according to the custome he took his chair in the Senate The first came up to him was one Celer who while he was entreating him to release a Brother of his that was in captivity the rest came up to him whereat he suspecting some violence cryed out what force is this To which the above-mentioned Atilius Cimber answered him with a wound in the throat which the rest of the Conspiratours seconded with others But that which amazed him above all was to see Brutus among them one whose authority was great and one whom he had obliged beyond all expression of gratitude when a conquered enemy upon which he could not but break forth into these words And thou son Brutus art thou one Whereupon seeing there was no possibility of escaping he remembred to keep the honour of his person covering his head with part of his robe and with his left hand settling his cloaths about him and so having received 23. wounds he fell to the ground a sacrifice to the publick Liberty near the base of Pompey's statue which was noted as a judgement of the Gods Caesar having neither Son nor Daughter legitimate at his death had by his will before adopted his Nephew Octavius Caesar who was afterwards called Octavianus Augustus who studied in Apollonia at the time of this murther of Caesar and expected to go with him to the war against the Parthians being then about 17. yeares of age This death as all extraordinary accidents must needs beget tumult and confusion in the City All Offices ceased the Temples and Courts of Justice were shut up Caesar's friends were afraid of the Conspiratours they reciprocally of them This Tumult somewhat startled the Conspiratours who seeing the design took not with the people as they expected to secure themselves seized the Capitoll crying as they went Liberty Liberty Liberty Whereupon Antonius and Lepidus being all this while in Armes divers treaties of accommodation passed between them whereby it was at last agreed the Senate should sit whither Brutus and Cassius came Antonius's Sons being hostages for their return The Senate approves the fact the people dissemble their satisfaction for as the Authority of Brutus and Cassius with the name of Liberty was very charming on one side so the horrour of the fact and the love some bare Caesar exasperated them against the Murtherers But Mark Antony endeavouring to trouble the waters as much as he could among other things got Caesar's testament to be opened wherein he had bequeath'd to the people of Rome certain gardens and heritages near the River Tiber and to every Citizen of Rome a certain summe of money which being known it re-enflamed their old affection to Caesar and raised a compassion and a regret for his death The day appointed for his funerall the ceremony whereof was to burn his body in the field of Mars Antonius being to make the Oration brought with him the robe wherein Caesar was assassinated which being all bloudy he shewed to the people using some expressions which raised in them both indignation and pity insomuch as before the solemnity of the funerall was ended they all departed in great fury with the brands of the same fire to set afire the houses of Brutus and Cassius and the rest of the Conspiratours whom they sought running up down the streets In which fury they killed Aelius Cinna mistaking him for Cornelius Cinna who indeed was one of them This Tumult forced Brutus Cassius and all who conceived themselves guilty of Caesar's death to depart from Rome whereupon Antonius took occasion to dispense with the decree of the Senate and assuming Caesar's power and authority persecuted them all he could Brutus and Cassius went into Greece to govern those Provinces which Caesar whom they had murthered had conferred on them which were Macedonia and Syria and in like manner were all the rest dispersed and that so unfortunately that within the space of three yeares they all came to violent deaths He was slain in the 56. year of his age somewhat above four years after the death of Pompey 700. years after the foundation of Rome 3010. years after the Creation but according to the 70. Interp. 5157. in the 184. Olympiad and 42. years before the birth of Christ Having made himself perpetuall Dictator he enjoyed it 3. years 4. months and 6. dayes Thus have we traced this transcendent Personage through all his great and incomparable actions and atchievements we have viewed him in his distresses and extremities and we have also seen him in his victories triumphs expressing the same greatnesse that is the same equality of mind in both we have surveyed him in all his excellencies and abilities both of mind and body we have considered the invincibility of his spirit his incomparable courage his clemency magnanimity his policy vigilance prudence conduct we have as near as we can enumerated the many battels he fought the many victories obtained the many people and provinces reduced the many Kings and Countries subdued so to figure a person imitable in all things that may be called great or vertuous not exceedable in any we have described and dilucidated his Medalls wherein if we have committed any offence it hath been in studying brevity purposely omitting many things that might have been said and forbearing the multitude and particularity of citations least it might be thought a vanity lastly we have accompanied him to his funerall pile the fire whereof consumed his murtherers and enemies while he himself is carried up by the same element to shine eternally a starre of the first magnitude in the firmament of famous and heroick spirits And there we leave him recommending the Reader to see and find him haply farre greater then our commendations in his own everlasting COMMENTARIES FINIS THe second and seventh pages of this Life of Caesar being rashly put to working at the Press before they were corrected the Reader is desired to take notice of these ensuing faults with their emendations and to think never the worse of the rest of the book In pag. 2. lin 1. after be killed read as if even vertue may be excessive and a crime as he c. l. 20. for paint ever paint over l. 33. for Cisalphina Cisalpina l. 35. for Lacedemonia Lacedaemon l. 37 38. for Sardynia Creeta Candia Cypres Rhodes and Negrepont Sardinia Creet Cyprus Rhodes and Negropont In pag. 7. l. 1. for which four with four l. 9. for gulf Venice gulf of Venice l. 14. for their forts their efforts l. 15. for Curius Curio l. 19. for that Consull that Consul l. 28. for Boetia Lacedaemonia Creeta in some copies Baeotia Lacedaemon Creet l. 38. for deferred him deterred him l. 46. for takes it takes in With some literall faults and ill pointing IULIUS CAESAR Reading and Discourse are requisite to make a souldier perfect in the Art militarie how great soever his knowledge may be which long experience and much practice of Arms hath gained WHen I
and all that they had to Caesars mercy desiring one thing of him earnestly which was that if his goodnesse and clemency which they had heard so high praises of had determined to save their lives he would not take away their Arms from them forasmuch as all their neighbours were enemies unto them and envied at their valour neither were they able to defend themselves if they should deliver up their Armour so that they had rather suffer any inconvenience by the people of Rome then to be butcherly murthered by them whom in former time they had held subject to their command To this Caesar answered that he would save the City rather of his own custome then for any desert of theirs so that they yielded before the Ram touched the wall but no condition of remedy should be accepted without present delivery of their Armes for he would do by them as he had done by the Nervii and give commandment to their neighbours that they should offer no wrong to such as had commended their safety to the people of Rome This answer being returned to the City they seemed contented to do whatsoever he commanded them and thereupon casting a great part of their Armour over the wall into the ditch insomuch as they fill'd it almost to the top of the rampier and yet as afterward was known concealing the third part they set open the gates and for that day carried themselves peaceably Towards night Caesar commanded the gates to be shut and the souldiers to be drawn out of the town least in the night the townsmen should be any way injured by them But the Aduatici having consulted together before forasmuch as they believed that upon their submission the Romans would either set no watch at all or at the least keep it very carelesly partly with such Armour as they had retained and partly with targets made of bark or wrought of wicker which upon the suddain they had covered over with Leather about the third watch where the ascent to our fortifications was easiest they issued suddainly out of the town with all their power but signification thereof being presently given by fires as Caesar had commanded the Romans hasted speedily to that place The Enemy fought very desperately as men in the last hope of their welfare incountering the Romans in a place of disadvantage all their hopes now lying upon their valour at length with the slaughter of four thousand the rest were driven back into the town The next day when Caesar came to break open the gates and found no man at defence he sent in the souldiers and sold all the people and spoil of the town the number of persons in the town amounted to fifty three thousand bondslaves THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the surprise attempted by the Belgae upon Bibract I set down the manner which both the Galles and the Romans used in their sudden surprising of a town whereof if they failed the place importing any advantage in the course of war they then prepared for the siege in that manner as Caesar hath described in this place They invironed the town about with a ditch and a rampier and fortified the said rampier with many Castles and Fortresses erected in a convenient distance one from another and so they kept the town from any forreign succour or reliefe and withall secured themselves from sallies or other stratagems which the townsmen might practice against them And this manner of siege was called circumvallatio the particular description whereof I referre unto the history of Alesia where I will handle it according to the particulars there set down by Caesar THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Ram which Caesar here mentioneth was of greatest note amongst all the Roman Engines and held that place which the Canon hath in our wars Vitruvius doth attribute the invention thereof to the Carthaginians who at the taking of Cadiz wanting a fit instrument to raze and overthrow a Castle they took a long beam or timber-tree and bearing it upon their armes and shoulders with the one end thereof they first brake down the uppermost rank of stones and so descending by degrees they overthrew the whole tower The Romans had two sorts of Rams the one was rude and plain the other artificiall and compound the first is that which the Carthaginians used at Cadiz and is pourtrayed in the column of Traâan at Rome The compound Ram is thus described by Josephus A Ram saith he is a mighty great beam like unto the mast of a ship and is strengthened at one end with a head of iron fashioned like unto a Ram and thereof it took the name This Ram is hanged by the midst with ropes unto another beam which lieth crosse a couple of pillars and hanging thus equally balanced it is by force of men thrust forwar and recoild backward and so beateth upon the wall with his iron head neither is there any tower so strong or wall so broad that is able to stand before it The length of this Ram was of a large scantling for Plutarch affirmeth that Antony in the Parthian war had a Ram fourescore foot long And Vitruvius saith that the length of a Ram was usually one hundred and six and sometimes one hundred and twenty and this length gave great strength and force to the engine It was managed at one time with a whole Century or order of souldiers and their forces being spent they were seconded with another Century and so the Ram played continually upon the wall without intermission Josephus saith that Titus at the siege of Jerusalem had a ram for every legion It was oftentimes covered with a Vine that the men that managed it might be in more safety It appeareth by this place that if a town had continued out untill the ram had touched the wall they could not presume of any acceptation of rendry forasmuch as by their obstinacy they had brought in perill the lives of their enemies and were subdued by force of Armes which affordeth such mercy as the Victor pleaseth THE THIRD OBSERVATION THe Aduatici as it seemeth were not ignorant of the small security which one State can give unto another that commendeth their safety to be protected by it for as Architas the Pythagorean saith A body a Family and an Army are then well governed when they contain within themselves the causes of their safety so we must not look for any security in a State when their safety dependeth upon a forreign protection For the old saying is that Neque murus neque amicus quisquam teget quem propria arma non texere Neither wals nor friends will save him whom his own weapons do not defend Although in this case the matter was well qualified by the majesty of the Roman Empire and the late victories in the continent of Gallia whereof the Hedui with their associates were very gainful witnesses but amongst kingdomes that are better suted with equality of strength and
authority there is small hope of safety to be looked for unlesse the happy government of both do mutually depend upon the safety of either Nation For that which Polybius observed in Antigonus king of Macedonia taketh place for the most part amongst all Princes that Kings by nature esteem no man either as a friend or an enemy but as the calculation of profit shall find them answerable to their projects And contrariwise it cutteth off many occasions of practices and attempts when it is known that a State is of it self able and ready to resist the designes of forreign enemies according to that of Manlius Ostendite modo bellum pacem habebitis videant vos paratos ad vim jus ipsi remittent Do but shew them war and you shall have peace let them see you are provided to repell force and they will do you nothing but right THE FOURTH OBSERVATION THe manner of signifying any motion or attempt by fire was of great use in the night season where the fortification was of so large an extension for fire in the night doth appear far greater then indeed it is forasmuch as that part of the aire which is next unto the fire as it is illuminated with the light thereof in a reasonable distance cannot be discerned from the fire it self and so it seemeth much greater then it is in substance And contrariwise in the day time it sheweth lesse then it is for the clear brightnesse of the air doth much obscure that light which proceedeth from a more grosse and materiall body and therefore their custome was to use fire in the night and smoak in the day suting the transparent middle with a contrary quality that so it might more manifestly appear to the beholder THE FIFTH OBSERVATION ANd albeit after the victory the Romans inflicted divers degrees of punishment according to the malice which they found in an enemy yet as Flavius Lucanus saith in Livie there was no Nation more exorable nor readier to shew mercy then the Romans were The punishments which we find them to have used towards a conquered Nation were these either they punished them by death or sold them for bondslaves sub corona or dismissed them sub jugum or merced them in taking away their territories or made them tributary States Of the first we find a manifest example in the third of these Commentaries where Caesar having overthrown the Veneti by sea inasmuch as they had retained his Embassadours by force contrary to the law of Nations he put all the Senate to the sword and sold the rest sub corona Festus saith that an enemy was said to be sold sub corona inasmuch as the captives stood crowned in the Market-place where they were set out to sale as Cato saith in his book De re militari Ut populus sua opera potius ob rem bene gestam coronatus supplicatum eat quam re male gesta coronatus vaeneat That the people may rather for well performing go to supplicate crowned then for ill performance be sold crowned And Gellius affirmeth the same thing but addeth also another reason forasmuch as the souldiers that kept them while they were in selling incircled them round about to keep them together and this round-about-standing was called corona Festus saith that oftentimes they used a spear and therefore they were said to be sold sub hasta forasmuch as amongst the Greeks by the spear or pike was signified the power of Armes and majestie of Empires When they dismissed them sub jugum their order was to erect three trees like a pair of gallowes under which they caused all the captives to passe as a sign of bondage for they had so conquered them by force of Armes that they laid upon their neck the yoak of thraldome Livie saith that Quintius the Dictator dismissed the Aequos sub jugum and this jugum was made of three speares whereof two were stuck upright in the ground and the third was tied overthwart them The souldiers that passed sub jugum were ungirt and their weapons taken from them as Festus saith Sometimes again they took away their lands and territories and either sold it for money and brought it into the treasury or divided the land amongst the Roman people or let it out to farmerent of all which Livie hath many pregnant examples Of the second sort the selling of the Veii in his fifth book and of 7000 Samnites in his ninth book Of the third that remarkable example of passing the two Consuls T. Veturius Calvinus and Spurius Postumius with the Legates Tribunes and whole Roman Army sub jugum by Caius Pontius leader of the Samnites in his ninth book Of the fourth in all kinds thereof frequently through his history Chap. XIII Crassus taketh in all the maritime Cities that ly to the Ocean the legions carried into their wintering Camps THe same time Pub. Crassus whom he had sent with one legion to the Veneti Unelli Osisâââ Curiosolitae Sesuvii Aulerci and Rhedones being the maritime Cities that lay to the Ocean advertised him that all those States had yielded themselves to the people of Rome The warres being thus ended and all Gallia being settled in peace there went such a fame of this warre among other barbarous people that from Nations beyond the Rhene there came Embassadours to Caesar offering both hostages and obedience to whatsoever he commanded them But Caesar forasmuch as he then hasted into Lombardie after he had placed his legions in their wintering Campes willed them to repair unto him again in the beginning of the next Sommer He himself therefore after he had first disposed his army into winter-quarters amongst the Carnutes Andes and Turones cities next to those places where his warres had been took his journey forthwith for Italy For these things upon the sight of Caesars Letters a generall supplication was proclaimed in Rome for fifteen dayes together which honour before that time had happened to no man The third Commentary of the warres in GALLIA The Argument THis Commentarie beginneth with an Accident which happened in the latter end of the former Sommer wherein the Belgae had so lean a harvest and then it proceedeth to the war between Caesar and the Veneti Crassus and the Aquitani Titurius Sabinus and the Curiosolitae and Titus Labienus with the Treviri CHAP. I. Sergius Galba being sent to clear the passage of the Alpes is besieged by the Seduni and Veragri Caesar taking his journey into Italy sent Sergius Galba with the twelfth legion and part of the horsemen unto the Nantuates Veragri and Seduni whose territories are extended from the river Rhone and the lake Lemanus unto the tops of the highest Alpes The end of this voyage was chiefly to clear the Alpes of thieves and robbers that lived by the spoile of Passengers that travailed between Italy and Gallia Galba having order if he found it expedient to winter in those parts after some fortunate incounters and the taking
in his army whom he perswaded with great rewards and further promises to fly to the Enemy and there to carry himself according to the instructions which he should give him This Gall coming as a revolter to the Enemy laid open unto them the fear of the Romans the extremity that Caesar was driven into by the Veneti and that the night following Sabinus was about to withdraw his forces secretly out of his camp and to make all the haste he could to relieve Caesar Vpon which advertisement they all cryed out with one consent that this opportunity was not to be omitted but setting apart all other devises they would go and assault the Roman camp Many circumstances perswaded the Galles to this resolution as first the lingring and doubt which Sabinus had made when he was offered battel secondly the intelligence which this fugitive had brought thirdly the want of victuals wherein they had been negligent and unadvisedly carelesse fourthly the hope they conceived of the war of Vannes and lastly for that men willingly believe that which they would have come to passe The force of these motives was so strong that they would not suffer Viridovix nor the rest of the Captains to dismisse the Councell untill they had yielded that they should take Armes and go to the Roman Camp Which being granted they gathered rubbish and faggots to fill up the ditch and with cheerfull hearts as though the victory were already gotten they marched to the place where Sabinus was incamped which was the top of a hill rising gently from a levell the quantity of one thousand pases Hither the Galles hasted with all expedition and to the intent the Romans might not have so much time as to put on their Armour the Galles for haste ran themselves out of breath Sabinus incouraging his souldiers gave the sign of battel and sallying out at two severall gates of his Camp upon the enemy who were hindred with their loads of rubbish it fell out that through the opportunity of the place the wearinesse and unexperience of the Enemy the valour of the Roman souldier and their exercise informer battels that the Galles could not indure the brunt of the first incounter but presently betook themselves to flight Ours being fresh and lusty pursued after and slew great numbers of them then chasing their horse suffered very few of them to save themselves by flight And so it happened that at one time Sabinus had news of the overthrow at Sea and Caesar of Sabinus victory by Land Vpon these victories all the Cities and States yielded themselves to Titurius for as the Galles are prompt to undertake a warre so are they weak in suffering and impatient of the consequents and calamities thereof OBSERVATION THis practice of a counterfeit fear was often put in use by the Roman Leaders as well to disappoint the expectation of an Enemy as to draw them into an inconvenience and so to defeat them of their greatest helps in time of battel Caesar coming to succour the camp of Cicero made such use of this Art that he put to rout a great Army of the Galles with a handfull of men which I will refer unto the place where it is particularly set down by Caesar The chiefest thing in this place which brought them to their overthrow was disappointment for it is a thing hardly to be digested in businesses of small consequence to be frustrated of a setled expectation when the mind shall dispose her self to one only intent and in the upshot meet with a counterbuffe to crosse her purposes and so defeat her of that hope which the strength of her reason hath entertained how much more then in things of such importance when we shall proceed in a course of victory and humour our conceits with that we wish and would have to happen and in the end meet either with bondage or death must our best wits be appalled having neither respite nor means to think how the evil may be best prevented Which the wise Romans wel understood and counted it no dishonour to be reproched with shamefull cowardise by such as knew not the secrets of wisdome while they in the mean time foresaw their good fortunes shrowded under the cloak of a pretended distrust Let these examples instruct a Leader so to take the opportunity of any such fortune that in the execution he omit not the chiefest points of order and discipline as well for the better effecting of the design as for his own safety and the security of his Army For order is as the sinews and strength of martiall discipline uniting the particular members into the firm composition of a wel-proportioned body and so it maketh it more powerfull then any number of disunited parts how able or infinite soever I might here alledge infinite examples to confirm this truth but let the battel of Dreux serve for all wherein the Protestants overcharging the Catholick Army followed the retreat so hard that they quickly became Masters of the field and then neglecting martiall discipline fell in confusedly with the broken multitude to make the victory more glorious by slaughter and mortality The Duke of Guise all this while budged not a foot but in unexampled patience kept his regiment close together and would not suffer them to rescue their Generall that was taken untill the regiment of the Prince of Condie was likewise dispersed and broken and then perceiving no difference of order between the victor Protestant and the vanquished Catholick he dissolved that terrible cloud that had hung so long in suspence and so changed the fortune of the day that he took the chiefest of their Princes prisoners with little or no losse of his own men So powerfull is order in the deeds of Armes and of such consequence in obtaining victory And thus we have first seen the inconveniences which a counterfeit fear well dissembled may cast upon a credulous and unadvised enemy when pretence and appearance hath brought them into an errour which their own credulity doth afterward avouch and secondly what strength and safety consisteth in order and how powerfull it is to throw down and to set up CHAP. IX The proceedings of Crassus in Aquitanie AT the same instant of time it happened also that Pub. Crassus coming into Aquitania which both in regard of the large extension of the Countrey as also for the multitude of the inhabitants was named the third part of Gallia and considering that he was to make warre in those parts where L. Valerius Praeconius the Legate was slain and the Army overthrown and where Lucius Manlius was fain to fly with the losse of his carriages he thought that his affaires required no mean diligence and therefore having made provision of Corn and mustered many Auxiliary forces and sent for many valiant and prudent men by name from Tolouse Carcasone and Narbone cities bordering upon the province he carried his Army into the confines of the Sontiates Which was no
as soon as he had caused to be set aflote in regard partly of the great number of prisoners he had and that some of his ships were cast away he determined to carry his Army over at twice And so it happened that of so great a fleet at so many voyages neither this year nor the year before there was not any one ship missing which carried over our souldiers onely of those which were to be sent back to him after they had landed the first half and those which Labienus caused afterwards to be made threescore in number few could make to the place the rest were all kept back Which Caesar having for some time expected in vain and fearing that the time of year would not long serve for sailing for the Equinoctiall was at hand was forced to dispose his souldiers closer and in lesse room So taking the opportunity of a calme sea he set sail about the beginning of the second watch and came to land by break of day his whole fleet arriving in safety OBSERVATION ANd thus ended the war in Britany which affordeth little matter of discourse being indeed but a scambling war as well in regard of the Britans themselves who after they had felt the strength of the Roman legions would never adventure to buckle with them in any standing battell as also in regard there were no such towns in Britany as are recorded to have been in Gallia which might have given great honour to the war if there had been any such to have been besieged and taken in by Caesar And although Tacitus saith that Britany was rather viewed then subdued by Caesar being desirous to draw that honour to his father in law Agricola yet we find here that the Trinobantes which were more then either the skirt or the heart of Britany for our Historians do understand them to have inhabited that part which lieth as far as Yorkshire and Lancashire were brought under the Roman Empire by Caesar who was the first that ever laid tribute upon Britany in the behalf of the people of Rome or cast upon them the heavy name of a subdued people THE SECOND OBSERVATION BUt least I may seem negligent in these occurrences of Britany as not deeming the alteration happening in this Iland by the power of Rome worthy due memory I will briefly set down the state thereof from this Area during the lives of the twelve Emperours Iulius Caesars next successours first Augustus and then Tiberius thought it policy to restrain the infinite desire of inlarging the Roman Empire so left this entrance into Britany unseconded Caius is said to have had a meaning to invade it but did nothing Claudius transported legions and aides and first sent Aulus Plautius Governour and after him Ostorius who overthrew king Caradocus in battell and shewed him at Rome to Claudius to Agrippina and the Lords of the Senate who affirmed the sight to be no lesse honourable then when P. Scipio shewed Sâphaces or L. Paulus Perses Him Didius Gallus succeeded who being old and full of honour thought it sufficient to keep that which his predecessours had gotten Next unto Didius came Veranius onely memorable in dying the first year of his Propraetorship but Suetonius Paulinus following got a great name first by invading Anglesey strong with inhabitants and a receptacle for fugitives secondly by overthrowing Boadicea Queen of the Iceni in a battell comparable to the victories of old times wherein fourscore thousand Britans were slain with the losse of foure hundred Roman souldiers But being thought to be over-severe he left his charge to Petronius Turpilianus who composing former troubles with a milder carriage was succeeded by Trebellius Maximus whose easie course of government taught the Britans good manners and made the souldiers first wanton with ease and then mutinous which by his gentle intreaty being ended without bloud-shed he left his place to Vectius Bolanus of like loosenesse of discipline but in stead of obedience got much good will The errours of these three soft Propraetors were holpen by Petilius Caerealis a great Commander and worthy his place he subdued the Brigantes and left the place to Iulius Frontinus who with no lesse happinesse vanquished the Silures The last was Agricola fortunate in divers battells against the Britans and as unhappy in his reward for Domitian maligning his honour first discharged him of his place and then as it is thought poisoned him And this was the state of Britany under the twelve Emperours CHAP. IX Caesar disposeth his legions into their wintering Camp and quieteth the Carnutes AFter he had put his ships in harbour and held a Councell of the Galles at Samarobrina forasmuch as that year by reason of the drought there was some scarcity of corn in Gallia he was constrained to garrison his Army and to disperse them into more cities then he had done the years before And first he gave one legion to Caius Fabius to be led among the Morim another to Quintus Cicero to be carried to the Nervii another to L. Roscius to be conducted to the Essui a fourth he commanded to winter amongst the men of Rhemes in the marches of the Treviri under T. Labienus three he placed in Belgium with whom he sent Mar. Crassus his Questor L. Munatius Plancus and C. Trebonius Legates he sent one legion that which he had last inrolled beyond the river Po in Italy with five cohorts unto the Eburones the greatest part of whose country lyeth between the Mase and the Rhene and was under the command of Ambiorix and Cativulcus with them he sent Q. Titurius Sabinus and Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta By distributing his legions in this manner he thought to remedy the scarcity of corn and yet the garrisons of all these legions excepting that which Roscius carried into a quiet and peaceable part were contained within the space of one hundred miles And untill his legions were setled and their wintering camps fortified he determined to abide in Gallia There was amongst the Carnutes a man of great birth called Tasgetius whose ancestours had born the chief rule in their State This man for his singular prowesse and good will towards him for he had done him very good service in all his wars Caesar restored to the dignity of his forefathers Before he had reigned three years his enemies with the complotment of divers of his citizens kill'd him in the open streets which thing was complained of to Caesar Who fearing in regard so many men had a hand in it lest that the city should by their instigation revolt commanded L. Plancus immediately to march with his legion thither from his quarters in Belgium and there to winter and whomsoever he could learn to be the ring-leaders in the death of Tasgetius he should take hold of them and send them to him Mean while Caesar had notice from all his Legates and Quaestors to whom he had delivered his legions that they were setled in winter garrisons and
for the purpose they were ordained but also in the revolution of the Sun or Solar year no other nation agreed with them in account and of the Romans themselves onely the Priests understood it and therefore when they pleased no man being able to controll them they would upon the sodain thrust in a moneth above the ordinary number which as Plutarch noteth was in old time called Mercedonius or Mensis intercalaris To remedy this inconvenience Caesar calling together the best and most expert Astronomers of that time made a Kalender more exactly calculated then any other that was before and yet such a one as by long continuance of time hath bred a difference for the matter standeth thus It is found by certain observation of Mathematicians of all ages that the Sun being carried from the West to the East by the motion of his own Sphear finisheth his yearly course in the space of 365. dayes five houres nine and fourty minutes and some odd seconds whereupon it was then concluded that their civill year must necessarily contain three hundred threescore and five dayes which maketh two and fifty weeks and one day And forasmuch as those five odd hours nine and fourty minutes and some seconds did in four years space amount unto a naturall day wanting two and fourty minutes and six and fifty seconds which was thought nothing in comparison they devised every fourth year to add a day more then ordinary to answer that time which is usually added to February whereby it happeneth that in every fourth year February hath nine and twenty dayes And so they made an order to reform their year without any sensible errour for a long time But since that time being one thousand six hundred years and more those two and fourty minutes and six and fifty seconds which as I said do want of the naturall day of four and twenty hours which is inserted in every fourth year have bred a manifest and an apparant errour for whereas the civil year is by that means made greater then the solar years the Sun ending his task before we can end our times it happeneth that such feasts as have relation to seasonable times do as it were foreslow the opportunity and fall out further in the year as though they had a motion towards the sommer solstice And as these go forward so doth the Equinoctiall return backwards towards the beginning of the moneth For Caesar by the help of the Astronomers observed the Aequinoctium the five and twentieth of March. Ptolemy in his time observed the Aequinoctium the two and twentieth of March. And it was observed the one and twentieth of March in the year from the incarnation 322. what time was holden the first generall Councill at Nice a city of Pontus in respect whereof the Paschall tables and other rules were established for the celebration of Easter But since that time there are passed 1281. years and the Aequinoctium cometh before the one and twentieth of March ten dayes As this errour is reformed among other nations and reduced to that state as it was at the Nicene Councill so there might many reasons be alledged to prove the reformation convenient of a greater number of dayes then ten For if the Kalender were so ordered that every moneth might begin when the Sun entreth into that Sign which is for the moneth and end when the Sun goeth out of that signe it would avoid much confusion and be very easy to all sorts of people as have occasion to observe the same which doubtlesse was the purport of the first institution of moneths and was observed as it seemeth by the old Romans who began the year at the winter solstice as Ovid noteth Bruma novi prima est veterisque novissima solis Principium capiunt Phoebus annus idem And therefore they called that moneth Ianuary of Ianus that had two faces and saw both the old and the new year Such therefore as would go about to reform the year to this course must not cut off ten dayes onely but one and twenty and for one year make December to continue but ten dayes and then Ianuary to begin and so successively to the rest of the moneths But it may be said that although we help our selves and put off the inconvenience which is fallen upon us yet in tract of time the like error will fall again upon succeeding ages and put their yearly Feasts besides the dayes appointed for them For remedy whereof it may be answered That whereas this error hath happened by adding every fourth year a naturall day which in true calculation wanted two and fourty minutes and six and fifty seconds of four and twenty houres and in very 136. years hath accrued within one minute to a day more then needed the onely way is every 136. years to omit the addition of that day and to make that year to contain but 365. dayes which by the order of Caesars Kalender is a leap year and hath one day more which hath brought this error And so there would not happen the error of a day in the space of 111086. years if the world should continue so long But least we should seem more curious in reforming the course of our civill year then the manners of our civill life I will proceed to that which followeth THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe second thing which I observe in their manner of life is the respect they had to matter of State and the care which they took that no man should dispute of the Common-weal but in assemblies appointed for the service of the common-weal Whereby they gained two speciall points for the maintenance of good government The first that no man might speak of points of state but the governors of State for such I understand to be admitted to their Councels and Parliaments Secondly that such matters of consequence as touched them so nearly might not be handled but in such places and at such times as might best advantage the State Concerning the former we are to note that Government is defined to be an establishing of order best fitting the maintenance of a people in a peaceable and happy life Order requireth degrees and distinctions investing severall parts in severall functions and duties to these duties there belongeth a due observancy according to the motion and place which every part holdeth in the generall order Of these degrees and distinctions Soveraignty and Obedience are two main relatives the one invested in the Prince or Magistrate the other in the people and subject incommunicable in regard of their terms and subjects and yet concurring in the main drift of government intending the benefit of a happy life And therefore the Galles did carefully provide that no man should exceed the limits of his own rank but that such as sate at the helm might shape the course and for the rest whose lot it was to be directed they would have them take notice of their mandates by obedience
better understanding of this noble History to say somewhat of the Persons here mentioned And first of Fabius as descended of the noblest and most ancient Family of the Patrician Order being able of themselves to maintain warre a long time against the Veij a strong and warlike town untill at length they were all unfortunately slain by an ambushment which Ovid mentioneth where he saith Haec fuit illa dies in qua Veientibus arvis Tercentum Fabâiter cecidere duo This was that black day when in Veian field Three hundred and six Fabiâ were kill'd Onely there remained of that house a child then kept at Rome which in tract of time multiplied into six great Families all which had their turn in the highest charges and dignities of the Commonweal amongst whom he that supplanted Hannibal by temporizing and got thereby the surname of Maximus was most famous as Ennius witnesseth Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem Ergo postque magisque viri nunc gloria claret One man by wise delay hath sav'd our State Who rumours after publick safety set For which his fame grows every day more great But C. Fabius here mentioned never attained to any place of Magistracy other then such commands as he held in the warres under Caesar Lentulus the Consul was of the house of the Cornelii from whom are said to come sixteen Consuls He was from the begiâning a mortall enemy to Caesar and so continued to his death which fell unto him in Egypt by commandement of King Ptolemy after Pompey was slain Scipio was father in law to Pompey after the death of Caesar's daughter and by that means obtained the government of Asia In the beginning of the Civile warre he brought good succours to assist his sonne in law as it follows in the third Commentary and upon the overthrow at Pharsalia he fled into Africk where he renewed the warre and became chief Commander of the remaining party against Caesar but being in the end defeated he made towards Spain and fearing by the way lest he should fall into his enemies hands he slew himself Marcellus was of the ancient Family of the Claudii which came originally from the Sabines On his behalf there is an Oration extant of Tullies intituled Pro Marcello He was afterwards slain by one Chilo M. Antonius is famous in all the Roman histories for attaining in a small time to so great a height in that government For in all the warres of Gallia he was but a Treasurer under Caesar which was the least of all publick places of charge In the beginning of the civile warâes he was made Tribune of the people and within lesse then eight yeares after came to be fellow-partner with Octavius Caesar in the government of the Empire And if Cleopatra's beautie had not blinded him he might have easily through the favour of the souldiers supplanted his Competitor and seized upon the Monarchie The name of Cassius was ominous for trouble to the state of Rome and their ends were as unfortunate This L. Cassius for his part after the great troubles he had stirred up in Spain was drowned in the mouth of the River Eber. Piso was made Censor in the Consulship of L. Paulus and Claudius Marcellus having himself been Consul eight yeares before in the year of Rome 695 succeeding Caesar and Bibulus and was the man against whom Tullie penned that Oration which is extant in Pisonem Touching the office of Censor it is to be understood that about the year of Rome 310 the Consuls being distracted with multiplicity of forreign businesse omitted the Censure or assessment of the City for some years together whereupon it was afterwards thought fit that there should be a peculiar officer appointed for that service and to be called Censor forasmuch as every man was to be taxed rankt and valued according to his opinion and censure The first part of their office consisted in an account or valuation of the number age order dignity and possession of the Roman citizens for it was very material for the State to know the number of their people to the end they might be informed of their own strength and so shape their course accordingly either in undertaking warres transplanting Colonies or in making provision of victuals in time of peace It was also as requisite to know every mans age whereby they grew capable of honour and offices according to that of Ovid finitaque certis Legibus est aetas unde petatur honos In certain laws Age is defin'd and thence is honour had M. Antonius commanded that the names of the Roman children should be brought into the Treasury within thirty dayes after they were born according to which custome Francis the French king published an Edict Anno 1539 that every parish should keep a Register of Burials and Christenings which since that time is used in England The distinction of conditions and states ranging every man in his proper order is as necessary in the Commonweal and as worthy of the Censors notice as any thing besides Neither may the assessment of mens abilities be omitted which was ordained that every man might bear a part in the service of the State In which respect Servius Tullus is commended for rating men according to their wealth whereas before that time every man paid alike for men are taken to be interessed in the Commonweal according to their means The last and basest sort of Citizens were named Capitecensi and were set in the Subsidie at three hundred seventy five pieces of money Such as were not assessed had no voice in the Commonweal The second and chiefest part of this office was in reforming manners as the ground-plot and foundation of every Commonwealth to which end they had power to enquire into every mans life If any one had plaid the ill husband and neglected his Farm or left his Vine untrimmed the Censors took notice of it If a Roman knight kept his horse lean it was a matter for them to look into They deposed or brought in new Senators They reviewed all degrees and conditions of men advanced this man from a mean Tribe to a more honourable and pulled another down They had the care of buildings repairing of high wayes with other publick works and were reputed of the best rank of Magistrates in Rome L. Roscius had formerly been one of Caesar's Legates in Gallia as appeareth in the fifth Commentary Tertiam in Essuos L. Roscio the third legion amongst the Essui under L. Roscius The Prator was Judge in causes of controversy and differences between party and party and was as the Caddy amongst the Turks CHAP. III. The Senate prepareth for warre THe next day after the Senate assembled out of the City where Pompey according to such instructions as he had formerly given to Scipio extolled
another place speaking of Scipio The day following saith he to put king Massinissa out of his grief and melancholy he ascended up to his Tribunall and having called an assembly of the souldiers presented him before them where he first honoured him with the appellation of king accompanied with many fair praises and then gave him a crown of gold a cup of gold a chair of State a scepter of Ivory and a long robe of Purple To which agreeth that of Caesar That Ariovistus was by the Senate stiled by the name of King and Friend and presented with great and rich gifts which happened but to few and was only given by the Romans to men of great desert Howbeit such as had governments and imployments abroad did oftentimes make profit of giving this honour whereof Caesar taxeth Lentulus in the former chapter And in this sense was king Juba brought in question to be called by the Senate a Friend and Associate to the State of Rome THE THIRD OBSERVATION TOuching the franchises and liberties of the towns of Italy and others in the dominions of the Roman Empire called Municipia it is to be noted that according to Gellius those were called Municipes that being governed by their own laws and their own Magistrates were neverthelesse endowed with the freedome of Rome And therefore Adrianus marvelled that the Italicenses and Uticenses did rather desire to be Coloni and so tied to the obedience of forreign and strange laws then to live in a Municipall State under their own Rights and Customes and as Festus addeth with the use of their peculiar rites for matter of Religion such as they anciently used before they were priviledged with the immunities of Rome For the better understanding whereof we are to observe that there were degrees and differences of Municipall towns for some had voices with the Roman people in all their elections and susârages and some others had none at all For Gellius in the same place saith that the Cerites obtained the freedome of the City for preserving the holy things of Rome in the time of the war with the Galles but without voice in elections And thence grew the name of Cerites Tabulae wherein the Censors inrolled such as were by them for some just cause deprived of their voices And the Tusculani being at first received into the liberties of the City according to the admission of the Cerites were afterward by the free grace of the people made capable of giving voices The means of obtaining this freedome was first and specially by Birth wherein it was required as may be gathered by Appius Oration that both the Parents as well the mother as the father should be free themselves Howbeit Ulpian writeth that the son may challenge the freedome of the State wherein his father lived and was free So that the father being of Campania and the mother of Puteolis he judgeth the son to belong to Campania According to that of Canuleius That the children inherite the condition of the father as the head of the Family and the better rule to direct in this behalf Neverthelesse Adrianus made an Act of Senate in favour of issue That if the wife were a citizen of Rome and the husband a Latine the children should be Roman Citizens And the Emperour Justinian caused it likewise to be decreed that the mother being a free-woman and the father a bond-man the son should be free Such as were thus born free were called Cives originarii The second means of obtaining this freedome was by Manumission or setting bond-men at liberty for in Rome all men freed from bondage were taken for Citizens and yet rankt in the last and meanest order of the people The third means was by gift or cooptation and so Romulus at first inlarged and augmented Rome Theseus Athens Alexander Magnus Alexandria sited at the out-lets of Nilus and Richard the first London by taking all such strangers into the freedome of the City as had inhabited there for ten years together The Emperours were profuse in giving this honour Cicero slouts Caesar for taking whole nations into the freedome of the City and Antony gave it to all that lived in the Roman Empire Whereupon as Ulpian witnesseth Rome was called Communis Patria Popular States were more sparing in this kind as may be deemed by the answer of one of the Corinthian Embassadours to Alexander We never gave the freedome of our City saith he to any man but to thy self and Hercules And untill Herodotus time the Lacedemonians had never admitted any but only Tisamenus and his brother The priviledges of this freedome were great for the Citizens of Rome were held to be Majestate plenos Is the best man of Gallia saith Tully to be compared with the meanest Citizen of Rome And hence came that law requiring that the life of a Citizen should not be brought in question but by the generall assembly of the people Venres having condemned one Cossanus a Roman Citizen in Sicilia Tully urgeth it as a matter unsufferable Facinus est inquit vinciri Civem Romanum scelus verberari prope parricidâum necari quid dicam in crucem agi It is a great crime to bind a Roman Citizen an hainous wickednesse to beat him little lesse then parricide to kill him what then shall I call the hanging of him with many the like examples besides the possibility they were in if their sufficiency were answerable accordingly to become great in the State and consequently Commanders of the Empire CHAP. IV. Caesar tasteth the affection of the Souldiers CAesar understanding of these things called the souldiers together and acquainted them with all the injuries which his Enemies from time to time had done unto him complaining that Pompey was by their practice and means alienated from him and drawn through envy of his good fortune to partialize against him notwithstanding that he had alwaies affected his honour and endeavoured the advancement of his renown and dignity Lamenting likewise the precedent which this time had brought into the State that the Tribunes authority should be opposed and suppressed by Arms which former ages had by force of Arms re-established For Sylla having stript the Tribuneship naked of all rights and prerogatives yet left it the freedome of opposition But Pompey who would seem to restore it to the dignity from which it was fallen did take away that power which was only left unto it The Senate never resolved of that Act That the Magistrates should take a course for the safety of the Commonweal whereby the people were necessarily summoned to Armes but in times of pernicious laws upon the violence of the Tribunes or the mutinie and secession of the people when the Temples and high places of the City were taken and held against the State which disloyalties of former ages were expâated and purged by the fortune and disaster of
