every one what the eternal hath ordain'd for them Nor did Polybius know what was reveal'd to Nebuchadnezzar in that dream which Daniel interpreted to him that the Persians Daniel Ch. 2. should subdue the Assyrians the Grecians should ruine the Persians and the Romans should put a period to the Macedonian Monarchy There was no stop to be made to the current of the Victories of the Romans whom the Almighty had pre-ordain'd to become Masters of the World That there is such an All-ruling Providence was not unknown to the wiser Heathens though they being in a mist did not see with so clear eyes as we who are illuminated by the brighter rays of Gods own word and for all that I think few Divines can express in fewer words the omnipotency and unbounded power of the most high than a Pagan Poet did when he wrote Sic ait immensa est finemque potentia coeli Ovid's Met. Non habet quicquid superi voluere peractum est Heav'ns power hath no limits hence we see All done infallibly what Gods decree If Polybius had liv'd in our days he might have seen the hand of Heaven distributing Victory to speak with reverence and submission to the Almighties pleasure more partially than he either heard it was awarded in the Hannibalian or saw it given in the third Punick War of the first whereof he writes when he falls upon this discourse with us He might have seen men of one Nation arm'd alike following one and the same method of War and for any thing I know of equal Courage both parties inflam'd the one with Loyal zeal the other with rebellious rage acting their parts very highly on the bloody stage of War he might have seen I say the best of Soveraign Kings King Charles the First lose his Crown and Life and have his head chopp'd off with an Ax when the worst of Subjects and greatest of Rebels had his deck'd with Bays Or if Polybius had liv'd but one age longer than he did he might have seen the Roman Legions which he so much commends cutting one anothers Throats all Countrey-men all men of equal Courage and Conduct arm'd alike using one and the same Art and Discipline of War embruing their hands in one anothers blood and those who fought for the State and Liberty of their Countrey overthrown kill'd murther'd and massacred and their Enemies almost ador'd for their success in a bad cause and he might have either seen or heard of Pompeys Head ignominiously struck off and Caesars crown'd Caesar and Pompey with Laurels And if Polybius had been an eye-witness of the prodigious success Gustavus Adolphus the Great King of Sweden had in Germany in the year 1630. when he invaded the Roman Empire and how he took Cities Forts and Castles more Emperour Ferdinand the Second for their number and more considerable for their Strength Beauty and Riches in the space of six months and made a greater progress in his Conquests in less than two years time than Hannibal did in Italy the whole eighteen years he stay'd in it If I say he had seen this he had never attributed Victory to the goodness of Arms the cunning of the Art or exactness of the Discipline of War for he would have seen the Emperour Ferdinand the Seconds Generals wise And his Generals couragious experienced vigilant as well and as much as either the King himself or any of his great Captains Besides both Wallenstein Duke of Friedland and Count Tili had that which Polybius himself requires in a General that was they were fortunate Their great Victories over the Kings of Bohemia and Denmark Bethlem Gabor the Duke of Brunswick the Marquesses of Baden and Durlach and the famous Earl of Mansfield being yet fresh in memory And if Polybius had seen any disparity of Arms or Armour or of Horses either for their number or their goodness in this German War he had seen the Emperours Armies have the odds by much neither was the difference of the manner of their War or Ratio Belli so considerable as to cast the Scales so far as that Martial King did in so short a time Nor was Hannibals discent into Italy with few more than twenty thousand men more hazardous than the Kings landing in Germany with eight or ten thousand at most was justly thought to be What was it then would Polybius have said that carried Victory whose wings Ferdinands Generals and Armies thought they had clipp'd over to the Sweed what else but the hand of the Almighty who when that Emperour was very fair to have reduced Germany to an absolute Monarchy said to him and the whole house of Austria Non plus ultra Go no further Titus Livius had read without all question this comparison of Polybius Another comparison of Titus Livius whereof I have spoken enough and it may be hath taken from it a hint to start another question which is this If the great Alexander after his return from India and his subduing so many Nations in little more than ten years time had made a step over to Italy what the issue of the War between him Voided by himself and the Romans would have been And gives his Sentence that infallibly his Countrey men would have beaten that Great Conquerour Paola Paruta a Paruta not satisfied with Livius Noble Venetian and a Procurator of St. Mark refutes Livius his arguments and concludes that the Macedonian would have over-master'd the Romans But in steps a third an Author of no small reputation the renown'd Sir Walter Raleigh Nor Sir Walter Raleigh who will give the prize to neither Macedonian nor Roman but to his own English It will not be denied but the English Nation did admirable feats in France which was indeed the Stage on which Caesar acted his most martial exploits under Edward the Third King of England and his Son the Black Prince as also under Henry the Fifth while he liv'd and after his death under his Valiant Brothers But Paruta refutes Livius yet I have seen none that opposeth Sir Walter and I am sure I shall not because I am not so much beholding to the Grecians and Romans as to the English But those who are curious to read the reasons of all the three may find those of Livy in his ninth Book of his first Decad those of Paruta in the second Chapter of his Political Discourses and those of Raleigh in the first Chapter of the fifth Book of the first part of his History of the World But to return to Livy's question I shall tell my opinion and that is lawful Strong presumptions against Livius his opinion enough for me to do and it is this Since Hannibal as Polybius confesseth carried not much above twenty thousand men over the Alps of all that great Army that he brought out of Spain and with them durst invade the Roman Seignories in Italy it self when Rome was Mistress of Sicily and
