thousand men were sufficient against the current of History Fourthly He lays it down for an unquestionable truth that one Consul A bold assertion of Vegetius had never more than two Legions of Romans and as many of the Allies against the most powerful Enemy Be pleas'd to hear his own words in the fourth Chapter of his Second Book In omnibus Auctoribus invenitur singulos Consules adversus Hostes copiâ—sissimos non amplius quam binas duxisse Legiones additis auxiliis seciorum In all Authors saith he it is found that every Consul never led more against the most numerous Enemies than two Legions with the assistance of the Allies And that it should not be said he had writ so manifest an untruth without a reason he adds Tanta in illis erat exercitatio tanta fiducia ut cuivis bello dua legiones crederentur sufficere They were so well train'd and had so great confidence that two Legions were thought to be sufficient for any War Did ever man write so If two Legions were sufficient in any War why were four Legions and two Consuls imployed against the fierce Nations he just now spoke of But I will come nearer him and tell him that it is very often found in Authors that one Consul or General had the Conduct of more than two Legions and therefore Vegetius his words that I cited last must either be false or those Authors whom I shall cite do grossly abuse us I shall not repeat the business of Canna but be pleas'd to take these other Instances When Caesar heard of the dreadful preparations of the Helvetians to stop Instances of later times to the contrary Of Caesar that inundation he posts to Italy and raises two new Legions joyns them with three Veterans brought them to France and with one he had there already he made six in all and with these fought the Helvetians and thereafter Ariovistus all in one Summer This he writes in the second Book of the Gallick War Here were more than two Legions yet but one Consul In his fifth Book he says he invaded England with five Legions besides a vast number of Gauls Numidians and Balearians having left his Legate Labienus in Gaule with 3 Legions and three thousand Horse here a Consuls Legate commanded more Legions than two The most part of the time Caesar stay'd in Gaule he had ten Legions till Pompey and the Senate cheated him of two of them Petreius and Petreius and Afranius Pompey Afranius had seven Legions in Spain Pompey had eleven at Pharsalia besides a world of Auxiliaries and there Caesar had eight and at Brundusium when he was in pursuit of the flying Senate he had twelve Legions Thus we see that Great Caesar the most daring Consul that ever was thought not two Legions sufficient against any Enemy or in any War Before his time the two Consuls Marius and Scipio joyn'd their Armies together against the Cimbrians and Marius and Scipio as Florus tells us lost in the Battel eighty thousand Romans and forty thousand Servants and Baggage-men Sure in these two Consular Armies there were four Legions four times told And the same Author says that Mark Anthony the Triumvir entered Media with eighteen Legions and sixteen thousand Horse all these Consuls and their Legates liv'd long before Vegetius and I doubt not but he hath read all their stories but I shall lead him up to those times when his Of more ancient times Romans were not so powerful as to raise so numerous Legions and yet in them we shall see that the Consuls were not stinted to two Legions a piece as he hath very confidently declared they were Polybius saith that before the second Before the second Punick War Punick War the Romans had several hundred thousands in arms I hope then no man except our Author will say that every Consul had but two Legions allotted him In the Consulship of young Camillus the City being environed Young Camillus with enemies ten Legions were levied two of them were left for defence of Rome four were given to the Prator and Camillus took four to himself each consisting of 4 thousand two hundred Foot and three hundred Horse Thus we see not only that a Consular Army had four Roman Legions in it a thing denied by Vegetius but a Pretorian one had four to which our Author allows but one You may read this in Livy's Seventh Book and in that same place he tells us that the Consul Popilius Lenus marched with four full Legions against the enemy Popilius Lenus leaving a considerable army at Rome to wait on all hazards In his Sixth Book he saith old Camillus who defeated the Gauls marched with four Legions against Old Camillus the Volscians One instance more which may serve to decide the question if there were any the same Historian in his Second Book informs us that the Dictator Marcus Valerius levied and enrolled ten Legions whereof he gave Marcus Valerius three to every Consul and kept four to himself Observe that at that time the Latines were Allies and levied their proportions as many Foot as the Romans did and twice as many Horse if not more of both the one and the other Observe also that in those times the Roman Seignory was of no large extent for Livy speaking of these Levies of Valerius says so many Legions were never levied before he means never at one time These are sufficient enough to prove Vegetius to have been too confident when he said that never Roman Consul conducted more than two Roman Legions even against the most numerous Enemies But he is in no danger for all