OBSERVATIONS UPON CAESARS COMENTARIES By CLEMENT EDMUNDES Remembrancer of the cittie of LONDON THE COMMENTARIES OF C. JULIUS CAESAR Of his Warres in GALLIA and the Civile Warres betwixt him and POMPEY Translated into English With Many excellent and judicious OBSERVATIONS Thereupon As also The Art of our Modern Training or Tactick Practise By CLEMENT EDMONDS Esquire Remembrancer of the City of LONDON Whereunto is adjoyned The EIGHTH COMMENTARY of the Warres in GALLIA With some short Observations upon it Together with The LIFE of CAESAR and an Account of his MEDALLS Revised Corrected and Enlarged LONDON Printed by R. DANIEL and are to be sold by Henry Tvvyford in Vine-Court Middle Temple Nathaniel Ekins at the Gunne in St. Paul's Church-Yard and Iohn Place at Furnivalls Inne Gate in Holburn 1655. TO THE PRINCE SIR HAving ended this task of Observations and according to your gratious pleasure and command supplied such parts as were wanting to make up the Totall of these Commentaries it doth return again by the lowest steps of humblenesse to implore the high patronage of your Princely favour emboldened specially because it carrieth Caesar and his Fortunes as they come related from the same Author which in the deep Judgement of his most excellent Majesty is preferred above all other profane histories and so commended by his sacred Authority to your reading as a chief pattern and Master-piece of the Art of war And herein your admired wisedome may happily the rather deem it capable of freer passage in that it is not altogether unproper for these happy daies as knowing that War is never so well handled as when it is made an Argument of discourse in times of sweet and plenteous peace The blessings whereof may ever crown your years as the soveraign good of this temporarie life and the chiefest Ornaments of Princely condition The humblest of your Highness servants CLEMENT EDMONDS In CLEMENTIS EDMONDI De re militari ad JUL. CAESARIS Commentarios Observationes CUr creperos motus aperto praelia Marte Edmondus nobis pace vigente refert Cur sensus mentesque Ducum rimatur effert Diserteque Anglos bellica multa docet Scilicet ut media meditetur praelia pace Anglia belli potens nec moriatur honos Providus haec certe patriae depromit in usus Ut patriae pacem qui cupit arma parat Guil. Camdenus Cl. To my friend Master CLEMENT EDMONDS WHo thus extracts with more then Chymick Art The spirit of Books shews the true way to find Th' Elixer that our leaden Parts convert Into the golden Metall of the Mind Who thus observes in such materiall kind The certain Motions of his Practises Knows on what Center th' Actions of Mankind Turn in their course and sees their fatalness And he that can make these observances Must be above his Book more then his Pen. For we may be assur'd he men can guesse That thus doth CAESAR know the Man of men Whose Work improv'd here to our greater gain Makes CAESAR more then CAESAR to contain Sam. Daniel To his worthy friend Master CLEMENT EDMONDS OBserving well what Thou hast well Observ'd In CAESARS Works his Warres and Discipline Whether His Pen hath earn'd more Praise or Thine My shallow Censure doubtfully hath swerv'd If strange it were if wonder it deserv'd That what He wrought so fair He wrote so fine Me thinks it 's stranger that Thy learned Line Should our best Leaders lead not having serv'd But hereby Clement hast Thou made thee known Able to counsell aptest to record The Conquests of a CAESAR of our own HENRY thy Patron and my Princely Lord. Whom O! Heav'n prosper and protect from harms In glorious Peace and in victorious Arms. JOSUAH SILVESTER TO MY FRIEND MASTER CLEMENT EDMONDS Epigramme NOt Caesar's deeds nor all his honours wonne In these West-parts nor when that warre was done The name of Pompey for an Enemie Cato to boot Rome and her libertie All yielding to his fortune nor the while To have ingrav'd these Acts with his own stile And that so strong and deep as might be thought He wrote with the same spirit that he fought Nor that his Work liv'd in the hands of foes Un-argu'd then and yet hath fame from those Not all these Edmonds or what else put to Can so speak Caesar as thy Labours do For where his person liv'd scarce one just age And that ' midst envy ' and Parts then fell by rage His deeds too dying save in books whose good How few have read how fewer understood Thy learned hand and true Promethean Art As by a new creation part by part In every counsell stratageme designe Action or Engine worth a note of thine T' all future time not only doth restore His Life but makes that he can dye no more Ben. Johnson Another of the same WHo Edmonds reads thy book and doth not see What th' antique Souldiers were the modern be Wherein thou shew'st how much the later are Beholden to this Master of the Warre And that in Action there is nothing new More then to varie what our Elders knew Which all but ignorant Captains will confesse Not to give Caesar this makes ours the lesse Yet thou perhaps shalt meet some tongues will grutch That to the world thou shouldst reveal so much And thence deprave thee and thy Work To those Caesar stands up as from his urne late rose By thy great Art and doth proclaim by me They murder him again that envie thee Ben. Johnson CAIUS IULIUS CAESAR DICTATOR PERPETUUS AETATIS SUAE LVI CAESARIS ELOGIVM C. JULIUS CAESAR Lucii Caesaris F. Lux Caesarum Pater Romanus Alexander Terrae Mars Omnibus tam metuendus quam mitis Pretium fecit servituti Victo orbe Vrbem victricem orbis vicit Defuêre illi hostes hostem habuit Patriam Ne deesset unquam quod vinceret Ingratam Patriam patriis armis puniit Eam vicit invitus quâ vixit invitâ Qui Romae propugnator non regnavit regnavit expugnator Pro Roma triumphârat de Roma triumphavit Amavit tamen inimicam nolenti profuit Saepe à fulmine lauro servatus regiâ Quem inermem timuerunt arma armata necavit toga Cessit Civibus Caesar Caesus Sero cognitum luxit Patria Viventem hostem mortuum vocavit Patrem Parricidium confessa cum patrem dixit Disce lector Melius saepe quae non habes vides quam quae habes THE LIFE OF C. JULIUS CAESAR with certain Historicall Observations upon his Medalls THe excessive Lustre of a million of gallant atchievements successefully performed by Caesar the most illustrious and celebrated Favourite of Fortune hath through all ages so dazzled the greatest part of Mankind especially those both ancient and modern who made it their businesse to describe the great transactions either of their own or former ages that they have not onely parallell'd him with the greatest Heroes of the first ages but have ballanc'd him with Alexander the most generous and the most
Consulship which obtain'd he carried himself in it with that reputation that his Co-Consul Bibulus left all to his managery To maintain the authority he had got he himself took to wife Calpurnia the daughter of Lucius Piso who was to succeed him in the Consulate and bestowes his own Daughter Iulia on Pompey and so taking in Crassus they make a League and being equally ambitious conspire to invade the Common-wealth Caesar chuses for his Province the Galls or France Crassus Asia Pompey Spain whither they went with three puissant Armies as if the world had been to be trichotomiz'd among these three What Caesar did in his Province what Battels he fought what people he subdued what valour policy successe follow'd him every where may be seen in his own Commentaries of that war approv'd by his very enemies as modest and impartiall and attested by Cicero Plutarch Suetonius Appianus Alexandrinus Lucan Paulus Orosius Florus Eutropius too great a testimony against one censorious Asinius Pollio By this war Caesar got the reputation of the greatest Captain that ever was subduing all France from the Pyrenean hills to the Alps and so to the Rhene But to forbear particular instances as that he conquer'd the Suissers and Tigurins who were according to Plutarch 300000. men whereof 19000. were well disciplin'd this is most worth our remark that during these so great warres he omitted not both by intelligence and presents to endear his friends both at Rome and elsewhere doing many things without the Senate's leave upon the score of the League with Pompey and Crassus Nay his courting of all sorts of people both Souldier and Citizen was none of his least master-pieces by which means he had supplanted Pompey in matter of esteem before he perceiv'd it To this purpose hath Pliny observed Lib. 33. cap. 3. that in the time of his Aedility that is to say his Shrievedome he was so prodigall that all the Vtensills and armes that he made use of at publick sports and combats were all of silver which yet afterwards were bestow'd among the people and that he was the first that ever brought forth the beasts in chariots and cages of silver This it was made some suspect him guilty of rapine and that he plunder'd Temples and Cities saepius ob praedam quam ob delictum But this reputation of Caesar begat jealousy in Pompey which the tye of their correspondence being loos'd by the death of Iulia was easily seen to break forth into a flame especially now that Crassus the third man was together with divers stout Roman Legions buried with infamy in Parthia Thus the foundations of Friendship and Alliance in great ones being once taken away the superstructures fall down immediately Nothing could decide the emulation of two so great persons as Pompey and Caesar the one defying superiority the other equality but as great a war It could not but be universall when Senate Armies Kingdomes Cities Allies all were some way or other embarqu'd in the quarrell There was on one side 11. Legions on the other 18. The seat of the warre was Italy France Epirus Thessaly Aegypt Asia and Africk through all which after it had ravag'd 5. yeares the controversy was decided in Spain That Ambition the imperfection onely of the greatest minds might have been the occasion of so inveterate a warre hath been the opinion of divers others who charge not Pompey with so great discoveries of it as Caesar to whom they assign a greater then the Empire as if their mutuall distrust and jealousy of one another should be able to cause so many tragedies through so many Countries Besides Caesar had his Enemies at Rome and among others Cato who threatned to impeach him when he was once out of command What bandying there was against him we find somewhat in the later end of the eighth Commentary to this purpose Lentulus and Marcellus both of Pompey's Faction being Consuls it is mov'd in the Senate that Caesar might be call'd home and another sent to supply his command of the Army then in Gallia since that he having written for the Consulship should according to Law have been personally in Rome Caesar demands to be continued in Commission and Government and that he might demand the Consulship absent This Pompey opposes though he himself as much contrary to Law had had the Consulship and other dignities before he was at full Age. This deny'd Caesar proposes that he would come to Rome as a private man and give over his command so that Pompey quitted his employment in Spain About this the Senate was much divided Cicero proposes a mediation but Pompey's party prevailing it was decreed that Caesar should by a certain time quit his command and should not passe his Army over the River Rubicon which bounded his Province declaring him an enemy to the Roman State in case of refusall C. Curio and M. Antonius the Tribunes of the people out of their affection to Caesar endeavouring to oppose this decree were thrust disgracefully out of the Senate which occasion'd them to repair to Caesar whereby they endear'd the affections of the Souldiery to him the office of the Tribunes being ever held sacred and unviolable Caesar understanding how things stood at Rome marches with 5000. foot and 300. Horse to Ravenna having commanded the Legions to follow Coming to the fatall passage of Rubicon he entered into a deep deliberation considering the importance and miseries that might ensue that passage At last in the midst of his anxiety he was animated to a prosecution of his designes by the apparition of a man of an extraordinary stature and shape sitting near unto his army piping upon a reed The Souldiers went down to the River side to heare him and approach'd so near that he caught one of their trumpets and leaping into the River began with a mighty blast to sound and so went to the bank of the other side This resolves Caesar who cry'd out Let us go whither the Gods and the injurious dealings of our enemies call us With which he set spurs to his horse and past the River the army following Who would be more particularly inform'd may be satisfi'd out of Appianus Alexandrinus Suetonius Plutarch in the lives of Caesar Cato and Cicero St. Augustine l. 3. de c. d. Caesar himself in his Commentaries Florus Livy Paulus Orosius Eutropius Lucan Pliny de viris illustribus Valerius Maximus c. Having pass'd the River and drawn the Army together the Tribunes came to him in those dishonourable garments wherein they had fled from Rome Whereupon he made an excellent oration to the Souldiery opening to them his cause which was answer'd with generall acclamations and promises of duty and obedience to all commands This done he seizes Ariminum and divers other Towns and Castles as he past till he came to Corfinium where Domitius who was to succeed him in his command was garrison'd with 30. Cohorts Caesar's advance and intentions astonished Rome Senate and people nay
least of his vertues yet argu'd some conscience of his own weaknesse at this time For he was extreamly perplex'd that the other part of his Army was not come in so much that he embarqued in a Brigandine disguized to fetch them Having pass'd down the River the sea was so tempestuous that the master of the vessell would not adventure out whereupon as it is said Caesar discovered himself and said to him Friend thou carriest Caesar and his fortune Whereat the master being encourag'd ventur'd out into the sea but the Tempest was so violent that it brought Caesar back again This action of his was like to have rais'd a mutiny in his Army as a thing which though it spoke courage yet was a stranger to discretion which it may be is the reason that Caesar hath made no mention of it in his Commentaries But some few dayes after Antonius arrives with four Legions of the remaining part of the Army and sends back the ships for the rest These joyning with Caesar there past divers skirmishes and pickeerings being so nearly lodg'd between both Armies but that which was most remarkable was near the City of Dyrrachium wherein Caesar's Troups were so routed that no threats or entreaties could stay them from running to their Camp which though fortifi'd yet was abandon'd by some Pompey in the mean time either out of fear that the slight might be feigned and in order to some ambush or that he thought Caesar sufficiently conquer'd doth not prosecute the victory Which weaknesse in him Caesar dissembled not when afterwards he said to his men that that day had ended the war if the enemy had had a Captain that knew how to overcome But Caesar as no Prosperity disorder'd him so in Adversity he had a courage and such a confidence of Fortune that he was nothing cast down He lost in that engagement besides the Common-Souldiery 400 Roman Knights 10 Tribunes and 32 Centurions with as many Colours This successe obtained Pompey sends the news of it into all parts of the world so advantageously to himself as if Caesar were utterly routed who though he did not decline fighting yet thought it not policy to engage his men lately worsted though indeed exasperated with shame and indignation at their losse with those that were animated and flesh'd with a victory He therefore disposes his maimed men into Apollonia and in the night takes his way towards Thessaly both to hearten and refresh his Army as also to draw the enemy further from the Sea-coast where his main force and all his provisions lay or at least to meet with Scipio who he had intelligence was to join with Pompey This unexpected departure of Caesar's brought Pompey almost to a Resolution to return into Italy to recover that with France and Spain and afterwards to meet with Caesar But the Roman Lords that were about him a sort of proud insolent indisciplinable people who indeed prov'd his ruine disswaded him and caused him to alter his design and so he fell upon the hot pursuit of Caesar who making a stay in the fields of Pharsalia till that his men had reassumed their courage and resolution was now willing and eager to fight But Pompey perceiving this readiness of Caesar to proceed from want of Provision and a fear his Army should diminish purposely avoided fighting and would have prolong'd the warre and so have defeated his enemy without hazzarding his own Army But the murmurings mutinyes and importunity of those that were about him had such a prevailing influence over him as Plutarch Lucan and Caesar himself acknowledgeth that they forced him contrary to his intentions and policy to give Battell which was such that all the flower and force of Rome was engaged in it Caesar's Army according to the computation of most writers amounted to half Pompey's but in compensation his men were more active and versed in warre and knew their advantages whereas the other 's was a tumultuary sort of people raked together besides what Romans he had The exact number of both these Armies is not agreed on by Authors some raise them to 300000. of which opinion was Florus others bring them down to 70000. But if we agree with Appianus we must conceive that so many countries and nations having sent in their assistances on either side there must needs be vast Armies on both sides and therefore those who pitched upon the lesser number meant onely the number of Romans who were the maine force and hope of both Generalls But here we may make a strange remark upon the uncertain events of warre We have two of the greatest Captains that ever were the stoutest Armies that ever met such as experience force and valour was equally divided between and to be short the most exasperated parties that could be and yet it proved but a very short sight so weak is the confidence and assurance that is onely placed in number We may further note the strange influence of Religion upon Mankind in general in that it enforces man in the greatest exigencies to consultation for Pompey met with divers things that might somewhat have informed him of the successe of that famous Battel The running away of the beasts destined for Sacrifice the swarming of bees the sky darkned and his own fatall dream of being in mourning in the Theatre seconded by his appearance in the head of his main Battel the next day in a black robe which might signifie he mourned for the liberty of Rome beforehand Being both resolved to give Battel they put their Armies in such order as they thought fit and harangued their Souldiers according to their severall pretences In the beginning Pompey's horse consisting most of the Roman Gentry and Nobility prevailed over Caesar's and made them give ground which he perceiving causes a Battalion set apart for that purpose to charge them with order to aime altogether at the face which Pompey's horse not able or not willing to endure began to retreat and so made way for the totall overthrow by which means the foot being discourag'd and seeing Caesar's horse falling on the Victory was soon decided on Caesar's side Pompey flying to his camp and leaving the field to his adversary Here was the greatest misfortune of Pompey to out-live the Liberty of his Country which he pretended so much to fight for and his own glory in this Battell being forc'd to a dishonourable flight and to deliberate whither he should retire whether into Parthia Africk or Aegypt Caesar being thus Master of the field and meeting with no opposition falls upon Pompey's camp which without any great difficulty he entered Whereupon Pompey disguizing himself takes up the first horse he met and with four more his own Son Sextus Pompeius the two Lentuli and Favonius makes his escape and stayes not till he came to Larissa where meeting with some of his own horse who were in the same condition of running away he continued his flight till he came to the
shore of the Aegaean Sea where meeting accidentally with a certain Merchants ship of Rome he embarques himself in her and sailes to Mitylene where his wife and family were Having taken them with him and got together what men and ships a shatter'd fortune could furnish him with he departed thence in very great doubt and perplexity not able to resolve whither to dispose of himself He was advis'd by some to march into Africa and shelter himself with Iuba whose friendship and affection towards him he had receiv'd testimony of but very lately others were of opinion his best course was to retire among the Parthians but at last by his own wilfulnesse it was voted he should go into Aegypt which he was the more inclin'd to out of a consideration of the friendship and correspondence which he had had with King Ptolemey father to him who then reign'd and so touching at Cyprus he sailes towards Aegypt and arrives at Alexandria Thus was the controversy for no lesse then the known world decided in one day Caesar being Master of the field and Victory Of Pompey's side there were slain fifteen thousand if you will take it upon Caesar's credit and of his own not two thousand Caesar having intelligence of Pompey's flight pursues him without any stay with the swiftest and lightest of his Army so to give him as little breath as he could afford that he might not meet with any means or opportunity to recover or repair himself Reducing all Cities as he passed he comes to the Sea side and taking up all the ships and gallies he could meet with and such as Cassius who was receiv'd into his favour could furnish him with he embarques such troups as he could and passed into Asia the lesse where understanding that Pompey had been at Cyprus he easily presumed that he was gone for Aegypt He thereupon resolves to take the same course and taking with him onely two Legions of his old Souldiers he safely arrives at Alexandria where he soon understood that Pompey was arrived upon a confidence as was said before there might have remain'd some sense and memory in young Ptolemey of the entertainment and favours he had done his Father But he was as much mistaken in this as he had been eluded by Fotune in the warre for he finds that the friendship of great men and Princes seldome outlives their prosperity and that adversity makes them the greatest strangers that may be Being by this King Ptolemey invited into Protection and upon that confidence coming towards the shore in a small Boat he was ere he could reach the land murdered by the same Kings commandment by Septimius and Achillas who thought by that means to purchase Caesar's favour This was done by the contrivance of Photinus an Eunuch whose authority both with King and Court was very great Caesar receives also news that Pompey's wife and his Son Sextus Pompeius were fled from that port in the same vessell wherein they came Being landed and received into the City he was soon presented with the head of the great Pompey which out of a consideration of the horridnesse of the fact he would not by any means see His Ring also and his Seal with his Coat of Armes upon it were presented to him which causing him to reflect on the great successes adventures and prosperities of that great and glorious man besides that he was to look on him as his Son in Law it drew teares from him to compare them with his unfortunate end Thus is he who had three times triumph'd been so many times Consul been the most eminent and the most concerned person that Rome had for so many yeares together one who had been acquainted with all the dignities so great a Common-wealth could conferre upon a deserving Citizen most inhumanely and perfidiously assassinated to the greatest regret of him who was look'd on as most desirous of it This in the mean time concludes that opinion erroneous that Caesar was so extremely over-joy'd at the newes of Pompey's death that he caus'd upon that very place where he had ordered his head to be interr'd a Temple to be built to the Goddesse Nemesis which some interpret a most unnaturall revengefulnesse a horrid insultation over a clamitous vertue and a prophanation of divine worship to abuse the name of a Goddesse for to immortalize the memory of his vengeance and to authorize the injustice of it But it is as easy to give the title of barbarisme and cruelty to magnanimity and height of courage as to say the contrary and therefore Caesar certainly could not be guilty of so great an Hypocrisy as to shed teares over his enemy's head when he was inwardly surpriz'd with joy Caesar upon his arrivall into Aegypt findes it embroil'd in civile warres arising from some differences between young Ptolemey and his sister Cleopatra about the division and inheritance of the Kingdome wherein Caesar as Consul of Rome thought sit to be a mediator Photinus and Achillas the plotters and practicers of Pompey's death fearing from Caesar a reward of vengeance proportion'd to so horrid a crime and perceiving his inclination to favour Cleopatra take such order by their great influence over King and Court that they brought what Army the King had near the City which consisted of about 20000. able men and this they did out of a design to entrap Caesar and act the same perfidious butchery upon him as they had done upon Pompey By this means there began between what forces Caesar had brought with him and those of the Aegyptians within and about the City as also between the ships and gallies in harbour the hotest disputes and sharpest encounters he ever met with which we shall not particularize here because it is the proper work of a compleat history One thing our observation cannot balk in these hot and occasionall engagements that Caesar himself was personally engag'd in most disputes both within the City and among the ships and that to the great hazzard of his person as may appear by that one adventure when he was forc'd to leap out of the Boat wherein he was into the Sea and by swimming to recover one of his gallies and being in this great extremity if you will believe Suetonius he carried his Commentaries in one hand above the water and his robe in his teeth that it might not fall into the enemies hands In these conflicts were there nine months spent at which time Caesar receiving his forces out of Asia made an end of the controversy with the same attendance of Fortune and Victory which had waited on him every where else Had Caesar been acquainted with no warre but this he might justly challenge the title of the greatest Captain in the world so much personall valour wisdome conduct circumspection and policy did he expresse in all passages thereof though encompassed with all the inconveniences and disadvantages imaginable Aegypt being thus quieted the murtherers of Pompey punish'd and Cleopatra by whom Caesar
the Tripod were the marks by these two divinities For Phoebus or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã hath two significations which relate much to his starre and Tripod that is to say splendid and luminous so that he is both foreteller and Augur But to return to the starre of Venus or Phosphorus or as Philo Iudaeus calls it Eosphorus and to this Sun or starre of Phoebus Apollo It may be conjectured they are placed above this Tripod to give us to understand that these Gods should promise the Roman Augur Caesar by a continuall successe in all his enterprises the absolute conquest of both East and West The seventh Medall CAESAR An Elephant with a Serpent betwixt his legges On the other side the utensils and instruments that belong'd to sacrificing with the head-ornament of the High-priest Divers Antiquaries have so commented upon this Medall as to make the word Caesar signifie an Elephant But in my opinion this devise signifies altogether as much as if it had this inscription about it IMP. CAESAR or CAESAR DICTATOR PERP. on one side and PONTIF MAX. on the other For as the one shewes forth the Royall quality the other supposes the Pontificall to have been in those times joyned with it in the person of Caesar An Elephant in Italy according to Artemidorus signifies a Royall imperiall or supreme Power But Achmet in his Oneirocriticks ch 271. tells us that this creature had the same signification in the Indies and Aegypt therefore Artemidorus hath not done well to restrain it to Italy But it may be the Moors imitating other nations herein took an Elephant to signify a Monarch and because Caesar was the most famous man that ever was one that commanded Kings and Monarchs would make his name stand for an Elephant for this word is little lesse then African The same Artemidorus sayes that a Dragon seen in a dream signifies a King and a supreme Magistrate which agreeing with what he sayes of the Elephant and both these creatures being on the other side I conceive my interpretation the more receiveable The eighth Medall CAESAR DICTATOR Caesar with the augurall stick In the reverse there is L. LIVINEIUS REGULUS a Bull furiously running with his head stouping It is conceiv'd this was stamp'd by Regulus in Caesar's favour when Caesar was created Dictator or shortly after This Bull is brought in as an emblem of Principality as Dion Chrysostome sayes who hath made an excellent parallel between this creature and a King and his Kingdome But before him St Denys in the 15. ch of his Hierarchy said that the strength of a Bull represents the force necessary for a Prince and that his horns signify Servatricem atque invictam vim Stephanus observes upon the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that the Ancients called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã all things that were excessive for greatnesse or strength The intention therefore of Regulus was to let Caesar understand that having overthrown Pompey and become perpetuall Dictator he was in effect the most powerfull and most redoubted Monarch that ever was and was in a condition to pursue and accomplish the utter ruine of his enemies and protect his friends There is a reverse among the Medalls of Augustus where there is also a Bull in a different figure and posture from this bending his knee to represent as is conceived the Taurus Coelestis which is under the dominion of Venus which signified the invincibility of Augustus It may be also considered that this Bull may signify Italy subdued and subject to the Laws of Augustus as being now the civile warres were over ready to receive the yoke For that Province took its name from a Bull which the Tyrrhenians called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã so that Italy submitted its neck to receive the yoke of the new government as the Bull Summittit aratris Colla jugumque suis poscit cervicibus ipse The ninth Medall DIVO JULIO the effigies of Caesar deifi'd the Starre of Venus before him or if you will Caesar's own On the other side Mars upon an Altar or rather Caesar representing Mars before whom sits a figure which hath a Cornucopia or horn of abundance under the left arme in the right holds a Victory which presents a Crown to him This Medall seems to have been made shortly after Caesar's death to keep his memory in veneration and nourish that belief of the people that he was while living a God transformed into a man It was indeed an excellent artifice of Augustus and his party to make the superstitious vulgar believe that Iulius Caesar was become a fellow-Commoner among the Gods to make his succession the more plausible For being already persuaded that no other then a demy-God could have arrived to that glory which Caesar had having baffled the Universe it was not very hard to persuade them that the Comet which appeared in the North after his death was his deifi'd soul But the cheat was that this soul must appear there to render Augustus more illustrious who to retribute the glory and make the businesse more authentick must erect Caesar's statue in the Capitoll representing upon the head of it that Starre in Gold and giving it this bold inscription ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to Caesar the Demi-god To make any long discourse upon Comets from hence were superfluous since all that can be said is that they signify changes and revolutions of States and Empires and sometimes favourably This signified in all likelyhood the warre then kindling against Augustus after which a generall peace ensueing the Prince of Peace should be born the Comet at whose birth denoted the universall change of Religion that afterward happened To be short all that the Poets those fine Cooks of fictions and inventions could dresse that would be any way digestible with the credulous vulgar was serv'd up at this time to raise the memory of Iulius Caesar to the greatest reputation that might be but it will be to no purpose to repeat their adulations in this place On the reverse of this Medall we find Mars who receives the Crown which Victory presents him with represented with a dart The Victory is Venus Victrix or the Victorious City of Rome and the Mars Iulius Caesar himself in the posture of that God The statue is conceived to be the same with that of Mars erected by the Romans in the Temple of Quirinus with this magnificent title ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Deo invicto This supposition is confirmed by the dart for Mars was ordinarily represented with a speare as divers Medalls discover But in this statue he hath a dart which is that piece of Armes which is capable of furthest casting and that indeed which the Romans most used and at the sight of Pharsalia was one main cause of the Victory Caesar having given his men order that they should aime at the faces of the raw Roman Nobility they had to deale with as divers Historians have delivered Yet this argues not but that Caesar sometimes
made use of a Iavelin or Pike as well as Mars but it is to be conceived this was more for the convenience of his travelling which was afoot and that many times in the winter haply over the Alpes according to the custome of most of the great Captains and Generalls of Rome as Livy and Plutarch abundantly attest The tenth Medall ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Cai Iulii Caesaris Imperatoris Dictatoris The effigies of Caesar crowned with a thick crown of Laurell which closed before the better to cover his baldnesse the hair being thrust forward to help it The reverse hath ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Iliensium bis Neocororum Aeneas carrying his Father and the Palladium at their quitting of Troy the little Iulus going before with his hat in his hand That which in this falls under question is First to know the situation of this Ilium wherein Strabo hath spent more sweat then all the Geographers affirming it was not the Ilium of his time a town well known nor any thing built upon the ruines of the old one so ill-entreated by the Greeks as being distant from this thirty stadia that in that place there was only a small village bearing up the name that it was built up by Alexander from a small town that it was before having a little Temple of Minerva much ruin'd and received from him divers priviledges and immunities with a promise after his Victory over Darius of a magnificent Temple and the toleration and setting up of Games and exercises This was partly executed after his death by Lysimachus who enlarged the City by a wall of forty stadia disposing thither many out of the neighbouring Cities that were ruin'd After which it was ruined and restored diverse times but lastly it received great favours from Sylla which is conceived to be the reason that it declared against Caesar in the Civile warres whence it may be inferred that those of that City knew not at that time that Caesar pretended to be of the race of Venus and Anchises which was only found out after his Victory But at length Caesar receives them into favour restores and confirmes their ancient priviledges and immunities and imitating Alexander did them many courtesies In the second place the understanding of these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Iliensium Neocororum The word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is translated commonly Aedituorum which we cannot render properly in English but by Overseers Supervisors and those that are entrusted with the charge of the Temples and dispose of all things sacred or in some sort they were such as we call Church-wardens in our Churches But they are not those Neocori of the Temples that this Medall and divers others represent unto us but the word was analogically applyed to whole Nations as also to Cities and Bodies corporate to whom the Kings and afterwards the Emperours gave Commissions to make Panegyricks and Encomiastick Orations upon their Statues Pomps religious worships publick recreations and exercises to the honour of their Gods and Princes which was done out of the publick stock or by the contribution of the Corporations As therefore the Neocori that belonged to the Temples were disposers and guardians of the things sacred that were in their Sanctuaries nay haply entertained the people or strangers with the rarities and antiquities of their worships and mysteries so these Nationall Neocori had the superintendency over the Pomps and Solemnities panegyricall celebrations exercises sacrifices and ceremonies which were to be observed upon the more festivall dayes whereof they had the absolute disposall This I build upon the conjecture of the Great and Learned SELDEN who was the first cut this Gordian knot upon a passage of the Acts of the Apostles chap. 19. There we have Demetrius and those of his profession raising a Tumult and accusing St. Paul and others for preaching that the Statues made with the hands of men were not Gods The Town-Clark or the Church-warden having appeased the Tumult tells them that it was wellknown that the City of Ephesus was then Neocore in the English Translation worshipper of the great Goddesse Diana and of the Image fallen from Iupiter and that therefore there being no contradiction in that they ought not to do any thing rashly For these men faith he are neither sacrilegious nor blasphemous persons and therefore have done nothing against the Majesty of Diana But if they had any matter against any man the Law was open but in case it were something else relating to their Goddesse whether by Blasphemy impiety or sacriledge the cognizance whereof did of right belong to the Ephesians in body as being then Neocori they should have satisfaction in a full assembly convocated for things of that nature Now those silver shrines which Demetrius is said to make are conceived to have been Modells of that magnificent Temple which the Ephesians being Neocori caused out of magnifice to be made of that rich Metall Had this controversy between the Apostles and the Goldsmiths come to a decision they had proceeded thus They would have had some to make publick panegyricks of their Goddesse in the first place then if Paul and his companions should not rest satisfied this Neocorean people would have punished them according to their manner Now that the Neocori of the Temples were used to commend to all comers especially Travellers the greatnesse and power of their Gods and that the Neocori of Cities imitated them but did it with great Pomp employing persons eminent for Learning and Eloquence as Poets and Orators for the honour of their Gods as also their Kings Monarchs Emperours Founders and that upon dayes in stituted and ordain'd for that purpose may be learn'd from Horace who lib. 2. Ep. 1. writing to Augustus call's those Poets Aidituos who should immortalize the Vertue of that Emperour or rather those who were charg'd to chose such as should do it in these verses Sed tamen est operae pretium cognoscere quale is Aedituos habeat belli spectata domique Virtus indigno non committenda Poetae But besides Selden hath well observed that there were none of these Medalls in the time of the Common-wealth for that the Cities of Greece were not yet arrived to that esteem of the Roman greatnesse by the fabrick of their monies and other signes of veneration which they have come to since it became a Monarchy This is the opinion of that great judicious man which yet is not absolutely true for there were found the marks of this magnificence under the title of Neocori abundantly among the Medalls of Alexander the Great whereof Goltzius reckons above 20. with this inscriptionâ KOINON MAKE ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Whence may be observ'd that the people of Macâdonia being generally Neocori had caused these Coins to be stamp'd in the honour of Alexander having upon the reverse the figures of statues chariots temples columns c. Nay the Maroneans in
to go when they came to the point they knew not what way to go Chap. III. Cââsâr denieth the Helvetians passage through the Romane Province he fortifieth the passage between the hill Jura and the lake of Geneva AS soon as Caesar was advertised that their purpose was to passe through our Province he hasted to leave the City and posting by great journeys into the further Gallia he came to Geneva And inrolling great forces throughout all the Province for that there was but one legion in those parts he brake down the bridge at Geneva The Helvetians having intelligence of Caesars arrivall sent divers of the best of their Nobility Embassadours unto him whereof Numeius and Veredoctius were the chief to give him notice that they had a purpose to passe peaceably through the Province having no other way to go and therein to pray his suffârance and permission Caesar well remembring how Lu. Cassius the Consul was slain his Army beaten the souldiers put under the yoke did not hold it convenient to grant their request Neither did he think that men so ill-affected could forbear to offer wrongs and insolencies if leave were given them as was required Howbeit for the better gaining of time and getting such forces together as were caused to be inrolled he answered the Commissioners that he would take a time of deliberation and to that end willed them to return again by the Ides of April And in the mean time with that legion he had ready and the souldiers that came out of the Province he made a ditch and a wall of sixteen foot in height from the lake Lemanus which runneth into the Rhone to the hill Jura that divideth the Sequans from the Helvetians being in length nineteen miles and disposed garrisons and fortresses along the work the better to impeach them if happily they went about to break out by force At the day appointed when the Embassadours returned for a resolution he utterly denied to give any leave to passe through the Province having neither custome nor president from the people of Rome to warrant him in that kind And if they should endeavour it by force of Arms he would oppugne them THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis manner of prolonging of time to reinforce the troups or get some other advantage as it was then of great use to Caesar and hath oftentimes been practiced to good purpose so doth it discover to a circumspect enemy by the directions in the mean time which cannot easily be shadowed the drift of that delay and so inviteth him with greater courage to take the opportunity of that present advantage especially if tract of time may strengthen the one and not further the other which is easily discerned by the circumstances of the Action THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe request of the Helvetians seemed to deserve a facile answer being in effect no more then Nature had given to the river Rhone which was to passe through the Province with as much speed and as little hurt as they could But Caesar looking further into the matter and comparing things already past with occurrences that were to follow after found the majesty of the Romane Empire to be interessed in the answer being either to maintain her greatnesse by resisting her enemies or to degenerate from ancient vertue by gratifying such as sought her ruine which in matter of State are things of great consequence And further he knew it to be an unsafe course to suffer an enemy to have meanes of doing hurt considering that the nature of man is alwayes prone to load him with further wrongs whom he hath once injuried not but that he could peradventure be content to end the quarrell upon that advantage but fearing the other whom he wronged to expect but an opportunity of revenge he gets what advantage he can beforehand and so ceaâeth not untill he have added a bloody end to an injurious beginning THE THIRD OBSERVATION COncerning this marvellous fortification between the hill and the lake how serviceable such works were unto him in all his wars in what sort and in how small a time they were made I will deferre the treatise of them untill I come to the height of Alesia where he gave some ground of that hyperbolicall speech An medeleto non animadverteb it is decem habere lectas quidem legiones populum Romanum quae non âolum vobis obsistere sed etiam coelum diruere possent Chap. IIII. The Helvetians failing to passe the Rhone take the way through the Country of the Sequani Caesar hasteth into Italy and there inrolleth more legions and returning overthroweth part of them at the river Arar THe Helvetians frustrated of their former hope went about some with boats coupled together others with Flats whereof they made great store the rest by foords and places where the River was shallow sometimes in the day and oftentimes in the night to break out but being beaten back by the help of the fortification and the concourse of souldiers and multitude of weapons they desisted from that attempt There was only another way left through the Sequans which they could not take by reason of the narrownesse thereof but by the favour of the Country And forasmuch as of themselves they were able to prevaile little therein they sent Messengers to Dumnorix the Heduan that by his mediation they might obtain so much of the Sequans Dumnorix what through favour and bounteous carriage was of great power in his Country much affecting the Helvetians by reason of his marriage with Orgetorix daughter and drawn on with a desire of a kingdome gave his mind to new projects labouring to gratify many States to tie them the rather to favour his courses And thereupon undertaking the businesse got the Sequans to give the Helvetians leave to passe through their Confines giving each other Pledges that the Sequans should not interrupt the Helvetians in their journey nor they offer any injury to the Country It was told Caesar that the Helvetians were determined to passe through the Territories of the Sequans and Heduans on the confines of the Santons who are not far from the borders of the Tholosans a people of the Province which if they did he foresaw how dangerous it would be to have a warlike Nation and such as were enemies to the people of Rome to come so near them and to have the advantage of an open and plenteous Country For which causes he left T. Labienus a Legate to command those works and he himself made great journeys to get into Italy where he inrolled two legions and took three more out of their wintering Camps near about Aquileia and with these five legions went the next way over the Alps into the further Gallia Where by the way the Centrons Garoceli and Caturiges taking advantage of the open ground did seek to keep the Army from passage but being beaten and put off by many skirmishes they came in seven days from Ocellum a town