a sight by Proclamation gave them three days to live before their death should be resolved on by him But in vain for an of them dispatched themselves excepâ— such as were by force bonds and chains compelled to live You may read their lamentable Tragedy in Polyâ—â—â— his sixteenth Book and in the thirty first of Titus Livius Nor did the Romans in their Civil Wars give better quarter one to another Romans cruel to Prisoners in their Civil Wars except Câ—sar than they did to strangers Pâ—â—â—â—ius killed those Souldiers of Câ—sar's whom he found in his Camp though Câ—sar spared those of Peâ—â—eiâ—s and sent them back to him Sciplâ— Pompey's Father-in-law put aâ— those of Câ—sar's party to death whom he took Prisoners Syâ—â—â— after all his Victories very cruelly put eight thousand Romans to the Sword in the great hostelery near the City after they had yielded to his Mercy Nor did Aâ—gustus keep himself within the limits of Mercy when he thought it fit at one time to sacrifice three hundred Roman Knights to appease the incensed Ghost of his Great Unkle Julius Câ—sar But it may be said these had that pretence which all Civil War carries along with it and that is that all who oppose either of the two parties are Rebels to the State whether the party be for the lawful and supreme authority or against it And therefore to say no more of their Civil Wars I find them extream cruel in their Wars with Hannibal to their own Souldiers which that great Carthaginian had taken Prisoners Fabiâ—s the Dictator who saved the Roman State made an agreement with Hannibal for the exchange and ransome of Prisoners of a like quality and for every one of those who after the exchange was made were superâ—umerary they were to pay â—eaâ— eight pounds Sterling At one exchange there were two hundred â—orty seven more Romans than Carthaginians Hannibal demands their ransome Fabius sent to Roman â—enates Avarice the Senate for it who basely refused the money and disowned the agreement what could the good old man Fabius do but send his Son to Rome and sell a part of his Patrimony and pay the money to Hannibal which was near two thousand pound Sterling a vast summ in those days But they dealt worse with those of their own men who were taken Prisoners at Cannae whom they It s Cruelty and Injustice would neither ransome out of the publick Pâ—rse nor suffer the Prisoners themselves or their Friends to ransome out of their private fortunes and estates And though the Senate flattered themselves by calling this act of their own Magâ—animous yet since there was no Justice in it it could carry no generosity along with it for if these Captive Romans misbehaved themselves in the Battel the Senate was bouâ—d in honour to ransome them and punish them themselves and not suffer them to rot in prison with their capital Enemy Assuredly this Action wanted for neither Avarice nor Cruelty for strange it was thus to punish common Souldiers and yet to send out some principal Senators to meet and complement their hair-brain'd Conful Teremiâ—â— Vaâ—â— and thank him that he had not despaired of the Common-wealth and yet by his obstinate and inexcusable folly he had brought the Common-wealth to the very brink of Destruction And why might not Hannibal have used these Roman Prisonerâ— as Livy in his seventh Book tells us the Romans used some thousands of the Tarquinian Prisoners A mercâ—â—ess act of the Romans yet not unjust of whom they chose 358 of the prime Noblemen and Gentlemen all these they first whipped well with Rods and then struck off their Heads in the great Market-place of Rome and presently after put all the rest of the Prisoners to the Sword in cold blood Though this was a very merciless act yet by the law of War they might do it and so might Hannibal have done to their Prisoners and truly I do not see how he could be obliged to â—eed those whom their own Masters would not ransome Let us hear what opinion Polybâ—â—s had of Prisoners of War who was a grave Polybius his opinion how Prisoners of War may be used Historian a great States-man and a good Captain In his second Book speaking of Aristomachuâ— who being a Prisoner of War was tortured to death He saith on that subject that neither Antigonâ—â— King of Macedon nor Aratus Praetor of the Achâ—ans could be called cruel for putting a Captive to death with torments for though Aristomachus had not deserved that usage otherwise yet they might have done all to him that was donâ— â—ure Belli for the Law of Nations and War give the Conquerour power to use his Prisoners at his pleasure And the same Author speaking of the Mantimans who were justly punished for their abominable perfidy and ingratitude in slaughtering those Achaans who were sent to preserve them he saith expressly That though they had committed no such wickedness nor any other crime at all yet the Victor in War Jure Belli might have either kill'd them their Wives and Children or sold them for Slaves at his pleasure Thus far he But this power of Victorious Princes or Generals over the Goods Persons and Lives of their Prisoners is limited and restrained by Treaties