so close that he might have no time to rally and to force him out of his strong holds before he recover'd breath to gather strength But we shall find not only Hannibal defective in this so important a Duty of a Great Captain but many of the Romans themselves even against this Carthaginian Arch-enemy of theirs Livy informs us in his twenty seventh Book that at Canusiâ—m Marcellus beats Not always practis'd by the Romans him Hannibal gets to his Camp and in the night time marches out of it Marcellus not pursuing him got work enough to do with him afterward The same Author tells us in his twenty ninth Book that the Consul Sempronius and Pro-consul Licinius fought with the same Hannibal in the Brâ—tian Countrey and defeated him but they not pursuing he got the rest of his Army safely to Croton next day In his thirty first Book he says Philip of Macedon was worsted by the Romans in two Horse fights but not being pursued by the Consul and leaving great Fires in the Camp he escap'd to the Mountains Caesar defies all his Enemies to challenge or charge him with this oversight for he never Never omitted by Caesar beat one of them in the Field which he did very often but he was sure to be Master of his Camp before he slept But you may read all along in Livy when the Roman State was but beginning to grow that when their Dictators or Consuls had beaten any of their Neighbours Tuscans Veians Volscians Samnites or Latines for most part they made no more ado but march'd back to the City which I suppose the ambition of a Triumph frequently led them to But if these very often Victorious Romans receiv'd the foil as sometimes they did they did even that which many more ancient people did before them and many younger have done since and that is they either fled or retir'd If they fled downright without taking notice of their Camp either their speed carried them away or they saved their lives by submitting to such conditions as themselves often imposed upon those who by the chance of War came to be their Captives of which I shall speak in my discourse of Prisoners Of what advantage or disadvantage flying or retiring to a Camp was Of a Retreat to a Camp shall be touched when I come to view Lipsius his comparison of the Ancient and Modern Militia In this place I shall only say that the Romans did not always leave their Camps fortified and mann'd when they went out to Battel At Ciminia the Consul Fabius made his Baggage-men demolish the fortification of his Camp and fill up the Ditches while he put his Army in Battel array in which he issued out fought the Enemy and beat him as you have it in Livy's ninth Book And it is in that same Book where he tell you that the Dictator Q. Fabius order'd C. â—abius to fall upon the Samnites with his new levied Army while the Dictator himself at another quarter sallied out of his Camp with his whole Army and did not only not leave any to defend the Camp but order'd likewise all his Tents and Baggage to be burnt that by taking away all hopes of a Retreat he might force his Souldiers to fight couragiously both for the safety of their lives and the recovery of their goods or the equivalence of them by the plunder of the Enemies Camp all which came to pass The â—â—â—salus victis nullam sperare salutem like of this action of the Roman Dictator History tells us hath been practis'd by others particularly by William the Conquerour when he invaded England who after his landing caus'd them to burn all his Ships which were not so few as eight hundred CHAP. XX. Of the March of a Consular Army SUpposing that which very often fell out that the Romans gain'd the Victory in their last Battel and had again nestled themselves in their Camp let us see in what order they march'd out of it either to pursue an old Enemy or to find out a new one In this point of the Roman Militia Lipsius puts himself Liâ—sius officious to some needless trouble to comment on Polybius for I think he is so clear in it that Lisius doth him dis-service in offering him his help where he needs it not at all I shall therefore tell you how Polybius ordereth the march of a Consular Army without staying for Lipsius his tedious explications At the first sound of the Trumpets and Horns every man gather'd his Preparations to a March. Baggage Burthens