governments lastly such as saw that it was an easy matter for those men that were powerfull and had the command of monies to seise upon kingdomes in Gallia which they could not so easily do in those parts where the Romans bare sway Caesar being moved with letters and other intelligence to this purpose levied two new legions in the hither Gallia and as soon as Summer came on sent them by Q. Pedius his Legate into the further Gallia and as soon as there was forrage in the fields he himself came to the army He had before given charge to the Senones and other of the Galles that bordered upon the Belgâe to learn every day what they could of their doings to give him an account thereof These presently informed him that of a certainty there was nothing in Belgia but mustering of souldiers and gathering their forces into one head He thought it not therefore safe to make any further delay but having made provision of corn he drew out his Army from their wintering camps and within fifteen dayes he came to the borders of the Belgae Assoon as he was come thither which was much sooner then was looked for the men of Rhemes being the uttermost of the Belgae next adjoyning to the Celtae thought it best to entertain a peaceable resolution and sent Iccius and Antebrogius two of the chief men of their State unto Caesar to submit themselves and all that they had to the mercy of the Roman Empire affirming that they were innocent both of the counsell of the Belgae and of their conspiracy against the Romans For proof whereof they were ready to give hostages to receive them into their towns and to furnish them with corn or what other thing they stood in need of That the rest of the Belgae were all in Arms and the Germans on the other side of the Rhene had promised to send them succour yea their madnesse was so great that they themselves were not able to hold back the Suessones from that attempt being their brethren and kinsmen in bloud and using the same laws and customs as they did having both one magistrate and one form of government but they would needs support the same quarrell which the rest of the Belgae had undertaken OBSERVATION I Might here take occasion to speak somewhat of a particular revolt in a generall cause and how a confederate State may in regard of their own safety forsake a common quarrell or whatsoever the universall society hath enacted prejuciall to their common weal but that I onely intend to discover warlike practices leaving these questions of law and policy to men of greater judgement and better experience Onely I observe in the behalf of the Roman government that such cities as yielded to the Empire and became tributary to their treasury howsoever they were otherwise combined by confederacy seldome or never repented them of their fact in regard of the noble patronage which they found in that State and of the due respect observed towards them Chap. II. The power of the Belgae and their preparation for this warre CAesar inquiring of the Embassadours which came from Rhemes what the States were that had taken Armes and what they were able to do in matter of Warre found the Belgae to be descended from the Germans who passing over the Rhene time out of mind and finding it to be a fertile countrey drove away the Galles and seated themselves in their possessions and that these onely of all the Galles kept the Cimbti and Teutoni from entering into their countrey and in that regard they challenged to themselves great authority and vaunted much in their feats of Armes Concerning their number they had these advertisements The Bollovaci exceeded all the Belgae in prowesse authority and number of men being able to make 100000 fighting men and out of that number had promised 60000 towards this undertaking and in that regard they demanded the administration of the whole warre Next to them lay the Suessones who dwelt in a large and fruitfull country and had lately Divitiacus for their king being the most powerfull man in all Gallia who had in possession a great part of these countreys and also of Britain it self Galba was their king now on whom for his singular justice and prudence generally with one consent they bestowed the management of the war They had 12 walled towns and promised to set forth 50000 men The Nervii who were the most barbarous amongst them all and dwelt furthest off promised as many the Atrebatii 15000. the Ambianâ 10000. the Vellocassii and Veromandui as many the Morini 25000. the Menapii 9000. the Caletes 10000. the Aduatici 29000. the Eburones Condrusi and others 40000. Caesar encouraging the men of Rhemes to persist in their faithfulnesse to the Roman Empire propounded unto them great offers and liberall promises of recompence and commanded all their Senate to come before him and bring with them their Noble-mens Sons to be given up for hostages which they diligently performed by a day appointed And having received two especiall advertisements from the men of Rhemes the one concerning the multitude of the enemy and the other touching the singular opinion which was generally held of their manhood he provided for the first by perswading Divitiacus the Heduan that it much imported the whole course of those businesses to keep asunder the power of the enemy and to withhold their forces from making a head that so he might avoid the danger of encountering so great a power at one instant Which might easily be brought to passe if the Hedui would enter with a strong power into the Marches of the Bellovaci and sack their Territories with sword and confusion Which Divitiacus promised to perform and to that purpose he speedily returned into his country Vpon the second advertisement which presented unto him the great valour and manhood of his enemies he resolved not to be too hasty in giving them battell but first to prove by skirmishing with his horsemen what his enemies by their prowesse could do and what his own men durst do OBSERVATION THis rule of making tryall of the worth of an enemy hath alwayes been observed by prudent and grave commanders as the surest principle whereon the true judgement of the event may be grounded For if the doctrine of the old Philosophers which teacheth that the word non putabam I wist it not was never heard out of a wise mans mouth hath any place in the course of humane actions it ought especially to be regarded in managing these main points whereon the State of Kingdoms and Empires dependeth For unlesse was be perswaded that blind Chance directeth the course of this world with an uncertain confusion and that no foresight can sway the ballance of our hap into either part of our fortune I see no reason why we should not by all means endeavour to ground our knowledge upon true causes and levell
little battalions considering them as they stood in battell ray made as great a front or greater then that of the Phalanx keeping a depth answerable to the same besides the second and third battell which alwayes were to succour them which the Phalanx wanted neither would their thick and close imbattelling admit any such succour behind them Now if we compare the advantages and discommodities which by place and accident were incident to either of these we shall find great odds between them These great squadrons are not feasible but in plain and open places where they may either stand immoveable or make easy and slow motions without shaking or disordering their body but the lesser are a scantling for all places champain or wooddy levell or uneven or of what site or quality soever And to conclude if two or three ranks of these great battalions chance to be broken and disordered the whole body is as much interessed in the disorder as the said ranks are and hath lesse means to rally it self then any other lesser company but if any violence chance to rout a Maniple it proceedeth no further in the Army then that part which it taketh Neithe can the disranking of any one part betray the safety of the Army to disorder and confusion forasmuch as their distinction served to cut off such inconveniences and yet no way hindered the generall uniting of their strength into one body More may be said concerning this matter but I only point at it and leave the due consideration thereof to the judgement of our Commanders and return to our history CHAP. IV. The Belgae attempt the surprize of Bibrax Caesar sendeth succour unto it THere was a town called Bibrax belonging to the state of Rhemes about eight miles from Caesars camp which the Belgae thought to have surprised as they came along to meet with Caesar and suddenly assaulted it with such fury that the townsmen could hardly hold out the first day The Celtae and Belgae use one and the same manner in assaulting a town For having beset the whole compasse of the wall with rankes of souldiers they never cease flinging of stones untill they find the wall naked of defendants and then casting themselves into a Testudo they approach to the gate and undermine the walls Which thing was easily effected here for so great was the number of them that threw stones and darts that it was impossible for the defendants to abide upon the walls Assoone as the night had made an end of the assault Iccius of Rhemes a man of great birth and authority in his countrey who at that time was governour of the town and had been before with Caesar to treat and conclude a Peace sent him word by messengers that if there came not present succour he was not able to hold out any longer The same night about midnight using the same messengers for guides he sent both Numidian and Cretian Archers Slingers of the Iles of Baleares to relieve the town by meanes whereof the townsmen were put in good hope to make their party strong and the enemy made hopelesse of winning the town and therefore after a small stay having depopulated their fields and burned their villages and out-buildings they marched with all their power towards Caesars Camp and within lesse then two miles of the Army they incamped their whole host which as was gathered by the smoke and fire took up more ground then eight miles in breadth THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the description of their assault we are to observe two circumstances The first is the manner they used in a sudden surprise The second is the form and quality of a Testudo Although Caesar seemeth to attribute this manner of assaulting a town as peculiar to the Galles yet we may not think but that the Romans used it as often as they had occasion to surprise any city but because the Galles knew no other means to take a town but this therefore he setteth it down as peculiar unto them The Romans called this manner of assault Corona and so we read oftentimes this phrase Cingere urbem corona forasmuch as the souldiers inclosed the town with a circle and so resembled a crown or garland Ammianus speaketh of a triple crown of souldiers which encompassed a town And Josephus telleth of Jotapata which the Romans besieged duplici peditum corona with a double circle of footmen and besides these there was a third circle of horsemen outmost of all There is no further matter to be observed but this that in surprising a town they incircled it round about with thick continued ranks of men and where they found the wall weakest there they entred as they could THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Testudo requireth a larger discourse and is lively described in Livie after this manner In the Amphitheatre where the people did often assemble to see strange sights and publick shews were brought in saith he sixty lusty young men who after some motion and seemly march cast themselves into a square troup and roofing their heads close with their targets the first rank which made the front of the Testudo stood up right on their feet the second rank bowed it self somewhat lower the third and fourth ranks did more incline themselves and so consequently unto the last rank which kneeled on the ground and so they made a body resembling halfe the side of an house which they called Testudo Unto this squadron so strongly combined together came two souldiers running some an hundred and fifty foot off and threatning each other with their weapons ran nimbly up the side of the roof and sometimes making as though they would defend it against an enemy that would have entred upon it sometimes again encountering each other in the midst of it leaped up and down as steadily as if they had been upon firm ground And which is more strange the front of a Testudo being applyed to the side of a wall there ascended many armed men upon the said Testudo and fought in an equall height with other souldiers that stood upon the said wall to defend it The dissimilitude in the composition was this that the souldiers that were in front and in the sides of the square carried not their Targets over their heads as the other did but covered their bodies with them and so no weapons either cast from the wall or otherwise thrown against it could any way hurt them and whatsoever weight fell upon the Testudo it quickly glyded down by the declivity of the roof without any hurt or annoiance at all Thus far Livie goeth neither do I know what to say further of it the chiefest use thereof was in a surprise or sudden attempt against a town before the townsmen were throughly prepared to defend the same This invention served them to approach the wall with safety and so either to undermine it or to climb up and to that end they oftentimes erected one Testudo
came even to the rampier of the camp Whereat the Legate wondering as at a thing void of reason kept himself quiet untill he had discovered their treachery and so made frustrate their intent In like manner Caesar not perswaded that men should be so heedlesse to carry a retreat in that disorderly and tumultuous manner would not discamp his men to take the opportunity of that advantage untill he had found that to be true which in all reason was unlikely And thus 308000 Belgae were chased and slaughtered by three legions of the Romans for want of government and order in their departure Chap. VII Caesar followeth after the Belgae into the Countrey of the Suessones and there besiegeth Noviodunum THe next day after their departure before they could recover themselves of their fear and flight or had time to put themselves again in breath Caesar as it were continuing still the chase and victory led his Army into the countrey of the Suessones the next borderers unto the men of Rhemes and after a long journey came unto Noviodunum a town of good importance which he attempted to take by surprise as he passed along by it For he understood that it was altogether unfurnished of defensive provision having no forces within to defend it but in regard of the breadth of the ditch and height of the wall he was for that time disappointed of his purpose and therefore having fortified his camp he began to make preparation for a siege The night following the whole multitude of the Suessones that had escaped by flight were received into the town howbeit when the Vineae were with great expedition brought unto the wall the mount raised and the turrets built the Galles being amazed at the highnesse of the workes such as they had never seen nor heard of before and the speed which was made in the dispatch thereof sent ambassadours to Caesar to treat of giving up the town and by the mediation of the men of Rhemes obtained their suit THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN this relation we may observe the industrious art which the Romans used in assaulting taking holdes towns wherein we find three sorts of engines described Vinea Agger and Turres CAESARS march where in euery Legion had his Cariadges in front Agger which we call a mount is described in divers histories to be a hill or elevation made of earth and other substance which by little and little was raised forward untill it approached near unto the place against which it was built that upon this mount they might erect fortresses and turrets and so fight with an advantage of height The matter of this mount was earth and stones faggots and timber Josephus saith that at the siege of Jerusalem the Romans cut down all the trees within 11 mile compasse for matter and stuff to make a mount The sides of this Agger were of Timber to keep in the loose matter the forepart which was towards the place of service was open without any timber-work for on that part they still raised it and brought it nearer the walls That which was built at Massilia was 80 foot high and that at Avaricum 80 foot high and 30 foot broad Josephus and Egesippus write that there was a fortresse in Judea 300 cubites high which Sulla purposing to win by assault raised a mount 200 cubites high and upon it he built a castle of stone 50 cubites high and fifty cubites broad and upon the said castle he erected a turret of 60 cubites in height and so took the fortresse The Romans oftentimes raised these mounts in the mouth of a haven and commonly to over-top a town that so they might fight with much advantage Amongst other engines in use amongst the Romans their moveable Turrets were very famous for they were built in some safe place out of danger and with wheels put under them were driven to the walls of the town These turrets were of two sorts either great or little the lesser sort are described by Vitruvius to be sixtie cubites high and the square side seventeen cubites the breadth at the top was a fifth part of the breath at the base and so they stood sure without any danger of falling The corner pillars were at the base nine inches square and six inches at the top there were commonly 10 stories in these little turrets and windowes in every story The greater sort of towers were 120 cubites high and the square side was 24 cubites the breadth at the top was a fifth part of the base and in every one of these were commonly 200 stories There was not one and the same distance kept between the stories for the lowest commonly was 7 cubites and 12 inches high the highest story 5 cubites and the rest 4 cubites and a third In every one of these stories were souldiers and engines ladders and casting bridges by which they got upon the wall and entered the town The forepart of these turrets was covered with iron and wet coverings to save them from fire The souldiers that removed the tower to and fro were alwayes within the square thereof and so they stood out of danger The new water-work by Broken-wharfe in London much resembleth one of these towers THE SECOND OBSERVATION UPon the building of these mighty engines it was no marvell if the Suessones submitted themselves to such powerfull industry For whatsoever is strange and unusuall doth much affright the spirits of an enemy breed a motion of distrust diffidency when as they find themselves ignorant of such warlike practises for novelty alwayes breedeth wonder in as much as the true reasons and causes being unknown we apprehend it as diverse from the usuall course of things and so stand gazing at the strangenesse thereof and wonder as it addeth worth to the noveltie so it inferreth diffidencie and so consequently fear the utter enemy of martiall valour Chap. VIII Caesar carrieth his Army to the Territories of the Bellovaci Ambiani and the Nervii CAesar taking for pledges the chiefest of their Citie and amongst the rest king Galba's own two sons upon the delivery of all their Armes received the Suessones to mercy and from thence led his Army against the Bellovaci who having conveyed both themselves and their goods into the town called Bratuspantium and understanding that Caesar was come within five mile of the place all the elder sort came forth to meet him signifying by the stretching forth of their hands and by their suppliant words that they yielded themselves up to Caesars disposall and would no longer bear armes against the people of Rome And so again when he was come near the town and had there set down his army the very boyes and women appearing upon the walls with extended hands as their custome is besought sought peace of the Romans For these Divitiacus became a mediatour who after the Belgae had broken up their Camp had dismissed his Heduan forces and was returned
the Province which being speedily dispatched as soon as the time of the year would permit him he came into Gallia The Veneti and the rest of the confederacy understanding of Caesars arrivall and considering how hainous a fact they had committed in detaining the Ambassadours and casting them into irons whose name is held sacred and inviolable amongst all nations prepared accordingly to answer so eminent a danger and especially such necessaries as pertained to shipping and sea-fights THE OBSERVATION FRom hence I may take occasion briefly to touch the reverent opinion which all nations how barbarous soever have generally conceived of the quality and condition of Embassadours and what the grounds are of this universally received custome which in all ages and times hath held authenticall And first we are to understand that all mankind as indued with the same nature and properties are so linked together in the strict alliance of humane society that albeit their turbulent and disagreeing passions which in themselves are unnaturall as proceeding from corruption and defect drive them into extream discord and disunion of spirit and break the bonds of civile conversation which otherwise we do naturally affect yet without a necessary entercourse and traffick of society we are not able to keep on foot the very discord it self in terms of reason and orderly proceeding but all parts will be blended with disordered confusion and go to wrack for want of these mutuall offices performed by messengers so streight are the bonds of Nature and so powerfull are the laws which she enacteth And therefore if it were for no other end which might sort to the benefit of either party as there are many good uses thereof yet to hold up the quarrell and keep it from falling making war according to the grounds of reason the entercourse of messengers is not to be interrupted nor their persons to be touched with hatefull violence but that which the common reason of nations hath madâ a law ought as religiously to be observed as an Oracle of our own belief Secondly forasmuch as the end of war is or at the least should be peace which by treaty of mutuall messengeâs is principally to be confirmed to the end that no people may seem so barbarous as to maintain a war which onely intendeth bloud and proposeth as the chiefest object the death and mortality of mankind no way respecting peace and civile government such as refuse the entercourse of messengers as the means of amity and concord are justly condemned in the judgement of all nations as unworthy of humane society Last of all it is an injury of great dishonour and deserveth the reward of extream infamy to revenge the master his quarrell upon a servant and punish Embassadours for the faults of their State considering that their chiefest duty consisteth in the faithfull relation of such mandates as they have received which may as well tend to the advancement and honour of that City to which they are sent as to the dishonour and ruine of the same whereof the messengers take no notice And therefore whether we desire war or peace the free liberty holy order of Embassadours is reverently to be respected and defended from brutish and unnaturall violence CHAP. V. The proceedings of either party in the enterance of this warre THe Veneti conceived great hope of their enterprise by reason of the strength of their situation forasmuch as all the passages by land were broken and cut off with armes and creeks of the sea and on the other side navigation and entrance by sea was so troublesome and dangerous in that the Romans were altogether unacquainted with the channels and shelves of the coast and there were so few ports Neither did they think that the Roman Army could long continue there without corn which was not to be had in those quarters And if it happened that the course of things were carried contrary to this probable expectation yet they themselves were strong in shipping whereas the Romans had none at all Neither had they knowledge of the flats and shallows Ports and Islands of that coast where they were to fight And to conclude they should find the use of Navigation in that narrow sea to be far different from that which they were accustomed unto in the vast and open Ocean In this resolution they fortified their townes stored them with provision and brought all their shipping to Vannes against whom Caesar as it was reported would begin to make war taking the Osismi Lexovii Nannetes Ambialites Morini Menapii Diablintres as consorts and partakers in this quarrell Notwithstanding these difficulties many motives stirred up Caesar to undertake this war as namely the violent detaining of the Roman knights their rebellion after they had yielded themselves by rendry and given hostages of their loyalty the conspiracy of so many Cities which being now neglected might afterward incite other nations and States to the like insolency And therefore understanding that almost all the Galles were inclining to novelty and alteration and of their own nature were quick and ready to undertake a war and further considering that all men by nature desired liberty and hated the servile condition of bondage he prevented all further insurrections of the other States with the presence of the Roman forces in severall places at once and sent Titus Labienus with the Cavalry unto the Treviri that bordered upon the Rhene to him he gave in charge to visit the men of Rhemes and the rest of the Belgae to keep them in obedience and to hinder such forces as might peradventure be transported over the river by the Germans to further this rebellious humour of the Galles He commanded likewise Pub. Crassus with twelve legionary cohorts and a great part of the horse to go into Aquitane least there might come any aid from those nations such considerable forces joyn together He sent also Q. Titurius Sabinus with three legions unto the Lexovii Curiosolitae and Unelli to disappoint any practice which rebellioks minds might intend And making D. Brutus chief Admirall of the navy of those French ships which he had got together from the Pictones Santones other provinces which continued quiet obedient he gave him in charge to make towards Vannes with what speed he could and he himself marched thitherward with the foot forces THE OBSERVATION IN the first book I observed the authority which the Roman Leaders had to undertake a war without further acquainting the Senate with the consequence thereof in this place let us observe the care and circumspection which the Generals had who did not undertake a troublesome and dangerous war upon a humour or any other flender motion but diligently weighing the circumstances thereof and measuring the perill and hazard of the war with the good and consequence of the effect informed their judgements of the importance of that action and so tried whether the benefit would answer their
labour And thus we find the reasons particularly delivered that moved Caesar first to undertake the Helvetian war and then the causes which drew him on to the quarrell with Ariovistus then followeth the necessity of that war with the Belgae and now the motives which induced him to this with the maâitime Cities of Bretagne and so consequently of his passage into Germany or what other enterprise he attempted which he layeth down as the grounds and occasions of those wars and could not be avoyded but with the losse and dishonour of the Roman Empire Further let us observe the means he used to prevent the inclination of the Galles and to keep them in subjection and peaceable obedience by sending his men into divers quarters of that Continent and so setling the wavering disposition of the further skirts with the weight of his Army and the presence of his legionary souldiers which he sent ready to stifle all motions of rebellion in the beginning that they might not break out to the prejudice and diminution of the Roman Empire and the good successe of his proceedings besides the advantage which he gained in the opinion of the Enemy whom he so little feared concerning the upshot of that quarrell that he had dispersed tâe greatest part of his Army upon other services the rest being sufficient to end that war CHAP. VI. The manner of their shipping and their sea-sight THe situation of almost all these Cities was such that being built in points promontories they could not at ful sea which happened alwayes twice in 12 houres be approached by foot-forces nor yet with shipping for again in an ebbe the vessels were laid on the grounâ and so left as a prey to the enemy And if the Romans went about to shut out the sea with mounts which they raised equall to the walls of the town and were at the point of entering and taking it yet the townsmen having such store of shipping would easily convey both themselves and their carriages into the next towns and there help themselves with the like advantage of place And thus they deluded Caesar the greatest part of the sommer for the Roman fleet by reason of continuall windes and foul weather durst not adventure to put out of the river Loire into so vast a sea wherein the havens and roads were few and farre distant one from another and the tides great The shipping of the Galles was thus built and rigged the keel was somewhat flatter then the Romans shipping the better to bear the ebbes and shallowes of that coast the fore-deck was altogether erect and perpendicular the poupe was made to bear the hugenesse of the billowes and the force of the tempest And in a word they were altogether built for strength for the ribs and seats were made of beams of a foot square fastned with iron pinnes of an inch thick in stead of cables they used chaines of iron and raw hides and skins for sailes either for want of linen or ignorant of the use thereof or because sailes of linen would hardly serve to carry ships of that burthen or endure the tempestuousnesse of those seas and the violence of the winds The meeting and conflict of the Roman navy with this kind of ships was such that they only excelled them in celerity and speedy nimblenesse with force of oars but in all other things either concerning the nature of the place or the dangers of the foul weather were farre inferiour unto them for the strength of them was such that they could neither hurt them with their beak-heads nor cast a weapon to any purpose into them by reason of their altitude and high-built bulkes And if any gust chanced in the mean time to rise that forced them to commit themselves to the mercy of the weather their shipping would better bear the rage of the sea and with greater safety shelter it self amongst flats and shallowes without fear of rocks or any such hazard of all which chances the Roman navy stood continually in danger OBSERVATION ANd here let it not seem impertinent to the argument which we handle considering the generall use which we Islanders have of navigation briefly to set down the most eminent causes of the flowing and ebbing of the sea as far forth as shall seem necessary to the knowledge of a souldier which albeit they may fall short of the true reasons of this great secret yet forasmuch as they stand for true principles of regularity and well-approved rules in our Art of navigation let us take them for no lesse then they effect and give them that credit in our imagination which tract of time hath gained to those forged circles in the heavens that albeit their chiefest essence consisteth in conceit and supposall yet forasmuch as they serve to direct our knowledge to a certainty in that variety and seeming inconstancy of motion we esteem of them as they effect and not as they are Considering then the globe of the world as it maketh a right sphear for in that position the Naturalists chiefly understand celestiall influence to have operation in this liquid element of the water it is divided by the Horizon and Meridian into four quarters the first quarter is that between the east horizon and the noon meridian which they call a flowing quarter the second from the noon meridian to the west horizon which they make an ebbing quarter the third from the west horizon to the midnight meridian which they likewise call a flowing quarter and again from the midnight meridian to the east horizon the second ebbing quarter And so they make two flowing quarters and two ebbing quarters of the whole circuit of heaven The instruments of these sensible qualities and contrary effects are the sun and the moon as they are carried through these distinct distinct parts of the heaven And although experience hath noted the moon to be of greatest power in watry motions yet we may not omit to acknowledge the force which the sun yieldeth in this miracle of nature First therefore we are to understand that when the moon or the sun begin to appear above the right horizon and enter into that part of the heaven which I termed the first flowing quarter that then the sea beginneth to swell and as they mount up to their meridian altitude so it increaseth untill it come to a high floud And again as those lights passing the meridian decline to the west and run the circuit of the ebbing quarter so the water decreaseth and returneth again from whence it came Again as they set under the west horizon and enter into the second flowing quarter so the sea beginneth again to flow and still encreaseth untill they come to the point of the night meridian and then again it refloweth according as the sun and moon are carried in the other ebbing quarter from the night meridian to the west horizon And hence it happeneth that in conjunction or new of the moon when the
sun and the moon are carried both together in the same flowing and ebbing quarters that then the tides and ebbs are very great and likewise in opposition or full of the moon when these lights are carried in opposite quarters which we have described to be of the same nature either ebbing or flowing that then in like manner the tides are great forasmuch as both these Planets through the symbolizing quarters wherein they are carried do joyn their forces to make perfect this work of Nature in the ebbing and flowing of the Sea And contrariwise in a quadrate aspect as the Astronomers call it or quarter age of the moon whenas the moon is carried in a flowing quarter and at the same instant the sun doth happen to be in an ebbing or decreasing quarter as the course of Nature doth necessarily require then are the tides lessened as daily experience doth witnesse And forasmuch as both the right horizon and the meridian also divide every diurnall circle which either the sun or the moon make in their revolutions into equall parts it followeth that every tide is continually measured with the quantity of six houres and therefore that which Caesar here saith must needs be true that in the space of twelve houres there are alwayes two high tides And least any man should imagine that every inland City standing upon an ebbing and flowing river may take the computation of the tide according to this rule let him understand that this which I have delivered is to be conceived principally of the sea it self and secondarily of such ports and havens as stand either near or upon the sea but where a river shall run many miles from the sea and make many winding Meanders before it come to the place of calculation it must needs lose much of this time before mentioned And thus much I thought convenient to insert in these discourses touching the ebbing and flowing of the sea as not impertinent to martiall knowledge Concerning the shipping of the Romans whereof posterity hath only received the bare names and some few circumstances touching the manner of their Equipage the Criticks of these times have laboured to set forth a fleet answerable to that which the terms and title mentioned in history seem to report but yet the gain of their voyage doth not answer their charge For many men rest unsatisfied first touching the names themselves whereof we find these kindes Names Longas Onerarias Actuarias Triremes Quadriremes Quinqueremes The first we may understand to be Gallies or ships of service the second ships of burthen the third ships that were driven forward with force of oares and the rest sounding according to their Names for I dare not intitle them with a more particular description Now whether these Names Longas and Actuarias were a severall sort of shipping by themselves or the generall Names of the Quadriremes Triremes and Quinqueremes forasmuch as every kind of these might be called both Longas and Actuarias as it yet remaineth in controversy so it is not much materiall to that which we seek after But that which most troubleth our sea-Criticks is in what sense they may understand these vocabularies Triremes Quadriremes and Quinqueremes whether they were so termed in regard of the number of rowers or water-men that haled continually at an oare as the custome of the Gallies is at this day or otherwise because a Trireme had three orders of oares on either side a Quadrireme four and a Quinquereme sive whereof they took their distinction of Names Such as hold that a Trireme had on each side three ranks of oares and so consequently of a Quadrireme and Quinquereme alledge this place of Livie to make good their opinion In the wars between Rome and Carthage Laelius meeting with Asdrubal in the streights of Gibralta each of them had a Quinquereme and seven or eight Triremes a piece the current in that place was so great that it gave no place to Art but carried the vessels according to the fall of the Billow in which uncertainty the Triremes of the Carthaginian closed with the Quinquereme of Laelius which either because she was pondere tenacior as Livie saith or otherwise for that pluribus remorum ordinibus scindentibus vertices facilius regeretur in regard of the pluralitie of banks of oares which resisted the billow and steamed the current she sunk two of the Triremes and so got the victorie From hence they prove that a Quinquereme had plures remorumordines then a Trireme had and therefore it took the name from the plurality of banks of oares and not from the number of men that rowed at an oare But the contrary opinion doth interpret Ordo remorum to be a couple of oares one answering another on each side of the vessell which we call a pair of oares So that a Quinquereme being far greater and longer then a Trireme had more paires of oares then a Trireme had and those oares were handled with five men at one oare according to the use of our Gallies at this day But to leave this and come to their manner of sea-sights we must understand that the Romans wanting the use of Artillery and managing their shaps of war with force of oares failed not to make use of their Art in their conflicts and encounters by sea for all their ships of service which we term men of war carried a strong beak-head of ââon which they called rostrum with which they ran one against another with as great violence and fury as their oares could carry them And herein Art gave great advantage for he that could best skill to turn his ship with greatest celerity and so frustrate an offer or with speedy and strong agitation follow an advantage commonly got the victory In the battel which D. Brutus had with the Massilians we read that two Triremes charging the Admirall wherein Brutus was one at the one side and the other at the other Brutus and his Mariners so cunningly handled the matter that when they should come to the hurt they speedily in a trice of time wound themselves from between them and the two Triremes met with such a carriere one against another that one brake her beak-head and the other split with the blow For this skill and fortune withall Euphranor the Rhodian was of great fame in Caesars time although his end found too true the saying of the Historian that whom Fortune honoureth with many good haps she oftentimes reserveth to a harder destiny as other sea-men besides Euphranor can truly witnesse This first brunt being ended when they came to grapple and bording one of another then the art and practices of their land services came in use for they erected turrets upon their decks and from them they sought with engines and casting-weapons as slings arrowes and piles and when they entered they fought with sword and target Neither did the leââonary souldier find any difference when he came to the
point between their fight at sea and that at land saving that they could not be martialled in troups and bands in regard whereof the sea-service was counted more base and dishonourable and the rather inasmuch as it decided the controversy by slings and casting-weapons which kind of fight was of lesse honour then buckling at handy-blowes CHAP. VII The battel continueth and Caesar overcometh THe Romans having taken one town after another the enemies still conveyed themselves to the next so that Caesar deeming it but lost labour whilst he could neither hinder their escape nor do them any mischief resolved to wait the coming of his navy Which was no sooner arrived but the enemy descrying it presently made out 220 saile of ships wel-appointed and furnished in all respects to oppose them Neither did Brutus the Admiral nor any Tribune or Centurion in his navy know what to do or what course of fight to take for the shipping of the Galles was so strong that the beak-head of their Quinqueremes could perform no service upon them and although they should raise turrets according to their use yet these would not equall in height the poup of the Enemies shipping so that therein also the Galles had advantage For as the Romans could not much annoy them with their weapons in regard they lay so low under them so on the contrary their darts must needs fall with great advantage upon the Romans Yet one thing there was amongst their provisions which stood them in great stead for the Romans had provided great sharp hooks or sickles which they put upon great and long poles these they fastened to the tackling which held the main-yard to the mast and then haling away their ship with force of Oares they cut the said tackling and the main-yard fell down Whereby the Galles whose only hope for their navy consisted in the sailes and tackling lost at one instant both their sailes and the use of their shipping And then the controversy fell within the compasse of valour wherein the Romans exceeded the Galles and the rather inasmuch as they fought in the sight of Caesar and the whole Army no valiant act could be smothered in secret for all the hills and clifts which afforded near prospect into the sea were covered with the Roman Army Their main-yards being cut down and the Romans though every ship of theirs had two or three of the enemyes about it indeavouring with great fury to boord them failed not to take many of their ships which the Galles perceiving and finding no remedy nor hope of resistance began all to fly and turning their ships to a fore-wind were upon a sudden so becalmed that they were able to make no way at all Which fell out very fitly for the Romans who now fighting ship to ship easily took them insomuch that of so great a navy very few through the help of the evening escaped to land after they had fought the space of eight houres with which battel ended the warre with the Veneti and the rest of the maritime nations For all sort of people both young and old in whom there was either courage counsell or dignity were present at this battell and all the shipping they could possibly make was here ingaged taken and lost so that such as remained knew not whither to go nor how to defend their towns any longer and therefore yielded themselves to Caesar towards whom he used the greater severity that he might thereby teach all other barbarous people not to violate the law of nations by injurying Embassadours for he slew all the Senate with the sword and sold the people for bond-slaves THE OBSERVATION IN this battel I chiefly observe the good fortune which usually attendeth upon industry for amongst other provisions which the diligence of the Romans had furnished out to the use of this war they had made ready these hookes not for this intent wherein they were imployed but at all occasions and chances that might happen as serviceable complements rather then principall instruments and yet it so fell out that they proved the only meanes to overthrow the Galles Which proveth true the saying of Caesar that industry commandeth fortune and buyeth good successe with extraordinary labour for industry in action is as importunity in speech which forceth an assent beyond the strength of reason and striveth through continuall pursuit to make good the motives by often inculcations and at length findeth that disposition which will easily admit whatsoever is required In like manner diligence and laboursome industry by circumspect and heedfull carriage seldome fail either by hap or cunning to make good that part whereon the main point of the matter dependeth For every action is entangled with many infinite adherents which are so interessed in the matter that it succeedeth according as it is carried answerable to their natures Of these adherents some of them are by wisdome foreseen and directed to that course which may fortunate the action the rest being unknown continue without either direction or prevention and are all under the regiment of fortune forasmuch as they are beyond the compasse of our wisest reach and in the way either to assist or disadvantage Of these industry hath greatest authority inasmuch as she armeth her self for all chances whereby she is said to command fortune Chap. VIII Sabinus overthroweth the Vnelli with the manner thereof WHile these things happened in the state of Vannes L. Titurius Sabinus entreth with his forces into the confines of the Unelli Over these Viridovix ruled who was at present made commander in chief of all the revolted cities which furnished him with a great potent army Besides this the Aulerci Eburonices and Lexovii having slain their Senate because they would not countenance the warre shut their gates and joyned with Viridovix Also there came great multitudes to them out of Gallia men of broken fortunes thieves and robbers whom the hope of prey and spoil had made to preferre the warres before husbandry and day-labour Sabinus incamping himself in a convenient place kept his souldiers within the rampier But Viridovix being lodged within lesse then two miles of Sabinus his camp brought out his forces daily and putting them in battel gave him opportunity to fight if he would which Sabinus refused in such sort that he began not only to be suspected by the Enemy of cowardise but to be taunted with the reprochfull speeches of his own souldiers The opinion of his being fearfull thus setled in the minds of the enemy he used all means to increase it and carried it so well that the Enemy durst approach the very rampier of the Camp The colour that he pretended was that he thought it not the part of a Legate in the absence of the Generall to sight with an Enemy of that strength but upon some good opportunity or in a place of advantage In this generall perswasion of fear Sabinus chose out a subtle-witted Gall an auxiliarie
works that they were of high esteem amongst the Romans whom daily experience and exigents of hazard had taught to ãâ¦ã the readiest means both for security and victory And if our souldiers could be brought to ãâã the commodity of these works either by perswasion or impulsion it were the best part of their warlike practices but our men had ãâã upon desperate adventures and seek victory in the jaws of death then to clear all hazard with pains and diligence CHAP. XII Caesar undertaketh the warre with the Menapii and Morini AT the same time also although the Sommer was almost at an end yet forasmuch as all Gallia was in peace and the Morini only with the Menapii stood out in Armes and had never either sent Embassadour or otherwise treated of Peace Caesar thinking that war might quickly be ended led his Army into their Countrey At his coming he found them to carry their warres farre otherwise then the rest of the Galles had done for understanding that the greatest Nations of Gallia which had waged battel with the Romans were beaten and overthrown and having whole continents of woods and bogs in their territories they conveyed both themselves and their goods into those quarters Caesar coming to the beginning of the woods began to fortify his Camp not discovering any enemy near about him but as his men were dispersed in their charges they suddenly sallyed out of the woods and assaulted the Romans but being speedily driven in again with the losse of many of them as the Romans followed them farre into the woods they had some few of their men slain The time that remained Caesar resolved to spend in cutting down the woods and least the souldiers might be taken unawares while they were busied in that work he caused them to place all the trees which they cut down on either side of the Army that they might serve for a defence against sudden assaults A great quantity of ground was thus rid within a few dayes so that their goods and cattell was taâen by the Romans but they themselves were fled into thicker woods At which time there happened such a continuall rain as forced them to leave off the work and the souldiers could no longer indure to ly in sents of skinnes and therefore Caesar after he had wasted and spoiled their Countrey burned their towns and their houses carryed back his Army and placed them amongst the Aulerci Lexovii in other cities to winter in which were subdued in the late wars OBSERVATION THe Irish rebels having the like commodity of woods and bogges do entertain the like course of warre as the Morini did with Caesar The meanes which he used to disappoint them of that practice was to cut down the woods which if it be thought monstrous in this age or ridiculous to our men of war let them consider that the Roman discipline wrought greater effects of valour then can be made credible by the use of these times For besides their exquisite discipline which of it self was able to frame patterns of unexampled magnanimitie their industry was admirable in the execution thereof and carried it with such uncessant travell that the souldiers thought it great happinesse when they came to wage battel with the Enemy and could have meanes to quit their continuall travell with the hazard of their lives Neither let it seem strange that the Romans undertook to cut down the woods but rather let us admire their facility in so difficult a task for as the history witnesseth magno spacio paucis diebus confecto incredibili celeritate a great quantity of ground was rid in a few dayes with incredible speed And after the woods were cut down they took more paines in placing it on each side of the legions to hinder any suddain assault then they did in cutting it down which deserveth as great admiration as the former part There is another place in the sixth book of these Commentaries which expresseth more particularly the nature of such warres and may serve to acquaint us with that which Caesar did in these difficulties The Eburones or the men of Liege had the like commodity of woods and bogges and made use of them in the warre they had with Caesar The matter saith he required great diligence not so much in regard of the perill of the whole Army for there could no danger come from an enemy that was frighted and dispersed as the safety of every particular souldier which in part did pertain to the welfare of the whole Army For the desire of a bootie carried many of the souldiers farre from the body of the Army and the woods being full of unknown and secret passages would not suffer them to go either thick together or close imbattelled If he desired to have the warre ended and the race of those wicked men to be rooted out he must of force make many small companies and divide his men into many bodies but if he would have the Maniples to keep at their Ensignes as the discipline and custome of the Roman Army required then the place was a shelter and defence to the enemy Neither did they want courage to lay Ambushments and to circumvent such as they found alone straggling from their companies In these difficulties there was as much done as diligence could do providing rather to be wanting in the offensive part although all mens minds were set on fire with revenge then to hurt the enemy with the losse of the Roman souldier Caesar sent messengers to the bordering States to come out and sack the Eburones and they should have all the prey for their labour that the life of the Galles rather then his legionary souldiers might be hazarded in those woods as also that with so great a multitude both the race and name of that people might be quite extinguished There are many particularities in this relation which concern the true motion of the Irish wars which may be better observed by such as know those warres by experience then by my self that understand them only by relation and therefore to prevent such exceptions as my rule shall make of the parallell in these two cases I will leave it to be done by themselves And thus endeth the third Commentary The fourth Commentary of the warres in GALLIA The Argument THe Usipetes and Tenchtheri are driven to seek new seats in Gallia they drive the Menapii out of their territories but in the end are overthrown by Caesar That warre being ended he maketh a bridge upon the Rhene and carrieth his Army over into Germany He taketh revenge upon the Sicambri and giveth liberty to the Ubii returneth into Gallia and carrieth his Army over into Britanie with the occurrences of that warre CHAP. I. The Vsipetes and Tenchtheri bring great multitudes of people over the Rhene into Gallia The nature of the Suevi THe winter following Pompey and Crassus being Consuls the Usipetes and Tenchtheri two German nations passed over the