Parleys Treaties Capitulations and Articles to the strict observance whereof simply and without fraud or ambiguity all men of what Station Rank or Quality whatsoever or of what Religion or Perswasion soever be he Jew or Gâ—mile Grâ—cian or Barbarian Christian or Mahometan are tyed because Faith and Promises Articles and Promises should be faithfully kepâ— No Enemy to be trusted in time of Treaty are the Sacred and Indissoluble Bonds which maintain Humane Society and whosoever breaks them on any pretence should be look'd on as a Monster and not as a Man In the time of Treaty both parties who treat ought to be careful that a Cessation of Arms be agreed on and sign'd by the Commanders in Chief of both Forces whether it be in Field Town Castle or Garrison and not only so but they ought to be on their guard for fear of â—oul play or some unexpected rupture of the Treaty For both in Ancient and Modern times Cities and Forts have been surpriz'd when those within thought themselves secure by a Treaty and Cessation as Histories of all ages bear witness And many times these Surprizes have been made without either the consent or connivence of either the Commander in chief or his Subordinate Officers meerly by the common Souldiers who frequently think themselves defrauded by Treaties of that which they conceive is the price of their Sweat and Blood to wit the spoil and booty of the place besieged or of the persons of those almost beaten and overcome in the Field Nor should any Treaty give the least interruption to the constant keeping of strict Guards and careful Watches nor should those who treat have liberty to view Guards Camps Magazines
give Conditions and Articles which you may find in the Twenty sixth Chapter of the Modern Art of War I know not whether Amilcar Hannibals father dealt candidly when he Treated and Capitulated with Spendius and Antaritus the Ring-leaders of the Carthaginian Amilcar taxed revolted Mercenaries and made it an Article that it should be in the power of the Senate of Carthage to chuse any ten of the Rebels they pleased and to dispose of them as they thought good and when this was agreed to he immediately seized on them two as two of these ten Sure if they had thought they had been in that danger they had never sign'd a paper tending so directly to their own destruction and therefore that Article was sign'd against the intention of the Capitulators and so perhaps was void in Law Amilcar made also choice of the Ten himself and not the Senate which was against the Letter of the Capitulation The Athenian General Paches had besieged Notium and invited An execrable villany Hippias who was Commander in chief within the Town to come out and speak with him promising faithfully if they did not agree at the Treaty to send him back in safety but did not tell him when The foolish Governour came out Paches immediately storms the secure City takes it and puts most that were within it to the sword but would needs keep his word to Hippias and therefore lends him back to the Town where he was no sooner arrived but by order of the execrable Paches he is shot to death with Arrows This treachery in seeking and laying hold on occasion to break Treaties and Articles was is and ever will be a monstrous crime crying to Heaven for vengeance The Sons of Saul paid dear for their fathers breach to the Gibeonites who with mouldy bread and Joshuah his Piety clouted shooes had cunningly cheated Joshuah to treat with them and give them conditions which notwithstanding he resolved for his Oaths sake Religiously to observe But those examples of Spendius and Antaritus of Carthage and Hippias of No Commanders in chief should Parley in person Notium should teach all Generals and Commanders in chief of whatever quality they are whether in field or Town not to parley in person for if contrary to Parol promise faith Oath or Hostages they be either kill'd or made Prisoners then the Army Town or Castle which they commanded stand for a time amazed which gives a fair opportunity to the deceitful enemy who hath prepar'd himself for it to fall upon them and put them in a fearful confusion if not totally to rout them before they can recollect themselves Julius Caesar I confess had an advantage in his personal parley in Spain with Afranius and Petreius because by his presence and the justifying his cause in his own excellent language and his promises not only of fair quarter but of entertainment he debaucht most of their Army But these very reasons which made his parley with them justifiable render'd their meeting with him in presence of the Soldiers of both Armies which Caesar would needs have altogether inexcusable And indeed Pompey refused on good grounds all parley with Caesar at Dirrachium But there was no such cause of Caesars Personal parley with Ariovistus King of Germany at which I suppose he was made sensible of his error for though he thought he had made the meeting cock-sure on a little hill situated in the midst of a large Plain where no ambushes could be laid and none were to approach that Plain but himself and the barbarous King each of them accompanied with ten Caesars danger by it Horsemen and he had made choice of ten of the gallantest of his Legionaries to be with himself all mounted on good Gallick Horses but notwithstanding all these cautions the Treaty and parley was broke of not without visible signs of treachery And the same Caesar gives a Caveat to all Commanders in chief either of Armies or parts of Armies or of Cities or Castles not to parley in person when he tells us the sad story how he lost one full Legion and five Cohorts of another by the simple folly of his Legate Sabinus first in believing the Intelligence of Ambiorix a profest enemy and next in going in person with his His great loss by it principal Officers to treat and parley with