and Fardels together and had them ready to truss up if they were Officers on their Pack and Sumpter horses if common Souldiers on their own Backs At the second sound they loaded either themselves or their Beasts And at the third sound they marched Now though Polybius mentions it not nor Lipsius who will comment on him yet we are to believe that all Consuls were so discreet that they made no great Interval of time between the second and third sound because it could not be very pleasing to either Man or Beast standing under heavy burthens to lose any of that time which they might have sav'd in making their Journey After the third sound they marched in this order First marched the Extraordinaries Order of the Roman March. of the Allies as being nearest the Consuls Pavilion and near to the Praetorian Port. These were followâ—d by the first Legion of the Allies and after it the Baggage of the Extraordinaries and of that first Legion In the third place march'd the first Legion of the Romans and its Baggage after it Fourthly The second Roman Legion followed by both its Baggage and the Baggage of the second Legion of the Allies Which in the fifth place was follow'd by the second Legion of the Allies that was in the Rear of the Infantry The place where the Cavalry was to march was uncertain sometimes both Extraordinary and Ordinary Horse march'd all in the Van sometimes in the Rear sometimes on both the Flanks without the Baggage according as the General resolv'd to make use of them taking up his measures by the nearness of an Enemy in either Van Rear or Flank And sometimes the Cavalry march'd divided into Van and Rear Polybius shews us also that if there were ground enough and great suspicion of an Enemy then the Baggage of the Hastati of every Legion was sent before them which they followed themselves after them came the Baggage of the Principas and then themselves followed in the third place by the Baggage of the Triarii which themselves follow'd If an Enemy appear'd in the Van the Baggage of the Hastati was immediately turn'd to a side and the place where it had been was possess'd by the Hastati themselves the same was done by the Principes and Triarii And we may suppose that if an Enemy appear'd in the Rear the Baggage of the Triarii was turn'd aside and its place possess'd
give Conditions and Articles which you may find in the Twenty sixth Chapter of the Modern Art of War I know not whether Amilcar Hannibals father dealt candidly when he Treated and Capitulated with Spendius and Antaritus the Ring-leaders of the Carthaginian Amilcar taxed revolted Mercenaries and made it an Article that it should be in the power of the Senate of Carthage to chuse any ten of the Rebels they pleased and to dispose of them as they thought good and when this was agreed to he immediately seized on them two as two of these ten Sure if they had thought they had been in that danger they had never sign'd a paper tending so directly to their own destruction and therefore that Article was sign'd against the intention of the Capitulators and so perhaps was void in Law Amilcar made also choice of the Ten himself and not the Senate which was against the Letter of the Capitulation The Athenian General Paches had besieged Notium and invited An execrable villany Hippias who was Commander in chief within the Town to come out and speak with him promising faithfully if they did not agree at the Treaty to send him back in safety but did not tell him when The foolish Governour came out Paches immediately storms the secure City takes it and puts most that were within it to the sword but would needs keep his word to Hippias and therefore lends him back to the Town where he was no sooner arrived but by order of the execrable Paches he is shot to death with Arrows This treachery in seeking and laying hold on occasion to break Treaties and Articles was is and ever will be a monstrous crime crying to Heaven for vengeance The Sons of Saul paid dear for their fathers breach to the Gibeonites who with mouldy bread and Joshuah his Piety clouted shooes had cunningly cheated Joshuah to treat with them and give them conditions which notwithstanding he resolved for his Oaths sake Religiously to observe But those examples of Spendius and Antaritus of Carthage and Hippias of No Commanders in chief should Parley in person Notium should teach all Generals and Commanders in chief of whatever quality they are whether in field or Town not to parley in person for if contrary to Parol promise faith Oath or Hostages they be either kill'd or made Prisoners then the Army Town or Castle which they commanded stand for a time amazed which gives a fair opportunity to the deceitful enemy who hath prepar'd himself for it to fall upon them and put them in a fearful confusion if not totally to rout them before