otherwise to seek their safety by flight Which tumult and fear was no sooner perceived by the Roman souldiers but calling to mind their perfidious treachery they brake into the Camp and were at first a little resisted In the mean time the women and children for they had brought all they had over the Rhene fled every one away which Caesar perceiving sent his horsemen to pursue them The Germans hearing the clamour and scrâechings behind their backs and seeing their friends pursued and slain did cast away their weapons forsake their ensigns and fled out of the Camp and coming to the confluence of the Mase and the Rhene such as had escaped cast themselves into the river where what through fear wearinesse and the force of the water they were all drowned In this conflict the Romans lost not a man The number of the enemy was 430000 with women and children To them whom he had retained in his Camp he gave leave to depart but they fearing the cruelty of the Galles for the mischief they had done them desired that they might continue with the Romans which Caesar agreed unto OBSERVATION THis relation affordeth little matter of war but only a severe revenge of hatefull treachery notwithstanding I will hence take occasion to discover the offices of the Quaestor and the Legates and shew what place they had in the Army And first concerning the Quaestor we are to understand that he was elected by the common voice of the people in the same Court which was called to create the Generall His office was to take charge of the publick treasure whether it came out of their Aârarium for the pay of the Army or otherwise was taken from the enemy Of him the souldiers received their stipend both in corn and money and what other booties were taken from the enemy he either kept them or sold them for the use of the Commonweal The Legates were not chosen by the people but appointed by the Senate as Assistants and Coadjutoâs to the Emperour for the publick service and were altogether directed by the Generall in whose absence they had the absolute command and their number was for the most part uncertain but proportioned according to the number of legions in the Army CHAP. VI. Caesar maketh a bridge upon the Rhene and carrieth his Army over into Germany THe German war being thus ended Caesar thought it necessary to transport his Army over the Rhene into the Continent of Germany for many causes whereof this was not the least that seeing the Germans were so easily perswaded to bring their Colonies and their vagrant multitudes into Gallia he thought good to make known unto them that the Roman people could at their pleasure carry their forces over the Rhene into Germany Moreover those troups of horse which were absent at the late overthrow of the Germans being gone as I said before for spoil and provision over the Mosa after they saw their friends overthrown were fled into the confines of the Sicambri and joyned with them To whom when Caesar sent Messengers to demand them to be sent unto him they answered that the Roman Empire was limited by the Rhene and if the Germans were interdicted Gallia why should Caesar challenge any authority in their quarters Lastly the Ubii who amongst all the rest of the Germans had only accepted of Caesars friendship and given pledges of their fidelity had made earnest sute unto him to send them aid against the Suevi or at the least to transport his Army over the Rhene that would serve their turns that would be help and incouragement enough to them for the name and opinion of the Roman Army was so great and of such fame what with Ariovistus overthrow and this last service that it sounded honourable amongst the farthest Nations of Germany so that it was the greatest safety to have them their friends For these reasons Caesar resolved to passe the Rhene but to carry his Army over by boat was neither safe nor for his own honour nor the majesty of the people of Rome And albeit it seemed a matter of great difficulty by reason of the breadth swiftnesse and depth of the river to make a bridge yet he resolved to try what he could do otherwise he determined not to passe over at all And so he built a bridge after this manner At two foot distance he placed two trees of a foot and halfe square sharpened at the lower end and cut answerable to the depth of the river these he let down into the water with engines and drove them in with commanders not perpendicularly after the fashion of a pile but gablewise and bending with the course of the water opposite unto these he placed two other trees joyned together after the same fashion being forty foot distant from the former by the dimension between their lower parts in the bottome of the water and reclining against the course of the river These two pair of couples thus placed he joyned together with a beam of two foot square equall to the distance between the said couples and fastened them at each end on either side of the couples with braces and pins whereby the strength of the work and nature of the frame was such that the greater the violence of the stream was and the faster it fell upon the timber-work the stronger the bridge was united in the couplings and joynts In like manner he proceeded with couples and beams untill the work was brought unto the other side of the river and then he laid straight planks from beam to beam and covered them with hurdles and so he made a floor to the bridge Moreover on the lower side of the bridge he drove down supporters which being fastened to the timber-work did strengthen the bridge against the force of the water and on the upper side of the bridge at a reasonable distance he placed piles to hinder the force of trees or boats or what else the enemy might cast down to trouble the work or hurt the bridge Within ten dayes that the timber began to be cut down and carried the work was ended and the Army transported Caesar leaving a strong garison at either end of the bridge went into the confines of the Sicambri In the mean time Embassadours came to him from many cities desiring peace and the friendship of the Romans whom Caesar answered courteously and required hostages of their fidelity OBSERVATION IT shall not be amisse to enter a little into the consideration of this bridge as well in regard of the ingenious Architecture thereof as also that we may somewhat imitate Caesar whom we may observe to insist with as great plenty of wit and elâquence in presenting unto us the subtilty of his invention in such manner of handy-works as upon any other part of his actions as this particular description of the bridge may sufficiently witnesse besides the fortifications at Alesia and the intrenchments in Britany for the safety of his shipping with many
flight yet having some thirty horse which Comius of Arras had carried with him at his coming into Britany he imbattelled his legions before his Camp and so gave them battel The Enemy not being able to bear the assault of the Roman souldiers turned their backs and fled the Romans followed them as far as they could by running on foot and after a great slaughter with the burning of their towns far and near they returned to their Camp The same day the Britans sent messengers to Caesar to intreat for peace whom he commanded to double their number of hostages which he commanded to be carried into Gallia And forasmuch as the Aequinoctium was at hand he thought it not safe to put himself to the sea in winter with such weak shipping and therefore having got a convenient time he hoised sail a little after midnight and brought all his ships safe unto the Continent Two of these ships of burthen not being able to reach the same haven put in somewhat lower into the land the souldiers that were in them which were about three hundred being set on shore and marching towards their Camp the Morini with whom Caesar at his going into Britany had made peace in hope of a booty first with a few of their men stood about them commanding them upon pain of death to lay down their weapons and as the Romans by casting themselves into an Orbe began to make defence at the noise and clamour amongst them there were suddenly gathered together about six thousand of the Enemy Which thing being known Caesar sent out all the horsemen to relieve them In the meantime the Romans sustained the force of the Enemy and fought valiantly about the space of four hours and receiving themselves only some few wounds they slew many of the Enemy As soon as the Roman horsemen came in sight the Enemy cast away their weapons and fled and a great number of them fell by the horsemen OBSERVATION OF all the figures which the Tactici have chosen to make use of in military affairs the circle hath ever been taken for the fittest to be applyed in the defensive part as inclosing with an equall circuit on all parts whatsoever is contained within the circumference of that Area and therefore Geometry termeth a circumference a simple line forasmuch as if you alter the site of the parts and transport one arch into the place of another the figure notwithstanding will remain the same because of the equall bending of the line throughout the whole circumference Which property as it proveth an uniformity of strength in the whole circuit so that it cannot be said that this is the beginning or this is the end this is front or this is flank so doth that which Euclide doth demonstrate in the third of his Elements concerning the small affinity between a right line and a circle which being drawn to touch the circumference doth touch it but in a point only shew the greatnesse of this strength in regard of any other line by which it may be broken Which howsoever they seem as speculative qualities conceived rather by intellectuall discourse then manifested to sensible apprehension yet forasmuch as experience hath proved the strength of this figure in a defensive part above any other manner of imbattelling let us not neglect the knowledge of these naturall properties which discover the causes of this effect neither let us neglect this part of military knowledge being so strong a means to maintain valour and the sinew of all our ability for order correspondent to circumstances is the whole strength and power of an Army Neither ought there any action in a wel-ordered discipline to be irregular or void of order And therefore the Romans did neither eat nor sleep without the direction of the Consul or chief Commander otherwise their valour might rather have been termed fury then vertue but when their courage was ranged with order and disposed according to the occurrences of the time it never failed as long as the said order continued perfect It appeareth therefore how important it is for a Commander to look into the diversity of orders for imbattelling and to weigh the nature thereof that he may with knowledge apply them to the quality of any occasion The Romans termed this figure Orbis which signifieth a round body both with a concave and a convex surface in resemblance whereof I understand this Orbe of men imbattelled to be so named which might peradventure consist of five or more or fewer ranks inclosing one another after the nature of so many circles described about one Centre so that either the midst thereof remained void or otherwise contained such carriages and impediments as they had with them in their march This form of imbattelling was never used but in great extremity for as it was the safest of all other so it gave suspicion to the souldiers of exceeding danger which abated much of their heat in battel as will hereafter appear by the testimony of Caesar himself in the fifth Commentary upon the occasion which happened unto Sabinus and Cotta CHAP. XIIII THe next day Caesar sent Titus Labienus a Legate with those legions which he had brought out of Britany against the revolted Morini who having no place of refuge because their bogs and fens were dryed up where they had sheltred themselves the year before they all fell under the power of his mercy Q. Titurius and A. Cotta the Legates who had led the legions against the Menapii after they had wasted their fields cut up their corn burned their houses for the Menapii were all hid in thick woods returned to Caesar These things being thus ended Caesar placed the wintering Camps of all his legions amongst the Belgae to which place two only of all the Cities in Britany sent hostages unto him the rest neglecting it These wars being thus ended upon the relation of Caesars letters the Senate decreed a supplication for the space of twenty dayes OBSERVATION IN the end of the second Commentary we read of a supplication granted by the Senate for fifteen dayes which was never granted to any man before that time since the first building of the City but forasmuch as in this fourth year of the wars in Gallia it was augmented from fifteen unto twenty dayes I thought it fit to refer the handling thereof unto this place We are therefore to understand that whensoever a Roman Generall had carried himself well in the wars by gaining a victory or enlarging the bounds of their Empire that then the Senate did decree a supplication to the gods in the name of that Captain And this dignity was much sought after not only because it was a matter of great honour that in their names the Temples of their gods should be opened and their victories acknowledged with the concourse and gratulation of the Roman people but also because a supplication was commonly the forerunner of a triumph which was the greatest honour in the Roman
government And therefore Cato nameth it the prerogative of a triumph And Livie in his 26 book saith that it was long disputed on in the Senate how they could deny one that was there present to triumph whose absence they had honoured with supplication and thanksgiving to the gods for things happily effected The manner of the Ceremony was that after the Magistrate had publickly proclaimed it with this form or stile quod bene feliciter rempublicam administrasset that he had happily and succesfully administred the affairs of the common-weal the Roman people clothed in white garments and crowned with garlands went to all the Temples of the gods and there offered sacrifices to gratulate the victory in the name of the Generall In which time they were forbidden all other businesses but that which pertained to this solemnity It seemeth that this time of supplication was at first included within one or two dayes at the most as appeareth by Livie in his third book where he saith that the victory gained by two severall battels was spitefully shut up by the Senate in one dayes supplication the people of their own accord keeping the next day holy and celebrating it with greater devotion then the former Upon the victory which Camillus had against the Veii there were granted four dayes of supplication to which there was afterward a day added which was the usuall time of supplication unto the time that Pompey ended the war which they called Mithridaticum when the usuall time of five dayes was doubled and made ten and in the second of these Commentaries made fifteen and now brought to twenty dayes Which setteth forth the incitements and rewards of well doing which the Romans propounded both at home abroad to such as endeavoured to inlarge their Empire or manage a charge to the benefit of their Commonwealths And thus endeth the fourth Commentary The fifth Commentary of the wars in GALLIA The Argument CAesar causeth a great navy to be built in Gallia he carrieth five legions into Britany where he maketh war with the Britans on both sides the river Thames At his return into Gallia most of the Galles revolt and first the Eburones under the conduction of Ambiorix set upon the Camp of Q. Titurius the Legate whom they circumvent by subtilty and then besiege the Camp of Cicero but are put by and their Army overthrown by Caesar CHAP. I. Caesar returneth into Gallia findeth there great store of shipping made by the souldiers and commandeth it to be brought to the haven Itius LUcius Domitius and Appius Claudius being Consuls Caesar at his going into Italy from his winter-quarters which he yearly did gave order to the Legates to build as many ships that winter as possibly they could to repair the old commanding them to be built of a lower pitch then those which are used in the mediterranean sea for the speedier lading and unlading of them and because the tides in these seas were very great and forasmuch as he was to transport great store of horse he commanded them to be made flatter in the bottome then such as were usuall in other places and all of them to be made for the use of Oares to which purpose their low building served very conveniently Other necessaries and furniture for rigging he gave order to have brought out of Spain Caesar after an assembly of the States in Lombardy went presently into Illyricum where he heard that the Pirustae infested the province by their incursions Assoon as he came thither he levied souldiers and appointed them a rendezvous Which the Pirustae hearing of they sent embassadours presently to him excusing the businesse as not done by publick consent and expressing a readinesse to make any satisfaction that should be demanded Caesar having heard their message appointed them to give hostages and to bring them by such a day or else they must expect notbing but war and ruine to their city Hostages were brought by the appointed time whereupon Caesar deputed certain to arbitrate differences between the cities and to punish as they saw cause for it These things being over he returned forthwith into Lombardy and thence to his army in Gallia THE OBSERVATION THis Itius Portus Floide thinketh to be Callis others take it to be Saint Omer partly in regard of the situation of the place which being in it self very low hath notwithstanding very high banks which incompasse the town about and in times past was a very large haven To this may be added the distance from this town to the next Continent of the Island of Britany which Strabo maketh to contain 320. stadia which agreeth to the French computation of 13. leagues Caesar maketh it thirty miles This is the haven which Pliny calleth Britannicum portum Morinorum CHAP. II. Caesar preventeth new motions amongst the Treviri and goeth to his navy Dumnorix refuseth to accompany him into Britain his flight and death CAesar leaving souldiers enough to do that businesse himself marched with four legions and eight hundred horse into the country of the Treviri in regard they neither came to the assembly of States nor were obedient to his commands and were farther reported to sollicite the Germans beyond the Rhene to new commotions This city was the most powerfull of all Gallia for matter of horse having likewise a great force of foot and lying so conveniently upon the Rhene for assistance wherein there was at thâs time a contention betwixt Induciomarus and Cingetorix who should be chief ruler Cingetorix as soon as he heard of the coming of Caesar with his army came in to him assuring him of the fidelity of his party and their constancy to the friendship of the people of Rome discovering withall unto him the present proceedings amongst the Treviri On the contrary Induciomarus gathered together what horse and foot he could resolving upon nothing else then war securing all the old and young folk not fit to bear armes in the wood Arduenna which is a very large wood beginning at the Rhene and running through the middle of the Treviri to the borders of the people of Rheims While things were thus preparing divers of the chief of the city some through the favour they bare to Cingetorix others affrighted at the coming of our army came forth to Caesar and since they could not do it for the whole city they endeavoured to make every man his own peace Induciomarus seeing this and fearing to be left at last alone sent Embassadours to Caesar excusing what he had done in not coming to him which he saâd was done onely to keep the city the better in obedience for if all the nobility should have left it the common people would have been apt to have made new troubles that the city was now at his command and if Caesar would give leave he was ready to wait upon him in his camp and to lay the lives and fortunes of himself and the whole city at his feet Caesar albeit he well knew
why all this was spoken as also what had put him besides his former resolution yet rather then spend the summer in those parts having all things in readinesse for his British war he commanded Induciomarus to come to him and bring two hundred hostages with him Induciomarus did as Caesar commanded and withall brought along with him his son and all that had any near relation unto him whom Caesar bade be of good chear and exhorted to continue firme in his duty and fidelity After this calling to him the chief of the Treviri man by man he reconciled them to Cingetorix as well looking at the desert of the man himself as at his own interest and advantage to have such a man bear the chief sway in his city who had expressed so notable affection and goodwill towards him in this businesse It troubled Induciomarus not a little to find his respect and authority thus impaired insomuch that he who before was no friend to us being vexed at this became a bitter enemy Things thus setled here Caesar came with his legions back to the port called Itius where he understood that forty ships which were built amongst the Meldae were hindred by tempests that they could not keep their course but were forced back from whence they came the rest were well provided and ready to set saile Hither also were gathered all the cavalry in France to the number of four thousand and the chief men of every city some few of which whose fidelity Caesar had had experience of he intended to leave at home and to take the rest along with him for hostages lest in his absense they should begin any new stirs in Gallia Amongst the rest was Dumnorix the Heduan formerly mentioned Him of all the rest Caesar intended to take with him knowing him to be a man desirous of change greedy of rule a man of courage and resolution and one of greatest authority amongst the Galles Besides this Dumnorix had given out at a meeting of the Hedui that Caesar had conferred upon him the government of the city which much troubled the Hedui yet they durst not send any man to Caesar to hinder or revoke it This Caesar came to hear of When he saw he must go with the rest first he besought with all the intreatyes he could that he might stay in Gallia alleging one while that he was afraid of the sea having as yet never been used to sailing another while that he had some religious accounts that kept him here When he perceived this would not serve his turn but go he must he began to deal with the rest of the chief men of the Galles taking them man by man perswading them to continue in their own country telling them that it was not without ground Caesar went about to despoile Gallia thus of its nobility his drift being to carry them over into Britain and there murther them whom he was affraid to put to death amongst their friends at home He went farther to ingage them to fidelity and to tye them by oath to proceed upon joynt consultation to the acting of what should be thought of most concernment and behoof for the good of Gallia These things were by divers persons related to Caesar who as soon as he knew thereof in regard of the great respect he bare to the Heduan State he resolved by all meanes possible to curb and deter Dumnorix from those courses in regard that he saw him thus to increase in his madnesse he thought it seasonable to prevent his endamaging either the Commonwealth or himself So staying in the place where he was about twenty five dayes the North-west wind a wind that usually blowes in those parts all that while hindering his putting to sea he made it much of his business to keep Dumnorix quiet and yet at the same time to spye out the whole drift of his designs At last the wind and weather serving he commanded his souldiers and horsemen on shipboard And whilst every mans mind was taken up about this Dumnorix with the rest of the Heduan horsemen unknown to Caesar had left the camp and were marching homewards Which when Caesar heard he stopt his voyage and letting every thing else alone sent a great part of his cavalry to attach him and bring him back with command that if he stood upon his defense and did not readily obey they should dispatch him For he could not believe that this man could mean any good to him if he once got home since he made so light of his commands when present with him The horse having overtaken him he stood upon his guard and made resistance imploring also the aide of those that were with him still crying out that he was a Free-born man and of a Free city Whereupon they as they were commanded hemm'd him in and so killed him the Heduan horsemen returning every man to Caesar CHAP. III. Caesar saileth into Britain landeth his forces and seeketh the enemy CAesar having prepared all things in readinesse he left Labienus in the Continent with three legions and two thousand horse both to keep the haven and make provision of corne and also to observe the motion of the Galles and to doe according as he saw time and occasion and with five legions and the like number of horse as he left in the continent about sun-setting he put out to sea with a soft south-wind which continued until midnight then ceasing he was carried with the tide untill the morning when he perceived that the Iland lay on his left hand and again as the tide changed he laboured by rowing to reach that part of the Iland where he had found good landing the year before Wherin the souldiers deserved great commendation for by strength and force of Oares they made their great ships of burthen to keep way with the Gallies About high noon they arrived in Britany with all their ships neither was there any Enemy seen in that place but as afterward Caesar understood by the Captives the Britans had been there with a great power but being terrified with the infinite number of shipping which they discovered from the shore for with the ships of provision and private vessels which severall persons had for their own convenience there were in all above either hundred they forsook the shore and hid themselves in the upland country Caesar having landed his men and chosen a convenient place to incamp assoon as he understood by the captives where the enemy lay in the third watch of the night he marched towards them leaving ten cohorts and three hundred horse under Quintus Atrius for a garrison to his shipping which he the lesse feared because it lay at anchour in a soft and open shore He marched that night about twelve mile before he found the Enemy The Britans sending out their horse and chariots to a river that ran between them and the Romans and having the advantage of the upper ground began to hinder
up for a shew with a single row of turfs to the end they might appear to be made up in such manner that they could not be broken open some of them began to break down the rampier with their hands and others to fill up the ditches Which Caesar perceiving sallied out at all the Ports at once and sending out the Cavalry put the enemy so suddainly to flight that not one of them resisted by way of fighting insomuch as he slew a great number of them and put them all besides their Arms. But because he feared to follow them far in regard of the woods and bogs that lay in their passage being unwilling to hazard himself upon the least occasion of danger he returned with all his forces in safety and the self-same day came to Cicero Where he admired the towers the mantlets and works which were begun and prepared by the enemy and drawing out the legion he found that the tenth man had not escaped without wounds By all which circumstances he understood with what danger and vaâlour the businesse had been caried He commended Cicero and the legion according to their merit calleth out by name such Centurions and Tribunes of the souldiers as by testimony of Cicero were found to have deserved extraordinarily in that service informed himself by the captives of the certainty of Sabinus Cotta's misfortune The next day he spake publickly to the souldiers opened the particulars of that matter and then seasoned them with comfort and incouragement shewing that the losse which happened through the fault and temerity of a Legate was to be born with better patience and the rather forasmuch as by the assistance of the immortall Gods and by their own vertue the losse was redeemed in such a fashion as neither the enemy did long joy it nor themselves were long afflicted with grief for the same OBSERVATION THe passages in this Chapter are of great variety and do give occasion of much discourse But that which is most remarkeable is that to exceed in forces and troups of men may be a means to bring a party to an overthrow for an extraordinary power doth alwayes beget an opinion sorting to their own desires and can hardly think of any other end then that which sâââth with security and victorious successe which being crossed in any materiall circumstance and put besides the course of their intendments whereby they faile of what they expected doth consequently draw all the other way and changeth hope into mishap as it fared here with the Galles upon Caesars suddain sallying out of the Camp CHAP. XXII The commotions of the States of Gallia Induciomarus attempting great matters is slain and the Countrey quieted IN the mean time the report of Caesars victory was carried to Labienus with incredible speed through the countrey of those of Rheims insomuch as being fifty miles distant from that place where Cicero wintered and that the overthrow was given about three of the clock in the afternoon there was a shout at the Camp-gate before midnight whereby the men of Rheims congratulated Labienus for that victory The fame whereof being carried to the Treviri Induciomarus that purposed the next day to besiege Labienus fled in the night time and carried all his forces back to the Treviri Caesar remanded Fabius with his legion into their winter stations He himself with three legions determined to winter about Samarobrina And forasmuch as there were such commotions throughout all Gallia himself resolved to abide with the Army all the winter For upon the newes of the overthrow of Sabinus almost all the States of Gallia did enter into a consultation of war sent Messengers and Ambassadours into all parts to make overtures for future resolutions and to understand in what place the war might best be set on foot holding their conventicles by night in secret and desert places in such manner as there passed not a day during all that winter which brought not some new care or trouble to Caesar whilst he was daily advertised of new meetings and conspiracies amongst the Galles Amongst others he had intelligence from L Roscius the Leg ate whom he had set over the thirteenth legion that great forces of those States and Cities of the Galles that are called Armoricae were assembled together to fight against him and were come within eight miles of his camp but understanding of Caesars victory they fell back in such a fashion as though they meant to flye away But Caesar having called unto him the Princes and chief men of every State terrifying some as seeming to understand their complotments and perswading others kept a great part of Gallia in obedience Howbeit the Senones a strong people and of great authority amongst the Galles went about by a publick decree to kill Cavarinus whom Caesar had set to be king over them whose brother Moritasgus at Caesars coming into Gallia and whose ancestours formerly were possessed of that kingdom which he perceiving fled away and was prosecuted to the very borders and so driven as well out of his private house as of his kingdome And having sent Embassadours to Caesar to satisfie him herein whereas he commanded the whole Senate to come unto him they refused to obey his warrant So much it prevailed amongst barbarous people that there were some found that durst avouch the undertaking of a war Which made such an alteration in the minds of all men that besides the Hedâi and the State of Rheims whom Caesar had in great favour and respect the one for their ancient and perpetuall fidelity to the people of Rome and the other for their late services in the war of Gallia there was almost no State free from suspicion Insomuch as I know not well whether it may not be wondred at or no as well for many other reasons as specially for that they greatly grieved that they who excelled all other nations in deeds of arms had now lost their reputation so far as they were forced to bear the yoke of the people of Rome The Treviri and Induciomarus lost no time of all that winter but sent Commissioners beyond the Rhene solliciting the cities and promising moneys with confident aslurance that the greatest part of our Armie was already cut off and that which was left was but a small remainder of the same and yet for all that no people of the Germans could be perswaded to passe the Rhene For having twice made triall to their cost in the war of Ariovistus and in the passage of the * Tenchtheri they would tempt Fortune no further Induciomarus cast down from his hope did notwithstanding train and gather forces got horses from the bordering States and with great rewards drew unto him banisht and condemned men from all parts of Gallia and did thereby get such an opinion throughout all that Continent that Embassadours came flocking unto him from all quarters and sought his favour both in publâck and private When he understood that men made
to him of their own accord and that on the one side the Senones and Carnutes were ânstigated with a remembrance of their offences and on the other side the Nervii and Aduatici made provision of war against the Romans and that he should not want voluntary forces if he did but once go out of his confines he gave order to call a Councell of Arms which according to the manner of the Galles was alwayes the beginning of a war being such as constrained all the men that were of years by the common law of the land to assemble together in Arms and he that came last was in the sight of all the rest put to death with exquisite torture In that Councel he took order to proclaim Cingetorix the chief of the other faction and his son in law who as we have before declared had followed Caesar and not left him in any of those services a Traytor to the State and that his goods should be confiscated That being done he published in the Councell that he was sent for by the Senones and the Carnutes and many other States of Gallia whether he meant to go through the territories of the inhabitants of Rhemes and that he would harry and waste their country But first his purpose was to take the camp of Labienus and accordingly gave order what he would have done Labienus being in a camp exceedingly fortified as well by Nature as by Art did not fear any danger that might happen to himself or the legion but rather studied not to let passe any occasion to carry the matter handsomely and to purpose And therefore being advertised by Cingetorix and his allies what speech Induciomarus had delivered in the Councell he sent Messengers to all the confining cities and commanded horsemen to be sent unto him by a certain day In the mean time Induciomarus rid up and down almost every day with all his cavalry under his camp sometimes to view the site thereof otherwhile to parlee or else to terrifie the souldier and his horsemen for the most part would cast their weapons within the rampier Labienus kept all his men within the fortifications and did what he could to make the enemy bâlieve that he was sore afraid And as Induciomarus came daily with greater contempt to the camp one night having taken in the cavalry of the bordering cities which he had formerly sent for he kept all his party by good guarding within his camp with such diligence that their reception could not possibly be bruited abroad or carried to the Treviri In the mean time Induciomarus according to his wonted custome approached near the camp and there spent a great part of the day the horsemen cast their weapons and with words of high reproach called out our men to fight without any word given in answer by them And a little before the evening as they dispersed themselves and departed upon a suddain Labienus let out all the cavalry at two Ports commanding them that after the Enemy was put to slight which he saw would necessarily happen that every one should make after Induciomarus and that no man should so much as wound any other enemy before they saw him slain being very unwilling to give him time to escape while the souldiers were ingaged with the rest and propounded great rewards to them that slew him He sent out also several cohorts to assist the horse Fortune made good that direction for as all made after one induciomarus was surprised in the foord of a River and slain and his head was brought back into the camp The horsemen returning slew as many of the rest as they could take This thing being known all the forces of the Eburones and Nervii which were met together departed home and after that time Caesar had Gallia better setled in quietnesse OBSERVATION AS the misfortune which befell Sabinus and Cotta put all Gallia into troubles and commotions so the head of Induciomarus reduced all into peace According as it is said of the Spaniard that in some cases one man is worth a thousand And thus endeth the fifth Commentary The sixth Commentary of the wars in GALLIA The Argument THis Summers Commentary setteth forth the malice of an enemy that refuseth open encounter but keeping himself in the fastnesse of his holds forceth the adverse party either to leave him untouched or to seek him out upon disadvantage together with such casualties annexed to the matter as the power of fortune doth commonly intermingle with such occurrences as also the manners and fashions of life then in use amongst the Germans and Galles CHAP. I. Caesar fearing a greater commotion in Gallia mustereth more forces CAESAR for many reasons expecting greater troubles in Gallia appointed M. Silanus C. Antistius Reginus and T. Sextius Legates in his army to make a new choise and muster up more souldiers and withall he intreated Cneius Pompeius Proconsul forasmuch as he continued at the city about publick businesses that he would recall to their ensignes and send unto him such souldiers as were before discharged of the Consuls oath for he thought it very materiall for the future time to the opinion of the Galles when they should see Italy so mighty that if they had received any losse by the casualtyes of war they could not only in a short time make a supply thereof but augment their army with greater forces Which when Pompey had granted both for the good of the commonwealth and Caesars friendship the choise being speedily by his ministers performed before the winter was ended three legions were inrolled and brought unto him whereby the number of cohorts were doubled which were lost with Q. Titurius and withall he made experience both by the speed and by the forces what the wealth and discipline of the people of Rome could do THE FIRST OBSERVATION NOtwithstanding any former purpose I will begin this Commentary with the manner of the choise which the Romans used when they mustred souldiers for an intended war and will lay it first down as the basis and groundsil of all military architecture and carried by them with such a ceremonious and grave respect as might best expresse the seriousnesse of the action and make the souldiers understand what consequence the sequele imported Polybius who only remaineth of them that have written of the ancient fashion of the Roman war amongst other parts of their discipline hath left unto posterity a compendious relation of their musters and enrollments which with the help of other histories may be thus understood Upon the choise of their Consuls in the beginning of every year their custome was to enroll four legions two for either Consul At which enrollment they first chose fourteen Tribunes out of the body of their Gentlemen whom they called Equites These fourteen were such as had served five years in the wars whereby they became eligible of that dignity And again they chose ten other Tribunes out of the Commonalty being such as
to the extraordinary labour of his souldiers fore whereas they were drawn out of their wintering-camps before winter was ended and were carried unseasonably upon a service he rewarded them with the booty and spoil of the enemy contrary to the ordinary course of the Roman warfare which reserved either all or the most part thereof for the publick Treasury and left the souldier to his stipendary entertainment Which is a point very observable in the carriage of a war wherein are required as well eminent and extraordinary attempts as common and usuall duties and in the judgement of a wise Commander are thought worthy their answerable rewards At the siege of Gergovia as it followeth in the seventh Commentary L. Fabius a Centurion told his companions that the booty and pillage which he had got at the taking of Avaricum would not suffer any man to get up upon the wall before himself And so for the most part it falleth out that honourable attempts being honourably rewarded do as seed sown in good ground multiply the increase of like vertuous actions And this was one principall means which he used to give courage and valour to his souldiers as when he went to get Spain from Pompey and that faction he borrowed mony of the Tribunes Centurions gave it in largess to the souldiers whereby he gained as he saith two advantages quod pignore animos Centurionum devinxit largitione redemit militum voluntates for he engaged the Centurions to him whilst he had this pledge from them and by his largesse purchased the good will of the souldiers CHAP. III. Caesar summoneth a generall Councell and carrieth his army against the Senones A Generall Councellor meeting of all the States of Gallia being summoned according to his first resolution in the beginning of the Spring whereas all the rest saving the Senones Carnutes and Treviri made their appearance he conceived of it as the beginning of war and defection and thereupon setting all other things aside he transferred the Councell to the city of Paris in the confines of the Senones which in the time of their fathers had united their State unto them but were held clear of this confederacy This thing being published from the Tribunall the same day he carried the Legions against the Senones and by great journeys came into their country His coming being known Acco the chiefest authour of that rebellion commanded the multitude to go into cities and towns of defence but as they endeavoured before it could be accomplished news was brought that the Romans were already come whereby they necessarily left off their purpose and sent Ambassadours to Caesar to intreat for favour They used the mediation of the Hedui whose State had of old time been in faith and league with the Romans Caesar at the suit of the Hedui did willingly afford them pardon and accepted their excuse forasmuch as he judged the summer time fitter to be spent in the war which was coming on him rather then in matter of question and judgement and having commanded an hundred pledges he delivered them to be kept by the Hedui The Carnutes likewise sent messengers and pledges and by the intreaty of the men of Rhemes whose clients they were received the same answers Caesar ended the Councell and commanded horsemen to be sent him from all the States of Gallia THE FIRST OBSERVATION IT shall not seem impertinent to the Reader that I take occasion here to say somewhat touching the use and benefit of this Parliament or Councell-generall wherein all the states of Gallia or at the least such as did acknowledge the Roman soveraignty presented their fealty and were mutuall witnesses of each others alleageance Concerning which we are to understand that as all naturall bodies have a transitory being depending upon motion and function of parts so specially States and Commonweals as sympathizing with naturall causes have no certain continuance in one and the same being but are subject to the alteration of time and fortune and do passe the ages of a naturall life from infancy growing to better strength untill it come to the best perfection which years can afford it and then decaying again by like degrees even to the period and death of that policy For remedy whereof and for the prevention of any weakening disease which might infect either the whole powers of the body or so possesse any part thereof as it might thereby prove either dangerous or unprofitable amongst other helps these councels and meetings have been thought necessary wherein every particular State and city had some of their society present as well to open their grievances if any were and to seek ease and relief by way of treaty and dispute as also to receive such directions and mandates as the wisdome of the Prince should think meet for their government For as this common councel or generall assembly may well be termed the pulse of a politick body whereby the true state and temperature thereof is discerned so is it also as a treaty or parlee and a renewing of the conditions of peace between the head and the members where sovereignty and obedience being mutually propounded do concurre in the establishing of true and perfect government And this is that which the Politicians of later time do in their writings call the reducing of a common-weal to the first beginning for the noisome and superâluous humours being by this means purged and abated the body of the publick weal is refined into such true and naturall elements and setled in that disposition of health as may give great hope of long continuance Besides this use and benefit of these assemblies there were many necessary businesses concluded and many things agreed unto serving to the maintainance of war against parties and factions as namely the leviâs and supplies of horse and foot granted by this Councel as a subsidy which in the Roman army received stipend and pay by the name of Auxiliary or associate forces whereof we read in many places of these Commentaries and particularly in this book But the Romans used specially the service of their horsemen as the flower of their strength and far exceeding their foot companies in execution of arms and use of war wherein the Galles have ever chalenged a preeminence before other their neighbour nations and have continued the same reputation even unto this time Whether it be in regard of the nimble and quick motions of their spirits which are better suted with the swift and speedy execution of horse then with any readinesse which their own strength can afford them or what other cause it hath I know not but this I am sure of that as the world taketh notice of their hot phantasies so would the French be reckoned the best horsemen of any other nation The last saying which I observe concerning this councel is the time wherein it was summoned which was the beginning of the Spring rather then any other part of the
