to make a Cistern or Bathing-place in the Capitol and therein wash his body with the warm bloud of Edict Constant Rich. Broughton Eccles Hist Age 4. cap. 5. little Children and to effect this upon his consent the Flamens prepared a great number of Infants some write a Pet de Natal l. 2. c. 22. Jac. de Vorag Hist 12. Jo. Trevisa Policron fol. 212. Alonso de Villigas Flos Sanctorum 31 Decemb. la vida de San. Silvâ—stre three thousand and was going to kill them to fill the Bath with their bloud but Constantine being moved to compassion by the cries and lamentations of their Mothers abhorred such cruelty and wickedness causing the Children to be restored to their Parents with rewards and means to carry them to their dwelling places The night following the Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul appear to him saying Because thou hast hindred this wickedness and hast detested to shed the blood of Innocents we are sent to thee by Christ our Lord and God to tell thee how to be cured Hear us therefore and do what we admonish thee Sylvester the Bishop of this City flying thy Persecutions with some others of his Clergy are hid in the Cliffs of Mount Soracte send for him and he will provide an holy Bath in which thou shalt be wash'd and so clensed from thy disease Constantine the next morning sends to finde out Sylvester to whom being come he told the storie of his Vision and asked him what Gods Peter and Paul were and desired to see their Pictures which being shewed him he declared that they were the very same who appeared to him the night before Upon this he was Baptized by Sylvester and so clensed from his Leprosie an hand from Heaven at the same time touching him as he himself saw Upon this the Emperour became hugely Munificent to the Church of Rome by his Decree ordering that she shall be above the IV Patriarchal Seats Antioch Alexandria b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Constantinople and Hierusalem and that the Bishops of Rome shall be above all others in the world all things belonging to Christianity to be govern'd by them In proof of this he built a Church in the Lateran where to maintain lights he gave Lands and Possessions in Asia Thracia Graecia Africa Italy and several Islands he gave his Palace also in the Lateran with his Crown and all his other imperial Habiliments Badges and Authority and the more to exalt him the Emperour himself like a Foot-boy led the Popes Horse about by the Bridle and bestowed upon him and his Successors the City of Rome with the c Provincias loca Civitatis Edict Constant Places Cities and Provinces of Italy and the Western Countries and then in a solemn manner curst and damn'd to the pit of Hell all those whether his succeeding Emperours or any others who any ways opposed or violated this his Donation And this Edict or Donation of Constantine is dated at Rome Constantine and Gallicanus being Consuls Thus we have the storie and the Imperial Decree of Donation which have made such a noise in the World and all as true as the Tale of this Sylvester's d Guil. Gazet Hist des Saincts Tom. 2. 31 Decemb. Pet. de Natal l. 2. c. 22. tying up and there to remain till the day of Judgement a huge Dragon in a Den which every day onely with its breath slew above e Jac. de Vorag Hist 12. three hundred men which quite puts down the storie of Sir Eglomore Now the better to batter down the imaginary Castle of the Popes Temporal Authority and that the Cheat and Forgerie may appear more visible we shall shew that the Foundation of all is a meer lye the occasion of such a Donation viz. the storie to be false and then the Decree it self as a consequence must vanish also However the Edict it self shall also be proved a Counterfeit by such Arguments and Authorities as Hottoman Dr. Crakinthorpe Laurentius Valla du Plessis our Country-man Cook c. affords us but with as much brevity as can be That the storie and occasion of such a Donation is false appears plainly I. Valerius Crispus was alive after this supposed Baptism and so his murther could no way intitle Constantine to the Leprosie and for Sozom. l. 1. c. 5. Trip. Hist Cassiodor lib. 1. cap. 6. Evagr. l. 3. c. 40 41. Nâ—ceph l. 7. c. 35. Platina vit Marci Broughton's Hist Eccles pag. 476. § 2. Id. pag. 494. § 9. Jo. Mariana de rebus Hispan l. 4. c. 16. truth of this we need go no further than this that they cannot deny but both their Ancient and their Modern Authors declare this Crispus to have been Baptized with Constantine and alive after the Synod supposed to be held at Rome upon this christning of the Emperour Nor was Constantine a Tyrant II. The Leprosie it self is confest by their a Viâ— Marci vit Hadrian I. Canus loc Theol. l. 11. c. 5. § 5. Naucler generat 11. Platina and others to be a meer forgery not mentioned by Eutropius Orosius and such-like ancient Writers nor was there any cause for such a Disease Constantine being a good Emperour III. Constantine did not persecute the Christians till this supposed Leprosie Euseb vit Constant l. 1. c. 5. l. â— c. 1 4 12 13 14. l. 10. c. 16. Cedren Hist Sozom. l. 1. c. 8. but on the contrary hugely favoured them in somuch that Licinius the Heathen Consul accused him to his Souldiers for so doing And which is more he did not onely countenance them but was a profest Christian himself his Father Constantius favouring that way and his Son Constantine instructed in it and some say in Britain at b Broughton's Eccles Hist p. 460 461. § 5 6 7. Abington in Barkshire but of the latter I say nothing IV. Being thus a Christian he could not be ignorant what S. Peter and S. Paul were in that time of Sylvester and so not to suppose them to be Gods after an Heathenish manner And if he were ignorant how came he to know what they were for in his supposed Decree where the storie is he doth not tell us that they told him If they did 't is probable that they would not leave him a supposed Pagan in the dark but also declare what they were besides telling their names nor doth he say they told him that V. Again being thus a Christian he would not make use of Heathen Priests either to clense him from his iniquities nor need Aegyptius or Osius upon that supposed infidelity inform him of the Efficacie of Christ and his Religion Neither would he consent to the wicked advise of the Pagan Flamens for his Cure by the bloud of so many Innocent Children VI. If Constantine had consented to this cruelty yet 't is not probably that he need either have such a number slain as some say three thousand nor would he have had it
so publickly done as to be frighted from it by the cries of their grieved Mothers VII Constantine was not baptized by Sylvester nor at Rome Anno Euseb vit Constant l. 4. c. 61 62 64. Socrat. l. 1. c. 26. Theodoret. l. 1. c. 31. Sozom. l. 2. c. 32. 324 but after this a little before his own death at Nicomedia in Bithynia in lesser Asia and that by one Eusebius Bishop of that City This last quite overthrowing the occasion of the Donation they bend all their force to null it but the chief of their Objections are thus answered Object I. That he was baptized at Rome and so not at Nicomedia needs no dispute The Font wherein he was baptized being at Rome Answer If so 't is nothing to the purpose seeing several Monuments are there which were neither made there nor first erected there and by this Argument their Reliques and Bodies of Saints will make some holy men to be born or have dyed here and there and every where for some of them by the several places pretending to have them must have several bodies apiece besides there is no good proof of such a Baptistory Object II. Of this there is proof enough for Ammianus Marcellinus an Heathen mentions Lavacrum Constantinianum at Rome and is not this the Font of Constantine Answer No but a Bath or Bathing-place so call'd mentioned also by a De Occid Imp. l. 7. Sigonius and both him and b Lib. 27. prope Constantini lavacrum Marcellinus intimate so much themselves by saying That the people would have set on fire the house of Lampadius neer or adjoyning to the Bath of Constantine And of these sorts of Baths there were many of them at Rome and that very large ones too and this shews that it could not be meant by a Font or Baptistory in a Church for if so then reason would tell us that the Authors would rather have said neer such a Church Object III. Constantine was present at the Nicen Council and therefore baptized before that Council and so not at Nicomedia in his latter days Answer This is no consequence for long before this Constantine call'd a Euseb vit Constant l. c. 37. Bin. not in Concil Arel § ad Council at Arles where he was also present and yet not then baptized as they themselves confess Object IV He was present at prayers with the Christians long before his death and therefore not baptized at his latter end at Nicomedia Answer Nor will this hold water for any might be at their prayers till the receiving of the Sacrament at which time the Catechumeni i. e. such as were instructed in the Faith but not yet Christned and others were to withdraw Object V. But Constantine was present at the receiving of the Sacrament and so must be baptized Answer He was not nor can they gather any such thing from Eusebius if he were present it will not follow that he received Besides an Emperour so favourable to the Christians and one that call'd their Religion Crakinthorp p. 70 72 73 74. his own both for Devotion and Curiosity as also good Example to gain Prosolytes might be allow'd more priviledge than others as being onely present if he were so Object VI. Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia was an Arian so that if Constantine had been baptized by him he would have shew'd his Communion with that Heresie Answer If he had it doth not contradict the storie but he did not agree with them 'T is true this Eusebius was an Arian but a cunning jugler and carried himself otherwise before the Emperour But when Constantine perceived that he was an Arian he was so far from Theodoret. lib. 1. cap. 19. favouring or siding with these people that he banish'd him with a severe Epistle or Order against him and those of his Faction Yet after upon his seeming repentance he had the liberty to return where he carried himself as against the Arians though his heart was for them and so the Emperour seeing onely with mans eyes thinking his Conversion to be real might lawfully be baptized by him and yet none of his way or faith in those points Object VII It was not Constantine the Great who was baptized by Eusebius at Nicomedia but his Son Constantine who was an Arian and expell'd Pope Faelix from Rome so that the old Historians mistook the Father for the Son which caused this error Answer This Constantine the Son was dead or kill'd many years before Faelix was chosen to sit in the Roman Chair Nor was he an Arian that we know of And him who you aim at all this while is Constantius another Son of Constantine the Great with whom and Faelix there was some clashing Constantius being look'd upon as an Arian and one that had been twice baptized and one of them by one a Athanas de Synod p. 350. Socrat. l. 2. c. 37. l. 1. c. 26. Fuzoius Bishop of Nicomedia And that you mistake in saying that this must be Constantine the Great b Vit. Felius Platina himself will assure you Object VIII Constantine the Great was not baptized at Nicomedia but onely Bathed in hot waters for the health of his body Answer Neither Barrel better Herring certainly Aug. Steuchus Eugubinus is put hard to it when he brings such a childish reason as this but the Country Clown rather than say nothing affirm'd Tenterden Steeple to be the cause of Goodwin Sands and truely Steuchus at this time reasoneth after the same sort as appears by Eusebius who lived at that time was well acquainted with the Emperour Constantine and at large writes this History of his a Vit. Constantine l. 4 c. 61 62. Baptism at Nicomedia by the Bishop of that City The Emperor himself confessing that he staid so long for the receiving of this Sacrament because he thought to have gone and been Baptized in Jordan after the Example of our Saviour Christ But being thus overtaken with sickness and neer his end rather than dye without it was Baptized as abovesaid at Nicomedia But because some of them have said that though the supposed occasional storie may be false yet the Donation is true as appears by the Decree it self of such a Donation we shall prove here that the Decree it self is a meer Cheat and Counterfeit and then the whole design must vanish And that it is a forgery is plain because I. It saith that Constantinople was then one of the four chief Sees or Patriarchships whereas I would have them to prove that that dignity was before this or then given to this City for some write it was not till many years after this and so it must speak by Prophesie II. In this Decree is mentioned the very word a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Constantinople whereas at the time of this writing there was no such word the City being then call'd Bizantium nor was the name changed till sevâ—â—al years after this supposed Baptism