they can recollect themselves Julius Caesar I confess had an advantage in his personal parley in Spain with Afranius and Petreius because by his presence and the justifying his cause in his own excellent language and his promises not only of fair quarter but of entertainment he debaucht most of their Army But these very reasons which made his parley with them justifiable render'd their meeting with him in presence of the Soldiers of both Armies which Caesar would needs have altogether inexcusable And indeed Pompey refused on good grounds all parley with Caesar at Dirrachium But there was no such cause of Caesars Personal parley with Ariovistus King of Germany at which I suppose he was made sensible of his error for though he thought he had made the meeting cock-sure on a little hill situated in the midst of a large Plain where no ambushes could be laid and none were to approach that Plain but himself and the barbarous King each of them accompanied with ten Caesars danger by it Horsemen and he had made choice of ten of the gallantest of his Legionaries to be with himself all mounted on good Gallick Horses but notwithstanding all these cautions the Treaty and parley was broke of not without visible signs of treachery And the same Caesar gives a Caveat to all Commanders in chief either of Armies or parts of Armies or of Cities or Castles not to parley in person when he tells us the sad story how he lost one full Legion and five Cohorts of another by the simple folly of his Legate Sabinus first in believing the Intelligence of Ambiorix a profest enemy and next in going in person with his His great loss by it principal Officers to treat and parley with the same Ambiorix upon the bare word or parol of a faithless Barbarian by whom he and his Officers were immediately kill'd and then their forces presently after put to the Sword And take take here a perfidious trick of a Roman at a Parley Comius a Gallick Prince had not been very faithful to Rome Caesars Legate Labienus appoints one Volusenus to Parley with Comius the Gaul having got the accustom'd assurances came to the place where Volusenus by order from Labienus as out of friendship took him by the hand but held it fast till one of his Centurions gave him a deep Perfidy of a Roman Legat. wound on the head but it not proving mortal Comius escaped and swore thereafter never to trust a Roman If Caesar had either cut off his Legates head or according to the Roman custom used in such cases deliver'd him over to the incensed Gauls for this treacherous act then the same Labienus had not afterward perfidiously deserted himself and run over to Pompey Sempronius Gracchus being betray'd by his Host left his command and being Proconsul went in person to Parley with some Carthaginians from the result whereof he expected Gracchus kill'd at a Parley Scipio the African question'd for his Parley with Syphax great matters but he never return'd for he was environ'd and kill'd with all his retinue Scipio the African though an accomplisht Captain no doubt forgot his duty when he left his charge in Spain and went to Africk to treat with Syphax in the midst of an Army and at that time accompanied by Asdrubal a profest enemy to the Roman name and Nation having no assurance for his safety but the word of a Prince whom Scipio himself accounted barbarous And though he escaped that hazard yet did he not escape the severe reproof of Great Fabius who to his face and in full Senate charged him with this inexcusable oversight in very rough and bitter language as you may read in Livies Thirtieth Book Nor do I look on the personal Parley between the same Scipio and the famous Hannibal before their last Battel at Zama but as an extravagant action of two such renowned Chieftains The Enterviews of Kings and Soveraign Princes have seldom prov'd fortunate or gain'd those advantages to either party that were expected But this Discourse belongs to another Chapter To conclude the apprehension of bad quarter and the fear of the breach of Promises and Articles and the suspicion of ill usage hath made many refuse Desperate ways to prevent bad Quarter all quarter reject all Treaties and distrust all Articles and Agreements and by a