the same Ambiorix upon the bare word or parol of a faithless Barbarian by whom he and his Officers were immediately kill'd and then their forces presently after put to the Sword And take take here a perfidious trick of a Roman at a Parley Comius a Gallick Prince had not been very faithful to Rome Caesars Legate Labienus appoints one Volusenus to Parley with Comius the Gaul having got the accustom'd assurances came to the place where Volusenus by order from Labienus as out of friendship took him by the hand but held it fast till one of his Centurions gave him a deep Perfidy of a Roman Legat. wound on the head but it not proving mortal Comius escaped and swore thereafter never to trust a Roman If Caesar had either cut off his Legates head or according to the Roman custom used in such cases deliver'd him over to the incensed Gauls for this treacherous act then the same Labienus had not afterward perfidiously deserted himself and run over to Pompey Sempronius Gracchus being betray'd by his Host left his command and being Proconsul went in person to Parley with some Carthaginians from the result whereof he expected Gracchus kill'd at a Parley Scipio the African question'd for his Parley with Syphax great matters but he never return'd for he was environ'd and kill'd with all his retinue Scipio the African though an accomplisht Captain no doubt forgot his duty when he left his charge in Spain and went to Africk to treat with Syphax in the midst of an Army and at that time accompanied by Asdrubal a profest enemy to the Roman name and Nation having no assurance for his safety but the word of a Prince whom Scipio himself accounted barbarous And though he escaped that hazard yet did he not escape the severe reproof of Great Fabius who to his face and in full Senate charged him with this inexcusable oversight in very rough and bitter language as you may read in Livies Thirtieth Book Nor do I look on the personal Parley between the same Scipio and the famous Hannibal before their last Battel at Zama but as an extravagant action of two such renowned Chieftains The Enterviews of Kings and Soveraign Princes have seldom prov'd fortunate or gain'd those advantages to either party that were expected But this Discourse belongs to another Chapter To conclude the apprehension of bad quarter and the fear of the breach of Promises and Articles and the suspicion of ill usage hath made many refuse Desperate ways to prevent bad Quarter all quarter reject all Treaties and distrust all Articles and Agreements and by a
than we were before their invention of the truth whereof take a short view What vast Provinces and goodly Countries the Turk since the birth of Gunpowder hath acquired in Asia Africk and Europe is obvious to our sight though the Histories of all Nations were silent And though in the general we are told We have but confused notions of the Turkish Militia that his order is good the Government and Discipline observ'd in his numerous Armies is strict and excellent yet the particulars have been hitherto related to us but very confusedly neither doth Mr. Rycaut in his Book of the present state of the Ottoman Empire Printed a few years ago help us much but rather gives us occasion to think that the Turks have lost their ancient Art of War or if they still retain it we must wonder how these Unbelievers have triumph'd over so many both Christian and Mahometan people with so undisciplin'd and disorderly multitudes as his relation makes them to be for he saith their principal Foot which are the Janizaries reputed to have been the strength and support of that great Monarchy fight confusedly and the Spahies who are the best of their Cavalry fight likewise in little good order he says that sometimes they charge thrice and if they then break not the enemy they fly and withal he makes their Artillery very insignificant in regard that as he writes they have no Gunners but such as either they take Prisoners or are sold to them for Slaves who stay no longer with them than any fair opportunity is offer'd them to run away Though perhaps the Victories which the great Tamberlan obtain'd and the And of Tamberlans order of War celerity he used in making these Conquests which have render'd him so famous be not so vast as Stories make them yet we may believe his Atchievements to have been extraordinary in regard the Great Mogul of India derives his Pedigree in a lineal descent from him and at this day possesseth a vast and a Great Empire which is but a remnant of a far greater acquir'd by Tamberlan whose Discipline is cry'd up to have been exceeding strict his Art of War so exact and orderly that he never went out of the Field without Victory or from a besieged Town without either its submission or destruction It is written of him that the day he fought with Bajazet at Mount Stella his Army consisted of a Million of men and yet he made use of them all in the time of the Battel If this be all true is it not pity that the manner of his Encamping Besieging Embattelling and fighting is not left on record to posterity And to come home the Scottish the English and the French Histories tell us what bloody Engagements have been among them and what Battels have been fought with various success but except that we are told that the French As also of the Scötish French and English Gens de Armes were numerous besides their other Cavalry that the English used the Bow and the Bill and had men of Arms likewise and that the Scots fought on Horseback with Lances and Jacks of Mail and on foot with long Pikes Battel-axes Bows and two-handed Swords what know we more of the Art of War that any of all the three practis'd of the order they kept how strong their several Bodies and Batallions were or what names they gave them how deep they Marshal'd either their Horse or Foot how they Embattell'd how they