might through want of victuall be drawn to fight upon hard conditions He gave order also that they should every day send out discoverers to the Suevi to understand what they did The Ubii did as they were commanded and after a few dayes brought word that all the Suevi having received certain news of the approach of the Roman army had retired themselves and all their forces to their utmost confines where there was a wood of an infinite greatnesse called Bacenis which served as a native wall or defence to keep the Chirusci from the incursions of the Suevi and the Suevi from the injury and spoil of the Chirusci That at the entrance of this wood the Suevi did expect the coming of the Romans OBSERVATIONS I Will hold my former purpose not to deliver any thing concerning Bridges whereof there are so many treatises already extant neither will I go about to describe the substantiall building or ingenious workmanship of this Bridge here mentioned which might well beseem Caesar and his army for as he only could or at the least did put in practice the making thereof so will I leave the description to himself as best suting with his eloquence But forasmuch as Brancatio an Italian Writer taketh occasion from hence to run into ignorance and errour give me leave to set a mark upon this place lest others not knowing the ancient course should run their bark upon the same shallowes Amongst other advertisements being but fourteen in all which he hath given upon Caesars Commentaries he noteth and commendeth the use of Bridges made of Boats which are commonly carried in an army-royall to that purpose before this or any other invention of former times specially in regard of the easinesse and expedition which may be used both in making such a bridge and taking it up again for the Boats being prepared ready as usually they are in camp-royals such a bridge may be made in a day which Caesar could not do in ten but with great wonderment and admiration And therein I hold well with Brancatio that for the speedy transportation of an army over a river there is no readier means then a bridge of boats presupposing the boats to be first in a readinesse But that which he concludeth is that mens wits in these times are much sharper and readier then those of former ages forasmuch as they have found out an easy and expedite course which fomer times could never reach unto Wherein I will not go about to derogate any thing from the condition of the time in which we live and breath but do desire to find them better accomplished then any other foregoing ages howsoever I may suspect a greater weaknesse of wit in these dayes wherein the temperature of the body is worse conditioned then it was in the time of our Forefathers as may appear by many arguments serveth not so fitly to the working powers of the mind as it did before this multiplicity of mixture when the state of mens bodies were compounded of those perfect elements which were in our first Parents But for this reason which Brancatio alledgeth the Reader may be pleased to understand that the use of Boat-bridges was both known and in practice as well before the Roman Empire as in the time of their government Herodotus relating the passage of Xerxes army into Greece describeth this bridge of Boates which Brancatio would attribute to the invention of our times in the self same manner or rather more artificially then hath been accustomed in these later ages for finding that no timber-work would serve the turn to make a sufficient bridge over the streights of Hellespont being seven furlongs in breadth he caused Biremes and Triremes to be placed in equall distance one from another and fastened with anchours before and behind and to be joyned together with planks and boords and then covered with sand and gravell raising a hedge or blind on each side thereof to the end the horse and cattel might not be afraid at the working of the billow and so made a bridge for the passage of his army And in the time of the Roman Empire Tacitus describeth the like bridge to be made over the river Po by Valens and Cecina with as great skill as can be shewed at these times for saith he they placed boats a crosse the river in equall distance one from another and joyned them together with strong planks and fastened them with anchours but in such sort as Anchorarum funes non extenti fluitabant ut augescente flumine inoffensus or do navium attolieretur the cables of the Anchours floated loose not being extended to their length that upon the increase of the river the ships might be lifted up without any prejudice to them Whereby it appeareth how much Brancatio was deceived in ascribing that to these later times which was the invention of former ages and may serve as a caveat to our out-languist humorists that can endure no reading but that which soundeth with a strange idiome not to trust too much upon their Authours lest whilst they stiâle their memory with strange words in the mean time they starve their understanding CHAP. VII The Factions in Gallia in Caesar's time BUt here it shall not be amisse to deliver somewhat touching the manner and fashion of life both of the Galles and of the Germans and wherein those two Nations do differ In Gallia not onely in every city village and precinct but almost in every particular house there are parties and factions the heads whereof are such as they think to be of greatest authority according to whose opinion and command the main course of their actions is directed And this seemeth a custome instituted of old time to the end that none of the common people how mean soever might at any time want means to make their party good against a greater man for if they should suffer their parties and followers to be either oppressed or circumvented they should never bear any rule or authority amongst them And this is the course throughout all Gallia for all their States are divided into two factions When Caesar came into Gallia the Hedui were chief ring-leaders of the one party and the Sequani of the other These finding themselves to be the worker side forasmuch as the principality and chiefest power was anciently sâated in the Hedui having many and great adherents and clients drew the Germans and Ariovistus by many great promises on their party and after many great victories all the Nobility of the Hedui being slain they went so far beyond them in power and authority that they drew the greatest part of Clients from the Hedui to themselves and took the children of their Princes for pledges and caused them to take a publick oath not to undertake any thing against the Sequani besides a great part of their countrey which they took from them by force and so they obtained the principality of Gallia
and the other violent and rash and yet both attain the like good fortune by two contrary courses or otherwise as oftentimes it falleth out the more heedless the more happy have been perswaded that all things are so governed by fortune that the wisdome of man can neither alter nor amend them and therefore to spend much time or tedious labour either in carefull circumspection or heedfull prevention of that which is unchangeable they hold as vain as the washing of an Aethiopian to make him white Of this opinion Sylla seemed to be professing himself better born to fortune then to the wars and acknowledging his happiest victories to have proceeded from his most heedless and unadvised resolutions And the great Alexander so carried himself as though he had been of the same opinion of whom Curtius saith Quoties illum fortuna à morte revocavit quoties temere in pericula vectum perpetua felicitate protexit How many a time did Fortune call him back from the brink of death how often did she happily defend and save him when he had by his rashness brought himself into dangers And Plutarch saith that he had power of time and place Others are not willing to ascribe so much to Fortune as to make themselves the Tennis-ball to her Racket and yet they are content to allow her half of every thing they go about reserving the other moitie to their own directions And so like partners in an adventure they labour to improve their share for their best advantage Some other there are that will allow Fortune no part at all in their actions but do confront her with a goddess of greater power and make industry the means to annul her Deitie Of this opinion was Timotheus the Athenian who having atchieved many notable victories would not allow of the conceipt of the painter that had made a table wherein Fortune was taking in those cities which he had won with a net whilst he himself slept but protested against her in that behalf and would not give her any part in that businesse And thus the heathen world varied as much in their opinions touching Fortune as Fortune her self did in her events to themward which were so divers and changeable as were able to ensnare the deepest wits and confound the wisedome of the greatest judgements whereby the word Fortune usurped a Deity and got an opinion of extraordinary power in the regiment of humane actions But our Christian times have a readier lesson wherein is taught a soveraign Providence guiding and directing the thoughts of mens hearts with the faculties and powers of the Soul together with their externall actions to such ends as shall seem best to that omnipotent wisedome to whom all our abilities serve as instruments and means to effect his purposes notwithstanding our particular intendments or what the heart of man may otherwise determine And therefore such as will make their wayes prosperous unto themselves and receive that contentment which their hope expecteth or their labours would deserve must use those helps which the rules of Christianity do teach in that behalf and may better be learned from a Divine then from him that writeth Treatises of War THE SECOND OBSERVATION QUintus Curtius speaking of Alexander saith Nullam virtutem Regis istius magis quam celeritatem laudaverim I can commend no vertue in this King before his speed celerity whereof this might be a ground that he followed Darius with such speed after the second battell he gave him that in eleven dayes he marched with his army six hundred miles which was a chase well fitting Alexander the Great and might rest unexampled notwithstanding Suetonius giveth this generall report of Caesar that in matter military aut aequavit praestantissimorum gloriam aut excessit he either equalled or exceeded the glory of the best and for this particular he saith quod persaepe nuntius de se praevenit that he was very often the messenger of his own success And to speak truly he seemeth to challenge to himself expedition and speed as his peculiar commendation grounding himself upon the danger which lingering and foreslowing of time doth usually bring to well advised resolutions according to that of Lucan the Poet Nocuit semper differre paratis Delay did alwayes hurt those that were ready For by this speedy execution of well-digested directions he gained two main advantages First the prevention of such helps and means as the enemy would otherwise have had to make the war dangerous and the event doubtfull And secondly the confusion and fear which doth consequently follow such main disappointments being the most dangerous accidents that can happen to any party and the chiefest points to be endeavoured to be cast upon an enemy by him that would make an easie conquest For proof whereof amongst many other examples I will onely alledge his expedition to Rome when he first came against Pompey according to Plutarchs relation In the mean time saith he news came to Rome that Caesar had won Ariminum a great city in Italy and that he came directly to Rome with a great power which was not true for he came but with 3000. horse and 5000. foot and would not tarry for the rest of his armie being on the other side of the Alpes in Gallia but made hast rather to surprize his enemies upon the sudden being afraid and in garboile not looking for him so soon then to give them time to be provided and so to fight with them in the best of their strength which fell out accordingly For this sudden and unexpected approach of his put all Italy and Rome it self into such a tumult and confusion that no man knew what way to take for his safetie for such as were out of Rome came flying thither from all parts and those on the other side that were in Rome went out as fast and forsook the citie And the amazement was such that Pompey and the Senate fled into Greece whereby it happened that Caesar in threescore dayes was Lord of all Italy without any bloudshed Besides this manner of prevention by sudden surprize we may see the like expedition in the very carriage and form of his wars For if the enemy had taken the field he laboured by all means to bring him to sight or otherwise if he refused to take the field he then endeavoured with the like speed to besiege him or block him up in some hold to the end he might bring the matter to a speedy upshot as he did with Vercingetorix at Alesia But that which is most memorable touching this point at the first taking in of Spain in the garboil of the civile wars he defeated two armies overthrew two Generals and took in two Provinces in the space of fourty dayes Neither did he make use of expedition only in his carriage of a war but also in the action and execution of battel for he never forsook an enemy overthrown and
Stations forasmuch as no place ought to be given to the least casualtie And there he saw how much Fortune was able to do by the sudden coming of the enemy and how much more in that he was put off from the rampier and the gates which he had so nearly taken But of all the rest this seemed the strangest that the Germans coming over the Rhene to depopulate and spoil Ambiorix and his countrey had like to have taken the Roman camp which would have been as acceptable to Ambiorix as any thing that could happen OBSERVATIONS IT is an old saying avouched by Plutarch Fortuna id unum hominibus non aufert quod bene fuerit consultum What a man hath once well advised that and onely that fortune can never despoile him of which Tiberius the Roman Emperour well understood of whom Suetonius reporteth Quod minimum fortunae casibusque permittebat That he trusted very little to fortune or casualties and is the same which Caesar counselleth in this place Ne minimo quidem casui locum relinqui debuisse That no place is to be given to the least casualty It were a hard condition to expose a naked party to the malice of an enemy or to disadvantage him with the loss of his sight An army without a guard at any time is merely naked and more subject to slaughter then those that never took arms and the rather where the watch is wanting for there sudden chances can hardly be prevented and if they happen to avoid any such unexpected casualtie they have greater cause to thank Fortune for her favour then to be angry with her for her malice for prevention at such times is out of the way and they are wholly at her mercy as Caesar hath rightly delivered touching this accident And therefore whether an army march forward or continue in a place sleep or wake play or work go in hazard or rest secure let not so great a body be at any time without a competent strength to answer the spite of such misadventures CHAP. XVIII Caesar returneth to spoil the enemie and punisheth Acco CAesar returning again to trouble and vex the enemy having called a great number of people from the bordering cities he sent them out into all parts All the villages and houses which were any where to be seen were burned to the ground pillage and booty was taken in every place the corn was not onely consumed by so great a multitude of men and cattell but beaten down also by the unseasenableness of the year and continuall rain insomuch that albeit divers did hide themselves for the present yet the army being withdrawn they must necessarily perish through want and scarcity And oftentimes they happened of the place the horsemen being divided into many quarters where they did not onely see Ambiorix but kept him for the most part in sight and in hoping still to take him some that thought to demerit Caesars highest favour took such infinite pains as were almost beyond the power of nature and ever there seemed but a little between them and the thing they most desired But he conveyed himself away through dens and woods and dales and in the night time sought other countreys and quarters with no greater a guard of horse then four to whom only he durst commit the safety of his life The countrey being in this manner harried and depopulated Caesar with the loss of two Cohorts brought back his army to Durocortorum in the State of the men of Rhemes where a Parliament being summoned he determined to call in question the conspiracy of the Senones and Carnutes and especially Acco the principall Authour of that Councell who being condemned was put to death more majorum Some others fearing the like judgement saved themselves by flight these he interdicted fire and water So leaving two legions to winter in the confines of the Treviri and two other amongst the Lingones and the other six at Agendicum in the borders of the Senones having made provision of corn for the Army he went into Italy ad conventus agendos OBSERVATIONS THe conclusion of this Sommers work was shut up with the sack and depopulation of the Eburones as the extremity of hostile fury when the enemy lieth in the fastness of the countrey and refuseth to make open warre That being done Caesar proceeded in a course of civill judgement with such principall offenders as were of the conspiracy and namely with Acco whom he punished in such manner as the old Romans were accustomed to do with such offenders as had forfeited their loyaltie to their countrey a kind of death which Nero knew not although he had been Emperour of Rome thirteen years and put to death many thousand people The party condemned was to have his neck locked in a fork and to be whipped naked to death and he that was put to death after that manner was punished more majorum Such others as feared to undergo the judgement and fled before they came to triall were banished out of the countrey and made uncapable of the benefit of fire and water in that Empire And thus endeth the sixth Commentary The seventh Commentarie of the warres in GALLIA The Argument THis last Commentarie containeth the specialities of the war which Caesar made against all the States of Gallia united into one confederacy for the expelling of the Roman government out of that Continent whom Caesar overthrew in the end Horribili vigilantia prodigiosis operibus by his horrible vigilancy and prodigious actions CHAP. I. The Galles enter into new deliberations of revolt GAllia being in quiet Caesar according to his determination went into Italy to keep Courts and Sessions There he under stood that P. Clodius was slain and of a Decree which the Senate had made touching the assembly of all the youth of Italy and thereupon he purposed to inrole new bands throughout the whole Province These newes were quickly caried over the Alpes into Gallia the Galles themselves added such rumours to it as the matter seemed well to to bear that Caesar was now detained by the troubles at Rome and in such dissensions could not return to his army Being stirred up by this occasion such as before were inwardly grieved that they were subject to the Empire of the people of Rome did now more freely and boldly enter into the consideration of warre The Princes and chiefest men of Gallia having appointed councels and meetings in remote and woody places complained of the death of Acco and shewed it to be a fortune which might concern themselves They pity the common misery of Gallia and do propound all manner of promises and rewards to such as will begin the warre and with the danger of their lives redeem the liberty of their countrey where in they are to be very carefull not to foreslow any time to the end that Caesar may be stopt from coming to his army before their secret conferences be discovered Which might easily
soulders to be sent him with all speed He rated every city what proportion of arms they should have ready and specially he laboured to raise great store of horse To extraordinary diligence he added extraordinary severity compelling such as stood doubtfull by hard and severe punishment for such as had committed a great offence he put to death by fire and torture lesser faults he punished with the losse of their nose or their eies and so sent them home that by their example others might be terrified By these practises and severity having speedily raised a great army he sent Lucterius of Cahors a man of great spirit and boldnesse with part of the forces towards the Rutheni and he himself made towards the Bituriges Upon his coming the Bituriges sent to the Hedui in whose protection they were in require aid against Vercingetorix The Hedui by the advice of the Legates which Caesar had left with the army sent forces of horse and foot to the aid of the Bituriges who coming to the river Loire which divideth the Bituriges from the Hedui after a few dayes stay not daring to passe over the river returned home again bringing word to our Legates that they durst not commit themselves to the Bituriges and so returned For they knew that if they had passed over the river the Bituriges had inciosed them in on the one side and the Arverni on the other But whether they did return upon that occasion or through perfidious treachery it remaineth doubtfull The Bituriges upon their departure did presently joyn themseleves with the Arverni OBSERVATIONS IT is observed by such as are acquainted with matter of Government that there ought to be alwayes a proportion of quality between him that commandeth and them that obey for if a man of Sardanapalus condition should take upon him the charge of Marius army it were like to take no better effect then if Manlius had the leading of lascivious Cinaedes And as we may observe in oeconomicall policy a dissolute master may as soon command hair to grow on the palm of his hand as to make a vertuous servant but the respect of duty between such relatives doth likewise inferre the like respect of quality so in all sorts and conditions of command there must be sympathizing means to unite the diversity of the parts in the happy end of perfect Government In this new Empire which befell Vercingetorix we may observe a double proportion between him and his people The first of strength and ability and the other of quality and resemblance of affection upon the assurance of which proportion he grounded the austerity of his command For it appeareth that his first beginning was by perswasion and intreaty and would indure no direction but that which was guided by a loose and easy reine holding it neither safe nor seemly but rather a strain of extreme madnesse first to punish or threaten and then to want power to make good his judgements but being strengthened by authority from themselves and backed with an army able to controll their disobedience he then added punishment as the ensign of Magistracy and confirmed his power by rigorous commands which is as necessary a demonstration of a well-settled government as any circumstance belonging thereunto Touching the resemblance and proportion of their qualities it is manifestly shewed by the sequele of this history that every man desired to redeem the common liberty of their country in that measure of endeavour as was fitting so great a cause Amongst whom Vercingetorix being their chief Commander summae diligentiae as the story saith added summam severitatem to great diligence great severity as well assured that the greater part would approve his justice and condemn the uncertainty of doubtfull resolutions desiring no further service at their hands then that wherein himself would be the formost In imitation of Valerius Corvinus Factamea non dicta vos milites sequi volo nec disciplinam modo sed exemplum etiam à me petere I would have you O my Souldiers do as I do and not so much mind what I say and to take not your discipline only but your pattern also from me And therefore the party was like to be well upheld forasmuch as both the Prince and the people were so far ingaged in the matter intended as by the resemblance of an earnest desire might answer the measure of due proportion CHAP. IV. Caesar cometh into Gallia and by a device getteth to his army THese things being told Caesar in Italy assoon as he understood that the matters in the city were by the wisdome of Pompey brought into better state he took his journey into Gallia and being come thither he was much troubled how to get to his army For if he should send for the Legions into the Province he understood that they should be certainly fought withall by the way in his absence If he himself should go unto them he doubted how he might safely commit his person to any although they were such as were yet in peace In the mean time Lucterius of Cahors being sent against the Rutheni doth easily unite that State to the Arverni and proceeding further against the Nitiobriges and the Gabali he received hostages of both of them and having raised a great power he laboured to break into the Province and to make towards Narbo Which being known Caesar resolved by all means to put him by that purpose and went himself to Narbo At his coming he incouraged such as stood doubtfull or timorous and placed garrisons amongst the Rutheni the Volsci and about Narbo which were frontier places and near unto the enemy and commanded part of the forces which were in the Province together with those supplies which he had brought out of Italy to go against the Helvii which are adjoyning upon the Arverni Things being thus ordered Lucterius being now suppressed and removed holding it to be dangerous to enter among the garrisons he himself went towards the Helvii And albeit the hill Gebenna which divideth the Arverni from the Helvii by reason of the hard time of winter and the depth of the snow did hinder their passage yet by the industry of the souldier making way through snow of six foot deep they came into the confines of the Arverni who being suddenly and unawares suppressed little mistrusting an invasion over the hill Gebenna which incloseth them in as a wall and at that time of the year doth not afford a path to a single man alone he commanded the horsemen to scatter themselves far and near to make the enemy the more afraid These things being speedily carried to Vercingetorix all the Arverni full of fear and amazement flocked about him beseeching him to have a care of their State and not to suffer themselves to be sacked by the enemy especially now at this time when as all the war was transferred upon them Upon their instant intreaty he removed his camp out of the territories
then what Caesar hath related who best knew the whole project of that businesse And thus endeth the seventh and last Commentarie written by Caesar of the warre he made in Gallia FINIS OBSERVATIONS Upon CAESARS COMMENTARIES of the CIVILE VVARRES betwixt HIM and POMPEY By CLEMENT EDMUNDS Remembrancer of the City of London LONDON Printed by ROGER DANIEL 1655. The first Commentarie of the Civile VVarres The Argument THis Commentary containeth the Motions and Contentions at Rome concerning Caesar's giving up his government The rent in the State upon the disagreement of the Senate How either side bestirred themselves to seize upon the Provinces Pompey got the East and Caesar the West part of the Empire and defeated Afranius and Petreius in Spain CHAP. I. The Senates affection on Caesar's behalf LEtters being delivered by Fabius to the Consuls from C. Caesar it was hardly obtained by the extreme importunitie of the Tribunes to get them read in the Senate but to consult thereof or to bring the Contents in question would not be granted The Consuls propounded businesses concerning the state of the City L. Lentulus Consul protested his assistance should not be wanting neither to the Senate nor to the Commonweal if they would speak their minds freely and boldly but if they respected Caesar and had an eye to his favour as in former times they usually had he would then take a course for himself and not regard the authority of the Senate neither wanted he means of entrance into Caesar's friendship and good acceptance To the same effect spake Scipio That Pompey was resolved to be aiding to the Commonweal if the Senate would stand to him but if they temporized and dealth coldly in vain hereafter should they seek aid from him albeit they instantly desired it This speech of Scipio's seemed to come from Pompey's own mouth he himself being present and the Senate kept within the Citie Some others spake more temperately As first M. Marcellus who thought it not convenient that the Senate should bring these things in question untill they had made a levie of souldiers throughout all Italie and inrolled an Army by whose protection they might safely and freely determine what they thought fit At also M. Calidius who thought it requisite that Pompey should go to his Provinces and Governments to remove all occasions of taking Arms For Caesar having two Legions newly taken from him feared that Pompey kept them near about the citie to his prejudice And likewise M. Rufus varying some few words declared himself of Calidius opinion All these were bitterly reproved by L. Lentulus the Consul who utterly denied to publish what Calidius had sentenced Marcellus feared with these menaces retracted his opinion And so what with the clamor of the Consul the terrour of the present Army and the threatning used by Pompey's faction most of the Senators were compelled against their will to allow that which Scipio thought fit which was that by a certain day Caesar should dissolve and dismisse his Army which if he did refuse to do that then he openly shewed himself an Enemy to the Common-weal M. Antonius and L. Cassius Tribunes of the people did oppose this decree Their opposition was instantly spoken unto and many sharp and hard censures were given upon the same for according as any one spake most bitterly and cruelly so they were most highly commended by Caesar's Enemies THE FIRST OBSERVATION AS the former Commentaries do carry in their front the ensignes of honour displaying the military valour of the Roman people in the Continent of Gallia and other Kingdomes of warlike Nations so are these Relations branded in the forehead with a note of Infamy and titled with the direfull name of Civile war An odious and decried cause ill befitting the integrity of that State or the excellency of the Actours which are chief in this Tragedy who neglecting all that might either enlarge the Empire or repair Romes honour for the losse of Crassus chose rather to imbrew their ambitious swords in the bloud of their own Countrey Eagle against Eagle and Pile against Pile in a war which could challenge no Triumph If it be now demanded as formerly it was Quis furor o Cives quae tanta licentia ferri What fury 's this what these licentious arms Was it Pompey's Ambition or Caesar's high Thoughts that bereft the State of liberty with the losse of so many Romans It were besides the scope of these discourses to lay an imputation upon either of those Worthies the one being chief Assistant to the Empire when she put off her Consulary Government and the other sitting sole at the helm directing a course to fetch in many Caesars Only this I may truly say with Tacitus That Civile wars were never set on foot by justifiable courses Yet for the Readers better direction and for opening the truth of this story which is more to be regarded then either Socrates or Plato's friendship it shall not be impertinent to fetch the causes of this war a little higher in a word then these Commentaries do afford them The histories of that age do all intimate that when Rome had ennobled Pompey with her service and stiled him by imployments with the title of Greatnesse as a satisfaction for the injuries done unto his father he forgetting the rights of a State which challengeth the renown of other mens labours and suffereth no subject to be co-partner therein further then by approbation of service and obedience assumed to himself the honour due to the Commonweal and became proud of that which was none of his in which conceit the ambition of his spirit kept no measure but over-valued his merits so far that he thought himself rather a Sovereign then a servant So easily are men bewitched when the favour of a State hath once made them absolute and put it self under the awe of private command In this height of greatnesse and authority he made way for Caesar his father in law who had a spirit as subject to ambition and as capable of publick dignities as any one amongst all the Patrician Families and upon the ending of his first Consulship in the year of Rome 695 obtained the government of Gallia Transalpina and likewise of that other Gallia which they called Cisalpina containing the Countries that lie between the Alpes and the little River Rubicon together with Sclavonâa and four legions of souldiers for the term of five years At the expiration whereof his charge was continued by the like favour and meditation of Pompey and the assistance of Crassus for five years longer with a redoubling of his forces But after that Crassus was slain in the Parthian war and that Julia Caesars daughter whom Pompey had married was deceased whereby Caesar stood single without any tie of alliance or other counterpoise of a third party to hold them ballanced at the same weight as they stood while Crassus lived Pompey jealous of those victories and passages
Neither is it the least mischief that the condition of sovereignty is such as will hardly endure reproof but must be disguised as Apollonius corrected Lions by bearing Doggs before them CHAP. II. The Senate proceed against Caesar with all eagernesse THe Senate rising a little before night were all sent for to Pompey He commended the forward for what they had done and confirmed them for after resolutions reprehended such as shewed themselves indifferent and stirred them up to more forwardnesse Many which were of Pompey's former Armies were sent for upon of reward and advancement Many of the two legions which lately came from Caesar were commanded to attend insomuch as the City swarmed with souldiers against the election of new Magistrates C. Cuâio called out the Tribunes of the people All the Consuls friends the kinsfolks and allies of Pompey and such others as had any former enmity with Caesar were compelled into the Senate By the presence and votes of these men the weakest were terrified the doubtfull confirmed and the most part were cut off from giving absolute and free voices L. Piso the Censor and L. Roâcius the Praetor offered themselves to go to Caesar to advise him of these things requiring but six dayes space to return an answer Others thought it fit that Embassadours should be sent to Caesar to give him notice of the pleasure of the Senate To all these was opposed what the Consul Scipio and Cato thought fit Cato was incited through former enmity and specially by the repulse of the Praetorship Lentulus out of a consideration of his great debts hoping to command an Army to govern Provinces and to receive the liberall acknowledgements of Kings whom he should thereby procure to be stiled with the Title of friends to the people of Rome insomuch as he would not stick to boast in private that he was like to prove a second Sylla on whom the sovereign command of the Empire would be conferred Scipio was drawn on by the same hope of having the government of a Province or the command of an Army which by reason of his alliance he thought to share with Pompey being otherwise afraid to be called into justice as also through flattery and ostentation both of himself and other great friends which were able to sway much as well in the course of justice as in the commonwealth Pompey in his particular was much provoked by Caesar's enemies and specially for that he could endare no man to be his equall He was alienated altogether from Caesar's friendship and had reconciled himself to their common Enemies the greatest part of whom were by his means gained to Caesar in the time of their alliance He was also moved by the dishonour which he had gotten by taking those two legions from their journey towards Asia and Syria and using them for the advancement of his own particular Which things moved him to draw the matter to Arms. For these respects all things were carried âmpâtuously and confusedly neither was ãâ¦ã sure given to Caesar's friends to advertise him thereof nor yet to the Tribunes to avoid the danger which was falling upon them or to use their right of opposition which L. Sylla left unto them but within seven dayes after they were entred into their office they were forced to shift for their safety notwithstanding that the most turbulent and seditions Tribunes of former times were never put to look into their affairs or to gâve account of their actions before the eighth Moneth In the end they betook themselves to that extreme and last Act of Senate which was never thought upon but when the city was upon the point of burning or in the most desperate estate of the Commonweal That the Consuls Praetors Tribunes of the people and such as had been Consuls and were resident near about the city should endeavour that the Commonweal might not be indangered This Act was made the seventh of the Ides of January so that the five first dayes in which the Senate might sit after that Lentulus was entred into the Consulship excepting only two dayes for the generall assembly of the people most heavy and cruell Decrees were made against the authority of Caesar and against the Tribunes of the people famous and worthy men who thereupon fled presently out of the city and came to Caesar who being then at Ravenna attended an answer to his easie and modest demands if by any reasonable course matters might be drawn to a peaceable end THE FIRST OBSERVATION IT is the condition of humane nature to make good that which once it hath avouched although the matter be of small consequence in particular and tendeth rather to infamy then to profit neither will it easily be reclaimed by motives of reason but is rather incited thereby per Antiperistasin to persist in wilfulnesse then to hearken to that which is more convenient especially when either jealousie or revenge do imply an advantage for then partiality keepeth no measure but to justifie an errour runnes headlong into all extremities and ââeth to the last refuge of desperate and deplored cases to make disordered passions seem good discretion Which evidently appears by Pompey's faction in resolving of that desperate Act of Senate which was never thought of but in most eminent danger For as in foul weather at sea when a ship rideth in a dangerous road and through the violence of the tempest is upon the point of shipwrack the Mariners are wont to cast out a sheet-Anchor as their last refuge so had Rome anciently recourse to this Decree at such times as the Common-wealth was in imminent and extreme calamity whether it were by enemies abroad or by serpents in their bosome at home Livie speaking of the warre of the Aequi saith The Senatours were so affrighted that following the form of the Decree which was alwayes reserved for cases of extremitie they ordained that Post humius one of the Consuls should take care that the Commonwealth might not be endangered The like was used in civile and intestine seditions as when Manlius Capitolinus aspired to a Tyranny and as likewise in the tumults of the Gracchi the conspiracy of Catiline and other times of like danger For albeit the Consuls had all sovereign authority as well in warre as in peace yet neverthelesse there were certain reserved cases wherein they had no power without expresse order from the Senate and assent from the people as to levie an Army to make warre to take money out of the Treasury whereas upon such a Decree they were enabled to dispose of all businesses of State without further moving of the Senate or people which Tully noteth in his Orations against Antonie I think it fit saith he that the whole state of the Commonweal be left unto the Consuls and that they be suffered to defend the same and to take care that the Commonweal be not indangered THE SECOND OBSERVATION I May not omit for the
Saturmnus and the Gracchi But at this present there was no such matter attempted so much as in thought no law published no practice with the people no tumult no departure out of the City And therefore he adhorted them that forasmuch as under his leading and command for nine yeares together they had most happily carried the government fought many prosperous and victorious battels settled all Gallia and Germany in peace they would now in the end take his honour into their protection and defend it against the malice of his adversaries The souldiers of the thirteenth legion which were present for them only had he called out in the beginning of the troubles and the other legions were not as yet come cried out instantly That they were ready to undertake his defence against such wrongs and to keep the Tribunes of the people from injurie THE FIRST OBSERVATION AS Publick-weals and Societies are chiefly supported and maintained by justice so likewise such as live in the civile community of the same and enjoy the benefit of a well-qualified government do take themselves interessed in the maintenance of justice and cannot endure the tyranny of wrongs unlesse happily as every man is partiall in his own cause they be the authours thereof themselves The first dutie of justice which is Ne cui quis noceat That no man hurt another did Caesar make the theam of his Oration to his souldiers aggravating his particular injuries by opening and enforcing the malice of his Adversaries and making the State a party in his sufferings through the oppression and defacing of the Tribuneship which in times of liberty and just proceeding was sacred and inviolable These remonstrances were apprehended by the souldiers as matters specially concerning their duty holding themselves either bound to redresse them or other wise to be guilty of betraying their parents countrey companions and friends Some report that one ââelius a Primipile of Caesar's Army making answer to this speech gave assurance of the souldiers good affection which the rest approved with a generall acclamation Howbeit the argument lay couched in a Sophisme pretending Caesar's right but concluding the ruine of the State THE SECOND OBSERVATION SEcondly we may observe that as discord and dissension âending asunder the bonds of civile community are the bane of slourishing and opulent Cities and make the greatest Empires examples of Mortality so by the same rule of discourse it is also true that the mutuall respects of well-qualified friendship are as expedient both for the fastening of the joynts of a publick State and for keeping the particular parts in due temper and proportion as either treasure or Armies or any other thing required thereunto Hence it is that Cicero saith that we have as much use of friendship as of fire and water and that he that should go about to take it from among men did endeavour as it were to take the sun out of the heaven which by heat light and influence giveth life unto the world And as men are eminent in place and authority and have use of many wheels for the motion of their severall occasions so have they the more need of amity and correspondency to second the multiplicity of their desires and to put on their businesses to their wished ends CHAP. V. Caesar taketh Ariminum receiveth and answereth messages from Pompey CAesar having sounded the minds of the souldiers went directly with that legion to Ariminum there met with the Tribunes of the people that were fled unto him sent for the rest of the legions from their wintering Camps and gave order they should follow him Thither came young L. Caesar whose father was a Legate in Caesar's camp And after some speech of the occasion of his coming acquainted Caesar that Pompey had given him a message in charge to be delivered unto him which was that he desired to clear himself to Caesar lest he might peradventure take those things to be done in scorn of him which were commanded only for the service of the State the good whereof he alwayes preferred before any private respect and that Caesar likewise was tied in honour to lay aside his indignation and affection for the Commonwealths sake and not to be so transported with anger and disdain of his Adversaries as he seemed to be lest in hoping to be avenged of them he should hurt the publick weal of his Countrey He added somewhat more of the same subject together with excuses on Pompey's behalf Almost the self-same discourse and of the self-same things Roscius the Praetor dealt with Caesar and said that he had received them in charge from Pompey Which although they seemed no way to satisfie or remove the injuries and wrongs complained of yet having got fit men by whom that which he wished might be imparted to Pompey he prayed them both for that they had brought unto him what Pompey required they would not think it much to return his desires to Pompey if happily with so little labour they might accord so great differences and free all Italy from fear and danger That he had ever held the dignity of the commonweal in high regard and dearer then his own life He grieved much that a benefit given him by the people of Rome should be spightfully wrested from him by his adversaries that six moneths of his government were to be cut off and so he to be called home to the City notwithstanding the people had commanded at the last creation of Magistrates that there should regard be had of him although absent Neverthelesse for the Commonwealths sake he could be content to undergo the losse of that honour And having writ to the Senate that all men might quit their Armies he was so farre from gaining the same that contrariwise a levie was thereupon made throughout all Italy and the two legions which were drawn from him under a pretence of the Parthian warre were still retained about the City which was likewise in Arms. And to what tended all this but his destruction And yet notwithstanding he was content to condescend to all things and to endure all inconveniences for the cause of the Publick weal. Let Pompey go to his government and Provinces let both the Armies be discharged let all men in Italy lay down their Arms let the city be freed of fear let the assemblies of the people be left to their ancient liberty and the whole government of the State remitted to the Senate and people of Rome For the better accomplishment whereof under well-advised and secure conditions let an oath be taken for due keeping of the same or otherwise let Pompey approch nearer unto him or suffer Caesar to come nearer to him that these controversies might happily receive an end by conference Roscius having this message went to Capua accompanied with L. Caesar where finding the Consuls and Pompey he delivered unto them Caesar's propositions
to consider what might ensue thereof and the danger which might befall him in particular Varus being throughly wakened at this warning drew out the garrison which he had brought in and so fled away and being overtaken by a few of Caesar's first troups was compelled to make a stand and there giving battel was forsaken of his men Some of the souldiers went home and the rest came to Caesar Amongst them was taken L. Pupius Centurion of a Primipile order which place he had formerly held in Pompey's Army Caesar commended Actius souldiers sent Pupius away gave thanks to them of Auximum and assured them of a mindfull acknowledgement on his behalf for this service THE FIRST OBSERVATION AMongst other things which serve to inable our judgements and do make men wise to good fortune that which is gathered from similitude or likenesse of quality is not the unsurest ground of our discourse but oftentimes giveth more light to guide our passage through the doubtfulnesse of great enterprises then any other help of reason For he that will attend an overture from every particular and tarry for circumstances to accomplish all his purposes and make no use of instances to better his advantage shall never wade farre in businesses of moment nor atchieve that which he desireth Which Caesar well observed for upon the accidentall discovery of the disposition of one town he thereby took occasion to make triall how the rest stood affected and either found them or made them answerable to his hopes Concerning these places taken by Caesar it is to be understood that Pisaurum is sited on the Adriatick sea and belongeth to the Dutchie of Urbine a town famous of old by reason of the prodigious opening of the earth and swallowing up the inhabitants before the battell of Actium some few yeares after it was thus taken by Caesar Fanum was so called of a fair Temple which was there built to Fortune Tacit. Annal. 10. Exercitus Vespasiani ad Fanum Fortunae iter sistit The Army of Vespasian made a halt at the Temple of Fortune It is a small town on the same sea and belongeth to the Pope Ancona is a famous town upon the Adriatick sea sited upon a bow-like promontorie which taketh in the sea between two fore-lands and so maketh one of the fairest Havens of all Italy as well for largenesse as for safety From whence riseth that common saying expressing the rarenesse and singularity of three things Unus Petrus in Roma One Peter in Rome noting the beauty of Saint Peter's Church Una Turris in Cremona One tower in Cremona the excellent workmanship of a Steeple there And unus Portus in Ancona One Haven in Ancona which is this Haven The Emperour Trajan to give it more shelter and keep it from the fury of the wind raised the top of the Promontorie in fashion of a half moon with a mount made of great Marble stones and made it Theatre-wise with descents and degrees to go to the sea together with an Ark triumphall in memory thereof The town is now under the Pope THE SECOND OBSERVATION THis word Decurio hath a double understanding for Romulus having 3000 foot and 300 horse divided them into three Tribes and every Tribe into ten Curies containing a hundred footmen and ten horsemen Whereby Marcellinus concludeth that Decuriones Centuriones à numero cui in Militia praeerant dâcebantur they were called Decurions and Centurions from the number they commanded in the warres But Vegetius is more particular in this point A Company of footmen saith he was called a Century or Maniple and a Troup of horse was called Turma of Ter-denos containing thirty men whereof the Captain was named Decurio In which sense Caesar speaketh Ea res per fugitivos L. Aemiliâ Decurionis equitum Gallorum hostibus nunciatur This businesse was bewrayed to the enemy by the fugitives of L. Aemilius a Decurion of the French horse But in this place it hath another signification for the Romans when they sent any Citizens to people and inhabite a place chose out every tenth man such as were found most able and of best sufficiency to make and establish a publick Councell whom they called Decuriones according as Pomponius and other Civilians understand it So that these Decuriones were the Senate of that place CHAP. VII Lentulus flieth in great fear out of Rome Caesar cometh to Coâfinium THese things being reported at Rome the City was suddenly struck into such a terrour that when Lentulus the Consul came to open the Treasury to deliver out money to Pompey according to the Act of Senate he fled out of the City and left the inner chamber of the Treasury open For it was reported although untruly that Caesar was near approching and that his Cavalrie was hard at hand Marcellus the other Consul together with most of the other Magistrates followed after Pompey departing the day before was gone to those legions which he had taken from Caesar and had left in Apulia to winter In the mean while the inrollment of souldiers ceased within the City No place seemed secure between that Capua There they began first ot assemble and assure themselves impresting for souldiers such as by Julius law were sent thither to inhabit And the Fencers which were there trained and exercised by Caesar for the entertainment of the people of Rome were by Lentulus brought out set at liberty mounted upon horses and commanded to follow him But afterwards upon advice of his friends every mans judgement disallowing thereof he dispersed them here and there throughout Campania for their better safety and keeping Caesar dislodging from Auximum marched throughout all the countrey of Picenum and was most willingly received by all the Praefectures of those Regions and relieved with all necessaries which his souldiers stood in need of Insomuch as Commissioners were sent unto him from Cingulum a town which Labienus had founded and built from the ground at his own charges promising to obey whatsoever he commanded whereupon he required souldiers and they sent them accordingly In the mean time the twelfth legion overtook Caesar and with these two he marched directly to Asculum a town which Lentulus Spinther held with ten Cohorts who understanding of Caesar's approch left the place and labouring to carry the troups with him was forsaken by the greatest part of the souldiers and so marching with a few happened by chance upon Vibullius Rufus sent of purpose by Pompey into the Countrey of Picenum to confirm and settle the people Vibullius being advertised how matters went there took the souldiers and so dismissed him of his charge gathering likewise from the confining Regions what cohorts he could get from Pompey's former inrollments and amongst others entertained Ulcilles Hirus flying with six cohorts out of Camerinum whereof he had the keeping These being all put together made thirteen cohorts with which by long