viz. according to b De Occid Imp. l. 4. anno 330. Sigonius VI years at which time the Emperor made it his Imperial City for the East III. The Decree saith that Constantine then intended to return to and live at Bizantium and build there And yet they assure us that he was so far from thinking of it that when he went from Rome his resolution was to settle the Seat of his Empire of the East at or neer Ilium or old Troy in Asia in which design he had gon so See Râ—ch Broughtoâ—â— Ecclâ—s Hist pag. 496. Age 4. c 11. p. 500. c. far as not onely to have laid the plat-form of the City but to have built the Gates of it not far from the Hellespont Nor is this all but that he was so resolved on this that he had not left Asia and come into Europe to Bizantium if he had not been thereunto admonish'd by some Heavenly Vision or other by which means the See of Constantinople in the Decree may be meant as well of Troy as Bizantium And 't is also said that after he left Ilium he fell in hand with c Phil. Holland's Chronol to Am. Marcellâ—nus anno Christi 328. Calcedon before he went to Bizantium quite contrary to the Decree IV. In this Decree Constantine is made solemnly to give unto Pope Sylvester the Lateran Palace And yet d L. 3. an 312. Sigonius e An. 312. § 82. Baroâ—ius and f Not. in lib. de munif Constant Binius confess that it was given before to Pope Meltiades If Constantine gave such gifts for the honour of Christianity before Sylvesters time why do they say he was a Pagan and Persecutor for the first XI years of Sylvesters Popedom V. If Constantine had given Rome and Italy c. to the Popes and Sozom. l. 2. cap. 32 35. Sonaras Tom. 3. their Successors he would never have given the same again to his Sons as he did by Testament and the g See Lâ—ur Bâ—â—ck de Tvâ—an Papae pag. 78 357 358 359 360 361 432 433 437 441 442 443 c. Lawyers say that had the gift been true yet 't is null'd because he could not give such Prerogative and Dominions from his Sons and Empire to a third person but this dispute concern not me VI. This Decree makes Constantine to throw severe curses and execrations upon any be who they will that shall violate his Edict of the supposed Donation Now 't is not propable that good Constantine would thus have cursed himself and have invoked his own damnation as he must have done if he himself broke the Decree as he plainly did by giving as aforesaid these places by Testament to his Son whch he had as they say formerly bestowed upon the Popes of Rome VII If these Territories were thus given to the Popes and their sole Nic. Coeffeteau Response au Sieur du Plessis pag. 245. rule why did the Emperours for a long time by their Deputies govern Rome c. without any dependance upon the Popes And this Decree of Donation never pleaded by the Bishops of that City against such Usurpations as they must have been if the gift had been true and legal of those Lay-Governours VIII We cannot suppose in reason that Constantine would have given so much Lands and Territories onely to maintain a few lights and Candles in a Church as the Decree saith he did IX The story of the hands clensing of him at his Baptism from Heaven sounds like the rest of the lying Miracles we oft meet withal in their writings X. The story in this Donation of the Emperour leading the Popes horse about like a Page looks also like a forgery to propogate the Popes Pride nor is it probable that Constantine now supposed a sober Christian would thus by telling this boast of his own humility XI Several of the Romanists themselves confess that Authentick Ancient Mel. Canus l. 11. c. 5. Alex. Carerius l. 2. c. 21. Nic. Cusan de Concord Cathol l. 3. c. 2. Jac. Almon. de potest Eccles Aen. Sylvius in Dialog Gasp Schiop Eccles c. 51. Hieron Cathalanus Historians do not make mention of these things though they writ at large the other actions of Constantine And why should this so famous a matter be left out XII Many of the learned Papists themselves will not stand upon this thing not knowing how to make it good a An. 324. § 117. Baronius when he should come to speak of it though in all things in behalf of the Popes Authority he indeavours to be Voluminous and spends many leaves upon Constantines supposed Convertion and Baptism yet when he comes to this Donation will by no means undertake its proof but hastily throws it by and desires you to look in other Authors and lets every one think as he will but for his part he meddles not with it but we are assured by a fiery b Gretserus Apol. pro Baronio c. 12. Jesuit that Baronius look'd upon this Decree of Constantine to be either corrupted or a false counterfeit thing c Response au Mystere d'Iniquité pag. 115. Dr. Coeffeteau is in this case shie also and lets du Plessis slip away without replying to his Arguments yet at last declares it to be a d Ib. p. 1188. cheat and false And e De falsa donat Laurentius Valla Senator of Rome writes bitterly against it in a long Declamation a Practic Cancel Apostol Hieronymus Cathalanus looks upon it as a cheat and yet he was Chamberlain to Pope Alexander VI. Cardinal b Concord Cathol ad Concil Basil l. 3. c. 2. Nicholaus de Cusa is much of the same opinion protesting that he hath taken great pains to finde it there were any such thing but all to no purpose and some of these you have printed together in a little book And Aeneas Sylvius who was afterwards Pope Pius II in a particular Dialogue cited by the aforsaid Cathalanus looks upon it as a meer forgery Nor will Franciscus Guiccerdine give any credit to it 'T is true the c Hist lib. 4. Section which contains his judgement of this Donation and the History how the Popes rose to such greatness in Temporalities is fraudulently left out in some Forreign Editions but it is to be met withal in the d Edit Lond. 1618. English e Edit Paris 1612. French and some others as also in f Tom. 3. Goldastus And g De Tyran Papae pag. 335 336. Laurentius Banck tells us of other Romanists who either doubt of or oppose this Donation To this exception I shall say no more but that the Learned French Jesuite h Certum est mihi Donationem Constantini quae à quibusdam illiteratis profertur ineptam esse absurdam omnium sibulis explodendam Briet Parallela Geograph part 2. lib. 6. pag. 889. Philippus Brietius the Prince of Geographers affirms that this Donation
enough of this and the supposed Donation which the Venetians did once prettily confute and so shake off a close demand Laurent Banck de Tyran Pap. pag. 355. The Pope asking them by what right they appropriated to themselves all the jurisdiction and power in the Adriatick Sea since they could not shew any Writings of Priviledges granted to them for so doing To which 't is said they thus returned an Answer That they greatly wonder'd that his Holiness should expect from them to shew those priviledges which yea and the very Originals the Popes themselves had carefully kept all along in their own Archives as a sacred thing and might easily be found if he would but look upon the backside of the Deed of Constantine's Donation for there might be seen the Priviledges granted to them over that Sea written in great Letters And such another story they tell us how Pope Alexander the Sixth having ask'd the same question was thus answer'd by Girolamo Donato the Venetian Ambassador Let your Holiness shew me the Instrument of St. Peters Patrimony and you will finde on the backside of it the Grant of the Adriatick Sea to the Venetians CHAP. II. 1. When the Bishops of Rome had raised themselves up to some favour and greatness what odd striving and dealings there were to obtain that See with the manner of Elections 2. That the Temporal Power had formerly the greatest stroke in the Election of Popes and that it yet hath though by underhand-dealings 3. An Essay upon this Quere Whether for some years past there hath been according to their Decrees and Orders really any true Pope THe Bishops of Rome though formerly lived in great obscurity Sect. I. lurking privately here and there without any greatness or notice by reason of the Persecutions against Christianity Now that they had the Emperours embracers of the Gospel and favourers of the Prelacy appear'd in publick in great Splendor and Authority and presently raised themselves to such a Grandeur that they seem'd not onely to overtop their Neighbours but next the Emperour to appear in greatest glory sway and priviledge which made Praetextatus design to be Consul drolingly say to Pope Damasus Make me Bishop of Rome and I will quickly make my self Facite me Romanae Urbis Episcopum ero protinus Christianus Hieron Epist 61. a Christian And now the ambition to be great made every one aspire to this Dignity and that sometimes with so much earnestness and indirect means that Religion it self and the Bishops of that City lost much of their Reputation not onely from the Heathen but Christian too as is plain by St. Hierome and others who wrote against their faults I shall not trouble my self concerning the discention and schism about Liberius and Felix the Second onely that if Liberius was an Heretick as several accuse him then a man may well plead the other to be no Antipope if that be true which some of their own Church confess that a Pope for Heresie looseth his Dignity and Chair But to wave this a An. 367. Liberius being dead the two Factions divide again each of them striving to make a Pope of their party These who were of the Antipope Felix's side chose one Damasus b Jo. Marian de Reb. Hispan l. 4. c. 19. Villegas F. S. Decemb. 11. Am. Narcellin Hist l. 27. c. 2. Ruffin l. 11. c. 10. whether of Tarragona in Catalonia or Madred in New Castile or of Guimaranes Antre Duero y Mino in Portugal Authors agree not and those who were for Liberius chose one Vrsicinus a Roman at this Election the feud was so great betwixt both parties that in the Church of Sicininus there was slain upon the place CXXXVII persons and it was a long time after before the rage of the people could bâ— asswaged insomuch that Vivensius Governour of Rome for the Emperour not being able to appease these Tumults was forced to retire himself out of the City But at last Damasus got the upper-hand and so kept the Popedom by the assistance of the Emperour c Onuphr Annot. in Platin. vit Felicis II. Valentinian Thus was this thing managed besides voting with d Platin. vit Damas Sabellic En. 7. l. 9. Nausler Gen. 13. p. 487. Genebrard p. 576. main force and arms And those who formerly were held as Schismaticks for chusing and siding with an Antipope are now brave boys for standing and fighting lustily against those who were for the true Pope Liberius as they call him And had the Emperour approved of Vrsicinus for ought that I know he had been call'd infallible and Damasus an Antipope And that the Emperours had some authority about the Election of Popes will appear by the story of another uprore and schism Pope Zosimus being a An. 418. dead the people of Rome enter again into divisions one party chose for Bishop Eulalius in the Lateran Church and the other Boniface in another Church and thus each faction cryed up their Pope Of this Symmachus Governour of Rome giveth the Emperour notice and tells him that Eulalius had Baron anno 419. § 1 2 3 c. most reason and right of his side Honorius the Emperour acknowledgeth Eulalius as Pope as being chosen and approved of by a lawful number time and place rejects Boniface as illegitimate wanting these necessaries to an Election and bids him submit or to be expell'd the City Symmachus sends this news to Boniface but the Messenger is beat In the mean time the party of Eulalius rejoyce he acting as Pope and the City Gates being shut to exclude his Adversary the Governour being the more careful by reason of the great inconvenience and trouble the City underwent by the former Tumults and Riots at the Election of Damasus Those who sided with Boniface seeing themselves and cause quite lost if presently they procured not Remedy drew up a Petition to the Emperour complaining Eulalius not to be lawfully elected but Boniface to be truely Pope for which they desired Caesars assistance Honorius upon this orders that both the elected should appear before him where he would have the Case tryed and accordingly see the right disposed of and for more clearing of the business he appointed several Bishops to meet about it but these not agreeing concerning the Election this meeting vanish'd without any determination whereupon he resolved upon another convention In the mean time the better to keep good Order in Râ—me now full of hubbubs by reason of this division he order'd Eulalius and Boniface the two heads of these disorders to depart the City and Easter now drawing neer that the people might not be without a Bishop to celebrate at that Feast he appointed Achilleus Bishop of Spoleto one uninterest to either party to officiate as chief in Rome and him he call'd b Beatitudo tua His Holiness or Blessedness and so did he Paulinus Bshop of Nola and those of c Sanctitas vestra Africk