Encamped and how they form'd their Sieges for all these we have nothing but ill grounded conjectures and very confused notions I know not whom we shall justly blame for this great defect but the several Generals of several Armies belonging to several Nations and in several ages who if either they could not or would not write the History of their own or others actions as Xenophon and Thucydides among the Grecians Julius Caesar and Cato Many Historiographers defective among the Romans Monluc and a few others in our Modern times yet I think they were obliged to cause their Secretaries to keep exact accounts of the manner of these Sieges and those Battels which under their Command were either form'd or fought that so they might have been transmitted to posterity Some have done so but most have neglected it thinking it enough if their actions were generally remember'd recommending the particulars to the information of Historians which many times is such that it looks rather like a Romance than a true story But I had rather you should hear Monluc that famous Marshal of France upon this Subject who in the Third Book of his first Tome says That Historians who write the feats of War describe seldom or never the Particularities Monluc his Complaint of them of the action as how such a Castle was surprized in what order such a Town was assaulted or in what manner defended how such two Armies were Marshal'd before they join'd in Battel how the Horsemen were arm'd and how the Foot with many more circumstances necessary to be known by those who in time coming desire to be instructed and especially such as intend to serve their Prince and Country in Military Employments that from thence they may learn how to demean themselves in the like occasions But says he the whole multitude of Historiographers conceive they do enough if they tell us such a Battel was fought such a Prince or General gain'd the Victory such a City was besieged and yielded and such a one was taken by assault For himself he professeth he wrote his Commentaries to be registers of the actions of his time the particulars whereof might serve to inform those who were to come after him how to carry themselves either in Sieges Assaults Skirmishes Rancounter or Batteâ— for those saith he who think they know not so much as I will be glad to learn of me but those who fancy they know enough already need no Master In another place he says Historians are to be blam'd for not writing particular things and of particular men they think says he they do enough if they name Princes or Captain-Generals and pass over with silence all other persons that are not of so large a Stature Thus far Monluc Marshal of France To this same purpose you may see Polybius his complaint in his Twelfth Book Polybius his complaint of them where he says Historians first err in not writing things truly and as they were done and next that they give no particular account of the manner of Battels Skirmishes Surprisals and Sieges and this he attributeth to their want of skill and therefore wisheth that all great Captains would write the Histories of their own actions themselves These Complaints of Polybius and Monluc are just but I complain of another kind of Historians who take upon them to give us descriptions of all â—hose The Authors complaint of some of them Particularities without having receiv'd particular relations from the principal
counterfeited and his Seal taken from an old Paper and put on the Letter all contriv'd by Granuell President of the Emperours Council who gain'd with much Gold a French-man to carry this Letter in the soal of his shooe into the Town This French fellow was as much Fool as Knave who did not reveal the whole matter to Sancerre from whom he might likewise have receiv'd Gold enough But a trusty and faithful Messenger may be sent into or out of a A faithful and cunning Messenger may do much good in a Siege besieged place and go straight to an Enemy and seem to reveal all he knows and give up the Letters he carries which should contain no truth and by that means carry his Letter of importance safely as he is directed seeming to do the Enemy service but here cunning should be added to fidelity and men of that Caliber are rare yet the Rochellers met with one of them who adventur'd to cheat a no less person than Cardinal Richelieu and did it A Gentleman of Anjou offer'd to the Duke of Soubise to enter into Rochel then besieg'd Instance and reduc'd to the last extremity and bring him certain news of the Towns condition He went straight to the Cardinal with whom he had gain'd some trust and told him what he had undertaken this great States man permitted him to slip into the Town provided he should show him his Letters at his return which he promis'd having done his business in the City he came back to the Cardinal and deliver'd him the Towns Letters written purposely that this Great Minister might read them who took some pains to open and seal them again handsomely and bid the Gentleman carry them to Soubise who went and deliver'd to the Duke a hidden Letter which told him the true condition of the City and that was That it could not hold out above two days without succourse or all must dye for hunger If signs by fire smoke or shot of Cannon be not agreed on before the place be invested it will be very dangerous to do it afterwards by Letters for these may be intercepted or betrayed The last whereof befel two illuâ—strious Brothers both of them great Captains those were Maurice and Henry Princes of Orange both of them egregiously cheated by a Countrey Clown Maurice entrusts him with Letters to Justin of Nassaw Governour of Breda when it was besieged round by Marquess Spinola the fellow undertook to deliver the Letter and bring the Governours answer and so he did but not till Letters reveal'd to an Enemy Spinola