fellows will be hir'd with Money to go through the strictest closest and best guarded approaches and this is ordinarily done in time of a Sally made for that purpose and if the Intelligencer have agreed with the Governour concerning the precise time of his return another Sally is made for his reception At the time of a desperate Sally at the reparation of a dangerous breach at the work of Retrenching in time of a furious Cannonade or when an Assault is assuredly expected a largess of Money with large promises of more hath a wonderful influence upon the hearts of Souldiers Nor should a Governour spare in time of want to A Governour may borrow from the Inhabitants borrow from the Inhabitants for if they be disaffected he may force them to lend and if they be friends it will not be time for them to hoard up their Moneys when they are in danger to lose all as the unhappy Constantinopolitans did when Sultan Mahomet took their City by assault The fourth and fifth things requisite for a Garrison are Munitions of War Ammunitions and Arms. Powder Match and Ball should be frugally husbanded or freely spent according to the quantity and store wherewith the Fort is provided It should not be lavished away in the beginning of the Siege nor should it be spared in the time of Zaps Batteries Galleries and Assaults but no needless waste should be made of it in all or any of these for this purpose a considerable Magazine of Ammunitions should be put in all Forts especially in frontier Garrisons where the attack of an Enemy is soonest expected for many times to supply this want great hazzards are run to convoy Horse men into the besieged place who carry leather bags full of Powder on the croups of their Horses Our Fort should likewise be provided with all manner of Arms Defensive and Offensive Pikes Half-Pikes Halberds Partizans two-handed Swords Hangmens Arms. Swords Morning-Stars with all manner of Fire-works and Hand-Granadoes for resisting a storm against which there should be prepared also huge balks and logs of Timber tyed to Posts with Ropes or Chains to let fall over and pull up again for these as likewise a great number of greater and lesser Stones do good service in time of Assaults when an Enemy is mounting either the Curtain or Bulwark and cannot be reach'd by shot unless from the Flanks which for most part are made useless by the Enemies Cannon before the Assault We read even since the invention of Powder what use our Ancestors made of molten Lead scalding Water and boyl'd Oyl in time of Assaults at which Louis de Montgomery in his French Milece makes good sport and says the Defendants had as good throw handfuls of Ashes at their Enemies But I am nothing Louis de Montgomery his opinion of his opinion for though experience were silent both reason and sense do teach us that Fire doth more hurt than Ashes and is not burning fire in all these I speak of Scalding Water no question doth mischief and may be us'd with no other expence than fire but Lead and Oyl are chargeable and may I think be employed for better and more proper uses The sixth and last but not the least requisite and necessary thing for a besieged Munitions for the mouth place is Munitions for the mouth without which all the rest signifie nothing What several provisions of meats and drinks presupposing there be Water enough in the Fort are necessary for a Garrison I have told you in the eighth Chapter where I have discoursed of Proviant The question is now what quantity of them should be stored up in a Garrison that apprehends a Siege There be some who think that six months provision is enough and For how long time a Town should be provided with meat and drink of these Louis de Montgomery is one because say they in that time either the Winter season will force the Besieger to remove or the relief of the place will be attempted by him to whom it belongs But we have seen in our own times the contrary of both though we had never heard of the Siege of Troy Others speak of three years provision and this doth well but the Governour when he is not besieged should every year lay in one years fresh provisions causing the Souldiers to eat and pay for that which is oldest I believe none will deny but a Garrison should be provided with meat and drink for one whole year at least And no sooner should a provident Governour foresee or apprehend a Siege whereof he may have many grounds for a probable conjecture but he should command all the Inhabitants to provide themselves of a Citizens to provide a years â—â—â—â— whole years food and maintenance that his publick stores may be preserv'd for the Souldiery and all Citizens who are either unable or unwilling to do so as also all unnecessary people should be commanded to remove out of the Town or Fort. But after a place is invested and the Siege formed it is I think an act of inhumanity to thrust out the Inhabitants especially if they have not had time to provide themselves yea I think it is more mercy to cut their throats within than to send them out for it is not to be thought that an Enemy will suffer them to pass but will force them back to the Town-Ditches where they may lamentably languish and starve to death Such an action as this in my opinion was an eternal blemish to the reputation of Monluc that famous Marshal of A merciless act of Marshal Monluc France who after Sienna whereof he was Governour had been strictly besieged shut out of the City four thousand