And here Eulalius lost himself with the Emperour for contrary to his express command he enters into the City upon which new Tumults begin and odd threatning and bickering there was in spight of the Governour or Authority Symmachus himself being in great danger in this hurlyburly all parties striving to possess the Lateran Upon this Honorius expresly orders Eulalius for peace-sake to depart the City and that in the mean time he should not be acknowledged and that the Bishop of Spoleto according to the former Order onely remain there and solely have the possession of the Lateran Church for the time of Easter These Orders Eulalius also very unadvisedly withstands and having gotten his party together thought by main force to have seis'd upon the Lateran upon this more mischief falls out but at last Eulalius is beat out of the City Achilleus remain'd possess'd of the Church and had good Guards appointed him for his and its defence Sigon Hist de Occid Imp. an 419. Honorius the Emperour being certified of and offended at this expresly excludes Eulalius and settles Boniface in the Popedom to which he had a meeting of many Bishops consenting Thus we have seen in short the storie of another riotous canvasing and because this is of no smaâ—l concern Baronius would by no means have us to think that Eulalius had any right by Election upon the Narrative of Symmachus because as he saith he was partial and seem'd to favour Eulalius But to this may be return'd I. That if the Governour favour'd a Coeffeteau Resp p. 245. Heathenism he might be as much an Enemy to the Christianity of the one as well as the other they objecting nothing against the soundness of either of them for Principles of Religion II. Symmachus in his third letter to Honorius when the Emperor shew'd no more favour for the one than the other b Religiosos viros Bonifacâ—um Eulalium nameth Boniface before Fulalius which somewhat signifieth rather his favour for the former III. And lastly Symmachus in his Letters to Constantius Brother-in-Law to the Emperour writes virulently against Eulalius accusing him of occasion of misbehavour and riots from which some may suppose that the Governour was impartial and true when he assured to the Emperour that Eulalius was rightly chosen But besides this another dispute may arise upon this story viz. c Lib 4. cap. 160 Petrus de Natalibus d Generat 15. pag. 511. Nauclerus e Vit. Bonâ—fac I. Plâ—tina f Cronicle Universale fol. â—66 Filippo da Bergamo g Hist de O cid Imp. l. 11. anno 419. Sigonius h Hist Pontifical fol. 74. Gonzalo de Illiscas and their ancient Vatican i See the Councils Liber Pontificalis with k Epit Pontif Rom. de Pontif. Caâ—dinalium crea ione Edict venet 1557. vit Eulalii But this is left out in the Colen Edition at the end of Platina And in that of Jo. Gaulter Chron. Chronicorum Tom. 1. Onuphrius do declare that the Emperour Honorius was at Milan at this time and thence sent his Orders which if be true and these men had no reason to affirm this if false nor need the Roman Catholick question them being all noted Historians of their Religion then must those Letters in Baronius which carry their date to and from Honorius at Ravenna concerning this Schism be spurious and counterfeit and so for ought that I know we may lose part of the story and if these be be false and 't is plain the two Vatican Manuscripts contradict each other I shall give the less esteem to the pretended Records that are produced from those Archives for many cheating writings not forgâ—tting the Gift and Decree of Constantine are shewn to us for true and authentick out of that Library of which Platina was Keeper and a diligent searcher into the ancient Manuscripts of it and Onuphrius had the liberty and was well read in every piece of Antiquity in it The often mention of Symmachus Governour of Rome in the late Tumults puts me in minde of a Pope not long after of that name noted also for a Schism in his time For Anastasius the Second being a an 498. dead those of Rome ran head long into a new disorder some chusing for Pope Symmachus whilst others elected one Laurentius upon which great disorders riots and mischiefs arises which continued for some years to be short the business was refer'd to Theodorick an Arian King of the Ostrogothes who had then over-run Italy and Symmachus carryed it those of the party of Laurentius troubled at this frame Articles against Symmachus accusing him of some Vices and admit Laurentius upon which new disorders growing and the King being vext at this dissention as b Platina vit Sym. Fil. dâ— Bergamo Cronicle Universale fol. 245. Ant. Sabellic En. 8. l. 2. Jo. Maucler Gener. 17. some say sends Petrus Bishop of Altino in the Territory of Venice now ruined and no Episcopal Seat to Rome there to rule as chief the other two being turn'd out to conclude Petrus is rejected Laurence his party strive to carry all all sorts of villanies are committed Sacred places violated Priests slain but at last after suchlike infinite outrages and murders Symmachus is acknowledged as Pope and in the Chair of Rome ruled several years But before I shake hands with this story I hope you will give me leave to tell you one Tale in confirmation of the right of Symmachus to the Papal Chair and this upon no less authority than Pope c Dialog l. 4. c. 40. Gregory the Great But first we must understand that one Paschasius stood fiercely for Laurentius against Symmachus and that this Paschasius for his learning honesty and holiness was especially famous in those times yet for all these noble qualifications he would never acknowledge Symmachus but on the contrary look'd upon Laurentius to have all right equity and law of his side and so stedfast was he in this that to his dying day he would hold none other for Pope And this was not a little blot to the reputation of the Cause of Symmachus and by consequence to the true Succession of Popes that this Paschasius so knowing so just so vertuous and one who hath got an holy name in the Roman d Baron Martyrol Rom. Maii 13. Martyrologies should look upon Symmachus as an Antipope and acknowledge Laurentius as the onely true one But though good Paschasius dyed in this opinion yet we shall now here the storie of his punishment and repentance for so doing and so the objection cleer'd It chanced upon a time that Germanus Bishop of Capua now an Archbishop See being not well was desired by his Physitians for healths-sake to go into an hot Bath whither being gone he findes there Paschasius dead long before standing in a penitent and piping-hot condition at which Germanus being troubled ask'd him Why he so good a man had to do there
Otho had his Authority and Title taken from him and not long after he d An. 968. dyed And thus much in brief for the better understanding the jumbling and crossing of Emperours Sect. 3. The hurly-burly amongst the Popes themselves whereby their personal Succession is shaken ANd now methinks it will not be amiss by the by somewhat to take a view of the tossings tumblings and hurly-burlies of the Popes whilst these Politicks â—â—re acting which may affor'd some farther light to the former story Though I shall not here undertake to give you an exact series of the Popes for this time not knowing where certainly to finde or have it the chief of their own Authors not in this agreeing and yet every day we hear the meanest of their Tribe brag that they can shew a continued and uninterrupted Succession but many talk of Archery who never saw Robin Hoods Bow and some may talk of succession who never undertook to compare their Historians or Chronologers And he who in this and the timing of their Popes shall make their chiefest Authors agree not onely those who have diligently read over the ancient Writers but also with sweat and pains view'd and compar'd their Monuments and Originals as they call them in the Vatican it self shall do more than Baronius or any other that have done to this day But to the business in hand We heard formerly how Pope John the Ninth or Eighth was imprisoned by the Romans for favouring the Empire of Lewes the Third and how after this unconstrain'd on his own head he took upon him the Whim of nulling the Coronation of Lewes and crowning Charles the Grosse for Emperour After this John we have a An. 882. Martinus or Marinus some calling him one way some another if the first you may call him Martinus the Second if the other then Marinus the First of whom there is nothing observable but that he obtain'd the Popedom by b Malis artibus pontisicatum adeptus Pâ—atina indirect and unlawful means After him we have c An. 884. Adrian the Third who was of so d Tanti animi fuit great a spirit as Platina saith that he made a Law that in creating of Popes the authority of the Emperour should not be expected or required but we shall not finde this always observed After him followed e An. 885. Stephanus the Fifth or Sixth who is said to make this Decree f Dist 10. c. 4. Coâ—f pag 575. Whatsoever the Church of Rome doth ordain or appoint must be observed by all And now we come to the beginning of some notable garboyls and cross-grain'd actions upon the score of the Election of Formosus Pope after the death of Stephanus of which thus briefly Formosus before his Popedom was Bishop of Porto from which Pope John the Ninth or Eighth had deposed him Excommunicated him and degraded him to a meer Lay-man who departed the City having sworn never to return or to be Bishop again After this Pope Martin or Marin absolves him from his Oath and restores him to his dignities After the death of Stephanus the people of Rome fell into Factions one party chusing this g An. 891. Formosus for Pope the other elected one Sergius of a powerful acquaintance related to the Marquiss of Tuscane then chief of the Tusulans But Formosus kept the Chair though the great Guido or Wido also favour'd Sergius Yet at last not able to withstand such opposition he calls in to his assistance Arnulph the German Emperour who takes Rome beats away Formosus his Enemies and is by him Crown'd Emperour of which formerly and at last Formosus dyeth Upon the death of Formosus h An. 896. Boniface the Sixth Son to Adrian the Bishop is chosen Platina i Chron fol. 301. da Bergamo and some others make him lawfully elected and speak nothing against him but k Pag. 576. Coeffetean will have him to come in by Faction and one that had been formerly for his wickedness degraded by a Synod at Rome of his Deaconship and Priest-hood let them agree about it and if they can of the years of his Pâ—pedom After him we have Pope Stephanus the Sixth Son of a Cardinal Priest he was of the Faction of Sergius and so grand an Enemy to Pope Formosus though they say Formosus made him Bishop and gave him the See of Anagni that he did not onely abrogate and null all his Orders rescind all that he had done but which was most inhumane he commanded and that publickly in a a Habito Concilio Platin. Luitprand l. 1. c. 8. Sâ—gonius de Regno Ital. l. 6. Council his body to be dig'd out of the grave and his rotten carkass adorned with Priestly Garments to be placed in the Popes Chair and then gravely examin'd him why he durst take upon him to be Bishop of Rome and this formality of tryal being finished and the Corps condemn'd he had him disrobed of his Vestments and commanded his b Coquae us tom 1. pag. 477. three or c Plâ—tina two fingers wherewith he used to bless the people to be cut off and thrown into the River Tiber and the rest of his body as d Ilâ—â—sto del corpo fece sepillire nella sepoltura de secolari simplici villi Baronius and Platina saith was buried amongst the simple and vilest Lay-men Nor was this all but he also degraded whom Formosus had Ordain'd and himself gave them new Orders And which was most of all he had all these actions confirm'd by a Synod at Rome their own e Tom. 1. p. 477. Coquaeus doth confess And all this because he thought Formosus no true Pope f Pubâ—ice in Concilio Episcoparum decernit Formosum nunquam fuisse legitimum Pontificem Bellarm. de Pont. Rom. l. 4. c. 12. being elected against his former Oath And this he confirmed by a Council or Synod g Addit ad Platin Onuphrius at the inhumanity of this action seemeth so much troubled that he will not take it for any thing but to be a meer fable and lye but in this case one Swallow makes no Summer especially when Platina Coquaeus Bellarmine Baronius and the whole body of their Historians both before and after Onuphrius and Platina tells us that in his time Pius the Second being dead by the Conclave was elected for Pope h An 1464. Pietro Barbo a Venetian who being a comely and proper person intended to take upon him the name of Formosus but some Cardinals well versed in History perswaded him from it by setting this Formosus as a bad man before him upon which he call'd himself Paul the Second Nor need we trouble our selves any farther for the proof of this sacrilegious story against Onuphrius their French Champion i Il n'est donc point besoin d'amasser les Tesmoignages des Autheurs pour exaggere l'enormite de cette action puisque nous avoüons