as were of use for the defence of the town but he himself conferring secretly with some of his familiar friends consulted how he might escape away But forasmuch as his looks agreed not with his words and that his carriage seemed more troubled and timorous then usuall and likewise his secret conferences with his friends were more then ordinary as also by his avoiding of publick counsels and assemblies as much as he could the matter could be no longer dissembled For Pompey had writ back that he would not hazzard the cause by drawing it into such terms of extremity neither was Domitius ingaged in the keeping of Coâfinium by his advice or consent and therefore if by any means he could he should quit the place and bring the forces unto him But the siege was so streight and the works did so begird the town that there was no hope of effecting it Domitius purpose being known abroad the souldiers within the town about the beginning of the evening forsook their stations and drew themselves apart and thereupon had conference with the Tribunes of the souldiers and Centurions to this effect That they were besieged by Caesar whose works and fortifications were almost finished their Generall Domitius in hope and confidence of whom they were engaged in that place setting aside all matters whatsoever was bethinking himself how he might escape and fly away and in regard thereof they were not to neglect their own safety The Marsi at first began to differ from the rest upon that point possest themselves of that part of the town which seemed to be strongest and such a dissension thereby grew amongst them that they had almost gone to blowes Howbeit understanding a while after by messengers which past to and fro between them of Domitius purpose to flâe away whereof formerly they were ignorant they agreed together and with one consent brought Domitius out into open publick and sent some to Caesar to let him know they were ready to open the gates to receive his commandements and to deliver Domitius alive into his hands Upon advertisement whereof albeit Caesar found it a matter of great consequence to gain the town with as much speed as he could and to take the souldiers into his Camp lest either by large promises and gifts or by entertaining other purposes or otherwise through false bruâts or devâsed messages their minds might happily be altered as oftentimes in the course of warre great and eminent chances and alterations do happen in a small moment of time yet for that he feared lest the night-time might give occasion to the souldiers upon their entrance to sack and pilfer the town he commending those that came unto him sent them back again and willed that the gates and the walles should be kept with a good guard He himself disposed the souldiers upon the work which he had begun not by certain spaces and distances as he had accustomed in former times but by continuall watches and stations one touching another round about all the fortifications Moreover he sent the Tribunes and Captains of the horse about and willed them to have a care that there might be no eruptions or sallies and that they should look to the private slippings out of particular men Neither was there any man so heavy or dull that suffered his eyes to be shut that night for so great was the expectation of what would ensue that no man thought of any other thing then of what would happen to the Corfinians to Domitius to Lentulus and the rest About the fourth watch of the night Lentulus Spinther spake from the wall to our souldiers that had the watch and signified that he would willingly have leave to come to Caesar Which being granted he was sent out of the town attended with some of Domitius his souldiers who left him not untill he came in sight of Caesar With him he dealt concerning his life and praâed him to pardon him put him in mind of their former familiarity acknowledged the favours received from Caesar which were very great namely that by his means he was chosen into the Colledge of Priests that upon the going out of his Praetorshâp he obtained the province of Spain and in his suit to be Consul he was much assisted by him Caesar interrupting his speech told him that he came not from his government to hurt any man but to defend himself from the injuries of his adversaries to restore the Tribunes of the people to their dignitie that were thrust out and expelled the City and to put himself and the people of Rome into liberty which were opprest with the partialities of a few factious persons Lentulus being reassured upon this answer prayed leave to return into the town and the rather that this which he had obtained touching his own safety might give hope to the rest amongst whom some were so affrighted that be doubted they would fall into some desperate course And having obtained leave he departed Caesar as soon as it was day commanded all the Senators and Senators children together with the Tribunes of the souldiers and the Roman Knights to be brought out unto him Of Senatours there were L. Domitus P. Lentulus Spinther Vibullius Rufus Sex Quintilius Varus the Treasurer L. Rubrius besides Domitius his sonne and many other young men with a great number of Roman Knights and Decurions whom Domitius had called out of the Municipall Towns These being all brought forth unto him were protected from the insolencies and injuries of the souldiers Moreover he spake a few words unto them concerning the ill requitall on their behalf for the great benefits he had done unto them and so sent them all away in peace The sixty Sestertia of gold which Domitius had laid up in the publick Treasury being brought unto him by the two chief Magistrates or Baâlifs of Corfinium he redelivered to Domitius lest he should seem more continent in taking away mens lives then their moneys although he knew that this money was part of the publick treasure and delivered out by Pompey to pay souldiers He commanded Domitius his party to be sworn his souldiers And that day removing his Camp went a full dayes march after a stay of seven dayes about Corfinium through the confines of the Marrucini Frentani and Larinates and came into Apulia THE FIRST OBSERVATION AS it is true that a friend is not solely tied to the respects of right but doth give more advantage by offices of good endeavour then by that which duty requireth so is it dangerous for a man to put his âickle further into a harvest then haply may deserve thanks of the owner Neither can it be cleared from imputation of folly to care another mans businesse with hazard and perill of our own fortune Howbeit the current and drift of things doth oftentimes so ingage both our persons and affections either in the main action it self or in some circumstances of the same that we
expectation of shipping to follow that course which otherwise had been without exception In the carriage whereof we may observe that as upon the first breaking out of these troubles they scambled for the towns of Italie and sought to strengthen their parties by such as had no voice in the grand Chapter of the Senate but onely injoâed the benefit of Municipall rights so now being parted asunder and the contagion of this intestine evill spread abroad and grown to more ripeness they made like haste to fasten upon the remoter Provinces wherein Caesar had the better portion For in his share were contained Italia Gallia Britannia Hispania Sicilia which being the prime Countreys of Europe were consequently the flour of that Empire for that Europe hath ever been taken for the principall and chiefest part of the world THE SECOND OBSERVATION SEcondly we may observe in Cato the effects of a Stoicall or formall spirit which are more valuable in the easiness of peace then in the difficulties of warre For howsoever he made shew of bestirring himself in rigging and trimming up the Gallies of his Province commanding more to be built raising new troups of horse and foot and prosecuting his commands with purpose of an exact account yet in the end understanding of Curio his coming he spent his furie in complaining of his friends and laying the cause of those garboiles upon him whom by election and consent he had formerly set up to make head against such as otherwise may be supposed would have contained themselves in a better measure of moderation CHAP. XII Caesar goeth to Rome and calling a Senate complaineth of the injuries done unto him THese things being ended that the souldiers might for the residue of the time be a little eased and refreshed Caesar brought them back into the next Municipall towns he himself went directly to the Cittie and having called a Senate he laieth open the injuries and wrongs offered unto him by his Adversaries sheweth them that he never sought honour in the State by extraordinary means onely he looked to have enjoyed the full time of his Consulship and therewith to have been contented which was no more then any Citizen might stand for The Tribunes of the people had required that consideration might be had of him in his absence notwithstanding the opposition of his enemies and Cato his bitter resistance spending the time after his old manner with long and tedious speeches which if Pompey being Consul had disliked why did he suffer that to passe which was enacted But if then he did allow and like of it what reason had he to hinder him from enjoying a benefit which the people of Rome had bestowed upon him From that he fell to speak of his patience which appeared in that of his own accord he moved that either party might quit their forces which might have been very prââdiciall to his honour and dignitie Declared what had been the malice and bitterness of his Adversaries who refused to do that themselves which they required of another man choosing rather to imbroile and confound the whole State then to forgo the command of an Armie Spake at large as well of the wrong done unto him by taking the two legions from him as also for their hard and insolent dealing in putting the Tribunes of the people by their place and authority He forgot not likewise to relate the conditions which he propounded the conference which he desired and would not be granted In regard whereof he prayed and required that they would take the charge of the Common-weale and give a helping hand to him for the government thereof But if they should upon any doubt or mistrust refuse to joyn with him he would not much importune them but would take it into his own hands and in the mean time let Commissioners be sent to Pompey to treat of peace Neither did he respect what Pompey a little before had said in the Senate That to whom soever Embassadours were sent to such seemed to be ascribed Authority and Preeminence as on the contrary part such as sent them manifested an apprehension of fear for these were arguments of pusillanimitie For his part as he had gone beyond him in deeds of Armes and noble acts so would he in like manner endeavour to excell him in justice and equitie The Senators were well pleased that Embassadours should be sent but there was no man found that would go every man refusing in particular for fear of Pompey who upon his departure from Rome had said in the Senate That he would hold him that stayed at Rome in the same condition with them that were in Caesar's Camp So that three daies were spent in debate and excuses L. Metellus Tribune of the people being drawn by Caesar's adversaries to protract the time and to hinder any matter which Caesar should propound unto them THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may observe how irksome it is to humane nature for him that hath tasted the sweetnesse of authority to forgo the reins of command and again to inrolle his name in the list of common dutie descending from the throne of soveraigntie to the condition of obedience and to lose his eminencie in respectless equalitie especially if the honour be Militarie and of Martiall nature For that fasteneth on us with a stronger hold then any other power being lesse capable of moderation and waited on with the eyes and expectation of present and future ages Whereby men grow desperatly jealous of the opinion of the world and cannot indure to quit themselves of that care although they have attained to the full time of their deliverance but to be supplanted in the midst of so glorious a race or to be pulled out of the seat of Magistracie by an abortive miscarriage is able to inrage an ambitious spirit so farre beyond the bounds of modestie that it will not spare any endeavour to confound the greatest Empire with irrecoverable calamities THE SECOND OBSERVATION SEcondly we may observe the disposition of those Senators that by their staying at Rome became neutrall in that Faction and thereupon refused either to take Caesar's commands or to present themselves to Pompey as Mediatours of peace Plutarch hath two reasons why the Senatours would undertake no such matter of Commission as was required by Caesar The first is this which is here expressed every man fearing the displeasure of Pompey who at his departure from Rome had protested to hold them for enemies that went not along with him whereas Caesar censured their forbearance with better advantage to himself and took their neutralitie as an argument of becoming his followers The other reason which Plutarch avoucheth is the opinion which the Senatours had of Caesar's double dealing as not carrying his heart in his mouth but pretending that which he never meant For they could not be perswaded that his end was a cessation of Armes or such a peace with Pompey as should have kept on foot
their ancient liberty but sought rather pretexts of good meaning to colour his designe of making Rome his servant Howsoever we may not omit what is reported to have happened between him and Metellus more then he himself speaketh of For going about to take Money out of the Treasurie he was there stoutly resisted by this Metellus of whom he complaineth alleadging the Lawes and Acts of the State forbidding any man to touch that Money but in such times of extremitie as were therein expressed To which Caesar answered That those Lawes were onely made for time of peace but now Armes and warre required another course of proceeding Neverthelesse Metellus would not suffer him to break open the doors untill Caesar advised him to be gone if he loved his life for it was easier for him to dispatch him then to speak it and so entered and carried away the Treasure Whereupon groweth that of Florus Censum patrimonium populi Romani ante rapuit quam Imperium He carried away the treasure and patrimony of the people of Rome before he got the Empire And Appian deriding the scrupulositie of the ancient Romans that would not touch that Treasure but in extremitie of warre against the Celiae or Galles saith that Caesar might lawfully take it for that he had vanquished and subdued the Galles whereby the Romans had no further cause to fear them CHAP. XIII Caesar leaveth the Citie goeth into Gallia and treateth with the Marseillians CAesar perceiving their resolution after he had spent there in vain some few daies that he might not lose any more time and leave those things undone which he purposely intended he left the Citie and went into the further Gallia Upon his arrivall there he understood that Pompey had sent into Spain Vibullius Rufus whom Caesar had a little before taken at Corfinium and dâsmissed him and that Domitius likewise was gone to take Marseilles with eight Gallies which he set out from Sicilia and Sardinia and manned them with slaves men infranchised and his own husbandmen sending as messengers before certain young noble-men of Marseilles with whom Pompey upon his departure from the City had earnestly dealt that Caesar's new favours might not put out of their remembrance the old benefits which he had done unto them Those of Marseilles having received this message shut their gates against Caesar called into the Citie the Albicans barbarous and mountainous people who of ancient time had held amitie with them and dwelt upon the hills above Marseilles brought Corn from all the adjacent Regions and castles into the town set up offices and forges to make Armes repaired both their walls their navie and their gates Caesar called out unto him some fifteen of the chiefest men of Marseilles treated with them that the beginning of the warre might not grow from that town who should rather follow the example of all Italie then apply themselves to the will of any one man not omitting such other perswasions as he thought pertinent to a sound resolution These men reported at Marseilles what Caesar had delivered and by the common consent of the town returned this answer That they understood that the people of Rome was divided into two parts neither was it in them to judge or could they discern which of the two was in the right The Leaders of these two factions were Pompey and Caesar both speciall Patrons and Benefactours to their Citie of whom one had augmented the publick revenues of the State and endowed it with the lands and territories of the Volcae Arecâmici and the Helvij the other having conquered and subdued Gallias gave it unto them whereby their tributarie In-comes were much augmented and therefore as they were equally bound to both for their favours so would they carrie to both an equall respect not ayding either of them against the other or receiving them within their gates Whilest these things were in handling Domitius arrived at Marseilles with his shipping and being received in was made Governour of the City and had the whole direction of the warre committed unto him By his appointment the âleet was sent out into all Coasts and such ships of burthen as they found they brought in the nails timber and tackling whereof they took to mend and rigge out other ships What Corn soever was found in the City was brought in publick keeping reserving the surplus of victuall and provision for a siege as occasion should require Caâsar provoked with these injuries brought three legions to Marseilles determined to make towers and mantelets ready for an assault and to build twelve new Gallies at Arles which were armed rigged finished and brought to Marseilles within thirty dayes after the timber was cut down Of these he made D. Brutus Admirall and left C. Trebonius to follow the siege OBSERVATIONS FRom the Marseillians we may learn that it is farre easier to say well then to do well for howsoever they were able to discern the truth and to give an answer to Caesar well-beseeming the fame and opinion of their literature and knowledge being an Academie little inferiour to the best and in later times more frequented by the Romans for the studie of Oratorie and Philosophy then Athens or any other such chief seat of the Muses yet in their actions they disavowed all taking upon them most unseasonably to arbitrate those differences and to shew their opinion of the quarrell by taking part with one faction Wherein their errour the more appeared in that the party grieved was not liable to their award but rather had occasion to gain thereby a double honour to himself first by forcing them and then by pardoning their rashness And yet some Writers do think they did no more then they were tied unto by former treaties and leagues with the Empire which they took to consist in Pompey's partie whereof they were loyall and zealous confederates as appeareth by their love when Rome was taken by the Galles for having news thereof and understanding of the composition which was to be made to raise the siege from the Capitoll they provided all the gold and silver they could get and sent it to Rome for that service In regard whereof they were endowed with many Priviledges and Immunities both in the City and elsewhere in the Empire Howsoever their hap being to respect more an exact observance of what had passed then the fatall succeeding course of things drew upon them a sharp and bitter warre whereof they could not be freed but by submitting themselves to his mercy whom they had rejected And thus we see verified that of the Poet Quicquid delirant Reges plectuntur Achivi Kings play the fools and the poor people suffer Which implieth also how dangerous it is for men of authority and imployment to be subject to wilfull ambition For as their service is of great importance to government when it is attended with well qualified affections so are their motions as fearfull which
and in every Order there was a Centurion or Captain These Orders were distinguished by the numbers of the first second third and so consequently unto the tenth orders which were the last and lowest of each of these three kinds So that this Q. Fulginius here mentioned was Centurion of the first and prime order of the Hastati and T. Caecilius Centurion of the first order of the Triarii which by excellencie was called Primipilus or the Leader of the first company of a legion Now concerning their imbattelling we are to note that according to this former division of Hastati Principes and Triarii upon occasion of fight they made a triple battell one standing in front to another which we call the vant-gard battell and rere-ward Whereof the Hastati were called Antesignani not for that they had no Ensignes of their own for every Maniple had an Ensign but because they stood imbattelled before the Eagle and other the chief Ensigns of the legion To which purpose is that of Livie Pugnaorta est non illa ordinata per Hastatos Principesque Triarios nec ut pro signis Antesignanus post signa alia pugnaret Acies The fight began not a regular fight by Hastati Principes and Triarii nor in that orderlinesse that the Antesignani fought before the Ensigns and another battell behind the Ensigns And again Cadunt Antesignani ne nudentur propugnatoribus signa sit ex secunda prima Acies The Antesignani were cut down so that lest the Ensigns should be leât naked of defendants the second battell was made the first Whereby it appeareth that most of the chiefest Ensigns were with the Principes which were called Subsignani as the Triarii Post signani Amongst other benefits of these so particular divisions of an Army that is not the least which is noted by Thucydides Ut jussa imperatoris brevi spacio ad singulos milites deferri possent the commands of the generall are thereby suddenly transmitted to every particular souldier CHAP. XVII Caesar brought into great extremity by overflowing of two Rivers THe enemy fortified the Mount for which they contended with great and strong works and there put a Garrison In the space of those two dayes that these things were in doing there fell out upon a suddain a great inconvenience for such a tempest happened that the like waters were never seen in those places And further besides the snow came down so abundantly from the Hills that it overflowed the banks of the River and in one day brake down both the bridges which Fabius had made and thereby brought Caesar into great extremity For as it is formerly related the Camp lay between two Rivers Sicoris and Cinga and within thirty miles neither of these Rivers were passable so that all the Army were of necessity couped up in that straightnesse neither could the Cities which had formerly ranged themselves with Caesar's party furnish any supplies of victuall and provision nor such of the Army as had gone far for forrage being hindred by the rivers could return to the Camp nor yet the great convotes and reenforcements coming to him out of Italy and Gallia could get to the Camp The time of year was very hard for there was neither old corn left of their winter provisions nor that on the ground was as yet ripe The cities and towns near about were all emptied for Afranius before Caesar's coming had caused all the Corn to be brought into Ilerda and that which remained was since Caesar's coming all spent And for Cattell which might have relieved this necessity by reason of the warre they were removed by the bordering towns and carried farther off Such as were gone out to forrage and to seek Corn were by the light-armed Portugalls and the Buckler-bearers of the hither Spain much troubled and molested for these men could easily passe the river forasmuch as none of them used to go to warre without bladders for that purpose On the contrary part Afranius abounded with all necessary provisions great quantity of Corn was formerly provided and stored up much was brought in from all the Provinces round about there was also great plenty of forrage in his Camp for the bridge at Ilerda afforded means of all these things without danger and the Countrey beyond the river was whole and untouched which Caesar could not come unto by any means The waters continued for many dayes together Caesar used all means to re-edifie the Bridges but neither the swelling of the River would permit him nor yet the cohorts of the Enemy placed on the banks of the other side suffer him to go forwards with it which they might easily hinder both in regard of the nature of the river and the greatnesse of the water as also for that they might easily cast their weapons from along the bank unto one place or point Whereby it was very hard at one and the same time the river running so violently as it did to do the work and to shun the weapons THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may observe that the strength of a multitude is not priviledged from such casualties as betide the weaknesses of particular persons but doth oftentimes undergo extremities which can neither by providence be prevented nor removed by industry and are such as proceed not from the endeavour of an enemy but out of the circumstances of time and place together with such accidents as are interlaced with the same In respect whereof it was that Cambyses told Cyrus That in the course of warre he should meet with some occasions wherein he was not to labour and contend with men but with chances and things which were not to be overcome with lesse difficulty then an enemy and are the more dangerous according as they give way to scarcity and lack of victual For as it is said in the same place Scis brevi finem habiturum imperium si commeatu exercitus careat You know that if your Army be once starved your Empire can be but short-lived The remedies whereof are first Patience which is as requisite in a souldier as either courage or any other ability and in such cases keepeth an Army from discontentment and disorder untill means of better fortune And secondly Good endeavour which availeth much in such chances the effect whereof will appear by that which Caesar wrought to redeem his Army from these inconveniences THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning that which is here noted of the Spaniards that made nothing of passing a River with the help of bladders which the Romans were readier to wonder at then to imitate it is observed that as people exquisitely fashioned to a civile life by a firm and settled policie of government are firm and reall in the whole course of their proceedings and accordingly do shew their punctuality as well in their solemnities and private carriages as in their magnificent and stately buildings so on the other
of them fought on each side entring valiantly the enemies ships killing a great number of the Highlanders and Shepheards Part of the ships they sunk some they took with the men and the rest they beat back into the Haven That day the Massilians lost nine ships with those that were taken This news was brought to Caesar at Ilerda THE FIRST OBSERVATION I Have formerly observed the manner of their sea-fight consisting of three parts The first was their nimble and skilfull managing of their ships either forcibly to assault or to lavire and bear off as might fall for their best advantage wherein the Massilians by reason of the skilfulnesse of their Pilots had great confidence The second was their fight before they came to grappling as well with great engines such as were their Balistae and Catapultae casting stones and logs of wood one against another as also with slings arrows and daâts resembling our great artillery and small shot for which purpose their ships were built with fore-caââles and turrets and other advantages of height for their casting weapons The third was their grappling and forcible entry wherein forasmuch as the matter was referred to the arbitrement of valour the legionary souldier carried the cause Whence we may observe that their legioâs were the ãâã of their valiant and worthy men as well for the sea as the land being âitted by the discipline of their Military exercises to undertake any service subject to humane industry whereof they gâve an account worthy the School wherein they were instructed Neither is ãâã at any time but that such kingdomes as ãâ¦ã to train up their men in Academies of vertuous Actualây do alwaies keep then honour at a high ãâã affording at all times men of absolute and compleat carriage both for designment and performance THE SECOND OBSERVATION I Have a little before shewed out of Livie that the Antesignani were ordinarily taken for the Hastati which being the easiest sort of souldiers according to the generall division of a legion doth seem to contradict the passage in this Chapter Sed delectos ex omnibus legionibus fortissimos viros Antesignanos Centuriones Caesar ei classi attribuerat But Caesar having pickt the valiantest of the Antesignani out of all the Legions put them into this Fleet as Centurions For the better clearing whereof we are to note that as the Hastati or first battel of a legion were generally taken for the Antesignani as standing before the Eagle and other the chiefest Ensignes which were alwaies amongst the Principes or second battell so every Maniple having an Ensign in the midst of the troup the souldiers that stood in front before the Ensign were likewise called Antesignani and were the best souldiers in the Company for the Centurion standing alwaiâs in the head of the troup was accompanied with the valiantest and worthiest men the rest filling up the rere consorted with the Lieutenant who thereupon was called Tergi-ductor Whence we may admire the temperature and disposition of a Roman Army being first generally divided into three battels whereof the meanest were in the vantguard to make triall of their strength and to spend the heat of their young bloud in the first affront of an enemy The Veterani or old souldiers being left in the rereward to repair any losse which either force or casualty should cast upon their Leaders And again to counterpoise themselves in such a manner as the weakest might not alwaââs go to the wall their private Companies were so ordered that the best men were alwayes in front Whereby they made such an exquisite temper as kept every part of the Army in their full strength CHAP. XX. Upon the making of the Bridge at Ilerda the Enemy resolveth to transferre the warre into Celtiberia VPon Caesar's making of his Bridge Fortune suddenly changed The enemy fearing the courage and valour of our cavalry did not so freely range abroad as they had wont to do sometimes seeking forrage within a small distance of the Camp to the end they might find a safe and easy retreat if occasion required sometimes fetching a great compasse about to avoid the guards and stations of our horsemen And if they had received but the least check or had but descried the Cavalry afarre off they would have cast down their burdens and fled away At last they omitted forraging for many dayes together and which was never used by any Nation sent out to seek it in the night In the mean time those of Osca and Calaguris being in league together sent Embassadours to Caesar with offer of their service in such sort as he should please to command it Within a few dayes the Tarraconenses Lacetani and Ausetani together with the Illurgavonenses which border upon the River Ebrus followed after Of all these he desired supplies of Corn and provision which they promised to furnish and accordingly got horses from all quarters and brought grain into the Camp In like manner the Regiment of the Illurgavonenses understanding the resolution of their State left the Enemy and came unto him with their Colours and suddenly a great alteration of things appeared The bridge being perfected five great Cities and States being come in unto him a course settled for provision of Corn and the rumour blown over of the succours and legions which Pompey was said to come withall by the way of Mauritania many other towns farther off revolted from Afranius and clave to Caesar's party The enemy being much affrighted and abashed at these things Caesar to avoid the great circuit by which he continually sent his horsemen about by the bridge having got a convenient place resolved to make many trenches of thirty foot in breadth by which he might drain some part of the river Sicoris and make it passable by a foord These trenches being almost made Afâanius and Petreius did thereupon conceive a great fear lest they should be cut off altogether from victuall and forrage forasmuch as Caesar was very strong in horse and therefore they determined to leave that place and transferre the warre into Celtiberia being the rather thereunto induced for that of those two contrary Factions which in the former warre had stood for L. Sertorius such Cities as were subdued by Pompey did yet stand in aw of his Name and Authority and such as from the beginning had continued firm unto him did intirely love him for the great benefits they had received from him amongst whom Caesar's name was not known There they expected great succours both of horse and foot and made no doubt but to keep the warre on foot untill winter This advice being agreed upon they gave order to take up all the boats that were on the river Iberus and to bring them to Octogesa a town sited upon Iberus twenty miles from the Camp There they commanded a bridge of boats to be made and transporting two legions over Sicoris fortified their Camp with a rampier of twelve foot
of shipping and Corn to keep the Iland THE FIRST OBSERVATION OBserve first how dangerous it is for such as stand neutrall between two parties bearing no affection but to their own ends to declare themselves upon such apparences as commonly happen in the flux and reflux of a war for if their judgement fail as Varro's did they are then forced to redeem their errour with more offices of partiality then can afterwards be excused and so run into a further degree ofenmitie then the party for whom they suffer And certainly whether it be that neutrality refuseth to take part with the right which in matter of controversie must needs stand on one side or whether it favoureth of an ill nature to shew no sympathising affections with such as otherwise have correspondence with them or for what other cause I know not but sure it is that Neutrals attending nothing but their own advantage are of no better esteem then the bird whereof Leo Africus writeth which when the King of Birds demanded tribute would alwaies rank himself amongst the Fish and when the King of Fishes required his service would alwaies be with the Birds or then the Weather-cock whereof there is no other use then indicare regnantem to shew what wind rules THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Iland of Gades was known to the Romans by the name of Tartesson Hic Gades urbs est dicta Tartessus prius Here Gades stands of old Tartessus call'd The Town of Gades was indowed as Dion witnesseth by Julius Caesar with the liberties and priviledges of Rome To which effect Plinie writeth Oppidum habet Civium Romanorum quod appellatur Augusta urbs Julia Gaditana This Iland hath a town of Roman Citizens which is called Augusta Julia Gaditana It was a town of great fame as appeareth by that of Juba king of Mauritania who made ambitious sute to have the title of Duumviri or Two-men of the town as Festus noteth in his Description of the Sea-coast At vis in illis tanta vel tantum decus Aetate prisca sub fide rerum fuit Rex ut superbus omniumque praepotens Quos gens habebat forte tum Maurusia Octaviano principi acceptissimus Et literarum semper in studio Iuba Interfluoque separatus aequore Illustriorem semet urbis istius Duumviratu crederet Such was their power such their grace Of old while faith was yet in place King Iuba the most powerfull Prince The Moors had either then or since In favour with Octavian And every way a learned man Divided from this place by Sân Thought it would greater glory be To be Duum-vir of the town In this Iland stood Hercules Temple to which as well Romans as other noble Adventurers of all Nations made often repair to perform their vowes upon atchievements of deeds of Armes which solemnitie was not omitted by Hannibal before his expedition into Italie Amongst other Altars in this Temple there was one dedicated to Penurie and Art signifying that Art driveth away Penurie as Hercules put to flight and subdued Monsters Those of Asia and the Mediterrane parts took this Iland to be the furthest end of navigation for the Atlantick sea admitted no further passage for want of a load-stone to direct them in that vastness And therefore Pindarus saith that it is not lawfull for wise men nor fools to know what is beyond the streight of Gibraltar the way in the Ocean being a thousand leagues abroad In this town of Gades was born L. Cornelius Balbus who at his death gave a legacy to the Roman people twenty five pence per Pole together with Junius Brutus Columella that writ so excellently De re Rustica Et mea quam generat Tartessi littore Gades And which my Gades yields on Tartesse shoar It is now called Cales and was sacked by our English An. 1596. Hispalis surnamed Romulensis from the Roman Colony that was planted there is seated upon the River Baetis in a very pleasant and fertile Countrey and especially for oiles The town is now the Staple for the West Indies and a very Nursery of Merchants Arias Montanus that great Theologian was born in this City THE THIRD OBSERVATION COncerning these hundred and ninety thousand Sesterces the learned cannot satisfie themselves with any congruent interpretation thereof For if we take them in the Neuter for seven pound ten shillings apiece it amounteth to 1492000 pound which is thought too much if in the Masculine it will rise not to above 1400 pound which is deemed too little And therefore the Criticks do mend the place and read H-S centies nonagies a hundred times ninety H-S which bringeth out 142500 pound and is thought agreeable to the meaning of the Authour CHAP. VIII The Province and the legions revolt from Varro Caesar settleth Spain and returneth to Marseilles ALbeit Caesar was called back into Italy for many great and important causes yet he was resolved to leave no spark or appearance of warre remaining behind him in Spain for that he knew Pompey's deserts to be such as had gained him many followers and dependants in the hither Province And therefore having sent two legions into the further Spain under the conduct of Q. Cassius Tribune of the people he himself made forward by great journeys with six hundred horse sending an Edict before him to summon the Magistrates and chief men of the Cities and Towns to appear before him by a day at Corduba Upon publication of which Edict there was no City in all that Province that sent not some of their Senate by the day appointed to Corduba neither was there any Roman Citizen of note that presented not himself there at that time The Princes and States being assembled of their own accord they shut the gates against Varro set watch and ward upon the walls and in the towers and retained with them two cohorts called by the name of Colonicae which came thither by chance for the safe keeping of the town At the self-same time the Inhabitants of Carmona which is the strongest town of all the Province cast out the three cohorts that were by Varro put into their Cittadell and shut them out of their town Whereby Varro was the rather moved to make haste to Gades with his legions lest he should be hindered and cut off either in the way or in his passage over from the Continent such and so favourable was the generall affection of the whole Province towards Caesar And being somewhat advanced on his journey he received Letters from Gades That as soon as it was known there of the Edict which Caesar had published the chiefest of the Gaditans agreed with the Tribunes of the souldiers which were in Garrison to expell Gallonius out of the town and to keep the City and the Iland for Caesar Which being resolved upon they sent him word to leave the town of his own accord while he might do it without danger and if he refused they would then take such
that a Commander must expect to meet with times wherein his men will stand in danger of nothing so much as their own infirmity being troubled rather with strong apprehensions then for any danger of the thing feared CHAP. XII Curio disputeth the matter in a Councell of war FOr which causes a Councell of war being called they began to deliberate what course was to be taken I here were some opinions which thought that it was very expedient to assault and take Varus Camp for that there was nothing more dangerous then idlenesse for the breeding and increase of such imaginations as the souldiers had conceived Others said It were better to try the fortune of a battel and to free themselves by valourous endeavour rather then to be forsaken and abandoned of their own party and left to undergo most grievous and extreme torments There were others which thought it fit to return about the third watch of the night to Cornelius Camp that by interposing some respite of time the souldiers might be better settled and confirmed in their opinions and if any mischance further happened they might by reason of their store of shipping with more ease and safety return back to Sicily Curio misliking both the one and the other said That there wanted as much good resolution in the one opinion as abounded in the other for these entered into a consideration of a dishonourable unbeseeming flight and those were of an opinion to fight in an unequall and disadvantageous place For with what hope saith he can we assault a Camp so fortified both by Nature and Art Or what have we gained if with great losse and damage we shall go away and give it over As though things well and happily atchieved did not get to the Commander great good will from the souldier and things ill carried as much hate Concerning the removing of our Camp what doth it inferre but a shamefull retreat a despair in all men and an alienation of the Army For it is not fit to give occasion to the prudent and well-advised to imagine that they are distrusted nor on the other side to the ill-disposed that they are redoubted or feared and the rather because fear in this kind will give them more liberty to do ill and abate the endeavour of good men in well deserving And if saith he these things are well known unto us already that are spoken of the revolt and alienation of the Army which for mine own part I think either to be altogether false or at least lesse then in opinion they are thought to be is it not better to dissemble and hide them then that they should be strengthened and confirmed by us Ought we not as we do hide the wounds of our bodies to cover the inconveniences of an Army least we should minister hope or courage to the Adversarie But some there are that advise to set forward at midnight to the end as I imagine that such as are desirous to offend may perform it with more scope and licentiousnesse For such disorders are repressed and reformed either with shame or fear to both which the night is an enemy And therefore as I am not of that courage to think without hope or means that the Enemies Camp is to be assaulted so on the other side I am not so fearfull as to be wanting in that which is fitting but am rather of opinion that we try all things before we yield to that and do assure my self that for the most part we are all of one mind concerning this point OBSERVATIONS AS in matter of Geometry Rectum est Index sui obliqui a straight line manifesteth both it self and a crooked line being equall to all the parts of rectitude and unequall to obliquity so is it in reason and discourse For a direct and well-grounded speech carrieth such a native equality with all its parts as it doth not only approve it self to be levelled at that which is most fitting but sheweth also what is indirect and crooked concerning the same matter and is of that consequence in the variety of projects and opinions and so hardly hit upon in the lame discourse of common reason that Plato thought it a piece of divine power to direct a path free from the crookednesse of errour which might lead the straight and ready way to happy ends And the rather forasmuch as in matter of debate there are no words so weighty but do seem balanced with others of equall consideration as here it happened from those that pointing at the cause of this distemperature convicted Idlenesse for the Authour of their variable and unsettled minds and as Xenophon hath observed very hard to be endured in one man much worse in a whole family but no way sufferable in an Army which the Romans called Exercitus ab exercitio from exercise For remedy whereof they propounded labour without hope of gain and such service as could bring forth nothing but losse Others preferring security before all other courses as believing with Livie that Captains should never trust Fortune further then necessity constrained them perswaded a retreat to a place of safety but upon dishonourable tearms Which unevennesse of opinions Curio made straight by an excellent Maxime in this kind thinking it convenient to hold such a course as might neither give honest men cause of distrust nor wicked men to think they were feared For so he should be sure in good tearms of honour neither to discourage the better sort nor give occasion to the ill-affected to do worse And thus winding himself out of the labyrinth of words as knowing that to be true of Annius the Praetor that it more importeth occasions to do then to say being an easy matter to fit words to things unfolded resolved upon he brake up the Councell CHAP. XIII Curio calleth a generall assembly of the souldiers and speaketh unto them concerning their fear and retraction THe Councell being risen he gave order for a Convocation of the Army and there called to remembrance what they had done for Caesar at Confinium how by their favour and furtherance he had gained the greatest part of Italy to be on his side For by you saith he and by your endeavour all the rest of the Municipal towns were drawn to follow Caesar and there fore not without just cause did he at that time repose great assurance in your affections towards him and the adverse party conceived as great indignation spight against you For Pompey was not forced away by any battel but being prejudiced by your act he quitted Italy Caesar hath recommended me whom he held near unto himself together with the Provinces of Sicily and Africk without which he cannot defend the City and Italy to your trust and fidelity There are some which solicite and perswade you to revolt from my command for what can they wish or desire more then to make
it but one work to bring us both to ruine and overthrow and to ingage you in a most detestable wickednesse Or what worse opinion can they conceive of you then that you should betray those men that professe themselves wholly yours and that you might afterwards come into their power who take themselves to be undone by your means Have you not understood what Caesar hath done in Spain two Armies beaten two Generalls defeated two Provinces taken and all within forty daies after he came in view of the Enemy Those whose forces were not able to make resistance when they were whole and entire how is it possible they should hold out being beaten and discomfited You that followed Caesar when the victory stood doubtfull now Fortune hath adjudged the Cause and determined of the issue of the War will you follow the vanquished Partie when you are to receive the reward of your service They gave out that they were forsaken and betraied by you and do remember you of the former oath you took But did you forsake L. Domitius or did he forsake you Did not he thrust you out and expose you to all extremity of fortune Did he not seek to save himself by flight without your knowledge or privity Were you not preserved and kept alive by Caesar's clemency when you were abandoned and betraied by him How could he tie you with the oath of allegeance when having cast away his sheaf of Rods and laid down his authority he himself was made a private person and became captivated to the command of another mans power It were a strange and new religion that you should neglect that oath wherein you stand now ingaged and respect the other which was taken away by the rendry of your Generall and the losse of your liberty But I believe you think well of Caesar and are offended at me that am not to preach of my merits towards you which as yet are less then my will and unworthy your expectation and yet souldiers have alwaies used to seek reward upon the shutting up of a war which what event it will have make you no doubt And why should I omit the diligence which I have already used and how the business hath hitherto proceeded Doth it offend you that I transported the Army over in safety without losse of any one ship That at my coming I beat and dispersed at the first onset the whole fleet of the Adversaries That twice in two daies I overcame them onely with the Cavalry That I drew two hundred Ships of burthen out of the Road and Port of the Enemy and have brought them to that extremity that they can be supplied by provision neither by sea nor by land All this good fortune and these Commanders rejected and forsaken will you rather imbrace again the ignominie you received at Corfinium or your slight out of Italy or the rendering up of Spain or the prejudiciall successe of the war of Africk Truly for mine own part I was desirous and content to be called Caesar's souldier but you have stiled me with the title of Imperator Which if it repent you I do willingly quit my self of your grace and return it back unto you and do you in like manner restore me to my name again least you should seem to give me honour which might turn to my reproch THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the handling of this accident the difference cometh to be observed between a Councell of war and a Concio or convocation of the souldiers The first was more particular consisting of some choice men and those the most eminent in the partie Is qui non universum populum sed partem aliquam adesse jubet non comitia sed concilium edicere debet he that calls together only a part of the people and not the whole calls a Councell not a generall assembly Their convocation or preaching was more generall the whole Army being convented together to be fitted by perswasion and discourse to follow the resolution taken by a Councell and was properly called Adlocutâo and sometimes Conventus Cicero perlectam Epistolam Caesaris in conventâ militum recitat Cicero read the letter from Caesar in a conventus or generall meeting of his souldiers The parties called to a Councell were according as the Generall valued the occasion for sometimes the Legates and Tribunes were onely consulted and now and then the Centurions of the first Orders together with the Captains of horse were called to their assistance and oftentimes all the Centurions But howsoever Curio resolved out of his own judgement as great Commanders commonly do and is specially observed by Pierre Matthieu of the French King who ever loveth to hear the opinion of his Captains but alwaies finds his own the best THE SECOND OBSERVATION AMongst other strains of this discourse it is acknowledged that Rome could not stand without Sicilie the reason was for the plenty of Corn which it brought forth for Sicily was alwaies reputed as the Granary or Barn of Rome accordingly cared for by the Senate as a place without which their Citie could not continue The grain of that Iland is hard like horn and cannot well be broken or ground into Meal untill it be wet with water and then dried in the shade rather then in the sunne by means whereof it yieldeth so exceedingly that it is accounted twenty in the hundred better then any Ponent Wheat especially for that it will keep long in their Vaults and Caves under the earth seldome or never take heat being of it self so hard and dry The gluttonous use of flesh hath made men ignorant of the vertue and strength of Corn which the Romans better understood for their legions never sed on flesh as long as they could get Corn. Pecora quod secundum poterat esse inopiae subsidium they fetched in cattel as the second way to help their want saith Caesar And in another place Ut complures dies milites frumento caruerint Pecore è longinquioribus vicis adacto extremam famem sustentarent the souldiers having for many daies been without corn they were fain to sustain their extreme hunger with cattell which they had fetched afar off And in the same place Quod minor erat frumenti copia Pecus imperabat because there was but little corn he gave order for cattell And again Non illi hordeum cum daretur non legumina recusbant Pecus vero cujus rei summa erat in Epiro copia magno in honore habebant They refused neither barley nor pulse when it was offered them but cattell whereof there was good store in Epirus they prized at an high rate By which places it appeareth that they never fell to flesh but when they wanted Corn. Which is doubtlesse a firmer nutriment lesse excrementall and of better strength then any other food whatsoever as containing the prime substance of Meat and the spirit of Wine for Aqua vitae