Inhabitants Men and Women young and old The Marquess of Martignan who commanded the Emperours and Cosmo di Medici's forces caused all these miserable wretches to be chaced back to the Ditches Monluc would receive none of them within the Town Some lusty strong fellows broke through Martignan's Trenches and escap'd many Women and Maids were privately contrary to the Marquess his command taken into Tents and Huts to satiate the lust of the Spaniards but there dyed of them of meer hunger near three thousand Upon this woful occasion the same Monluc in his Commentaries hath this expression These are says he the merciless laws of War we must be many times cruel to disappoint our Enemies God be merciful to us for doing so great mischief Indeed he had reason to cry for Gods mercy for committing so horrible a wickedness But in what Codex did he read of such a Law of War Nay where did he hear of such a custome of War Strange it was in him to expel and expose those to a merciless death whom he nor none else had appointed to provide for a Siege and whom he might have expell'd before the Siege was form'd that they might have shifted for themselves or begg'd through Italy for bread If ever
Fathers Master made use of one of them at Gaza and Curtiâ—s in his Second Book says that Alexander had one of them at the Siege of Mazacus in India which seem'd so wonderful to the Barbarians that they thought some Deity or more than humane strength did assist that Magnanimous Prince One of these Towers which Julius Caesar erected against a Town of the Nervians if I mistake not wrought a contrary effect for the Defendants laugh'd and flouted at it as a thing made to no purpose since it could not hurt them at such a distance till they saw it begin to move towards their Walls and then they began to have other thoughts All these Machines were ordinarily made in the place where they were to be used but if the Generals conceiv'd that at the Towns they intended to besiege they could not be accommodated with things requisite for these Fabricks then they carried all the materials along with them on Camels Mules Horses Carts and Waggons As the Great Turk carrieth his Metal with him till he come where he intendeth to make use of Ordnance and there he causeth them to be founded Besides all these ways spoken of for expugnation of Towns the Ancients made frequent use of Mines this the Romans call'd Cuniculos agere because Mines resemble the digging of Rabbets neither did the Besieged in those Mines times want the knowledge to find out Mines and provide Counter-mines against them The way of Mining they used and we still do is all one except that they wanted the springing of Mines by Gun-powder and therefore the use they made of Mines produced a two-fold effect First The Mine First effect of the Ancients Mine being brought within the Town without taking notice of the Walls Souldiers suddenly issued out and run to the Ports to open them and so make way for the Besiegers to enter and at that time ordinarily Alarms were given to all quarters that the Besiegers might be diverted and not suffer'd to observe the Sally of those who were enter'd the Town by the Mine Such a Mine and the effect of it Hannibal had at Saguntum Secondly When they had made large Second effect Chambers in the Walls they under-propt them with logs of dry Timber and having laid store of combustible matter beside them so soon as the Army was ready to storm Fire was put to the Train and the supporters being burnt the Wall immediately fell over the ruines whereof the Besiegers enter'd And this effect had the Great Alexanders Mine at Gaza Aeneas tells us of a Mines how discovered Shield of Brass used in his time to discover Mines â—or if it were plac'd directly above the place where the Miners were working it would utter a sound later times have found a Drum and Dice upon it or a Basin of Pease or Beans serve the turn as well The same Aeneas an old Grecian Tactick adviseth against all manner of Aeneas his Sails the Ancient approaches to Besieged places to hang up great Sails within the Walls which he will have to serve for three uses First For Blinds that what is done within may not be seen by those without a thing ordinarily practis'd in our Modern Wars Secondly That all the Darts and Arrows that are cast or shot even from the Moving Towers may be receiv'd in these Sails where sticking all the day long they can do no hurt and at night may be taken out and thrown or shot back to the Enemy This would be useless against our Bullets Thirdly They were notable Defences against Fiery Arrows shot ordinarily to fire Houses thatch'd with Straw or Reeds But indeed there is no such solid or sure defence against all manner of Approaches and Mines against all Machines and Engines of the Ancients and Batteries of Modern Artillery as