on his shoulders carry Vnto the Confines of th' next Territory A Dog but if he be of low degree An heavy Bench or Seat for Infamy Nor could the Palsgrave Herman shun the shame But publickly to satisfie his blame Vpon his shoulders for above a Mile Behinde him lug'd a Dog howl'd all the while Ten more Earls for the same crimes did so too Bearing Dogs on their necks as he did do This Strange disgrace and punishment so fear'd The sturdyest Nobles that no more was heard Of Rout or Violence but all relyed To be in peace by justice rectified And after this manner of shame Ludovicus sirnamed Ferreus Lantgrave of Duringen a Otho Melandâ—r â—ocoseria § 328. whipt his Rebellious Nobles at the Plough And now let us return to the Pope whom we finde at some odds with Frederick one cause of this dislike was as they say because a Bishop of London returning from Rome into b Spondan Epiâ— Baron an 1157. § 2 Coâ—ffeteau pag. 809. Baâ— anno 1157. § 15 England was seized upon by some certain but we know not what people in Germany and there detain'd although I have no reason confidently to affirm this story to be true though Pope Adrian tells it boldly enough as we finde it in his Letter afforded us by c Lib. 2. cap. 9. Radevicus Frisingensis the continuator of Ottho For at this time I cannot finde any Bishop of England whose name begins with an d Venerabilis fâ—ater noster E. Londonensis Archiepiscopâ—â— Baror anno 1157. § 4. E. Nor can we suppose that London was an Archbishops See at this time as the Pope words it in his Letter which he an Englishman might infallibly know to be no such thing 'T is true e Hist Angl. anno 1134. Matthew Paris tells us of a Bishop of Landaff and another of London dyed in their journey to Rome but the first was call'd Vrban and the other Gilbertus Vniversalis besides these dyed twenty years before this Letter And lastly 't is strange that none of our English Historians should take notice of any such thing many of them at that time being bâ—sâ—e in lesser concerns But however it be and let the design of sending on this errand two Legates a latere seem never so fair yet 't is confest that there lurk'd in it a f â—omeâ—tum occasionem masorum latuisse Baron § 2. nourishment or design of farther mischief For in this Letter the Pope several times accuseth the Emperour of dissembling and negligence and besides tells him that it was the g Beneficium grace and favour of him the Pope to confer the Imperial Crown upon him which did not onely incense the Emperour but all his Nobles insomuch that Count Palatine h Matius chron â—erm pag. 163. Otho would have slain one of the Legates for vindicating the Popes expressions if the presence and counter-commands of Frederick had not deter'd him But Barbarossa with all speed return'd the Legates to Rome expresly prohibiting them to turn out of their way to visit either Cathedral Churches or Abbies lest they should rob such places of their Treasury and Ornaments or sow discontent and treason amongst his Subjects according to the custom of such Creatures for which purpose they had many Bar. § 12 1â— blank Schedules seal'd about them to imploy as occasion Id. an 1159. § 7. served of which he presently gave notice to all the Empire And gave express command that Monks and suchlike should not a Id. § 18 22. trudge to Rome upon every bibble-babble but when they had good reason and the consent and testimony of some Bishops The Pope upon this sent a complaint to the Bishops of Germany but their answer was not altogether to him as his heart could wish they tooth and nail vindicating their Emperour Id. § 20. and complaining that his Letter first gave the occasion At last Hadrian upon b In melius mutato consilio Baron anno 1158. § 1. better advice sends other two Legates a latere to undeceive Frederick who being brought to the Emperours presence very reverently and modestly began their speech telling him that c Praeâ—ul S. R. Eccâ—â—ae â—a 〈◊〉 ves â—anquam Dominum Imperaâ—â—â—em 〈◊〉 orâ—â—s Bar. an 1158. § 3. The Bishop of the holy Roman Church did salute him as the Lord and Emperour of the City and the World At these words Baronius is a little troubled and without fear or wit would gladly give his Friend Radevicus the â—ye all his reason being because Gunther the Poet doth not set down the very same words in his Verse and yet he doth as much as could be expected in Verse Te velut eximium Regem dominumque salutant They do salute you as their Lord and King Having ended they deliver the Popes Letter in which he thus interprets the offending expressions in his last Epistle to the Emperour Id. § 4. 5. That by Beneficium he did not mean feudum a foe or meer grace on condition but onely bonum factum a good deed and so that he had done well in Crowning him And that by the other phrase of exception d Imperialis Insigne Coronae liâ— eâ—â—â—lime conseâ—ens tâ—e words of the first Letter Bar. anno 1157. § 5. Contulimus tibi insigne Imperialis Coronae We have given to thee the sign or bage of the Imperial Crown he intended no such thing as was suggested onely that he did Crown him for by the word Contulimus he meant nothing but Imposuimus that is set the Crown upon his head in sum that he onely intended the action not any power or right And thus a peace was struck up between them And thus the Popes interpretation of his own Authority is worth remembring But this quietness lasted not long for Adrian not e Bar. anno 1159. § 1. forgetting his supposed injuries e took any occasion to fall out with Frederick to whom he sends taxing him with ingratitude and to increase the affront sent this message to him by an unworthy and vile Fellow who as soon as the Letter was delivered before it was read over sneak'd away which strange contempt with the denyal of some other requests somewhat troubled Barbarossa but he requited it by commanding his Secretary for the future to set the Emperours f Id. § 5. Name before the Popes and to salute the Pope in the singular number giving this reason That either the Pope should write to him after the custom of his Predecessors or he would in his letters do as other Princes had done This nettles Adrian to the quick writing thus to the Emperour a Bar. anno 1159. § 6. Jo. Naucler gen 39. pag. 761. Mutius Hist Germ. l. 18. p. 162. We marvail not a little at your wisdom for that you seem not to yeild so much reverence to St. Peter and the holy Church of Rome as you ought to do for in the Letters
assembled as well in publick congregation at the College of Sorbone having celebrated the Mass of the Holy Ghost as also privately at the meeting of the Delegates mature deliberation being had all the particulars being carefully truly and severally examin'd as much as could be at last have declar'd their judgments in manner following All Catholicks by Divine Law are forbid to admit any into the Throne that is an Heretick or a favourer of Heresie and a known enemy to the Church much more one that is relapsed and by name excommunicated by the Pope If it should chance that any guilty as aforesaid should procure a sentence of Absolution from these crimes and censures yet if there be evident danger of his hypocrisie perfidiousness and the ruine of the Catholick Religion he then for all his said Absolution is by the said Divine Law to be excluded from the Kingdom Whoever also endeavours that he should be King or doth partake with or favour him or doth suffer him to be set in the Throne when he might prevent it and was oblig'd so to do he for so doing doth violate the holy Canons is justly suspected of Heresie and is mischievous both to Religion and the Church therefore he may and ought to be oppos'd be he of whatsoever degree or quality Therefore seeing Henry de Bourbon is an Heretick a favourer of Heresie a known enemy to the Church is relapsed and by name excommunicated and though he might obtain sentence of Absolution yet there being evident danger of hypocrisie and perfidiousness with the ruine of Religion and though he had Absolution or any other lawful heir dead or yielding up his right yet are the French obliged to keep him from the most Christian Crown and to abhor the thoughts of making peace with him and those who do favour him are violators of the Canons may be suspected of Heresie are enemies to the Church and as such ought to he earnestly and carefully chaflized and punished As therefore those who favour the said Henry in his aspiring to the Throne and do any ways affoard him any help are deserters of Religion and remain in a perpetual mortal sin so those who for their love to Religion do oppose him as much as in them lieth do very much merit both of God and Men And as on the one hand it must be suppos'd that those people so obstinate in strengthening the Kingdom of darkness will be eternally damn'd so on the other it is most mtet to conclude that these who are slain in this cause against the said Henry as Champions of the Faith shall obtain an everlasting reward and be crown'd with the Trophies of Martyrdom And this is concluded on not one gainsaying it in the third general congregation held upon this business in the great Hall of the College of Sorbone all and every one of the Masters being summon'd thither upon oath 7 May 1590. In the mean time Mayenne was very busie in raising Forces in consuâ—ting with the Duke of Parma then Governour in the Spanish Netherlands to get Supplies from him the better to force the King to quit the siege and the truth is this affair did greatly perplex him for if he lost Paris the Cause was undone and if he relieved it by the Spanish assistance and without them he could not do it his own Interest might be lost For the Sixteen wish'd him not well because he had broken up their Council of Forty which contrary to his expectation bridled his Authority and they thinking to introduce a Commonwealth Government hâ— had crost that by creating another Council a Keeper of the Seals and four Secretaries of State with which he governed affairs without calling them except when he had need of money And thus having displeas'd the Sixteen he fear'd they would engage Paris under the Spanish Yoak if they saw Spaniards enough to deal with all But of two evils thâ— last is to be chosen and so he resolveth to reinforce his Army with Spanish Supplies In his absence he appoints his Brother the Duke of Nemours a courageous young man to command the City and assign'd him a * Their namâ—s in d'Aubâ—â—ne to 3. l. 3. â— 7. Council care is taken to fortifiâ— all suâ—pected Avenues and the people are Sermon'd up to such an height of madness that a great scarcity of provisions being in the City some for letting slip but some words as if peace were better then to be starv'd with hunger were by the fury of the Zelots either executed in publick or cast headlong into the River aâ— damn'd persons enemies to the Catholick Faith and infected with the poiâ—on of Heresie Whilst the Parisians were thus eager for the Cause their Kingling Charles X. or Cardinal Bourbon dieth in prison at Fontenay being 66 9 May 1590. yâ—ars old much troubled with the Stone and greatly addicted to old Wives Prophesies which pleas'd him the more because now and then he was told some which denoted his Kingship His death troubled some of the Leaguers having now no King and so one of their grand pretences vanished yet they continue resolute Mayenne keepeth to himself the Title of Lieutenant Genâ—ral of the State and Crown of France and the States General are ordered to meet for the Election of a new King the Sorbone renew their Decrees against the King as an Heretick and so not capable of the Crown And the better to keep the people up in their humours by order of 31 May Asâ—er si◠〈◊〉 the Legat a Procession is made of the Clergy to implore Gods assistance at the Head of these went Roze Bishop of Senlis with a Cross in his left hand and an Halbert in his right then followed the Monks and Friars according to their several Orders Capuchins Minims Franciscans Dominicans Fuâ—llans Carmelites c. In the Procession the Prelates Priests and Monks walked in their severâ—l accustomed Habits but over them armed openly with Head-pieces Croslets Coats of Mail c. all of them with Swords girt to their sides and in their hands carrying some sort of Arms or other some with Guns some with Spears others with Halberts Thus marched they along singing Hymns shooting off their Guns with which one was slain by chance and with them they carried all their Reliques as notable Assistants and Well-wishers to their Solemn League and Covenant and thus they foot it to the great Church After this followeth another Procession of the Duke of Nemours the Officers of the Army the Magistrates of the City with the Archbishop of Lyons and some other valiant Bishops These trudge also to the great Church where upon the great Altar laying their hands upon the Gospel they swear to defend the City to their uâ—most and to oppose the Heretical Prince And a little after to make all sure their Parlement at Paris by Act forbid any upon pain of death to talk of any Agreement Peace or Composition with Henry of Bourbon for so they called 15
be bankrupt for rather then fail she will pardon them for ever and ever as may appear in what followeth In the Church of St. John the Lateran is a Chappel call'd Sancta Sanctorum in which there is every day pardon and remission for all sins both from the punishment and the sin also In St. Peters Church in the Vatican by the Font is every day remission of all sins to be had Also in the same Church upon St. Martins day there is to be had full remission of all sins In St. Pauls Church in the Vatican upon the XXIX of January being the day when the Church was consecrated there is then to be had remission of all sins In the Church of St. Croce is a Chappel call'd Hierusalem where is to be granted full remission of all sins both à poena à culpa In the Church St. Maria Maggiore upon All-Saints day there is granted full remission of all sins In the Church St. Maria Rotonda upon the third of May and All-Saints day are pardons for all sins to be had In the Church St. Maria del Popolo on the day of Assumption of the Virgin Mary are granted remission of all sins In the Church of St. Peters ad Vincula are remission of all sins to be had In the Church call'd Ara Coeli or St. Maria Ara Coeli where they say is the first Altar that ever was made in the world at which Altar there is every Sunday and upon the Assumption of the B. Virgin granted full pardon and Remission of all sins These and such other like Indulgences were formerly a Fiscus Papalis sive Caralog is Indulgentiarum c. publish'd in England by Mr. Crashaw from an old Manuscript which he had and I have also seen an old b MS. 196. K Digby in Bibl. Bodl. â—xon Mâ—nuscript to the same purpose But what need we trouble our selves with Manuscripts seeing the same things may be seen in feveral c Indulgentiae Ecclâ—siarum urbis Romane Impressum Romae 1509. Le Cose maravigliose dell ' Alma citta di Roma 1625. Onuphrius de urbis Romae Ecclesiis Le Steâ—r de Villamont ses voyages Vid. Weaveâ—s Funeral-Monuments pag. 160 161 162 c. Books made printed by them and publish'd by their Authority to procure the greater credit and belief for suchlike pardons as these This occasion'd so many Pilgrimages to Rome to the great inriching of that City and the wonder of Johannes or Janus Pannonius the Hungarian Poet and Bishop of Funfkirken or Eutegyhazae in Latine Quinque Ecclesiae who though of the Roman Religion yet could thus jest at the gadding of People from other Countries to Rome for Pardons at their Jubilees Hispani Galli Solavi Teutones