per Cent. Dodrans 9. Bes 8. Septunx usura 7. Semis 6. Quincunx 5. Triens 4. Quadrans 3. Sextans 2. Unciaria one in the hundred Howbeit Cato condemned all kind of usury for being demanded Quid maxime in re familiari expediret respondit bene pascere quid secundum satis bene pascere quid tertium bene vestire quid quartum arare Et cum ille qui quaesierat dixisset Quid foenerari Quid hominem inquit occidere what was the most expedient thing in householdry answered good diet what the second enough good diet what the third good cloaths what the fourth ploughing And when he that question'd him thus said What think you of taking use he replyed What is it to kill a man Allowing as it seemeth no means of getting mony but those which Aristotle took to be most agreeing to Nature which is from the fruits of the earth and the increase of our cattell with such other courses as are answerable thereunto CHAP. II. A particular view of Pompey's forces IN the accomplishing of these things as also celebrating the Latine Holy-daies and holding the Assemblies of the people having spent eleven daies he gave over his Dictatorship left the City and came to Brundusium For he had commanded seven legions and all his Cavalry to repair thither Howbeit he found no more shipping ready then would hardly transport fifteen thousand legionary souldiers and five hundred horse the want of shipping seeming to hinder him from bringing the war to a speedy end Moreover those forces which were shipped were but weak in regard that many of them were lost in the wars of Gallia and lessened likewise by their long journey out of Spain besides that the unwholsome Autumn in Apulia and about Brundusium had made the whole Army ill disposed being newly come out of the sweet air of Gallia and Spain Pompey having had a years space to provide himself of men and munition and neither war nor enemy to trouble him had got together a great Navy out of Asia from the Cyclade Iles Corcyra Athens Pontus Bithynia Syria Cilicia Phoenicia and Egypt and had caused another as great a fleet to be built in all places fit for that purpose had raised great summs of mony out of Asia and Syria and of all the Kings Dynastes Tetrarchs and free States of Achaia and had likewise compelled the Corporations of those Provinces to contribute the like summe He had enrolled nine legions of Roman Citizens five which he had transported out of Italy one old legion out of Sicily which being compounded and made of two he called the âwin one out of Creet and Macedoniaâold âold souldiers who being discharged by ãâ¦ã those Provinces and ãâ¦ã of Asia which Lentulus the Consul had caused to be enrolled Besides he had distributed amongst those legions under the ãâ¦ã supply a great number of Thessaly ãâ¦ã and Epirus Amongst these he had mingled Antonie's souldiers and besides these he expected to be brought by Scipio out of Syria two legions Of Archers out of Crete Lacedaemon Pontus and Syria and the rest of the Cities he had 3000 six cohorts of Slingers two Mercenary 7000 horse Whereof Deiotarus had brought 600 Galles Ariobarzanes 500 out of Cappadocia Cotus out of Thracia had sent the like number under the leading of his son Sadalis From Macedonia came 200 commanded by Rascipolis a Captain of great fame and vertue From Alexandria came 500 part Galles and part Germans which A. Gabinius had left there with King Ptolemy to defend the Town Pompey the son had brought with the Navy 800 of his shepheards and servants Tarcondarius Castor and Donilaus had sent three hundred out of Gallograecia of whom one came himself and the other sent his son Two hundred were sent out of Syria by Comagenus of Antioch whom Pompey had presented with great gifts most of which were Arbalestriers on horseback To these were added Dardans and Bessi partly for pay and entertainment and partly got by command or favour besides Macedonians Thessalians and of divers other Nations and Cities insomuch as he filled up the number formerly spoken of He provided great quantity of Corn out of Thessaly Asia Crete Cyrene and the rest of those Regions He determined to winter at Dyrrachium Apollonia and all the maritime towns to keep Caesar from passing the Sea and to that end he had laid and disposed his Navie all along the Sea-coast Pompey the son was Admirall of the Aegyptian ships D. Laelius and C. Triarius of those that came out of Asia C. Cassius commanded them of Syria and C. Marcellus with C. Pomponius the ships of Rhodes Scribonius Libo and M. Octavius had charge of the Liburnian and Achaian Navie Howbeit M. Bibulus commanded in chief in all sea causes and to him was left the superintendency of the Admiralty THE FIRST OBSERVATION COncerning these Latinae Feriae it is to be noted that the Romans had two sorts of Feriae or Holy-daies the one called Annales which came alwaies to be kept on a certain day and thereupon were called Anniversarii or yearly the other Conceptivae which were arbitrary and solemnized upon such daies as the Magistrates and Priests thought most expedient whereof these Latinae Feriae were chief and were kept on Mount Albane to Jupiter Latiar or Latialis for the health and preservation of all the Latine people in league and confederacy with the people of Rome and were solemnized in remembrance of the truce between those two Nations during which feast the Romans held it unlawfull to make any war The sacrifice was a white Bull kill'd and offered by the Consuls and the flesh distributed to the inhabitants of Latium according to an ancient Treaty of alliance between them engraven for a perpetuall memory in a Column of brasse The particulars whereof are expressed at large by Dionysius Halicarnasseus THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe second thing coming to be noted is the view taken of Pompey's forces which are nine compleat legions besides the supplies here particularly mentioned sent from such as bare affection to that Party and by indifferent calculation might amount in all to near about threescore thousand men together with the favour of the Countrey where the triall was to be made by the stroke of War In which Muster were the souldiers of C. Antonius whose misfortune these Commentaries have either willingly forgot or some other chance hath wip't it clean out Howbeit Florus hath it recorded that Caesar having sent Dolabella and Antonius to seize upon the Streights and entrance of the Adriatick sea the one took hold of the coast of Sclavonia and the other near unto Corfu when upon a suddain came Octavius and Pompey's Lieutenants and with great forces they had aboard their ships surprized both the one and the other whereby Antonius was constrained to yield up fifteen Companies which were these souldiers of Antonius hear mentioned Rascipolis or Rascupolis was a Thracian of great fame that
Zenâbia that subdued the Persians and Helena Queen of the Russes Besides other noble spirits that could answer such as told them news of the death of their sons in battell That they had brought them into the world for that onely purpose Which do prove as well a reall as a potentiall aptness of that Sex to the use and practice of Armes And if any man as unwilling to affoord them so much worth will know wherein they avail the fortune of a War he may take notice that even in expeditions wherein they are most subject to exceptions they alwaies give acceptable assistances to their Husbands both in their provisions and otherwise and are such Companions as can hardly be left at home without danger of greater hazard But in places besieged women do not onely affoord hair to make ropes if need require as it fell out in this siege but are able to cast pieces of Mill-stones upon the Enemy with better fortune sometimes then any other man and have thereby slain the Generall to the raising of the siege and saving of the Citie But to take instances of later times It is not to be forgotten that when the Arch-Duke Matthias after the death of Count Mansfield commanded the Christian Army at the siege of Strigonium while the Turks within the Castle were making works for a retreat the women in the mean time made good the breaches and there bestowed such store of Wild-fire that the Italian Squadrons commanded by Aldobrandine being joyned poldron to poldron to presse into the breach seemed all of a fire at once and were forced to fall off with great terrour and confusion THE SECOND OBSERVATION A Town assaulted by a warlike Enemy is not kept or freed with Charmes or Spells or as the Inhabitants of Tomby in the East Indies drave away the Portugalls with Hives of Bees when they were possessed of the walls but with such valour as may over-master the Enemy and extend it self to the taking of five Camps if need require which was performed by these Inhabitants of Salonae CHAP. III. Caesar sendeth to Pompey touching a Peace taketh in Oricum Apollonia and other places IT is before declared that Vibullius Rufus one of Pompey's Lieutenants was twice taken by Caesar and dismissed once at Corfinum and a second time in Spain Him did Caesar deem in regard of the favours which he had shewed him to be a sit person to be sent with a Message to Pompey and the rather for that he understood that he was in good account and credit with him The summe of his Commission was to tell him That it beseemed them both to give an end to their wilfulnesse to lay down their Armes and not to tempt Fortune any longer either side had been sufficiently afflicted with losse and dammages which might serve for instruction and example to avoid other inconveniences He for his part was driven out of Italy with the losse of Sicily Sardinia and the two Provinces of Spain as also of one hundred and thirty cohorts of Roman Citizens in Spain and Italy Himself was afflicted with the death of Curio with the losse of the African Armie and with the rendry of the souldiers at Corfu And therefore they should have regard of themselves and of the Common-wealth They had good experience by their own losses what Fortune could do in war This was the onely time to treat of peace whilst either Party stood confident in his own strength and seemed of equall might and power But if Fortune should chance to sway to one side he that thought he had the better end of the staffe would never hearken to any conditions of peace nor content himself with a reasonable part because his hope would give him all Concerning the Articles of Treaty forasmuch as they could not agree thereof themselves they ought to seek them from the Senate and people of Rome In the meanwhile it was fit that the Common-wealth and themselves should rest satisfied if without further delay both of them did take an oath in the presence of their Armies to dismisse their forces within three daies next following to lay down Armes and send away their Auxiliary troups wherein they so relied and consequently to depend upon the judgement and decree of the people of Rome For assurance whereof on his behalf he would presently discharge as well his forces in the field as those in garrison Vibullius having received these instructions from Caesar thinking it no lesse requisite to advertise Pompey of Caesar's arrivall that he might consult of that before he delivered what he had in charge posted night and day taking at every stage fresh horse that he might certifie Pompey that Caesar was at hand with all his forces Pompey was at that time in Candavia and went out of Macedonia to Winter in Apollonia and at Dyârachium But being troubled at the news he made towards Apollonia by great journeys least Caesar should possesse himself of the maritime Cities Caesar having landed his forces went the next day to Oricum Upon his approach L. Torquatus who commanded the town under Pompey and had there a garrison of Parthians shutting the gates went about to defend the place commanding the Graecians to take Armes and make good the walls But they refusing to fight against the power and authority of the people of Rome and the townsmen endeavouring of their own accord to receive Caesar in he opened the gates despairing of all other succours gave up both himself and the town to Caesar and was entertained by him in safety Oricum being taken in by Caesar without any further delay he went to Apollonia His coming being heard of L. Straberius the Governour began to carrie water into the Citadell to fortifie it and to require pledges of the inhabitants They on the other side denied to give any or to shut their gates against the Consul or of themselves to take a resolution contrary to that which all Italy and the people of Rome had thought convenient Their affections being known he secretly conveighed himself away The Apollonians sent Commissioners to Caesar and received him into the town The Bellidenses followed their example and the Amatini together with the rest of the confining Cities And to conclude all Epirus sent unto Caesar promising to do what he commanded But Pompey understanding of these things which were done at Oricum and Apollonia fearing Dyrrachium posted thither night and day Howbeit upon the report of Caesar's approch the Armie was so astonished that for haste on their way they left almost all their Ensignes in Epiâus and the confining Regions and many of them casting away their Armes seemed rather to flie then to march as souldiers As they came near to Dyrrachium Pompey made a stand and caused the Camp to be intrenched whenas yet the Army was so affrighted that Labienus stood out first and took a solemn oath Never to forsake Pompey but to undergo what chance soever Fortune had
allotted him The same oath took the Legates being seconded by the Tribunes of the shouldiers and Centurions and by all the Army that took the like oath THE FIRST OBSERVATION UNum est tempus saith Caesar de pace agendi dum uterque sibi confidit pares ambo videntur The only time to treat of peace is whilst either party is confident of his strength and both seem of equall might and power Which may serve for an excellent Rule to point out the fittest and seasonablest time for composition between two opposite Parties For as in quantities equality begetteth equality and disparity a like unevennesse of nature so in other things as namely in Treaties of Agreement the conditions do commonly rise to either Partie according as they stand ballanced in the scale of Equality or otherwise as the difference of their means shall allot them For if that be true in the Extremity which Curtius hath That Lawes are given by Conquerours and accepted upon all conditions by them that are subdued it doth consequently follow in the Mean that men find dealing proportionable to their fortune To which purpose is that of Plato where he saith That Peace and Quietness consist in equality as Trouble and Motion are alwaies in inequality THE SECOND OBSERVATION IT appeareth here by the fright and astonishment of Pompey's Army that the course he took to abandon Italic was out of no good advice or direction For whereas he might with farre more honour and no lesse hope of successe have contested with Caesar in the place where the warre brake out and kept him to a task which should have held him from the conquest of Spain or such other atchievements as he easily wrought in the absence of his Adversaries it fell out that his departure into Greece sorted to no other end then by time to abate the edge of the forwardest courages and to suffer a numerous Armie to be daunted with noise and clamours of continuall victories gotten upon a part of themselves and then to give occasion to the Conquerour to come in the ãâã of Fame and take them disarmed of expectation to their great amazement CHAP. V. Caesar taketh up his lodging for Winter Bibulus distressed at Sea for want of provisions seemeth desirous of a Treaty which being carried on the other side with good caution breaketh off again CAesar understanding that his passage to Dyrrachium was thus intercepted did forbear his haste and incamped himself upon the River Apsus in the confines of the Apollonians that by the means of his Guards and Forts such Cities as had well deserved of him might be in safety and there determined to winter in Tents of skin and to attend the coming of his other legions out of Italy The like did Pompey pitching his Camp on the other side of the River Apsus and there assembled all his troups and forreign aids Calenus having according to Caesar's directions imbarked the legions and Cavalry at Brundusium and taken in as many as his shipping would contain he set sail but being gone a little out of the Port he received Letters of advice from Caesar that all the Havens and the Sea-coast was kept with the Enemies fleet Whereupon he made again into the Haven and called back all the ships only one holding on her course without regard of the command carrying no souldiers but belonging to private men arrived at Oricum and there was taken by Bibulus who spared neither bond nor free of as many as were of age but put all to the sword Whereby it happened that in a moment of time by great chance the whole Army was saved Bibulus as is before declared lay at Oricum with his Navy And as he kept the Sea and the Ports from Caesar so was he kept from landing in any of those Countries for all the Sea-coast was kept by Guards and Watches set along the shore that he could neither water get wood nor bring his ships to land upon any occasion Insomuch as he was brought into great streightnesse and exigence for want of all necessaries and was constrained besides all other provisions to fetch his water and wood from Corfu And one time amongst the rest it happened that the weather being foul they were forced to relieve themselves with the dew which in the night time fell upon the skins that covered the Decks of the ships All which extremities they patiently endured and would by no means be brought to leave the Ports or abandon the Sea-coast But as they were in these difficulties and that Libo and Bibulus were come together they both of them spake from a-shipboard to M. Acilius and Statius Murcus Legates of whom one was Governour of the Town and the other had the charge of such Guards as were along the shore signifying that they would willingly talk with Caesar of matters of great consequence if they might have leave For a better shew and assurance whereof they intimated something concerning a Composition In the mean time they earnestly desired there might be a truce for the thing they propounded imported matter of great weight which they knew Caesar exceedingly affected and it was thought that Bibulus was able to work somewhat to that purpose Caesar at that time was gone with one legion to take in some towns farther off and to set a course for provision of Corn which was brought sparingly unto him and was then at Buthrotum opposite to Corfu Being certified there by Letters from Acilius and Murcus of that which Libo and Bibulus had required he left the legion and returned himself to Oricum At his arrivall thither they were called out to treat Libo came forth and excused Bibulus for that he was exceeding cholerick and had besides conceived a great anger at Caesar about the Aedility and Praetorship and in regard of that he did shun the Conference lest a matter of that utility and importance should be disturbed by his intemperate carriage Pompey he said alwaies was desirous that matters might be accorded and that Arms might be laid aside but they of themselves could do nothing therein forasmuch as by the generall resolution of a Councell the superintendency of the warre and the disposition of all things were referred to Pompey Howbeit when they understood what Caesar required they would send instantly a dispatch unto Pompey and be a means that he should accomplish all things with good satisfaction In the mean time let there be a truce and untill an answer might be returned from him let neither Party offend one another To this he added somewhat concerning the Cause in question the forces and aids To which Caesar did not think it fit at that time to make any answer nor do we think there is cause now to make mention thereof Caesar required that it might be lawfull for him to send Embassadours to Pompey without danger and that they would undertake that such as he sent might be well intreated or take them into their charge and
bring them safely to Pompey Concerning the Truce the course of the warre fell out to be so carried that they with their Navy did keep his ships and succours from coming unto him and he on the other side did prohibite them from landing or taking in fresh water and if they would have that granted unto them let them cease guarding of the Coast but if they would continue that then would he continue the other Notwithstanding he thought the Treaty of accord might go on albeit these were not omitted for he took them to be no impediment thereunto They would neither receive Caesar's Embassadours nor undertake for their safety but referred the whole matter to Pompey only they instanced and very vehemently urged for the Truce But Caesar perceiving that all this speech tended only to avoid the present danger and to supply themselves of such wants wherewith they were streightened and that there was no condition of peace to be expected he began to think of prosecuting the warre THE FIRST OBSERVATION AS in contracting with a party it is duely to be cared that War be not shrowded under the fair name of Peace so a Truce demanded by an Enemy is to be handled sparingly and with suspicion as a thing never commonly required but when necesity doth move them thereunto and not to be granted but as it may inferre the like advantage But to yield to a suspension of Arms advantageous to an Enemy and no way gainfull to them that consent unto it is neither allowable by reason nor Caesar's example And if occasion prove it requisite it must be but for a little time for a Prince armed in the field that shall entertain a Truce for any long season shall see his Army consumed both in courage and in the parts thereof which will fall asunder of themselves and was the means by which Lewis the eleventh put by Edward the fourth king of England from going on with a warre that might have given him the possession of the Crown of France Whence it is that such as seek a Peace desire no more then a cessation of Arms for some reasonable time as an introduction inforcing the same Concerning leagues we are to note that there are found three differences The first is a league of Peace which by the Apostles rule should extend to all men Habete pacem cum omnibus have peace with all men and by example of holy Patriarchs Isaack with Abimelech Jacob with Laban may lawfully be made with Heathen Princes being as the golden chain that tieth all the Nations of the earth in peaceable community The second is a league of Entercourse or Commerce which is likewise by the same Patriarch sending for Corn into Egypt and Solomon's entercourse with Hyram king of Tyre together with divers other examples allowable with Infidels For Nature being rich in variety of commodities doth therefore divide her works amongst the kingdomes of the earth that there might be a mutuall entercourse of exchange between the parts of the same The third is a league of mutuall assistance such as Jehosaphat made with Achab and it is hardly safe with any Prince but no way allowable with Infidels Touching the Persons to be offered in a Treaty it is to be observed from Bibulus that no man whose presence may either give offence or whose intemperance may any way interrupt a course sorting to a happy issue is fit for any such imployment THE SECOND OBSERVATION THere were in Rome certain officers called Aediles ab Aedibus as having the care of houses and buildings both publick and private that they might be built and maintained in such manner as was agreeable to the ordinances of that State together with other things whereof they had the charge Nunc sum designatus Aedilis saith Cicero habeo rationem quod a Populo Romano acceperim mihi ludos sanctissimos maxima cum ceremonia Cereri Liberoque faciendos mihi Floram Matrem populo plebique Romanae ludorum celebritate placandam mihi ludos antiquissimos qui primi Romani sunt nominati maxima cum dignitate ac religione Jovi Junoni Minervaeque esse faciendos mihi sacrarum Aedium procurationem mihi totam urbem tuendam esse commissam ob earum rerum laborem solicitudinem fructus illos datos antiquiorem in senatu sententiae dicendae locum togam praetextam sellam curulem jus imaginis admemoriam posteritatemque prodendam Now that I am appointed to bear the office of Aedility I recon with my self what charge I have received from the people of Rome viz. to see to the solemnizing with highest ceremony of the most holy plaies consecrated to Ceres and Bacchus to the pacifying of Flora towards the people with celebration of playes due to her as likewise to the performing of those most ancient playes in honour of Jupiter Juno and Pallas with the greatest splendour and religion possible to have a care of sacred houses and in generall of the whole City c. Wherein it is to be noted that these shews and Plaies were alwayes made and set forth at the charge and costs of the Aediles and thence it was that the allowing or disallowing of all Play-books belonged unto them Moreover they had the charge of all the publick buildings and works of the City together with the provision of victuall and Corn. And for the missing of this office was Bibulus angry with Caesar and would not be regained upon any condition CHAP. VI. Bibulus dieth Caesar useth means to procure a Treaty of peace but prevaileth not BIbulus being kept from landing many dayes together and fallen into a grievous sicknesse through cold and extreme labour and having no means of help nor yet willing to forgo his charge could no longer withstand the violence of the disease He being dead there was none appointed to take the whole charge but every man commanded his own fleet The hurlyburly being quieted which Caesar's suddain arrivall had moved Vioullius with the assistance of Libo together with L. Lucceius and Theophanes to whom Pompey was wont to communicate matters of greatest importance resolved to deliver what Caesar had recommended unto him and entering into the relation thereof was interrupted by Pompey forbidding him to speak any farther of that matter What use or need have I saith he either of my life or of the City when I shall be thought to enjoy it by Caesar's favour neither can the opinion thereof be removed untill the warre be ended that of my self I return back into Italy from whence I am come Caesar understood this from those that were present when he spake it and yet notwithstanding he endeavoured by other means to procure a Parlce of peace For the two Camps of Pompey and Caesar were only separated by the River Apsus that ran between them where the souldiers had often Colloquies and by agreement amongst themselves threw no weapon during the time of
the Turkish Sultans and confirmed the same by an oath taken upon the holy Evangelist did neverthelesse at the perswasion of Julian a Cardinall who took upon him by power from the Pope to disannull the league and absolve him from the oath break the peace and gave battel to Amurath at Varna where the Infidell took occasion impiously to blaspheme in calling for vengeance on such as in their deeds had denied the Godhead of their most sacred blessed Lord and was there slain to the utter ruine of his kingdome and the reproch of Christian Name Neither did the Cardinall escape the vengeance which his treachery had drawn upon that royall Army but being there wounded unto death was found lying in the high way by Gregory Sanose ready to give up the ghost and seemed but to stay to take with him the bitter curses of such as passed by flying from the battel as the due reward of his perfidious absolution THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN case of difficulty and hazard as Caesar noteth there is alwayes great help in a good courage For whether it be that good hap attendeth a valourous carriage or that vertue be able to remove all opposition or what other cause there is besides but thus it falleth out that such as entertain a noble resolution are ever safest in extremity of perill and instead of losse get honour and renown Brasidas found a Mouse amongst dried figs which bit him so that he let her go thereupon said to those that stood by That there was nothing so little that could not save it self if it had a heart to defend it self against such as assaulted it And herein we may observe that to be true which the Poet hath delivered Seris venit usus ab annis Time and Practise do much avail to perfect this courage in the minds of Men of War as knowing aforehand the weight of such labours and having incountered the like dangers even to the redeeming of themselves from the jaws of death Whence it is that the Comick saith No man can possibly come so well furnished to any course of life but that time and experience do alwaies teach him what he knew not before whereas others that go rawly to work are so daunted with the unusuall looks of war as they forgetting the profession of Arms do run headlong into the danger they seek to avoid being able to give no other account of their service but that they marched many Bodies and but a few Men. THE THIRD OBSERVATION Plutarch Valerius Maximus Appian Suetonius Lucan do all write that Caesar impatient of the slay of his forces at Brundu sium imbarked himself in a small Frigat of twelve oares disguised in the habit of a slave and put to sea to fetch his Legions notwithstanding all the Coast swarmed with the Enemies shipping but meeting with a contrary wind which would not suffer him to get out of the River Anius the Master commanded the Mariners to cast about and get to shore Whereupon Caesar discovering himself incouraged him to go forward for that he carried Caesar and his fortunes The Master forgetting all danger made out again to get to sea but was by force of the tempest driven to return to Caesar's great grief And albeit there is no mention made hereof in these Commentaries yet the authority of so many grave Authours is not to be contemned CHAP. X. Caesar hasteth to meet with Antonius and preventeth Pompey CAesar and Pompey had both intelligence almost at one instant of time of Antonius fleet for they saw them passe by Apollonia and Dyrrachium and directed their journeys along the Coast after them but they understood not for a while where they were landed Howbeit having notice thereof either of them took a contrary resolution For Caesar purposed to joyn with Antonius assoon as possibly he might and Pompey resolved to hinder their meeting and by ambushments if he could to set upon them at unawares The same day either of them drew their Army out of their standing Camps upon the River Apsus Pompey secretly and by night Caesar openly and by day but Caesar had the greater circuit to fetch and a longer journey to go up the River to find a Foord Pompey having a ready way and no River to passe made towards Antonius by great journeys and when he understood that he came near unto him chose a convenient place and there bestowed his forces keeping every man within the Camp and forbidding fires to be made that his coming might be the more hidden Whereof Antonius being presently advertised by the Greeks he dispatched Messengers to Caesar and kept himself one day within his Camp The next day Caesar came unto him Upon notice thereof Pompey left that place least he should be intrapped between two Armies and came with all his forces to Asparagus which appertained to them of Dyrrachium and there in a convenient place pitched his Camp OBSERVATIONS VVHere two Armies are in a Country and one of them hath succours coming to renforce them each of those Parties are by the example of these glorious Commanders caeteris paribus to make towards those succours the one to cut them off and the other to keep them standing And to that end as it suted Pompey's condition to go secretly howsoever Caesar noteth it as a touch to his valour so on the other side it stood not only well enough with Caesar's party to go openly but also was an argument of his courage and magnanimity and might raise him estimation in the opinion of the Greeks The disadvantage which Pompey could take thereby was the danger to be inclosed with Armies which he foreseeing avoided CHAP. XI Scipio's preparation in Asia to come into Greece to assist Pompey ABout this time Scipio having sustained divers losses near the Mount Amanus did neverthelesse call himself by the name of Imperator and thereupon commanded great summs of mony to be levied of the Cities and Potentates of those quarters taking from the generall Receivers of that Province all the Monies that were in their hands for two years past and commanding them to disburse by way of loan the receit for the year to come and required horsemen to be levied throughout all the Province Having gathered these together he left the Parthians being near enemies unto him who a little before had slain M. Crassus the Generall and besieged M. Bibulus and drew the legions out of Syria being sent specially thither to keep and settle that Province much amuzed through fear of the Parthian warre At his departure some speeches were given out by the souldiers that if they were led against an Enemy they would go but against a citizen and Consul they would not bear Armes The Army being brought to Pergamus and there garrisoned for that Winter in divers rich Cities he distributed great largesses and gifts and for the better assuring of the souldier unto him gave
with Caesar in adversity had drawn all the multitude of servants and children out of the Country into the Town and shutting up the Gates dispatched Messengers to Scipio and Pompey for succour to be sent unto him in that he was not able to hold out a long siege Scipio understanding of the departure of the Armies from Dyrrachium had brought the legions to Larissa and Pompey did not as yet approach near unto Thessalia Caesar having fortified his Camp commanded Mantelets Ladders and Hurdles to be made ready for a surprize Which being fitted and prepared he exhorted the souldiers and shewed them what need there was for the relieving of their wants and supplying of all necessaries to possesse themselves of an opulent and full town as also by their example to terrifie the other Cities and what they did to do speedily before it could be succoured Whereupon by the singular industrie of the souldiers the same day he came thither giving the assault after the ninth houre notwithstanding the exceeding height of the walls he took the Town before sun-setting and gave it to the souldiers to be rifled and presently removing from thence came to Metropolis in such sort as he outwent as well Messengers as news of taking the Town The Metropolitanes induced with the same respects at first shut up their gates and filled their walls with armed men but afterwards understanding by the Captives whom Caesar caused to be brought forth what had happened to them of Gomphi they presently opened their gates and by that means were all preserved in safety Which happinesse of theirs being compared with the desolation of Gomphi there was no one State of all Thessalia excepting them of Larissa which were kept in with great forces by Scipio but yielded obedience to Caesar and did what he commanded Caesar having now got a place plenteous of Corn which was now almost ripe he resolved to attend Pompey's coming and there to prosecute the residue of that war OBSERVATIONS LIvie saith that the siege of that Place which we would quickly take must be prosecuted and urged hard Which rule Caesar observed for he followed it so hard that he took the Town fortified with exceeding high walls in four houres space or thereabouts after he began to assault it Which Plutarch saith was so plentifully stored of all necessary provision that the souldiers found there a refection of all the miseries and wants they suffered at Dyrrachium insomuch as they seemed to be new made both in body and courage by reason of the wine victuals and riches of that place which were all given unto them according to that of Xenophon Lex inter omnes homines perpetua est quando belligerantium urbs capta fuerit cuncta corum esse qui eam ceperint corpora âorum qui in urbe sunt bona It is a generall Law amongst all men that when an Enemies town is forcibly taken all that is found in it as well bodies as goods is at their disposall who have taken it Appian saith the Germans were so drunk that they made all men laugh at them and that if Pompey had surprized them in these disorders they might have paid dear for their entertainment He addeth moreover to shew the stiffenesse of the inhabitants against Caesar that there were found in a Surgeons Hall twenty two principall Personages stiffe dead upon the ground without appearance of any wound having their goblets by them and he that gave the poison sitting upright in a Chair as dead as the rest And as Phâlip having taken Acrolisse in the Country of the ââtirians drew all the rest to his obedience through the fear they conceived of their usage so the consideration of the calamity which befell Gomphi and the good intreaty which the Metropolitans found by yielding unto Caesar brought all the other Cities under his command CHAP. XXIX Pompey cometh into Thessalia his Army conceiveth assured hope of victory POmpey a few dayes after came into Thessalia and there calling all the Army together first gave great thanks to his own men and then exhorted Scipio's souldiers that the victory being already obtained they would be partakers of the booty and of the rewards and taking all the legions into one Camp he made Scipio partaker both of his honour and authority commanding the Trumpets to attend his pleasure for matter of direction and that he should use a Praetoriall Pavilion Pompey having strengthened himself with an addition of another great Army every man was confirmed in his former opinion and their hope of victory was increased so that the longer they delaâed the matter the more they seemed to prolong their return into Italy And albeit Pompey proceeded slowly and deliberately in the business yet it was but a daies work But some there were that said he was well pleased with authority and command and to use men both of Consular dignity and of the Praetorian order as his vassals and servants And now they began to dispute openly concerning rewards and dignities of Priesthood and pointed out those which from year to year were to be chosen Consuls Others begged the houses and goods of such as were with Caesar Besides a great controversie that further grew between them in open councell whether L. Hirrus were not to be regarded at the next election of Praetors being absent and imploied by Pompey against the Parthians And as his friends urged Pompey with his promise given at his departure requiring he might not now be deceived through his greatnesse and authority the rest running a course of as great danger and labour saw no reason by way of contradiction why one man should be respected before all others And now Domitius Scipio and Spinther Lentulus began to grow to high words in their daily meetings concerning Caesar's Priesthood Lentulus allâaging by way of ostentation the honour that was due to his age and authority Domitius vaunting of the credit and favour he had at Rome and Scipio trusting to Pompey's alliance Moreover Atius Rusus accused L. Afranius to Pompey for betraying the Army in Spain L. Domitius gave out in councell That after the war was ended all such as were of the rank of Senatours should be inquired upon by a triple Commission and that those which were personally in the war should be of the Commission to judge the rest as well such as were at Rome as those that did no service in this war The first Commission should be to clear such as had well-deserved from all danger The second Penall and the third Capitall And to conclude every man laboured either to have a reward or to be avenged of his Enemy Neither did they think so much of the means how to overcome as how to use the victory THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe Tale which the Emperour Frederick related to the Commissioners of Lewis the eleventh King of France concerning the parting between them of the Territories of Charles Duke of
other at Rhodes For as many as fled thither after Pompey and came unto the Iland were neither received into the Town nor into the Haven but were commanded by Messengers sent unto them to depart from thence and forced to weigh anchour against their will And now the fame of Caesar's coming was spred abroad throughout all the Cities Whereupon Pompey leaving off his purpose of going into Syria having taken what money he found in Bank besides what he could borrow of his private friends and putting abroad great store of Brasse for the use of war with two thousand Armed men which he had raised partly out of the towns and partly had forced up amongst the Merchants and such others of his followers whom he thought fit for this business he came to Pelusium There by chance was king Ptolemy a child within years with great forces making war against his sister Cleopatra whom a few Months before by means of his Allies and Friends he had thrust out of his kingdome And Cleopatra's Camp was not far distant from his Pompey sent unto him that in regard of ancient hospitality and the amity he had with his Father he might be received into Alexandria and that he would aid and support him with his wealth and means being now fallen into misery and calamity But they that were sent having done their message began to speak liberally to the Kings souldâers and to exhort them that they would stand to Pompey not despising the low ebbe of fortune he was brought to Amongst them were many that had been Pompey's souldiers which Gabinius had received out of his army in Syria and had brought them to Alexandria and upon the ending of the war had left them with Ptolemy the father of this child These things being known such as had the procuration of the kingdome in the minority of the Boy whether they were induced through fear of gaining the Army as afterwards they confessed whereby Pompey might easily seize upon Alexandria and Egypt or whether despising his fortune as for the most part in time of misery a mans friends do become his enemies did give a good answer publickly to such as were sent and willed him to come unto the King but secretly plotting amongst themselves sent Achillas a chief Commander and a man of singular audacity together with L. Septimius Tribune of the souldiers to kill Pompey They giving him good words and he himself also knowing Septimius to have led a Company under him in the war against the Pârats went aboard a little Bark with a few of his souldiers and there was slain by Achillas and Septimius In like manner L. Lentulus was apprehended by commandment from the King and killed in prison THE FIRST OBSERVATION IF it be now demanded Where was Caesar's desire of Peace and Why pursued he not a treaty of Composition at this time when as his tale would have been heard with gladnesse and any conditions of atonement very acceptable to the vanquished the answer is already made in the beginning of this Commentary That there was but one time of making peace that was when both Parties were equall which was now past and Caesar too far gone to look back upon any thing that might work a reconcilement The one was crept so high and the other cast down so low that they seemed not compatible in any Medium although it were to the saving of the Empire Howbeit it is not denied but that Pompey gave great occasion of these wars For Seneca saith He had brought the Commonwealth to that passe that it could not longer stand but by the benefit of servitude And he that will look into the reasons of this confusion shall find all those Causae corrumpentes or ruining causes which are noted by Aristotle to threaten the wellfare of a State in the excesse of Pompey's exorbitancy For having nothing in a Mean he held all his fortunes by the tenure of Nimium and was overgrown first with too much honour secondly with too much wealth thirdly with too much power whereby he exceeded the proportion of his fellow-Citizens and soblemished the beauty of that State whose chiefest graces were in a suting equality And adding to these the convulsions of fear he made no difficulty to ingage Rome in a bloudy war as having no other hope but in the confusion of Arms. It is said that at his arrivall at Mitylene he had much conference with Cratippus whom Tully mentioneth in his Offices wherein amongst other remonstrances the Philosopher made it plain that his course of government had brought a necessity of changing that State from the liberty of a Commonwealth to the condition of a just Monarchy And such it sell to Caesars fortune if there were any errous committed in the seizure he may take the benefit of the generall pardon exemplified by Trebellius Pollio That no Nation can shew a Man that is altogether blamelesse THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the State of Aegypt we are to note that Alexander the Great being cut off by death his Captains laid hold upon such Provinces and kingdomes as were under their commands amongst whom one Ptolemeus the son of Lagus a Macedonian seized upon Aegypt where he reigned 40 years and of him were all his successours called by the name of Ptolemy This first Ptolemy possest himself of Egypt about the year of the world 3640 which was 275 years before Pompey's overthrow His son that succeeded by the name of Ptolemy Philadelphus caused the Bible to be translated out of Hebrew into Greek by 70 Interpreters which are called the Septuagint and made the famous Library which was burned in these wars The Father of this young Ptolemy was the ninth in succession from the first and at his death made the people of Rome Tutors to his children His eldest son and Cleopatra his daughter reigned together six years but in the end fell to strife and wars and were deeply ingaged therein when Pompey arrived But shortly after Caesar so ordered the differences that he set the Crown upon Cleopatra's head who held it peaceably untill she came to play that tragicall part with Antony which being ended the kingdome was then reduced to a Province under the obedience of the Roman Empire Concerning this miserable end of Pompey it is truly said of Seneca that Death is alike to all for although the waies are divers by which it happeneth yet they all meet in the same end And forasmuch as Plutarch hath described particularly the manner of this Catastrophe it shall not be impertinent to insert his relation thereof When Pompey heard news that king Ptolemy was in the City of Pelusium with his Army making war against his sister he went thither and sent a Messenger before unto the king to advertise him of his arrivall and to intreat him to receive him King Ptolemy was then but a young man insomuch that one Photinus governed all the whole Realm under him He assembled a