that which the same Author Aeneas speaks of and that is a Double Wall and a Double Ditch For the first being long and well defended the second imposeth a necessity on the Besiegers to begin new Approaches new Batteries and new Mines But if the place be Countermures or Retrenchments not doubly fortified then he adviseth the Besieged to make a Counter-mure within that part of the Wall against which the Assailants make their Battery The same is done still or should be done in all besieged places It is that we call a Retrenchment and the Germans an Absuerd It was by this the Plataeans kept out the long Siege of their Town against the Lacedaemonians till hunger made them yield to their merciless Enemy And hereby did the Samians frustrate all the means the Roman Consul used for the expugnation of their City with Catapults Rams and Moving Towers till Famine forc'd them to submit to his cruel pleasure Concerning Mines Countermures or Retrenchments you may see a little more in the twenty fourth Discourse of the Modern Art of War CHAP. V. Of the Military Exercises Duties Burthens Marches and Works of the Roman Souldiers THE Roman Souldiers being Levied and Armed and having sworn Fidelity we are in the fourth place to see how they were Train'd and Exercised And First We will take all the help Vegetiâ—s vouchsafeth to give us And assuredly you will think he speaks very fully of all manner of Exercise The summ of what Vegetius saith of Exercise when I tell you that he hath bestow'd upon that affair alone eleven full Chapters of his First Book to wit the 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 and 19 Chapters wherein oftener than once he tells us one thing twice over And as if he had forgot that he spent so much Time and Ink on that subject in his First Book he falls to it de novo in the twenty third Chapter of his Second Book which he entitles De Exercitatiâ—ne Militum But for all this he hath not done the third part of the work that might in reason have been expected from him which you will believe to be true when I have told you all he saith of that matter and all I inform you of concerning it out of other Authors That which Vegetius saith of the Roman Exercises in all those Chapters is briefly this That the Latine word Exâ—rcitus an Army is deriv'd ab exercendo from Exercising That the Tyrones or raw Souldiers were Train'd in the Campus Martius Mars his Field which lay near the Tiber in which when they were weary of their Land exercises they wash'd themselves and learn'd to Swim a thing very incumbent for a Souldier to practise because saith Swimming he Armies have not always the conveniency of Bridges and must in that case when they either follow or retire from an Enemy swim Rivers Before Vegetius go further I must remember him of two things First that Campus Martius got but that name after the Tarqâ—â—nes were banish'd out of Rome for it belong'd to them in propriety and at the time of their leaving the City was a Corn-field as Livy tells us Now
certainly the Romans had their Military Exercises the whole time of the Reigns of their seven Kings Secondly I say as Swimming is fit to be learned by all young men especially Souldiers so I think an Army is in a desperate condition when the men who compose it are put to swim for their safety from a pursuing Enemy for by that shift hardly will the tenth man escape nor needs a retiring Army fear much hurt from an Enemy who cannot overtake it but by Swimming over Lakes and Rivers But our Author proceeds and tells us that an Army must be taught to march in Rank and File that an Enemy may take no advantage by finding it in disorder The Romans had two kinds of a March the Ambulatory Two kinds of March and the Cursory By the first they were if so required to march twenty Italian miles in five hours and by the second twenty five in four hours with their full Arms Baggage and Burthens Thirdly He informs us that the Foot Souldier was Train'd at a Stake or Pallisado of Wood six foot long Exercises of the Foot fixed fast in the ground he had a Target of Oâ—â—ers and a Club or Battoon of Wood both of them double the weight of the Shield and Sword he was to make use of in earnest With these he was taught to strike aâ— the Pale or Stake as if it had been an Enemy to make sents and foynâ— at several parts of it as if it had had Head Body Legs and Arms but more especially the Roman Souldier was taught to thrust and stab with hiâ— Sword for they found that by that manner of fence they had the advantage of those Enemies who used â—lashing and cutting Swords And at the same stake they were to cast their Pilâ— or Javelines But at other marks namely Sheaves of Corn or Grass the Velites were taught to shoot and cast their missile Weapons whether these were Stones or Lead out of Slings and Baâ—â—oon-Slings Arrows out