Hunni Delit. Poet. Hungar. p. 274. Clavigeri petitis limina Sancta Petri Quo ruitis stulti Latios ditare penates Salvari in patria siccine nemo potest The Spaniard French Pole German and the Hun Vnto St. Peters Chair for Heaven doth run Whither O fools to inrich the Popes do you gad As if salvation can't at home be had Yet Indulgences were also granted to particular places in other Countries amongst the rest England being then free-handed to Rome did not want such pretty Indearments whereby the people were made as free from sin as d Jo. Fox vol. 3. pag 223. Nightingal the Priest in Queen Mary's days and of them might be said as was thus in an old e Thâ— Becon's Relicks of Rome fol. 193. b. printed Pardon John or Joan as free I make thee As heart may think or eye may see And their Power and Prerogative is so great forsooth that they cannot onely pardon past sins but sins to come or what you will commit afterwards of which King f Meditation on the Lords Prayer p. 58. James doth protest that he hath seen two Authentical Bulls with his own eyes And of this the g Gravam Germ. § 3. Princes of Germany at Nurnberg 1523 did publickly complain and that your friends soul should skip out of Purgatory when the cash ratled in the Bason And how liberal they used to be with their Pardons h De Schism lib. 1. cap. 68. Theodorick à Niem who was Secretary to three Popes hath of old hinted and Dr. i Manuduction to Divinity pag. 64 65 c. Thomas James will refer you to some more abuses And though they are willing to be no loosers by these favours yet their prices are cheap enough which probably may the sooner ingage or oblige some trusty son to act any Villany the rates of their Absolutions being so cheap of which take this following Taste as I finde them set down in their Taxa S. Cancellariae Apostolicae Sect. III. Tit. 2. ABsolution for him who lyeth with a Woman in the Church and committed other crimes is rated at 6 a The common value of a grosso is about 4 penny sarthing of English money but some in this occasion will make it about 1 s. 6 d. grossos He that keeps a Concubine if a Priest must pay for his Absolution 7 gros If he be a Lay-man he must pay 8 gros If a Lay-man commit Sacriledge by taking holy things out of holy places he is well used seeing he payeth no more for his Absolution then 7 gros If a man carnally lye with his Mother Sister or other Kinswoman or God-mother he shall have his Absolution paying 5 gros Absolution for him that deflowers a Virgin is dog-cheap at 6 gros If a Priest commit Simony he shall have his Absolution for paying 7 gros Absolution for Perjury is but 6 gros Ib. Tit. 6. If a Lay-man kill an Abbot a Monk a Clerk or other Priest less then a Bishop he shall onely pay for his Absolution according to the Quality 7 8 or 9 gros But if a Lay-man onely kill a Lay-man he shall then onely pay 5 gros If a Woman be with Childe and she willingly and on purpose destroy the said Infant within her she shall have an Absolution for 5 gros And if one kill his Father Mother Brother or Wife he must pay for his Absolution 1 Ducat and 5 b This is sometimes valued at the same with a Grosso Carlins This Book was publish'd by their own Authority it may be the better to let the Romanists see what a kinde loving and indulgent Mother they have But how oft it hath been publish'd I cannot tell It was c W. Crafâ—â—aw's Mittimâ—s to the Jubilee of Rome Epist to the Reader first made and printed at Rome in the time of Pope Leo X and was after printed at Paris 1522 the d Pet. Molin de Monarch Temp. Pont. pag. 355. Kings Priviledge and the Popes Bull being joyned to it 'T was the next year 1523 printed at e Laur. Banck Taxa Epist Colen and afterwards in that Noble Collection call'd Tractatus Illustrium virorum printed by the King of France his Priviledge
Italy Platina himself confessing that in those days the Election of Popes Vana tunc enim habebatur Cleri ac Populi Electi nisi ad Imperatores aut eorum Exarchi confirmassent Platin. vit Sever. by the Clergy and People was of none effect unless they were confirm'd or approved of by the Emperours or their Exarchs And Pelagius the Second being chosen Pope when he and the City of Rome were closely besieged by the Lombards sent as soon as he could possibly to the Emperour at Constantinople to satisfie and pacifie him concerning the election without his Imperial knowledge laying the fault upon the siege And Onuphrius here commenting upon Platina confesseth the custom of the Emperour 's approving the Pope for which approbation the Elected was to pay a certain sum of money Haec autem una fuit causa quare Pelagius injussu Principis tum Pontifex creatus est cum extra obsessam ab hoste urbem mitti quispiam non posset Nil enim tum a Clero in eligendo Pontifice actum erat nisi ejus electionem Imperator approbasset Platin. vit Pelag. II. and that at every election there was a special care taken for the promotion of one who was a known friend and creature to the Emperour and one who would act nothing against the Emperour But now the case is alter'd And why should we suspect the authority of Temporal Princes in these things having such good proof and besides this their own Canon-law assures us that Pope e Dist 63. c. Adrianus Hadrian the First freely granted to Charles the Great of France after Emperour of Germany the sole power of chusing the Popes and other Bishops This being such a fair grant and with consent too of the Clergy whereby a fatal stroke was then given to the Papal jurisdiction f Of this cheat in Baronius see more in Fran. Mason of Consecration of Bishops lib. 4. cap. 7. p. 166 167. Baronius and others after him for the Modern Historians do but according to the Fable lick up his Spittle bend their whole power and skill to cry down this as a forgery thereby to free their Church from this clog And to carry it on more cleerly g An. 774. Baronius takes upon him to rail dapperly against the ancient and noted Chronologer Sigebertus Gemblacensis i. e. of Gemblaurs in Brabant looking upon him as an Enemy to the Church for a An 773. affirming such a story which the Cardinal would perswade us to be a meer forgery But before he do this he must also cleer the Canon-law from the same crime and thus he indeavours to do it He cannot deny but that this storie and Order is in the Decrees nor will he accuse Gratian the Collector of them to have been dishonest in putting it amongst the rest How then onely that Gratian here might not be careful enough to consider what he did and so took it out of Sigebertus and put it down for authentick in the Canon But by the Cardinals favour I shall bring this Argument for confirmation of this Canon which after so much pains he holds forth to disprove it for they both living at the same time and hitting so exactly upon the same storie doth the more confirm its authentickness it being very probable that neither of them saw one anothers Writings living so far distant as the one in Brabant the other in Italy and in those days there was neither friendship or correspondencie between those places if there had been 't is probable had the Authors known one another they had been as great Enemies as their Masters Henry the Emperour and Pope Gregory the Seventh Baronius endeavours to overthrow this Canon by another Argument viz. that the word Investitura was not known in those times but the Glossaries will assure us the contrary and for more satisfaction on this point against Baronius I shall refer you to the well-read b Rationale Constitutionum Imperialium p. 1 2 3. Goldastus c Germ Caesar in Carolo Mag. pag. 36 37 38 39. Boeclerius and d De Tyran p. 157 158 159 c. And their own Glossaries upon this Canon confirm the story Laurentius Banck But before I leave this I cannot but take notice of one pretty cheat I told you formerly of the knavery of their Antiquary Aubertus Miraeus in his corrupting ancient Authors and here he is tardy again for in his Edition of Sigebertus he quite leaves out this whole storie as if the Author had writ no such thing whereas Baronius himself assures the world that Sigebert writ it and rants against him bitterly for so doing nor hath any questioned the integrity of old Editions 'till this Miraeus whom I have formerly proved against his Notitia Episcopatuum to be a notorious forger even to the putting forth of his own things for ancient Manuscripts and so no credit to be given to him let him pretend what ancient Copies he pleaseth I have seen one ancient Manuscript of Sigebertus which formerly belong'd to our famous Antiquary Mr. Cambden but to this place I can say nothing of it because this very place with above an hundred years besides have been God knows how and when convey'd from the rest of the History This Grant of Adrian is also mentioned according to their Canon-Law by Pope e Dist 63. c. In Synodo Leo the Eighth in his confession of the same Priviledges of electing of Popes to the Emperour Otho the First But 't is to small purpose to trouble my self any more about these things since long ago they have deny'd any such prerogative to remain in Temporal Authority nor will they grant to the Emperour or Kings any interest of such an Election but this onely to be done by the Cardinals who no doubt will chuse according to their Consciences and not by favour or reward every one of them swearing so to do before every scrutiny The Oath Testor Christum Dominum qui me judicarus est me Eligere quem secundum Deum judico Eligi Debere quod idem in Accessu praestabo And yet when we consider the strange factions canvasings and designs in the Conclave we might think that interest sway'd more there than this Oath or Conscience Add to this that there are always some Cardinals whose own revenues will scarce keep them in that splendour befitting the red Hat And these are commonly underhand-Pensioners to France or Spain from whose Kings they receive yearly stipends and so must always act according to the pleasure of their Pay-Master Add further that at every Election the Cardinals act under several Chieftains and though France and Spain in a manner divide the Conclave yet others especially the Duke of Tuscany have also their Creatures there who bestir themselves vigorously for the designs of these their Lay-Patrons who though excluded from voting yet are the onely chusers of the Pope by their thus ruling the Cardinals As for instance the death of a
force the friends of Sergius being there more powerful Formosus to get himself eas'd of these troubles and enemies sends privately to Arnulfe and invites him to his assistance  892 Guido or Wido Duke of Spoleto in Rome is crown'd Emperour by Pope Formosus for which he confirmed those Donations pretended to have been formerly given to Rome Arnulphus having rais'd a potent Army marcheth into Italy and at last gets before Rome it self which he summoned to yeild but they refuse upon this layeth siege to it and several times attempted to take it but to no purpose being still beaten off At last he became Master of it by an unexpected accident which was thus  893 Lambert Son to Guido his Father yet living was also declared Emperour by the same Pope a An. 904. But Baronius though he doth confess this yet will not let him begin his Empire till after the death of Lewes the Fourth Son to Boson viz. An. 904. But upon what account he doth this I know not But b Vid. Jo. Gualt Chron. Chronicorum tom 2. pag. 163. Onuphrius makes him the sole Emperour after the death of his Father Guido viz. 894. But in another c De Regn. Ital. An. 896. place he will not let him be Emperour till 896 and then Crown'd by Pope Stephanus A d Lepusculus Car. Sigon de Regno Italiae an 896. Leveret or young Hare being one time got neer the Army and affrighted with the noise of Souldiers ran towards the City  894 Guido or Wido dyeth in Italy a party of the Souldiers in a frolick ran after her the Roman Watch seeing them run so siercely towards the City and not knowing the cause thought they came to assault the City and ran away The Germans seeing this opportunity made up to the Walls which some of them presently sâ—al'd whilst other with a Ram batter'd down the Gate And thus they enter'd the a Uâ—bs Lâ—onina so call'd by Leo the Fourth who compassed it about with a Wall that it might not lye open to all Invasions An. 848. 