first So he asked him What is he that is dead and buried there But straight fetching a great sigh Alas said he perhaps it is Pompey the Great Then he landed a little and was straight taken and slain This was the end of Pompey the Great Not long after Caesar also came into Aegypt that was in great wars where Pompey's head was presented unto him but he turned his head aside and would not see it and abhorred him that brought it as a detestable murtherer Then taking his Ring wherewith he sealed his Letters whereupon was graven a Lyon holding a sword he burst out a weeping Achillas and Photinus he put to death King Ptolemy himself also being overthrown in battell by the River of Nilus vanished away and was never heard of after Theodotus the Rhetorician escaped Caesar's hands and wandered up and down Aegypt in great misery despised of every man Afterwards Marcus Brutus who slew Caesar conquering Asia met with him by chance and putting him to all the torments he could possibly devise at the length slew him The ashes of Pompey's body were afterwards brought unto his wife Cornelia who buried them in a town of hers by the City of Alba. And having in this manner paid the tribute which the law of Nature doth exact the law of the Twelve Tables did free his Sepulchre from any further disturbance Ubi corpus demortui hominis condas sacer esto Let that place be sacred where the body of a dead man is buried Onely this may be added That as Fabius was called Maximus Scipio Magnus and Pompey Magnus which titles they carried as marks of speciall Nobleness to raise them above the common worth of men so their ends made them even with the lowest of the State According to that of Seneca Intervallis distinguimur exitu aquamur Here we are distinguished by distances but death makes us all equall CHAP. XXXVII Prodigious Accidents happening upon the Battell in Pharsalia Caesar cometh into Egypt CAesar coming into Asia found T. Ampius going about to take the money out of the Temple of Diana at Ephesus and for that cause to have called together all the Senatours that were in the Province that he might use them as witnesses in the matter But being interrupted by Caesar's arrivall he fled away So that two severall times the money was saved at Ephesus by Caesar's means It was further found very certain that in the Temple of Minerva at Elis a just calculation of the time being taken the same day that Caesar overthrew Pompey the Image of Victory which stood before Minerva and looked towards her pourtraiture did turn it self towards the Portall and the Temple-gate And the same day likewise there was such a noise of an Army twice heard at Antioch in Syria and such sounding of Trumpets that the City ran in Armes to keep the walls The like happened at Ptolemais And likewise at Pergamus in the remote and hidden places of the Temple which are called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã into which it is not lawfull for any man to enter but the Priests were bells heard to ring Besides at Tralles in the Temple of Victory where they had set up a Statue to Caesar there was shewed a Palm-tree which in those daies was grown from between the joynts of the stones out of the pavement Caesar staying a few daies in Asia hearing that Pompey was seen at Cyprus and conjecturing he went into Aegypt for the amitie and correspondency he had with that Kingdome besides other opportunities of the place he came to Alexandria with two legions one that he commanded to follow him out of Thessaly and another which he had called out of Achaia from Fusius a Legate together with eight hundred horse ten Gallies of Rhodes and a few ships of Asia In these Legions were not above three thousand two hundred men the rest were either wounded in the sights or spent with travell and the length of the journey But Caesar trusting to the fame of his great exploits did not doubt to go with these weak forces thinking every place would entertain him with safety At Alexandria he understood of Pompey's death and as he was going out of the ship he heard a clamour of the souldâers which the King had left to keep the town and saw a concourse of people gathered about him because the bundle of Rods was carried before him all the multitude crying out that the Kings authority was diminished This tumult being appeased there were often uproares and commotions of the people for every day after and many souldiers were slain in divers parts of the City Whereupon Caesar gave order for other Legions to be brought him out of Asia which he raised and inrolled of Pompey's souldiers He himself was staâed by the winds called Etesiae which are against them that sail from Alexandria In the mean time forasmuch as he conceived that if the controversie between the King and his sister did appertain to the people of Rome then consequently to him as Consul and so much the rather it concerned his office for that in his former Consulship there was a league made by the decree of Senate with Ptolemey the Father in regard hereof he signified that his pleasure was that both the king and his sister Cleopatra should dismisse their Armies and rather plead their Cause before him then to decide it by Armes There was at that time one Photinus an Eunuch that had the administration of the kingdome during the minority of the Child He first began to complain among his friends to take it in scorn that the King should be called out to plead his Cause and afterwards having gotten some assistance of the Kings friends he drew the Army secretly from Pelusium to Alexandria and made Achillas formerly mentioned Generall of all the forces inciting him forward as well by his own promises as from the King and instructing him by Letters and Messengers what he would have done Ptolemey the Father by his last Wâll and Testament had left for heirs the eldest of two sons and likewise the eldest of two daughters and for the confirmation thereof had in the same Will charged and required the people of Rome by all the gods by the league he made at Rome to see this accomplished For which purpose he sent a copy of his Will to Rome to be kept in the Treasury which by reason of the publick occasions that admitted no such business for the present were left with Pompey and the Originall signed and sealed up was brought to Alexandria While Caesar was handling these things being very desirous to end these controversies by arbitrement it was told him on a suddain that the Kings Army and all the Cavalry were come to Caesar's forces were not such that he durst trust upon them to hazard battell without the town onely it remained that he kept himself in such places as were most fit and convenient for him within
equall conditions which happened by reason of the narrowness of the passages and a few of each side being slain Caesar took in such places as were most convenient for him fortified them in the night In this quarter of the Town was contained a little part of the Kings house wherein he himself at his first arrivall was appointed to lodge and a Theatre joyned to the house which was in stead of a Castle and had a passage to the Port and to other parts of Road. The daies following he increased these fortifications to the end he might have them as a wall against the enemy and thereby need not fight against his will In the mean time the younger daughter of King Ptolemey hoping to obtain the Crown now in question found means to conveigh herself out of the Kings house to Achillas and both joyntly together undertook the managing of that war But presently there grew a controversy between them who should command in Chief which was the cause of great largess and rewards to the souldiers either of them being at great charges and expences to gain their good wills While the Enemy was busied in these things Photinus the Governour of the young King Superintendent of the kingdome on Caesar's party sent Messengers to Achillas exhorting him not to desist in the business or to be discouraged Upon the discovering and apprehension of which Messengers Caesar caused him to be slain And these were the beginnings of the Alexandrian war OBSERVATIONS PHarus is a little Iland in the Sea over against Alexandria in the midst whereof Ptolemy Philadelph built a tower of an exceeding height all of white Marble It contained many Stages and had in the top many great Lanterns to keep light in the night for a mark to such as were at Sea The Architector ingraved thereupon this inscription Sostrates Gââidius the son of Dexiphanes to the Gods Conservatours for the safety of Navigatours It was reckoned for one of the seven Wonders of the world The first whereof was the Temple of Diana at Ephesus The second was the Sepulchre which Artemisia Queen of Caria made for her Husband Mausolus whose ashes she drank The third was the Colossus of the Sunne at Rhodes The fourth was the Walls of Babylon The fifth was the Pyramides of Aegypt The sixth was the Image of Jupiter Olympius at Elis which was made by Phidias and contained threescore cubites in height and was all of Ivory and pure Gold And the seventh was this Pharus FINIS A CONTINUATION of the VVARRES in GALLIA Beginning where Caesar left and deducing the History to the time of the CIVILE WARRES Written by A. HIRTIUS PANSA VVith some short Observations thereupon Together with The MANNER of our MODERN TRAINING or TACTICK PRACTISE LONDON Printed by ROGER DANIEL 1655. THE EIGHTH COMMENTARY OF THE VVARRES IN GALLIA Written by AULUS HIRTIUS CHAP. I. The Galles raise new troubles in divers places Caesar scattereth and wasteth the Bituriges and after that the Carnutes AFter that all Gallia was subdued forasmuch as Caesar had rested no part of the former Summer from warre he was desirous to refiesh his Souldiers after so great pains taken the rest of the winter season when news was brought him that many States at the self-same time did lay their heads together again about warre and make conspiracies Whereof there was reported a very likely cause in that it was known to all the Galles that there could not any power so great be assembled into one place as should be able to withstand the Romans neither if many States at once made war in divers places at one instant could the army of the people of Rome have sufficient either of aid or of time or of men of warre to pursue all at once and there ought not any State to refuse the lot of their misfortune if by the respite thereof the rest might set themselves at liberty The which opinion to the intent it should not settle in the minds of the Galles Caesar leaving M. Antonius the Quaestor with charge of his winter garrisons went with a strong company of horsemen the last day of December from Bibracte to his twelfth Legion which he had placed not farre from the borders of the Hedui in the countrey of the Bituriges and taketh thereunto the eleventh Legion which was next unto it Leaving two Cohorts to defend his stuff and carriages he led the rest of his army into the most plentifull fields of the Bituriges the which being a large countrey and full of towns could not be kept in aw with the garrisoning of one Legion amongst them but that they prepared for warre and made conspiracies By the sudden coming of Caesar it came to passe which must needs happen to such as are unprovided and scattered abroad that such as were tilling the ground without fear were surprised in the fields by our horsemen before they could get them into the Towns For at that time the common token of invasion which is wont to be perceived by burning of houses was by Caesar's commandment forborn lest they should either want forrage and corn if they were minded to make any further rode into the countrey or else that their enemies for fear of the fires should convey themselves out of the way After that many thousands of men had been taken the Bituriges being sore afraid such of them as could escape out of the Romans hands at their first coming upon confidence either of the old acquaintance and familiarity that had been privately between them by reason of resorting as guests one to another or of their mutuall agreement and partaking in the same devices fled into the next cities but all was in vain For Caesar by great journeys came so suddenly upon all places that he gave not any city leasure to think of the safeguard of other folks rather then of themselves Through the which speed he both kept his friends faithfull unto him and put the wavering sort in such fear that he compelled them to be glad to receive peace The matter standing in this case when the Bituriges saw that through Caesar's gentlenesse there was yet a way for them to return into his favour again and that the next States had delivered him hostages and were thereupon received to mercy without further punishment they themselves did in like wise Caesar because his men had patiently endured so great travell in the winter dayes through most cumbersome wayes in intolerable cold weather and continued most resolutely in the same to the uttermost promised to give to his souldiers two hundred sesterces apiece and to the Captains 2000 apiece in the name of a prey so sending his Legions again into their wintering places he himself returned to Bibracte the fourtieth day after his setting forth There as he was ministring of Justice the Bituriges sent messengers unto him desiring help against the Carnutes whom they complained to make warre upon them Upon the receit of this news when he had not
misfortune be daunted or overcome never departed out of the battel nor made toward the woods neither could by the entreaty of our men be perswaded âo yield himself but fighting most valiantly and hurting many of our men he so farre exasperated the victours that they could not forbear to throw their darts at him and dispatch him CHAP. V. The remainder of the Galles submit themselves to Caesar Comius in danger to be slain by treachery THe matter being brought to this passe Caesar pursuing his newly-got victory forasmuch as he thought that his enemies being discouraged with so great a misfortune would immediately upon the news thereof forsake the place where they were encamped which was said to be not above eight miles from the place where the slaughter was made although he saw it would be some trouble to him to passe the river yet passed he his army and marched toward them But the Bellovaci and the other States upon the return of a few of their men and those wounded out of the chase which had escaped the mischance by means of the woods understanding by them their own great misfortune and misery by the death of Corbeus the losse of their horsemen and the âlaughter of their stoutest footmen and mistrusting that the Romans would out of hand come upon them immediately called an assembly by the sound of a trumpet and cried all with one voice to send ambassadours and hostages to Caesar When Comius of Arras perceived that this motion would be entertained he fled to those Germans of whom he had borrowed assistance to the warre The rest sent ambassadours presently unto Caesar desiring him to content himself with that punishment of his enemies which if he might have laid upon them without battel in their chief prosperity they were well assured that of his clemency and courtesy he would not have done it The Bellovaci said that their power was weakened by the losse of their horsemen many thousands of their choicest footmen were cut off scarce any escaping to bring tidings of the slaughter yet notwithstanding their great misfortune they had by that battel received this happinesse that Corbeus the authour of the warre and raiser of the multitudâ was slain For as long as he was alive the Senate could never bear so great sway in the city as the rude and unskilfull commonalty As the ambassadours were speaking these things Caesar put them in mind that about the same time the last year the Bellovaci and other States of Gallia raised warre and that they above all others stood most stiffly in their opinion and would not be reduced to obedience by the submission of the rest He told them he knew and understood it was an easie matter to lay the fault of their offence upon him that was dead But he was sure that there was no man of so great power that against the noblemens wills the Senate resisting him and all good men withstanding him could with a weak handfull of the commonalty raise a warre and go through with it Neverthelesse he was satisfied with the punishment which they had brought upon themselves The night following the ambassadours returned this answer to those that sent them and forthwith they gave hostages Then also the ambassadours of other States which waited to see what successe the Bellovaci would have came to Caesar giving hostages and performing his commands only Comius stood off who durst not for fear trust his life into any mans hands For the year before Titus Labâenus perceiving how while Caesar was ministring justice in the hither Gallia Comius stirred up the States and made confederacies against Caesar thought he might without being accounted a faithâbreaker revenge his treacherous carriage And thereupon because be thought he would not at his sending for come into the camp lest he should by such a message make him more cautious he sent C. Volusenus Quadratus to murther him under pretence of communing with him and for the performance of the matter he sent with him certain selected Centurions for the purpose When they came to conference and that Volusenus as it was agreed upon had caught Comius by the right hand one of the Centurions as if he had been moved at the strangenesse of the matter gave Comius a shrewd blow on the head with his sword howbeit he could not dispatch him because his friends stept in and saved him By and by was drawing of swords on both sides and yet none of both parties were minded to fight but to fly away our men because they believed that Comius had had his deaths wound the Galles because perceiving the treachery they feared there had been more behind then they saw Upon which businesse it is reported that Comius vowed he would never come in the fight of any Roman CHAP. VI. Caesar disposeth his forces into severall parts of Gallia and himself wasteth the countrey of Ambiorix WHen Caesar had subdued the Nations that were most warlike perceiving there was now no City that prepared warre to stand against him but that many to eschew the present yoke of the Roman Empire left their towns and fled out of the fields he determined to send his army abroad into divers quarters M. Aâtonius the Quaestor with the eleventh legion he took to himself C. Fabius the Legate with twenty five cohorts he sendeth into the farthest part of all Gallia because he heard say that certain States were there in arms and that he thought C. Caninius Rebâlus the Legate had not a sufficient strength of those two legions that were with him already T. Labienus he called unto him from the place where he was and the twelfth legion which wintered under him he sent into Gallia Togatu to defend the towns that the Romans had there peopled with their own Citizens lest any such harm should happen to them by invasion of the barbarous people as had happened the summer before to the Tergestini who were surprised and spoiled of their goods by their suddain invasions He himself set forward to waste and spoil the borders of Ambiârix who flying before him for fear from place to place when he saw there was no hope to get him into his hands he thought it was most for his honour so to despoil his countrey of people buildings and cattel that his countreymen might so hate him if fortune reserved any countreymen for him that for the calamities he had brought upon his countrey he might never have accesse thither again After he had sent abroad his host into all parts of Ambiorâx his countrey and wasted all places with slaughter buâning and rapiâe having slain and taken prisoners a great number of men he sent Labienus with two legions among the Trâviri whose countrey by reason of the nearnesse thereof unto Germany being daily inured to the warres is not much unlike to the Germans in rudenesse and savagenesse of life neither did they obey the commandments of Caesar at any time longer then we had an army in their countrey
the next year and that the rather because his adversaries proudly made their brag that L. Lentulus and C. Marcellus were created Consuls to deprive Caesar of all honour and authority and that the Consulship was wrested from Sergius Galba though he had more voices on his side because he was a familiar friend of Caesars and had been engaged unto him as his Legate Caesar at his coming among the municipall towns was entertained with extraordinary affection and respect that being his first coming from the warres in Gallia Nothing was omitted that could be devised for the decking and adorning of their gates wayes and places where Caesar should passe All the people came forth with their children to meet him by the way sacrifices were every where offered the temples and market-places were hanged with clothes of tapestrie so that a man would have thought by the expressions of joy there had been some great triumph expected and provided for So great costlinesse was among the richer sort and such hearty expression among the meaner sort When Caesar had lightly passed through all the countreys of Gallia Togata he returned with all speed to his army at Nemetocenna and calling all his legions out of their winter-quarters into the countrey of the Treviri he went thither and there mustered them T. Labienus he made governour of Gallia Togata thereby to get himself the more favour and furtherance in his suit for the Consulship He himself removed from one place to another according as he found it necessary for health And albeit he heard oftentimes that Labienus was solicited strongly by his enemies and was also advertised how it was carried on by a small faction at Rome to take away part of his army from him by a decree of the Senate yet notwithstanding he neither gave credit to any thing that was reported of Labienus nor would be drawn to do any thing contrary to the authority of the Senate For he believed that if the Senatours might give their voices freely he should easily obtain his purpose For C. Curio Tribune of the people who had taken upon him the defence of Caesar's cause and dignity had oftentimes propounded to the Senate that if the fear of Caesar's army prejudiced any man and seeing that the authority and power of Pompey did not a little keep the Courts in aw that both of them might lay down their arms and dismisse their armies and so should the City be at liberty to use her own right as she pleased This he not only propounded but began to divide the Senat about it which the Consuls and the friends of Pompey commanded should not be done and so ruling the matter as they listed they departed This was a great testimony of the whole Senate and agreeable to their former act For Marcellus the year before opposing Caesar's dignity contrary to the law of Pompey and Crassus and having put up a bill to the Senate for the discharge of Caesar before the time of his commission was expired when they had given their voices Marcellus who sought all his honour by working spight against Caesar departed aside and the Senate fell all of them quite upon other matters This did not at all daunt the spirits of Caesar's enemies but rather stirred them up to strengthen their party and thereby to compell the Senate to approve of that which they had determined Hereupon a decree was made that Cneius Pompeius should send one legion and Caesar another to the warre against the Parthians But it was easily discerned that both these legions were taken from Caesar For the first legion which Cneius Pompeius had sent unto Caesar levied in the Province he gave unto Caesar as one of his own number Neverthelesse albeit that no man need doubt but that Caesar was spoiled at the pleasure of his enemies yet he sent Pompey his legion again and of his own forces he ordered the fifteenth legion which he had in the hither Gallia to be delivered to him according to the decree of the Senate In the room whereof he sent the thirteenth legion into Italy to ly in garrison in the same place from whence the fifteenth was drawn Then he distributed his army into winter-quarters C. Trebonius with four legions he placed in Belgium C. Fabius with as many amongst the Hedui For this he thought would be the best way to keep Gallia in most safety and quiet if the Belgae who were the most valourous and the Hedui who were of most authority had forces quartered among them to keep them in obedience This done he took his journey into Italy When he came thither he understood that the two legions which he had dismissed which by the decree of the Senate should have been employed in the Parthian warre were by C. Marcellus the Consul delivered to Pompey and kept still in Italy Although by this dealing it was evident to all the world what was intended against Caesar yet Caesar determined to take all things patiently as long as he had any hope left to decide the controversy rather by the law then by the sword OBSERVATIONS UPON THE EIGHTH COMMENTARY OF THE VVARRES IN GALLIA SOme attribute the so frequent revolts of the Galles to their changeable and impatient humour which cannot endure to be lorded over by strangers and others to the too great clemency of Caesar I grant that clemency apt to pardon emboldens to revolt for that we easily forget all benefits which do not intirely establish our liberty but if cruelty causeth them lesse frequent yet it renders them more dangerous for that when despair driveth men thereunto and that the hope of safety resteth onely in voctory the revolted become all valiant obstinate constant and faithfull to the end which never falleth out where there is hope of the enemies clemency We have here plentifull examples thereof Caesar in the greater part of the revolts of the Galles hath often found great facilities to reduce them to his obedience by reason of his clemency which hath been a powerfull means for him to make divisions amongst themselves and to prevent obstinacy in their revolts and if sometimes it hath so happened that he hath used severity it hath been occasioned by fowl and unworthy acts as when the Veneti under publick faith imprisoned the Roman officers which came to them to buy corn for the sustenance of the army But I cannot excuse that of Uxellodunum On the contrary the cruelties of the King of Spain executed by the Duke of Alva drove poor fishermen so into despair that they have shaken off his insupportable yoke and with an admirable constancy have maintained and enriched themselves and are grown so potent as that they are able to resist him by land and by sea take from him his treasure in the Indies Caesar sheweth us also by his care and industry to get intelligence of the enemies proceedings whether by taking prisoners in the field or by having good spies the advantage which may be made thereof many
of his successfull designs having been founded thereupon there being great advantage in the attempting them for that he which assâileth hath more courage then he which is assailed and alwayes believeth the assailant to be the stronger not knowing what part he will assail and ever jealous that he hath some secret intelligence Briefly all that a well-exercised and well-disciplined army is able to do in such a case is to defend it self but where are new-levied souldiers fall out great disorders which was the reason he took so much care to fortify his camp very strongly to the end he might defend it and all his baggage with a few men and might without danger execute many brave designes being alwayes assured of his retreat Let us farther take view of the siege of Uxellodunum which Caesar judging to be impregnable by âorce and knowing it to be well provided of corn undertaketh by a great dangerous labour to keep them from water which was from a fountain without the town from whence they were only supplied which the besieged perceiving having set fire on Caesar's works by a sally they hindred him from quenching it Caesar not being able to repulse them by reason of the advantage of the place resolveth to make an assault upon the town which apprehension caused them to retreat THE MANNER OF OUR MODERN TRAINING Or TACTICK PRACTISE By CLEMENT EDMONDS Remembrancer of the City of LONDON FOrasmuch as my purpose was to make this task of Observations as a parallel to our modern Discipline I did not think it fit to mingle the Tactick Practise of these times with the use of foregoing ages but rather to shut up these Discourses therewith as the second line of this warlike parallel which is thus drawn in the best fashion of modern Art In the knowledge of marshalling an Army there is nothing more especially to be regarded then that from a confused company of men having chosen the fittest for the wars we should so place and digest a convenient number of them that in marches in incamping in battels we may be able with a few well ordered to incounter a farre greater army in confusion and to overthrow them From hence Aeneas did define the Art of war to be the knowledge of warlike motions Before this unexpert army shall be able to be moved in such fashion it shall not be amisse to acquaint it with the most usuall terms wherewith they shall be often commanded into diverse postures as occasion shall be offered For as in the art of Fencing no man shall be able to turn and wind his body for his best advantage to offend his enemy or defend himself unlesse first his master shall instruct him in the severall parts and postures thereof so every souldier or the whole troup as one body or one souldier shall never be readily instructed to transform or turn it self by divers motions into different forms unlesse they first understand what is meant by Fronts and Flanks by Files and Ranks what by Leaders and Followers by Middlemen and Bringers up By this means each souldier understanding what the terme doth signifie shall readily both apprehend and execute such commandments as the Captain or Officer shall direct him A File is a certain number of men following singly one Leader unto the depth of 8 or 10 as they shall be commanded The ancients have called this File Seriem ordinationem or decuriam It consisteth of Leaders and Followers placed according to their worth and valour and especially there ought to be regarded the Leader or Decurio the fifth sixth or Middlemen and the tenth and last called the Bringer up or Tergiductor First therefore every souldier being aptly fitted unto his severall armes according to his worth age and stature they are to be disposed into severall files wherein every one is especially to acknowledge his leader or foremost man to be the authour of all his motions therefore duely attending what directions shall be commanded each follower shall according to the motions of his leader or foremost man order his own and is to be excused if he attend the motions of his leader before he move himself When many files are thus disposed together all the leaders making one and the same front and their followers observing likewise one and the same proportion of distance before and after and on each side these Files thus joyned make one Battallion the front whereof is called a Rank and so likewise the second and third in depth according to the number of men in each file The first second and third and so forward in each file are called Sidemen in respect of the same numbers in the next file Neither must every souldier onely regard the motions of his Leader but he must also diligently respect his sidemen and such as shall be placed on his right and left hand called his ranks so that both in files and ranks he may alwaies be found in the same distance wherein he is commanded It should be impertinent to the purpose to prescribe a certain number of souldiers unto these Battallions onely thus much for the proportion that it ought never to exceed so much but that it may easily upon any occasion be changed into such a form or fashion to fight as may be thought fittest for the present The length of this Battallion is diversly tearmed amongst the Latines as Frons Facââs Adstructio Jugum c. but in our modern practise most familiarly the Front or Rank The breadth of the Battallion which is from the leader to the bringer-up with the distance between all the followers is said to be the length or depth of one file or flank In the disposing of souldiers into files and ranks besides their observing a right line in their places and standing we must likewise especially respect the different worth and quality of the souldiers that every one according to his worth may be suted unto his proper place and accordingly receive advancement as the death of his Leaders and true value of his desert by his Commander shall give occasion First therefore there must be especiall choice made of the leaders of each file or first front or ranks of the Battallion of the most expert ablest and best-armed men because that as from them the rest are to receive directions of their after-motions so in them the greatest hope of the day doth consist Next unto the first it must be provided that the bringers up or last rank called Tergiductores be little inferiour well experienced wise and valiant that they may both know when to reprehend their former Ranks and urge them forward if they see them declining or yielding upon false occasions as also to be able upon any sudden alarm given in the rere to turn faces about and make themselves a Front for the best resistance Neither must it be neglected concerning the second and ninth ranks that they also
charge and to retreat with all which severall notes the souldier is so familiarly to be acquainted that so soon as he hears them beaten he may be ready sodainly to put them in execution as if he heard his Captain pronouncing as much The directions by word of mouth are infinite according to the different occasions which shall be offered yet alwayes with this caveat that they be short yet perspicuous without all ambiguity and plainly pronounced first by the Captain then derived by the Sergeants through the division or Battallion Though infinite yet the most usuall are these To your armes Keep your files keep your ranks Follow your leader Leaders look to your files Keep your distance Faces to your right hand Faces to your left hand Close your files Close your ranks Stand as you are As you were Faces about to the right hand Wheel about to the right or left hand Double your ranks Double your files Leaders countermarch through to the right or left hand Leaders countermarch to the right or left hand and stand Middlemen come forth and fall upon your leaders Besides many fit terms commanded in managing particular armes as pikes and muskets which are omitted And thus much touching the Tactick practise of our modern wars which I have the rather added in regard that diverse souldiers as unacquainted both with the manner and the value thereof do think a heap of people unmartialled to be as available for a great designe as any other number distinguished in files and parts and disposed for facile and easie motions according to the powerfull circumstances of time and place Wherein howsoever the practise of the Turk and the Hungarian may seem to give warrant to that opinion yet the use of Armes amongst the Graecians and the Romans whose conquering armies are pregnant witnesses of the excellency of their militarie discipline shall speak sufficiently for order and Tactick motion as most necessary parts in a well-ordered war FINIS ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Lib. 3. Saluââ de bello Jogur Suitzers Mâtronâ Sâquara Curardum viâinâs populis ãâ¦ã inââr ãâã âopulos col ãâã Caesar * Sâvoyards The omission in the Helvetian expedition Caesar * Rome Caesar * So ne ãâã The manner of their watch Caesar Caesar ãâ¦ã Places oâ advantage in the Romane wars Their manner of victualling Caesar The manner of their imbattelling By tripleâ Aâies Lib. 1. de bello Civili Lib. 3. de bello Civili Lib. 5. de militia Romana A Phalanx dâââribed Caesar Speeches of incouragement before they gave battel Lib. 7. de bello Gallico The Roman Pile described Lib. â de militia Romans Lib. 5. Salusâ The Ensignes of the Romans The division of their day Caesar Langres Periculum ãâ¦ã Caesar Caesar Caesar Tthe authority of the Roman Generals Liv. lib. 8. Lib. 3. de bello Civili Caesar Caesar le Doux Caesar Whether men have greater coârage in their own or in a straâgers Country Caesar Footmen intermingled amongst horsemen Lib. 6. Lib. 3. de exâid Lib. 3. De bello Africano Caesar Caesar Caesar The use of lots Caesar Caesar a The countrey about Bâauvois b The countrey about Soâssons c The people about Tournay d Arras e Amiens f Vermandois g Tervenne h Liege 308000. in all * La Disne Caesar A legion what it was Lib. 4. De vita Romuli Liv. lib. 22. Taciâus â hist Velites Hastati Principes Triarii Lib. ãâã Lib. 1. de mil. Rom. The use of this division The distinction of their companies Manipuli Ordines Cohors Lib. 3. de re âust A legion ranged in battell The first order 3 De bello civili Prima cohorâ The benefit of this discipline The benefit of small battalions and the disadvantage of great squadrons * Bray in the county of Reâell To take a town by surprise A Testudo described Lib. 44. Lib. 4â The necessity of good discovery * Now England The order which is to be observed in discovery Slingers with their art and use Lib. â Lib. 2. ãâã quest ãâã Caesar * Noâon Caesar * Soyssons Agger or mount Towers or Turrets described Caesar The Bellovaci taken to mercy The Ambiani yield up themselves The Nervii * Sambre near Namur The manner of the Roman march The two respects which Caesar had in ordering a mârâh 1 Safety 2 Conveniency Agmen quadratum * Lib. 8. de bel Gall. * 60. Epist Lib 6. Agmen longum Lib. 5. de bello Gall. The use that may be made of this in our modern wars Caesar The descript on of the Roman Camp with all the parts belonging unto it The lodging of the legions Quintana Principia The tents of the Tribunes The space between the tents and the rampier Contubernium The ditch and the rampier Agger Vallum Praetoria porta Portae Decumana Portae principales Laeva Dextra Castra Aestiva Hiberna The commodity of this incamping The ceremonies which they used in their preparation to battel Caesar And therefore I rather take it be something else then a word The place and offices of ãâã Primipile The Target described Lib. 16. cap. 40. Caesar Lib. de Militia Ju. Cae. * Either Doway or Boldaâ in Brabant Caesar Circumvallatio In the seventh Commentary Aries or the Ram. Cales Aries simplex Aries composita To give notice of an Alarme by fire Lib. 25. The punishments which the Romans laid upon a conquered Nation Caesar Of this suppliââtion I âill speak in the latter end of the fourth book Caesar Caesar The force of novelty turning the fortune of a battel Caesar * Savoyards * Le Perche * Cornoaille in Bretaigne ãâã * Vannes The weaknesse of our judgement inâegâârd of the knowledge of ãâ¦ã The Authority of example Caesar * Ligâris The grounds of that reverent opinion which is held of Embassadours Caesar Lendriguer Lisieux Nantes Auren be Leââdoââ Cities in Little Britain * Triers Caesar The causes of the ebbing and flowing of the sea Springâides The manner of their shipping Lib. 28. The manner of sea-sights Lib. 2. de bello civili Caesar The force of industry * La Perchâ Caesar * Roane * Eureux The use which the Romans made of a counterfeit fear Lib. 5. Caesar * Evocati Evocati Lib. 7. de Bello Gall. Caesar Sertorius Two meanes to atchieve victory and to over-master our enemies Tuba ãâã by war and Naamah by the floud Not to forgoe an advantage The place where suspected forces are best bestowed in battel Caesar Lib. 3. Avertimen to secundo Lib. de bello Gallico Caesar * Târoane * Clâve and ãâã * Those of Zutphen * Of Hassia Caesar Caesar * Geldres and Cleve Salust Tacit. 1. Annal. Caesar * Liege * Coâoâia Agrippina * Wael Vincitur haud gratis jugulo qui provocat hostem Liv. lib. 9. Liv. lib. 7. Caesar Caesar Csar Lib. de Machin Caesar Caesar Caesar * ãâ¦ã Monstrâul Caesar Ansâer to the first objection The answer to the second reason The
he had overcome by his valour CHAP. XXXI Vercingetorix sendeth away the horse Caesar incloseth Alesia with a strong wall VErcingetorix thought it best to dismisse all the horse and send them away in the night before the fortifications were perfected by the Romans At their departure he commanded them that every man should repair unto his own State and send all to the warre that were able to bear arms He layeth open his deserts towards them and doth adjure them to have regard to his safety and not to suffer him to be delivered over to the torture of the enemy that had so well deserved of the common libertie wherein if they should prove negligent fourscore thousand chosen men would perish with him in that place And looking into their provisions he found that they had corn scarce for thirty dayes but by sparing and good husbandry it might be made to serve longer With these mandates he sent out the horsemen in silence about the second watch of the night at that part of the town where the works were not perfected he commanded all the corn to be brought unto him upon pain of death The cattel he distributed to the souldiers by pole whereof there was great store brought out from the Mandubii the corn he began to measure out very sparingly All the forces which he had placed before the town he received within the walls and so he purposed to attend the supplies of Gallia Which being known by therunne-awayes and captives Caesar appointed to make these fortifications He drew a ditch of twenty foot in breadth and depth with streight sides as broad at the bottome as at the top The rest of the work he made fourty foot short of that ditch which he did for these reasons that the whole body of the Romans might not easily be inclosed about with an army of souldiers which he thought to prevent by taking in so great a circuit of ground and secondly lest the enemy sallying out upon a suddain should in the night come to destroy the works or in the day-time trouble the souldiers with darts and casting weapons as they were busied about the works This space of fourty foot being left he made two ditches of fifteen foot in breadth and depth the innermost whereof being carried through the fields and the lower ground he filled with water drawn out of the river Behind them he made a ditch and a rampier of twelve foot and strengthened it with a parapet and pinacles and with great boughes of trees cut in cags like unto a Harts horn which he set where the hovels were joyned to the rampier to hinder the enemy from climbing up and made towers round about the whole work in the distance of fourscore foot one from another At the same time the Roman souldiers were both to get stuffe for the fortification to go a harvesting for provision of corn and to make such great works Our forces being much weakened and being to seek corn and stuffe farre off from the camp the Galles also oftentimes attempting to destroy the works and to sally out of the town at divers ports therefore Caesar thought it fit to adde thus much more to the foresaid works that the fortifications might be made good with the lesse number of men He made ditches round about the works of five foot deep and in them he planted either the bodies of trees or great firm boughs sharpened into many pikes and snags being bound together at the bottome that they might not be easily plucked up and spreading themselves at the top into very sharp cags There were of these five ranks so combined and infolded one in another that which way soever the enemy should enter upon them he would necessarily runne himself upon a sharp stake these they called Cippi Before these in oblique courses after the manner of a quincunce were digged holes of three foot deep narrow at the bottome like a sugar loaf these they set with round stakes of the bignesse of a mans thigh with a sharp hardened point in such sort that they stuck not above four fingers out of the earth and for the better fastening of them they stuck all a foot within the ground the rest of the hole for the better ordering of the matter was hid with osiers and spreads Of these were eight courses three foot distant one from another and these they called Lillies from the resemblance they had to the figure of that flower Before these were galthrops of a foot long fastened in the earth and headed at the top with barbed hooks of iron sowed up and down in all places in a reasonable distance one from another and these they called Stimuli The inner fortifications being thus perfected he followed the even and level ground as much as the nature of the place would give him leave and took in fourteen miles in circuit and made the like fortifications in all points against the enemy without as he had done against the town to the end that if he were driven upon occasion to depart and leave the works it might be no danger for him to leave the camp forasmuch as a few men would defend it He commanded every man to have forrage and provision of corn for thirty dayes THE FIRST OBSERVATION I Promised in my former observation to speak somewhat touching the Roman works and to shew the use they made of them in their greatest occasions but this description of the works at Alesia doth so far exceed the inlargement of commenting words that it hath drowned the eloquence of great Historians and in stead of expositions and inforcements hath drawn from them speeches expressing greater admiration then belief Circa Alesiam saith Paterculus tantae res gestae quantas audere vix hominis perficere nullius nisi Dei fuerit So great things were done at Alesia that they might seem too great for any man to attempt or any but a god to effect To inclose a town with a ditch and a rampier of eleven miles in circuit was a matter worthy the Roman army but to adde such variety of works and to make such strange trapes and oppositions against an enemy was admirable to the hearer and not that only but to make the like works without to keep the Galles from raising the siege did double the wonder by which works he did besiege and was besieged took the town and overthrew the enemy in the field Such as since that time have imitated this industry only by a small ditch and a rampier for I think no man ever made such works have wrought wonders in matter of warre Castruccio got the name of renewing the ancient military discipline in Italy chiefly for that he besieged Pistoia and with the help of a double trench according to the example of Caesar he kept in the Pistoyans on the one side and kept out an army on the other side of thirtie thousand foot and three thousand horse in such manner as in the end he
took the citie and made their succours of no effect The States army of the united Provinces under the leading of Grave Maurice did the like at the town of Grave in the year 1602. But of this at Alesia may well be said that which Livy speaketh of the battell at Nola Ingens eo die res ac nescio an maxima illo bello gesta sit A great piece of service was done that day and I think I may call it the greatest in that whole warre THE SECOND OBSERVATION IT is here delivered that the outward circuit of the works contained fourteen miles and the circuit of the inward works eleven miles upon which ground Justus Lipsius maketh an unjust conjecture of the space between the outward and the inward works where the Romans day incamped For according to the proportion between the circumference and the diameter he maketh the diameter of the greater circle four and of the lesser three miles and then he taketh the lesser diameter out of the greater and concludeth the space to be almost a mile between the inner and the outward rampier where the Romans lay incamped between the works and least the matter might be mistaken in ciphers he doth expresse it at large in significant words whereby he maketh the space twice as much as indeed it was For the two circles having one and the same center the semidiameter of the one was to be taken out of the semidiameter of the other and the remainder would amount almost to half a mile which according to the ground here delivered was the true distance between the works if the nature of the place whereunto they had a respect would suffer them to keep the same distance in all parts But aliquando bonus dormitat Homerus Homer himself is out sometimes and no disgrace neither to the excellency of his learning deserving all honour for the great light which he hath brought to the knowledge of Histories and for redeeming the truth from blots and Barbarisme CHAP. XXXII The Galles raise an army of 248000 to raise the siege at Alesia WHile these things were a doing at Alesia the Galles having summoned a Councell of the Princes and chiefest men of each State they thought it not convenient to take all that were able to bear arms according to Vercingetorix direction but to proportion out a certain number for every State lest that of such a confused multitude there would be no government being not able to know their souldiers or to martiall them in any good order or to make provision of victuall for so great a bodie The Hedui and their clients the Segusiani Ambivareti Aulerci Brannovices and Brannovii were commanded to send out five and thirty thousand the Arverni with their clients the Heleuteri Cadurci Gaballi Velauni as many the Senones Sequani Bituriges Santones Rutheni Carnutes twelve thousand the Bellovaci ten thousand the Lemovices as many the Pictones Turones Parisii Heleuteri Suessiones 8000 the Ambiani Mediomatrices Petrocorii Nervii Morini Nitiobriges 5000 the Aulerci Cenomani as many the Atrebates 4000. the Bellocassi Lexovii Aulerci Eburones 3000 the Rauraci and Boii 30000 the States bordering upon the Ocean whom by the custome of Gallia they call Aremoricae such as are the Curiosolites Rhedones Ambibarri Cadetes Osismii Lemovices Veneti Unelli six thousand Of these the Bellovaci refused to give their number saying that they would make warre with the Romans in their own name and according to their own directions neither would they serve under any mans command Notwithstanding being intreated by Comius for his sake they sent two thousand Caesar as we have heretofore delivered had used the help of this Comius the years before in Britain being both faithfull and serviceable in recompense of which service he had freed his State of all duties to the Roman Empire and restored unto them their ancient lawes and customes and to himself he had given the Morââi Notwithstandâng such was the universall consent of all Gallia to redeem their liberty and their ancient honour in matter of warre as neither friendship nor the memory of former benefits could any way move them every man intending that warre as farre as either the power of his mind or the possibilitie of his means would reach unto and having drawn together eight thousand horse and two hundred and fourty thousand foot they mustered their forces in the confines of the Hedui where they appointed captains and the chief command was given to Comius of Arras and to Viridomarus and Eporedorix Hedui and to Vergasilaunus of the Arverni cousin-germaân to Vercingetorix To these there were certain chosen out of every State to give assistance in councell of warre and all of them went jocundly and full of hope to Alesia Neither was there any man that did think that the very sight of such a multitude was able to be endured especially when the fight would grew doubtfuâl by sallies made out of the town and so great forces of horse and foot should be seen without OBSERVATIONS VErcingetorix desire was to have had as many of the Galles sent to his rescue as were able to bear arms grounding himself upon that maxime Where the whole State is in question there the whole forces of that State are to be employed But the other Princes of Gallia thought it not expedient to raise so great a number for they would have accrewed to such a multitude of people as could not have been contained within the rules of government which may bring to our consideration that which the course of these times doth not often bring into dispute What number of men well martialled and with good discipline are a competent proportion for any service Xerxes army which he carried into Greece was famous for two respects First in regard of the multitude which was so great that when he himself returned back into Asia he left behind him three hundred thousand of the best souldiers chosen out of the whole army under the conduct of one Mardonius Secondly that of so many fighting men there were two hundred and threescore thousand slain in one battell with the losse of one thousand and three hundred Grecians Whereby it appeareth that the conquest of a kingdome doth not necessarily follow the multitude of souldiers in an army for either Xerxes army was too few in number to conquer Greece or too many to be well martialled Marius with fifty thousand men defeated the Cimbri that were so many in number as they made a battell of thirtie furlong square and of them he slue a hundred and twenty thousand and took threescore thousand prisoners And for that I do remember of that which I have read the greatest conquests that ever were made were atchieved with armies under fifty thousand fighting men The great Alexander subdued all Asia and fet the Monarchy from the Persian into Greece with thirty thousand men The Romans had very seldome ten legions in an army which was about that rate but