of Bows or Darts out of their Hands Fourthly The Foot were taught at these Exercises to carry burthens of sixty pound that being habituated they might thereafter more easily carry their own Arms Provisions Baggage or what else they were commanded to bear Fifthly The Horse men were taught to mount Wooden Horses in the Fields if it Of the Horse was Summer but in Winter in Houses made purposely for that use and thereafter to mount living Horses at first without Arms but after they were expert they were to get on Horse back with full Arms either at the Right or Left side of the Horse and as you will find hereafter without Stirrups and with drawn Swords or Maces in their hands Thrice a month saith Vegetius by the constitutions of Augustus and Adrian the Veteran Armies were to be Exercised and to march ten miles out of their Camp and back again that day And he saith that Souldiers were taught to run leap Ditches and to make Ditches and Ramparts This is the substance of all that Vegâ—tius delivers to us in those mention'd eleven Chapters of his First Book Now in the twenty third Chapter of his Second Book he troubles himself and his Reader with the repetition of most of this only he adds that the young Souldiers or Tyrones were Exercised twice a day morning and evening the Veterans once a day and this was done without intermission So it seems what he speaks here is meant of Training particular Souldiers or Companies once or twice a day and what he said before was of Exercising the whole Army once a month Thus far and no further we have the help of Vegetius in the matter of Training drilling or Exercising Before I inform you further of the several kinds of the Roman Exercises I Burthens must see what Burthens the Roman Souldiers were obliged to carry in their Marches whether those were Ambulatory or Cursory And first I believe that the weight of sixty pound which Vegetius saith they were bound to carry was meant only of their Arms Defensive and Offensive And I suppose you may be of my opinion if you consider their heavy Head Back and Breast-pieces their Greeves Taslets Target and an Iron Boot a Javeline or two and a Sword and it may be a Dagger too And if these weighed sixty pound what shall we say of their Fardles their Provisions the Stakes and Pallisadoes they were bound to carry and of some utensils to make ready their meat and these perhaps were carried alternatively by those that belong'd to one Contubernium for if I conjecture right Beasts of Carriage were only allowed for carrying their Tents and Hand-mills Quintiâ—â— Cincinnatus being chosen Dictator to lead an Army against the Aequiaâ—s caus'd every Legionary of his Army besides his Arms and Baggage to carry five Exceedingly heavy days meat and twelve Pallisadoes It is true his march was but short the Territory of Rome being then of no great extent And yet you will think the Romans have been but at that time raw Boys if you observe what follows Scipio Africanus the Younger who destroy'd Carthage caus'd every one of his Foot Souldiers to carry provisions for thirty days and seven Stakes wherewith to Pallisado his Camp Câ—sar saith that Afranius Poâ—pâ—ys Legat in Spain caus'd his Souldiers to carry meat for twenty five days besides Stakes The Famous Consul Marius intending a Reformation of the Roman Discipline in his time corrupted thereby to make himself more able to overcome the Cimbrians and Teutones who had invaded the Roman Empire with a Deluge of men made his Souldiers march with such excessive Burthens as if they had been Asses and thereby got them the name of Marius his Mules Muli Mâ—riâ—nâ— To march at a running pace or trot twenty five miles in four hours so heavily loaded is truly admirable and if you will consider what I have said in the Ninth Chapter of the Grecian Militia what Burthens Philip's Macedonians carried and how far they marched and observe what I say here of the Romans you cannot but be ready to suspend your belief And such marches under such heavy burthens not being now practis'd I shall not blame you to think them well near incredible as Louis dâ— Montgomery seem'd to do when Louis de Montgomery he saith in his French Militia that such Souldiers not being now to be found any where he thinks according to Pythagoras his Transmigration they were converted into the Mules and Asses of Aâ—vâ—rgne And indeed our Modern Armies whose heavy arm'd are scarce so well arm'd for Defence as the Roman Velites were do not march twenty Italian miles in one day but with a very great loss in the Rear whereas the Romans march'd further in five hours Marches almost incredible which was practis'd by Câ—sar when he march'd after and overtook the Eduans who had deserted them He march'd with all his Cavalry and four Legions of his Foot It is true his Souldiers carried no Baggage with them