〈◊〉 vit Lâ—onis the Fourth Vatican and so took the City Sergius fled but all his partakers who opposed Arnulfus were slain without mercy    Arnulphus being conquerour had himself Crown'd Emperour with a great deal of pomp in St. Peters Church by Pope Formosus and the Romans take this Oath of Allegiance to him 896 899 b De Regno Italiae Carolus Sigonius saith that in this year Lambert was anoynted Emperour by Pope Stephanus the Sixth having declared the Coronation of Arnulph to be voyd and null c Testor Deum omnâ—sque Devos per Divina Mysteria juro me quoad vivam fore in potestate Imperatoris Arnulfis neque Lamberti aut Matris ejus rebus fauturum neque ut dignitatem alâ—qâ—am adâ—pâ—scantur aâ—t hanc â—bem servitute premant operam daturam Sigonius de Regno gâ—orâ—â— An. 896. I profess before God and all the Saints and swear by the holy Sacraments to be a true Subject to the Emperor Arnulf so long as I live and never to favour the party of Lambert or his d Agestruda Ageâ—trudâ—s or â—ngultrude Mother or to assist them to the obtaining of any dignity or to their bringing this little City into Bondage    This done Arnulf quits Rome and Pope Formosus dyeth after whom Bonifacius the Sixth sits a few days and then Stephanus the Sixth who was an Enemy to Formosus and all his actions wherefore they say he presently calls Lambert to Rome whom he creates Emperour and declares the Coronation of Arnulf by Formosus to be voyd    Sigonius loco cit  898 And for the better confirmation of Lambert in the Empire as about this time we are told how Pope a Coquaeus Antimorn tom 1. pag. 477 478. John the Tenth or the Ninth call'd a Synod of LXXIV Bishops Lambert himself being also there at Ravenna In which amongst other things Arnulph is declar'd no Emperour and Lambert held for the onely Caesar and if so then it must be either in 898 or the next year as is probable from the sitting of this Pope John according to Onuphrius About this time Arnulphus quitted this world    Lewes the Fourth Son to the Emperour Arnulph his Father being dead was solemnly elected by the Germans at Forchaim in the Bishoprick of Bamberg in Frankenlandt he was but very young and so had Governours or Tutors appointed for him and he was Crown'd at Aix by Hatto the Tenth Archbishop of Mentz 900 900 Lewes the Fourth Son to Boson Earl or King of Province was call'd into Italy to oppose Berengarius of whom formerly and by Pope Benedict the Fourth was declared Emperour   An. 904. Berengarius and he had some fighting but at last Berengarius cunningly as some say seis'd upon him at Verona pluck'd out his Eyes of which he dyed   presently after viz. 904. Historians do now and then mightily mistake these two Leweses one for another and sometimes by their grand errours about these other divided Emperours the History of these times are very obscure   a Anno 904. § 2. Baronius tells us that this Berengarius enter'd Rome with a great Army and commanded Pope John to Crown him Emperour which accordingly was done but no sooner was he gone from Rome but the Pope desireth Lambert to come thither whom he publickly Crown'd for Emperour and having call'd a Synod at Rome and the business proposed the Coronation of Berengarius was declared void but that of Lambert was pronounced legal and so they held him for Emperour By the by take one story of Equivocation Adelbert or Albert Earl of b By some old Authors Babenberg Bamberg in Franconia rebell'd against the Emperour and in this broyl slew Earle Conrade Lewes besiegeth him in Bamberg but after many attempts found no probability of taking it or him Upon this the aforesaid Hatto Archbishop of Mentz perswades to policie and undertakes the plot Hatto goeth to Albert in his strong Castle of Bamberg promiseth Serar Hist Mogunt p. 671. Rosse p. 140. his pardon however to restore him safe again to his Castle Albert goeth out with him towards Lewes but being gone no farther than the next Village Theurstat Hatto pretends the conveniency of dining Upon this they return to Bamberg dine and then go to ask pardon of Lewes whither being come as a Traytor he is condemn'd to death Albert challengeth Hatto of his promise who replyeth That he had kept it because he had once return'd him safe and sound to his Castle And so Albert was beheaded but how Hatto dyed Authors will not agree  904 Lambert Son to Guido though he had formerly been declared Emperour yet Baronius will not let him begin to Rule as Emperour till this year being just after the death of Lewes the Fourth Son to Boson Lewes the Fourth of
of his seat took from him all his Royal Robes The grieved old Emperour fetching a deep sigh spake to this purpose The God of vengeance behold and revenge this iniquity you commit against me I suffer ignominy the like whereof was never heard of But it is God that justly punisheth me for the sins of my youth Yet for all this are not you free from this offence having broken your Oaths and so shall not avoid the revenge of a just Judge Let God never prosper you upon earth but let your portion be with him who betray'd Christ I know some hint so slightly on this story as if they were willing to pass it by in silence And others to mitigate the crime would gladly perswade us that the Emperour did willingly on his own head depose himself But 't is a poor excuse to conquer a man by force beat him soundly with an intent to make him deliver and then to say that he gave his purse freely when he was not able to keep it and you were resolved to have it And that the Father had really no minde to part with his Authority and Dominion his former battles against his Son for keeping them may testifie and his after-actions may sufficiently confirm it for getting liberty as conveniently as he could he withdrew himself to Colen thence to Liege and by his Letters declares to all Christian Princes and People how basely he had been used for a taste of which hard usage you may peruse his complaining Letter to Philip King of France it being somewhat long I shall refer you to the reading of it in a An. 1106. Sigebert And that he indeavour'd to restore himself by Arms by the assistance of the Duke of Lorraine History will tell at large And are all these signs of a willing and free resignation But at last young Henry gets his old Father again into his clutches where we cannot but suppose that the ancient Emperour was brought into excessive misery for proof of which take this one story testified by their own Historians This Henry amongst other buildings of Devotion had built at Spire a Monastery dedicated to the Virgin Mary and seeing thus all means of a free livelyhood taken from him applyed himself to Gebhard Bishop of Spire one to whom he had been a special Friend having not onely indowed the Church well but also advanced him to his honours Of this Bishop he desires one favour and that but a poor one too viz. that he would grant him the courtesie to live as an assistant in that Church which he himself had built and indowed telling of him withal that he was somewhat qualified for such an imployment because he had been brought up at his book and had some skill to assist in the Chair To which small request the ungrateful Bishop tartly replies with an b Per Matrem Domini non faceam tibi quod petis Helmold Hist Sclav cap. 33. Oath that he should not there be entertain'd though according to their c 16. q. 7. Quincunque fidelium Et Lancelot Inst Can. f. 1. Tib. 28. § defertur autem Canon-law he should not have been denyed being the Founder Which uncharitable denyal so afflicted the ancient Emperour that he could not refrain from tears and sighing onely saying to the people then about him in the phrase of the patient man d Job 19 21. Have pity upon me have pity upon me at least you my friends for the hand of God hath touched me And thus overwhelmed with grief and poverty he presently after dyed at Liege having sway'd the Scepter above fifty years Now may we suppose that the living friends of the old Emperour went all to wrack when the dead could not escape the tyranny of their Popish Enemies Clement the Third his body after it had laid in the Grave five years at Ravenna was dig'd up again as unworthy of that holy Earth and so were the Bishops of his Consecrating served Nor did the Corps of the deceased Emperour fare any better for though at first it was buryed at Liege by the Bishop of that City but these men being under Church-Censures for their affection to old Henry they were not permitted to be received into Absolution and Church-Communion again till they had dug up the Imperial Corps and without any Ceremony laid it on unconsecrated ground and to this their Archbishops and Bishops gave their consents This being done with the approbation of young Henry it was convey'd to Spire and there laid by the a Ant. Dauroult Flor. Exempl cap 7. Tit. 16. § 8. Baron an 1110. § 4. Popes command without the Church and Church-yard in a Sepulcher without any form of buryal where it remain'd five years At the end of which time it pleas'd his Holiness Paschal to consent that it might have Christian buryal yet to this Christianity he was forced being then a b Baron an 1111. § 20. Prisoner to Henry the Son As for Henry he is much commended in History for his Nobleness and Valour having fought bravely in sixty two battles more than Caesar himself had done And his good benefaction to Churches makes him no enemy to Devotion yet would the Popelings from him raise up a new name of Heresie with which they severely brand him and this they call'd in those times Henrician and some Guibertine or Clementine from Clement the Third Heresie which they would make to be the same with Simony and what great Monster this Henrician Heresie is one of their great Rabbies and enemy to all good Government viz. c Ex ejus nomine quod ipse jus Investiturae mordicus sibi vendicaâ—et simonia dicta est Henriciana heresiâ— Cron. p. 898. Genebrard shall inform you onely this to chalenge to himself the power of giving Investitures to Bishops which now all Christian Kings do And yet about this did the Pope then keep such a clutter as if Religion it self were singing her Requiem But this puny supposed Heresie d Lib. 8. Prâ—teolus passeth by without any notice though he affords us an Henrician Heresie but from another man and upon different Principles which are nothing to my purpose here A man might think that young Henry the Fifth having thus got the Empire should be great friend to the Pope and they two be hand and glove But storie tells us the quite contrarie insomuch that now he thinks he is obliged to vindicate the rights of the Empire though against the Pope himself which he formerly looked upon really or was perswaded by the flattering Romanists to fancie so to be no less than abominable Heresie He being Emperour Pope Paschal declares his intent to meet him at Ausburg in Germany but upon some jealousie he turns into France and at Troyes holds a Synod where they fell to taking away the Emperours power of Investitures but against this Henry by his Ambassadors protested alledging that the Bishops of another Country were not to be judges of his
jurisdiction Upon this the business is here laid aside and put off till a Synod at Rome and so the Pope returns for Italy Henry the Fifth intended to be Crown'd by the Pope marcheth for Italy and at last gets to Rome where to be short he kisseth Paschals Toe desireth Coronation and the right of Investitures The Pope is puzzled the Citizens and Souldiers fall out and the Italian and German Writers here are in as great contradictions as their Country-men fighters all which I pass by yet the Pope and some of his Cardinals are seised upon by the Imperialists and imprisoned nor restored till Henry was satisfied in his requests So he is Crown'd and Investitures given him part of which form is this following Paschalis Episcopus servus servorum Dei charissimo in Christo filio Henrico glorioso Teutonicorum Regi per Dei omnipotentis gratiam Rom. Imperatori Augusto salutem Apostolicam Benedictionem ********* Illam ergo dignitatis praerogativam quam Praedecessores nostri vestris Praedecessoribus Catholici Imperatoribus concessere privilegiorum paginis confirmavere nos quoque dilectioni tuae concedimus presentis privilegii pagina confirmamus ut viz. Regni tui Episcopis Abbatibus libere praeter violentiam Simoniam electis Investituram virga annulo conferas post Investituram canonice consecrationem accipiant ab Episcopo ad quem pertinuerint Si quis à Clero vel à populo praeter assensum tuum electus fuerit nisi à te investitiatur à nemine consecretur a Exceptis illis qui vel in Archiepiscoporum vel in Romani Pontificis solent Investitura consistere sane Archiepiscopi vel Episcopi libertatem habeant à te investitos Abbates Episcopos canonice consecrare ********* Si quis vero inflato spiritu ad periculum animae suae contra hujusmodi authoritatis nostrae decretum agere praesumpserit sciat se vinculo Apostolicae maledictionis Anathematis in hoc seculo in futuro nisi resipiscat esse alligatum atque submersum Paschal the Bishop servant of the servants of God to my dear Jo. N. ucler Gen. 38. p. 738. Son in Christ Henry the renowned King of the Germans and by the Grace of God Emperour of the Romans greeting and Apostolical Benediction ********* Wherefore the same prerogative which our Predecessors did grant and confirm as a priviledge to your Predecessors the Catholick Emperours We do also grant and do hereby confirm to you viz. that you may bestow Investiture by a Staff and Ring to the Bishops and Abbots in your Dominions freely elected without force and Simony and that after such Investiture they may according to the Canons receive Consecration from their respective Bishops And if any either Clergy or Laymen be elected without your approbation or Investiture let none dare Consecrate him a Baronius hath not this Exception in his Copy an 1111. § 25. but still excepting those as some Priviledge-places who by custom are to receive Investitures from their Archbishops or the Bishops of Rome and undoubtedly Archbishops or Bishops may have liberty to Consecrate canonically those whom the Emperour hath Invested ********* But if any to the danger of his soul shall presume to act against this our Decree let him know himself to be bound and ruined in the Chain of the Apostolical Malediction and Curse not onely in this world but in that to come unless he repent Besides this confession of the Pope all the Citizens in Italy sware this following Oath of Allegiance to the Emperour Ab hac die in antea fidelis ero Domino in Regi Henrico non ero in Concilio vel in facto quo ipse perdat vitam vel membrum vel quo capiatur vel assiliatur contra suum velle adjutorio ero ei retinere Civitatem nostram Burgas suburbia Episcopatum comitatum omnem usum honorem Regni Imperii quem Praedecessores sui Reges Imperatores habuerunt in praedictis locis contra omnes homines qui voluerint auferre vel minuer◠nulli mortalium in praedict a Civitate vel locis obediam pro Episcopo immo pro posse eum prosequor nisi illi soli quem praedictus Dominus Rex eidem Civitati concesserit Episcopum dono Investitura sua haec omnia