had read both the first before he enter'd and the second after he came out of the Town who thereby came to the knowledge of all their secrets the Rogue was well rewarded by both parties But after Maurice his death this Bore resolves to serve his Brother Prince Henry in the same fashion and to that end seem'd to be gain'd with much difficulty and by much Gold to carry the Prince his last Letters to the Governour Henry wrote to him that it was then purely impossible to raise the Siege and desir'd him at midnight to discharge three pieces of Ordnance and that thereafter by several fires on the great Steeple he should let him know how many days his Victuals would hold out The Intelligencer went straight to Spinola who having read the Letter and handsomely seal'd it up dispatch'd the faithful messenger to the Governour who at the prefixed time made his three shots and by eleven signs made by fire let the Prince know he was able to subsist no longer than eleven days which Spinola did as punctually observe as the Prince of Orange did In the time of that same Siege at a Sally a German Souldier was taken by the Count of Isemberg who treated his Countrey-man so well that the fellow undertook to return to the Town and come back to the Spanish Camp when the Victuals of the besieged City grew scarce which he did and thereby Spinola had likewise a fair help given him how to take his measures If all endeavours and all hopes fail and that inexorable necessity force the To yield on Articles Governour to yield let him do it on the most honourable and advantageous terms he can and let him be sure to have his Articles sign'd by him who commands in chief and if he can obtain it let him get Hostages of quality sent to some neighbour Garrison to lye there till all conditions agreed on be performed Of Articles I shall speak in the next Chapter But if there be small or no hopes of succours it will not be fit for a Governour Obstinacy in defending Forts hurtful to bring things to the last extremity or stand out where he cannot probably hope to resist for that exposeth his men to Butchery a thing very unacceptable to God and prejudicial to his Masters service It is needless to illustrate this with examples story is full of them and we have seen the practice of it in our own days The Imperial Lieutenant General Count Tili finding New Brandenburg an inconsiderable Town obstinately defended by Major General Kniphausen and his Suedish Garrison did at the storm forbid all quarter though he was known to be merciful enough and after he had carried the Town by Assault he told the Governour who was then Prisoner That he could not use him worse than send him to his Master the King of Sueden who he thought was oblig'd in Justice to hang him for losing him so many gallant men by his vanity and arrogant resistance And truly I think to put a few Especially those of small importance men in an obscure place or a Castle of a mean Fortification and command them to stand out against a well appointed Army or that which ordinarily passeth under the name of an Army Royal is to send them directly to the Shambles for what General will suffer himself to be so affronted and not revenge it When the French King Francis the First march'd into Italy with Instances a mighty Army the Governour of a little ill fortified Castle in Piedmont called Volane made a Sally and kill'd and plunder'd some French Baggage-men The Castle is summon'd and refusing to yield on honest conditions it is invested and forc'd to render on mercy whereof they found but little in that severe Constable Anne de Montmorancy who caused the poor Governour and his Garrison to be hang'd every mothers son Another Castle held out against Charles the Fifth when he retir'd to Italy out of Provence but being forc'd to yield the Garrison receiv'd the like usage every man of it being forc'd to end his life on a Gallows Yet sometimes the condition of the War and the circumstances of it require Yet sometimes Ratio Belli requires it that a Governour and his Garrison should rather fight to death than accept of any agreement and this is when time must be given for gathering or joyning of
the first who have made use of it neither will we hinder it to be a perpetual Law to ages to come being assuredly confident said they that if you had that power over us that we probably may shortly have over you you would not fail to put this Law in execution against us So you see that both Cyrus and the Athenians thought Prisoners of War might be put to death if the Victor pleased not only by the Law of War but by the Law of both Nations and Nature Before I go further I shall premise one thing at which perhaps many of my own Profession scruple which is that notwithstanding any quarter granted in the field in time of Battel or skirmish or at the assaults of Towns or Castles How a General may use his Prisoners of War Jurâ— Bâ—llâ— he who commands in chief over the Victorious army may put all or any of the Prisoners to death that he pleaseth without doing any wrong to the Law of War because they had no quarter promised them by him either by word or in writing which we ordinarily call Parol What quarter is given by any Officer who is inferior for the time or by any Soldier is but till the General or Commander in chief judg of the Prisoners and then he may do with them as he pleaseth But observe on the other hand that though Jure Belli he may do so yet when he puts Prisoners to death in cold blood he may be justly branded with inhumanity and cruelty unless those Prisoners have been Traytors Rebels Runaways or Fugitives or that Quarter had been promised contrary to the express command of the General any of these alters the case Such was that act of Saul King of Israel who gave quarter to Agag contrary to the express command of the Lord of Hosts who had ordained him to die Let us take a short view how this perpetual Law whereof Cyrus and the Athenian Embassadors spoke was executed in ancient times and I believe we shall see that all Prisoners of War were either ransom'd exchang'd put to death or made slaves The Jews differ'd a little from other Nations in the matter of Jewish slaves Slavery for Deut. 23. they had a Political Law which order'd a refuge to their Slaves Slaves certainly who came to that calamity by none of their own fault and that is mostly to be understood of Captives of War Cyrus found the Law he spoke of practised against himself by Tomiris Queen of Scythia who put him to death in cold blood if the Historian tell us truth How the Assyrian Monarchs used their Prisoners though prophane story were silent the Sacred Writ would inform us by it we know how Tiglath Pilâ—ser took away the Ten Tribes of Israel and Nebuchadnezzâ—r the other two to Babylon and how this last put most of the Chiefs and Princes of the people to Death after How the Israelites used their Prisoners they were Prisoners and caused the Children of King Zedâ—kiah to be cut in pieces before his face that after having seen so sad a spectaâ—le he might have his eyes put out that so thereafter as Sir Walter Raleigâ— observes well he might never see any thing to comfort him The Captains of Gods chosen people of Israel and Judah thought not that their hands were bound up by any quaâ—â—er that was given by their inferiour Commanders and Souldiers but pass'd very ordinarily a Sentence of Death upon most of their Prisoners of War Joshua hang'd most of those Kings whom he took in the Land of Canaan Adonibeâ—â—k had his Thumbs and great Toes cut off for so he had used seventy two Kings before Zebah and Zalmunnah Kings of Midian after they had quarter given them were killed in cold blood by Gidâ—on perhaps by no other inspiration than that of Revenge because they had killed his Brethren And by the way I observe that the Israelites in their Civil Wars among themselves gave very bad quarter As for example after the rest of the Tribes had killed in one Battel eighteen thousand Benjamites they put five thousand of them to the Sword in the chace who no doubt called for quartor The Text saith they gleaned them that is killed them one by one in the way and after that two thousand of them were put to death at Gidoâ— who I make no question yielded themselves Prisoners How many thousand Ephraâ—â—â—tes were put to death by the Gileadites when they bâ—wrayed what they were by the wrong pronunciation of Sâ—bbâ—teth David King of Israels David very severe to his Prisoners not only â—â—aughtered those Ammonites whom he had taken Prisoners in the War but tortured them and put them to cruel deaâ—â—s Whether he did this â—or â—â—y other reason than to be revenged for the disgrace done to his Embassadours by Hâ—nan King of the A 〈…〉 it es I shall not offer to determine But â—ertainly the Prophet â—lisha gave a contrary advice to Jehorâ—â—â— King of Israel Elisha adviseth to give fair quarter who asking the man of God what he should do with those Syrians who were miraculously brought into Samâ—ria in these words Shall I smiâ—e them my Father shall I smiâ—e them Was answered Wiâ—â— thou smiâ—e those whom thou hast takâ—â— with thy Bow and thy Spear nay see Brâ—ad and Water before them and send thâ—â— back to their Master I confess this was very fair quarter but it was not to be imitated in all its points The obstinate keeping out of Towns Forts and Castles when there was An occasion of bad quarter neither hope nor probability of succours hath been often the reason why the Besieged after they have rendered have been â—â—tchered to death that is after they had yielded to the discretion of the Conquerour who having granted no Articles or Conditions may put them all to death without any stâ—â—â— of perfidy He may do it Jure bâ—lli but he may be taxed with severity if not cruelty for it yet generous Princes have practised it Titus a merciful Prince cast the Jews who were his Prisoners both men and women by hundreds to be torn and devoured by Wild Beâ—sts The Great Alexander caused some thousands of the Tirians to be Scourged and Crucified after they wore Prisoners because in defence of their City they had so long put a stop to the course of his Victories But I think he cannot be vindicated from extream inhumanity Inhumanity of Alexander used to the Noble Governour of Gaza who kept out that place couragiously against him till the never-failing Fortune of that daring Prince put the woful Governour into his hands whose Fâ—â—t he caused to be bored and through the holes he put Cords and tying these to Horse-tails in that manner caused him to be dragg'd about the City in imitation perhaps of what Homer saith Achilles of whom Alexander derived his Pâ—dâ—gree did to the dead body of the Valiant Hector The Veneti a people in Gâ—â—le were overcome by Câ—sar
Severity of Caesar in a Nuval Battel yielded to his mercy but because they had before given hostages and yet had rebelled and contrary to the Law of Nations had imprisoned his Embassadours he put the chief men of them to death and sold the rest for Slaves And at Vxellodunum he cut off the hands of all those who had maintained the siege against him and had yielded to his mercy because they had rebelled before yet the same Câ—sar was known to be very merciful Xenophon in the first Chapter of his Third-Book says that Prisoners of War may be used without form of Law or Process of Justice at the Victors pleasure This is true if there be no provions Articles or Treaty for that alie's the case The Grecians were cruel enough to their Prisoners In that Nayal The Grecianâ— generally gave bad quarter Battel wherein the Lacedaemonian Lisander gained the Soveraignty of the Sea from the Athenians he put three thousand Prisoners