observabo it a me Deus adjuvet From this day forward I will be faithful to our Lord King Henry I will do nothing by advice or action whereby he may loose life or limb or be taken or set upon against his own will I will be assistant to keep to him our City the Towns and Suburbs the Bishoprick and County with the benefit and honour of the Kingdom and Empire which his Predecessors Kings and Emperours had in the said places against all those who would take away or lessen them I will obey no man as Bishop in the said City or Places but on the contrary according to my power withstand him but him onely whom our Lord and King shall grant to be Bishop by his Gift and Investiture all these things will I keep and perform as God me help Yet for all this no sooner was the Emperour gone out of Italy but the Pope calls a Council in the Lateran where he nulls the former grant of Investiture as being a ' Quod est contra Spiritum Sanctum against the holy Ghost and obtain'd by force though he had formerly damn'd b Divises sit à Regno Christi Domini qui pactum istud rumpere aut violare tentaverit Baron anno 1110. § 26. those who should break it In Germany Albert Archbishop of Mentz bandies against Henry and is by Order imprisoned but the Emperour going to that City to hold a Diet or Parliament is assaulted by the Citizens and in danger of his life they threatning to kill him if Albert be not set at liberty and other favours granted him Yet was he further troubled some Bishops and others at Colen seeking to deprive him because Excommunicated by the Pope but having blown away these he marcheth to Italy where he had himself Crown'd again by Maurice Archbishop of Braga in Portugal whom afterwards Paschal being dead he nominated Pope and was call'd Gregory the Eighth in opposition to Gelasius the Second whom Henry said could not be Pope because elected without his consent But at last Henry was so pester'd in Italy and Germany that to save himself he was forced to be reconciled to Pope Calistus the Second who succeeded Gelasius and to grant to him the Investitures of Bishops and so was absolved from his Excommunication So much mischief had the Popes stubbornness to keep Investitures made in the World though now all Catholick Kings keep the same Priviledge either by Conge d'eslires or suchlike nominations Some Historians tell us that formerly the Popes used to date their Bulls Epistles c. from the years of the Emperours Raign but Paschal the Second first alter'd this
Emperour Henry VI. by Pope Caelestine II's feet Sect. 1. The murders and misfortunes of several Kings and Princes HAving wearied our selves in England though I might have inlarged how King Henry II was also troubled by the rebellions of his own sons Let us take a short turn or two beyond Seas And here I shall not tell all the circumstances how King Suercherus year 1150 II of Swedland was murdered by his ignoble groom how St. Ericus IX Monarch of the same Dominions was made away by the Treachery of his own Nobility lying open to the corruption year 1160 of the Dane nor of the untimely death of Suercherus III as a Prologue to which the Swedish Historians will tell you an odd story Jo. Loccen p. 44. of a devilish Horse flying through the Air possibly wanting Shooes the hard ground might hurt his feet and the story in part confirms this conjecture Nor shall I here inlarge how Pope Callistus II had William the great Duke of Apulia as his foot-boy and Yeoman of his a Baron an 1120. § 12. Stirrop nor how the inconstant Neapolitans imprisoned their King William I and promoted his Son Ruggieri or Roger whom they also altering their humours presently besieged in his Palace and which was more shot to death and then restored his Father William Neither will I trouble my self to unriddle the doubt in the Polish Historians concerning the death of their good King Casimire year 1194 II though the general Opinions that he was poysoned at a Feast and these verses of their Chronologer testified as much Mista dedit domino scelerati aconita ministri Inter solennes perfida dextra dapes Alex. Guagnin Rerum Polon tom 1. p. 90. A wicked Varlet void of grace or fear Mixt deadly poyson ' mongst his Royal cheer And here I might also tell you how the furious Venetian murdered their innocent Duke Vitalis Michele II because the well-meaning man was not as successful against his deceitful enemies year 1194 as they would have had him as if ill Fortune were onely the companions of knavery Sect. 2. The Imperial Authority despised by the Popes and made a meer slavery BUt waving these let us see how the Popes lord it over the Emperours as if they had been their Vassals or Slaves but the others by I know not what whim the Infallible disposers of the world And so I warrant you they are not a little proud of Cardinal Gratianus his answer to King Henry II of England when he seemed somewhat angry at the Popes actions against him a Domine noli minari nos enim nullas minas timemus quia de talis curia sumus quae consuevit Imperare Imperatoribus Regibus Baron an 1169. § 12. Sir Threaten not we fear no menaces because we belong to that Court which useth to command both Emperours and Kings And the truth is by degrees they intended to sweep up all the Imperial Priviledges to themselves and as formerly they had made a good progress so they now continue for here we finde Pope Helvic Chron. an 1107. Paschal II to alter the date of the Papal writings for whereas formerly they used to be dated with the year of the Emperours Raign he rejects that form and subscribes the year of his own Popedom which custom hath been since continued by his successors But the chief of all was the pretty conceited custom of their Crowning the Emperours which as they had hitherto several times carryed on under pretty pretences and a specious awe of their Papercensures so would they not willingly leave off that design making thereby an Argument that none can be Emperour but of their Coronation or Approbation and from their making drawing out another of their power in nulling or disposing And thus had they awed or gull'd the greatest Monarchs to their Lure Thus the Emperour Lotharius II who succeeded Henry V meeting Pope Innocent II at Liege in Germany became the b Yeoman a Baron an 1131. § 9. to his Stirrop in one hand carrying a Switch as if it were to keep off the throng and with the other leading his Holyness his white Palfrey And thus did the Pope permit the Emperour to wait upon him in this servile posture on foot And two years after he guarding the said Pope into Italy was by him Crown'd in the Lateran upon whose walls he caused to be painted himself sitting in his Pontificial Chair and Lotharius on his knees receiving Sigon de Reg. Ital. Krantz Metrop l. 6. c. 35. the Crown of the Empire from his hands with these wise Verses Rex venit ante fores jurans prius urbis honores Post homo fit Papae sumit quo dante Coronam The King doth come before the Gates Swears th' Customs of the Town Then him the Pope his Liege-men makes And after doth him Crown Sect. 3. King Lewes VII of France Interdicted LEaving Germany I might step into France and tell you a story how Alberic the Archbishop of Bourges dying this Pope Innocent II taking upon him to be Lord of all Nations consecrated one Peter his dear friend as Prelate of that City against the Kings will which so inraged his Majesty viz. Lewes VII that he publickly Maâ—t Paris an 1146. and solemnly sware that the said Peter should never enter into that City Upon which as my Author saith the Pope Interdicted the King insomuch that into whatsoever City Town or place the King enter'd there was no Divine Service said And this Interdiction continued for three years time and then the King was forced to submit and not onely admit of the said Peter to be Archbishop but for a farther Pennance was to visit the Holy-Land Thus the Thief would steal Rushes to keep his hand in ure and the Pope will take any occasion to trample upon Temporal Princes so that the Vicar takes more upon him than either Christ or St. Peter would do And thus thanks to his Holyness for making the King infallibly forsworn the Oath though hasty being lawful he having for ought that I know as much power then in his Dominions as the French King hath at this time who will not let the Pope thrust Bishops into his Cities Sect. 4. The troubles of the Emperour Frederick Barbarossa and the odd Coronation of the Emperour Henry VI by Pope Caelestine II's feet BUt well may the Kings of France indure this when they see far greater Ignominies done to the Emperour of whom passing Conrade III let us see what was done to Frederick I sirnamed from his red beard by the Italians Barbarossa Being chosen in Germany he must trudge to Rome too to be Crown'd or else all the fat was in the fire And now was Pope Adrian or Hadrian IV born at Abbots-Langley neer Kings-Langley in Hartfordshire and was first call'd Nicholas Break-spear the onely Englishman that ever was Pope though a Apparat. ad Hist Scot. p. 48. Dempster would willingly hook him in to be
this doughty Question d An. â—157 § 13. What is it not in the power of the Pope upon cause to take away or give the Empire to whom he pleaseth and thinks worthy for whosoever shall receive the Empire without his consent is no Emperour but a Tyrant and an invader And so I leave his Holiness to make good cheer with this Infallible Doctrine and the German Electors to shake their ears having nothing to do according to this Principle but to gape for expect and obey the Dictates and Hests of the Pope who is as cock-sure as Infallibility it self and whose Power and Authority is far above Pembrokes Parliament that would do all things but make a man a woman and a woman a man The end of the fourth Book A CONTINUATION year 1200 OF THE REBELLIONS AND Treasonable practices Of the ROMANISTS In Deposing and Murthering of their Emperours and Kings From the Year MCC to the Year MD. BOOK V. CHAP. I. 1. The Murther of the Emperour Philip. 2. The Emperour Otho the Fourth deposed 3. The troubles and deposing of the Emperour Frederick the Second 4. The Guelfs and Gibillins with other troubles of the Empire Sect. 1. The Murther of the Emperour Philip. THe Emperour Henry VI dying the Germans fell into divisions some chusing Philip his Brother and son to Frederick I and Duke of Schwoben whilst others elected Otho Duke of Brunswick for Emperour Both parties would willingly have the Pope then Innocent III to befriend them But Philip though the Popes Legat honoured his Coronation in Germany by his a Pet. Mexâ—a fol. 416. presence and also b Sporidan anno 1198. § 7. â—bsolved him from his former Censures yet the Pope himself had such an a I◠§ 8. Bzov. anno 1198. § 13. hatred to him for the cause of his Father and other Relations that he would by no means permit of his Rule yet he would fairly tell Philip's Ambassadors that he neither would nay nor b Se nequaquam contra jâ—s aut â—as posse aut velle decernere Bzov. anno 1199. § 22. could decree any thing but the right yet he as confidently affirmed that it was his jurisdiction to c C. Venerab de Elect Bzov. anno 1199. § 24. approve of or reject an elected Emperour And having thus voted himself an Infallible authority he though the Germans had formerly chose young Frederick son to Henry King of the Romans and sworn Allegiance to him declares himself for Otho Excommunicates Philip and all his partakers But passing by the several mischiefs that fell upon Germany by these Divisions Otho at last being not able to withstand Philip the Pope was consulted for a Peace who desired on his part that the Emperours Daughter should be married to his Holinesses Nephew so to renown his own Family in Italy with divers Lands but at this d Rex Principes audita Romaâ—â— Pont. petulantâ—a in â—iâ—â—m permoâ— Naucler Gen. 41. p. 802. malipert request the Germans d laught heartily Well at last it was concluded that Philip should Marry his said Daughter to Otho to make way for which he should be divorc'd from his first Wife Mary Daughter to the Duke of Brabant and be espoused to Beatrice Daughter to Philip for which the Pope must grant another Dispensation to null their propinquity in blood All this being done Philip is to be Emperour and after his death Otho And the Pope is now as infallible for Philip as he was formerly for the other Yet here peace lasted not long this which Philip hoped to have been his quiet was his ruine for the Palsgrave Otho de Witâ—lspach having been formerly a Suitor to Philip's Daughter and seeing himself thus deprived of her for it might be till now he might have some hopes though Philip had formerly e Besold Sâ—nops-Hist Univers p. 435. denyed him for a murther that he committed is resolved to revenge himself on her Father To this purpose he conveys himself to Bamberg where the Emperour then was and joyning to him Eckenberg Bishop of the same City whom yet I finde much f Jo. Gault Cron. Cro. â—icor pag. 1101. Tom. 1. commended and some others he goeth to the Palace where the Emperour that day after dinner had laid himself down on his bed being newly let bloud Witilspach calls at the door and Philip being informed who it was commands the door to be open'd though he had then none with him but his Chancellor the Bishop of Spire and a Page without any weapons the Palsgrave at his entrance draws his Sword and wounded the Emperour in the throat of which he presently year 1208 dyed and then he and his Complices fled but Witilspach himself was not long after slain by Philips Steward This Murder was committed in the year 1208 according to this old Distich Anni milleni bis quatuor atque duceni Extant quando pius Rexoccidit ense Philippus Sect. 2. The Emperour Otho the Fourth deposed PHilip being thus murder'd Germany was mainly troubled by the a Hoc uno Phâ—lippo perempto Germania summis Insidus Pont. Rom. agitata Naucler pag. â—0â— Treacheries or ground-deceipts of the Pope as one of their own Historians words it But now Otho IV goeth currant for Emperour Pope Innocent b Bzev an 1208. § 2. 1209. forbidding any to be elected but him whom also he lets know how much he is beholden to his Holiness for undergoing a great deal of ill will for his sake how zealous he had been for his promotion and bids him have a care of the hopes or designs of young Frederick and suchlike good words Otho IV being acknowledged and elected in Germany goeth to Rome for his Coronation where he must also dance attendance at the Popes Sâ—irrop Yet peace would not continue the Romans and Germans falling out above a thousand of the Emperours men were slain which did not a little trouble Otho who c Naucler pag. â—05 suspecting the Pope as contriver of that uprore withdrew himself from Rome and demanding several Lands as belonging to the Empire by force endeavoured to have them Innocent admâ—nisheth Otho of his actions telling him that he the Pope is appointed year 1210 and set up over all Nations to root out destroy and break in pieces c. And then Excommunicates him and all his Partakers and at last deprives him by Censure from his Empire and absolves all his Subjects from their Oath and Allegiance which they had sworn and owed to him All which Censures are also hasted into Germany and pronounced by Sigefrid Archbishop of Mentz whose Commendatory riming Epitaph is as followeth Migrans vir fidus quinto Septembris in Idus Praesul Sigfridus fulget Coelo quasi sydus The Germans terrified at the Papal Fulminations withdrew their Obedience from Otho and according to the Popes desire Elected year 1212 young Frederick for Emperor alledging that it was his right year 1213 to be Emperor because he had been