to the Sword in cold Blood Those who yielded to their discretions made but a bad bargain of it Take a few Examples Mitilene which was tributary to Athens rebelled the Inhabitants after a long resistance yielded to mercy the first Sentence of that popular State was that all the men above fourteen years of age should dye and all under it with all the women should be sold for Slaves The next days Verdict was more favourable which gave life and liberty to all except the Ring-leaders of the Sedition but these the Athenians made not to be so few as a thousand The Platâ—â—ns a free people of Greece after a long Siege yielded to the mercy of the Lacedaemonians who put every one of them to death and sold the Women for Slaves The Inhabitants of the Isle of Melus of whom I spoke a little before after a long Siege yielded to the mercy of the Athenians but they exercised that perpetual Law of the Conquerour over the Vanquished whereof their Embassadours had told them and though they had no pretext of other power over them but that of the sharpest Sword yet they killed all the men that were above fourteen years old and sold all the Women and Male children for Slaves But the Romans were the most merciless Conquerours of any Nation except The Romans generally most merciless to Prisoners the Cannibals who feed their Prisoners to kill and eat them for those Prisoners whom they killed not they reserved for worse uses than drudgery and â—lavery Some were kept to adorn their Pompous Triumphs and when the Triumphers Chariot turned towards the Capitol then the woful Captives were taken to the place of Execution and there butchered to death and if any of them had their lives spared at that time it was a cruel mercy to make them dye a worse death afterward which was the fortune of Persâ—us the last King of Macedon for after he with his Children all in Chains had been made spectacles at Aeâ—â—ilius his Triumphant Chariot they were left to dye in prison for want of either Food or Sleep the two great supporters of mans life Others of their Prisoners were forced to fight and fence at Sharps on the Amphitheatres till they killed one another and all to make sport to that inhumane people And which was worse they were forced many times to satiate the cruelty of the Spectators by fighting for their lives with Lyons Bears and Tygers kept purposely from Meat to make them more eager to devour those miserable wretches And thus they used women as well as men I told you also how Titus who was so meek a Prince that he was called The Dâ—light of Mankind used the Infatuated Jews after the destruction of Jerusalem So unlimited a power did those Ancient Conquerours assume to themselves over the persons and lives of their Prisoners which by the Law of War and the Law of Nations they had acquired Yet the Roman Senate very often either really were or seemed to be dissatisfied Roman Cruelty to Prisoners often restrained by the Senate with some of their Consuls and other Supreme Commanders of their Armies who were cruel to those who yielded to mercy So when Sâ—rgius Galba had sold in Spain all those Portugueses who had submitted themselves a Law was made at Rome to restore them to their liberty but it had no effect and this imported juggling But the Senate went further for they punished some of their Generals for using cruelty to those who yielded to mercy as the Pro-Consul Plicinius Crassius and two Admirals were judicially condemned at Rome for their inhumanities of that nature in Greece The Consul M. Popilius having by sundry Victories well near ruined the Ligurians ten thousand of them submitted to his Discretion and observe what that was he first disarmed them next he razed their Town thirdly he sold all their goods and substance and fourthly he sold themselves for Slaves A most detestable action and as such resented by the Senate who ordered the Consul to pay back the price to the Buyers restore the poor Ligurians to their liberty and return to them as much of their goods and as many of their Arms as could be recovered But the half of this was not performed by the Consul yet the reason on which the Senate grounded this order is very observable Because said they Victory doth not consist in exercising Cruelty on those who yield to Mercy but in vanquishing the obstinate and Contumacious Most of the Capuans who stood for Hannibal after a long Siege yielded themselves and City to the mercy of the two Roman Consuls one whereof was wounded and incliâ—ed to be merciful but the other Q. Fulvius caused eighty of the principal Citizens first to be whipt with Rods and then bâ—headed with Axes and he used all the rest very inhumanely And assuredly the fear of merciless usage and bad quarter hath forced many Fear of bad quarter produceth despeâ—ate effects to make an unlooked for resistance to the great prejudice of the prevailing party for Despaiâ— produceth the most horrid and desperate effects Most of the Saguntines saved Hannibal a labour to kill them by killing themselves The Citizens of Astapa in Spain detesting the Roman Cruelty made a great â—ile of Wood within their Town set it on fire threw first their Wives and Children into it and then themselves When Philip the last King of Maceâ—â—n except one would grant no other conditions to the inhabitants of Abydes but to yield to his Mercy which they knew was the extreamest of Cruelties after many desperate resolutions and vigorous oppositions when the Macedonians entered it was a râ—thful sight to see the poor Abydens destroying one another promiscuously men and women young and old some hanging their Wives first and then themselves others cutting the Throats of their Children and then their own others casting their nearest relations in Wells and over the tops of Houses and themselves after them Philip being astonished and appalled at so terrible