of the Holy Ghost the Tribune of Peace Liberty and Justice the Redeemer of the Roman Common-wealth Augustus and suchlike He made and Ordain'd Senators disposed of all places as he pleas'd yet behaved himself so that the people admired and loved him as one sent from Heaven and for that time never was there more Peace and Justice in Rome so that all men remain'd satisfied and by consequence he grew so strong and powerful that his fame ran all Europe over the inferiour people loved him the greater sort and Princes of Italy feared him sent Ambassadors to him sought his friendship and favour And being thus rais'd to the top of greatness he thought himself secure and strong enough and so inlarged his pretended jurisdiction he sent to Pope Clement to come to Rome by such a time or else he would depose him and elect another he also sent to Lewes and Charles to appear before him and to shew by what title and pretence they laid claim to the Empire and also commanded the Electors to come to him too He declares Rome to be the Head of the world and the Foundation of Christianity all the Cities of Italy to be free and Rome and all Italy to belong to the Imperial Monarchy This vanity having continued a few months he perceives great designs against him and the people weary of their own Idol wherefore he steals from Rome and is found with Charles who sends him to the Pope by whom he is imprisoned He remain'd a prisoner about VI years at latter end of which he grew into great favour with Pope Innocent VI. About which time there hapned an action somwhat like the former One Franciscus Baroncellus a Notary too considering the greatness and glory that Nicolao di Renzo once had fancyed had he been in his Authority he should have kept it better full of these thoughts he resolves to play the same game contrives his Confederates raiseth a Tumult in the City cryeth up Liberty seizeth upon the Capitol thrusts out the Senators by his fair speeches charmes the people to applaud him who finds fault with several Tyrannies and Vices and rails dapperly against the Pope at Avignion Thus having brought all to his lure he becomes their Governour under the specious b title of Tribune and Consul a Fran. Baâ—oncel â—â— Dei gratia secundus Tribunus Almae urbis ac Romanus Consul of Rome This being done he writes to the Princes of Italy to joyn with him and to Charles to come and receive the Empire And he did not forget to do Justice that is to have any one kill'd and rob'd whom he pleas'd Pope Innocent informed of these mad-pranks by advice thinks it best to drive out one Peg with another and so having made Nicolas Renzo his friend sends him for Rome with Cardinal Aegidius to quiet these Tumults The people hearing of Renzo's coming turn with the Tide and joyn with him and kill their late favourite Barencellus after he had scarce triumphed four months Renzo and the Cardinal are received with all joy that can be imagin'd Olive-branches carryed before them Triumphal Arches erected the Streets straw'd with Flowers and all sorts of Musick and Hymns Renzo is made Tribune again and the people think themselves now the most happy in the world under such a Governour But this joy lasted not long for Nicolas turns Tyrant oppresseth them to the purpose whereupon they rise up against him seize upon him and kill him and happy was he that could get a stroke at his body which for more reproach they hang up by the feet for two days and a night then burn it to ashes and threw them into the River And thus much by the by for the giddy-headed Romans Sect. 5. The Dog-trick used by the Venetians to take off the Popes Censures against them ANd here cometh into my memory a pretty Dog-trick of the Ant. Sabel En. 9. l. 8. fol. 261. Petr Marcel Hist Venâ—t Venetians to redeem themselves from the Censures of a stubborn Pope Azzo da Este II Marquess of Ferrara having by his first Wife one Frisco upon her death Marries again Frisco upon some account fearing by this means to be out of favour and at last to loose his right of Government by the advice of some of the Ferrarians seizeth upon his Father imprisons him where he dyes and then takes the Government upon himself The people upon this is divided some for Frisco whilst other oppose him in this condition Frisco not being sufficient of himself to conquer all desires the assistance of his Friends the Venetians they yeild to his request by which means Ferrara is reduced Pope Clement the V of whom we spake formerly informed of this Excommunicates the Venetians and perswades all people to be their enemies as opposing a City which the Pope declared to belong to the Protection of St. Peter By this means the Venetians either in Travail or Traffick are abused every where and as some say people thought they could do no better service than kill them where ever they met them However it was the Venetians still went home by weeping cross they sue send and intreat for pardon but it will not be granted At last they sent Francisco Dandalo one of great repute amongst them to use all his endeavour to get off this Interdict Dandalo goeth to France where the Pope then kept his Court and after much intreaty was admitted in but denyed Dandalo resolved if any thing could do it not to return without it gets a great Iron chain one end of which he puts about his neck with which like a Dog under the Popes Table he lyeth on the ground so long that the Pope being thus overcome recals his Censures and nulls the Interdict A great sign of the Ambassadors patience but 't is need makes the Old Wife trot and the Venetians were forced to this Slavery by the great misery they were brought into by the Popes Interdiction whereby every one looked upon them to have no benefit of Christian Law or favour And if every one ought thus to truckle that either seized upon other mens Dominions or assists others so to do how many Popes before this time had had their necks honour'd with an Iron-collar and drag'd a Chain after them to the Table of Kings and Emperours And a worse punishment and ignominy doth he deserve that dispossesseth another wrongfully But the Pope after so many intreaties and confessions of fault might have indulged this renowned Common-wealth Fulgas Hist of Venâ—ce without this Dog-like disgrace And some accordingly are apt to think that the Venetians were not onely freed from these Censures but also favour'd with a Priviledge never to be Excommunicated Censured or Interdicted again Which if true Pope Paul V of late days looked upon it but a piece of nonsence and of no validity by his contrary actions against that Republick Sect. 6. The bloudy actions in Hungary ANd here might I speak of the miseries
Revenue of Corpus Christi Church Here being now met one of them falls a railing against the Governour of the City for which rashness he was warily reprehended by one Melon which reproof was so ill taken by the people who also hated Melon for his Office being a Sergeant that in a fury they took the poor Catch-pole threw a Rope about his neck and dragg'd him out of the City with a designe to hang him but they bruis'd him with so many stripes that he was dead before they got him to the Gallows however they hung up his body there This done as they return'd they met with a Companion of Melon's called Roque Portalejo whom without farther ado they hal'd to the Gallows hanging him up by the feet till he dyed The next day being informed that their Alderman and Burgess Antonio de Tordesillas had granted the Emperour some monies and was then at the Town-Council thither they ran in an hurry climbing over the Doors breaking in at the Windows and violently laying hands on him they dragged him out of St. Michaels Church where the Council meets nor could all his intreaties and reasons satisfie them but they set him clad in crimson Velvet on a Mâ—le with an intent to carry him to prison yet they had not carryed him far but they knock'd him off again put a Rope about his neck dragged him along the streets punching him on the head with the pummels of their Swords nor would they allow him Confession or Sacrament but so trail'd him to the Gallows where they hung him with his head downwards betwixt the two other This done they turn'd out all the Kings Officers of Justice putting others in their places and ruled all having seised on the City Gates but the Forts were gallantly defended by Don Hernando de Bobadilla Earl of Chinchon and his brother Don Diego And the chiefest of the City endeavour'd to excuse themselves to the Cardinal and his Council At the same time with the former tumult the City of Zamora fell into the like fury against their Commissioners and Burgesses for granting the Emperour a Subsidy whereupon the Members fled and hid themselves in the Monastery of Marta a little days journey off which so inraged the people that they made Statues and Pictures resembling them which they dragged about the streets with many reproachful exclamations and threatned the Monastery to fire it if the Commissioners were not deliver'd whom they resolved to murther The people of Vall adolid had the same freaks in their noddles But those of Burgos could not be kept within any bounds assaulting the Lord Constables house invironed the house of the Dutchess Donna Maria de Tabar shooting down part of its Tower whereby they entred and sought for her but she saved her self by hiding They ran to Garci Ruiz de la Mota's house who had been Commissioner and was Brother to the Bishop of Badajos and Palencia resolving to kill him but he saved himself by flight yet they burn'd his house with a great number of Deeds Charters and other Papers belonging to the King and Kingdom Nor did they spare the consuming of his richest goods and moveables as fine Linnen rich Tapistry-hangings c. with all which they made a great Bonfire to satisfie their fury and make their worships sport And to continue the Frolick they burned down the House of Garci Jofre one of the Emperours Harbingers and not content with this they took the poor fellow clapt him in Prison where with blows and thrusts they soon dispatch'd him and being dead they tyed his feet together so drag'd him to his own door cutting and pinking his body with their swords all the way and thus drawing it through all the streets at last they hang'd it up with his head downwards Madrid was also possest with the same Devil of Rebellion seising upon all the Arms and setting Guards to maintain their own whims all the City over and in like manner rose up Siguenza Salamanca Murcia Illescas and as mad as the rest was Guadalajara who not being able to get their Commissioners into their Clutches rased down their houses the foundations of which they plowed up and sowed with salt saying that In regard they were traytors houses they must be salted lest they should infect the rest with their infidelity Cardinal Adrian and his Council having consider'd of these distempers resolved by punishing of Segovia to terrifie the rest to which purpose they sent as Judge Ronquillo a famous Lawyer in those times with a thousand horse for his security and if the City denyed him entrance and to be judged by him to make his way by sorce The Segovians upon this fortifie themselves and make resistance being assisted by those of Toledo Avila Madrid with other inferiour Towns whereby several skirmishes were performed The Cardinal upon this orders Antonio de Fonceca Captain-General of the Kingdom to go to the assistance of Ronquillo Fonceca marcheth first to Medina del Campo where the Emperours Artillery lay with them to strengthen himself but the people denying to deliver them they fell to blows in which exploit nine hundred houses with the Monastery and Library of St. Francis were accidentally burn'd to the ground and Fonceca beaten off The Citizens of Medina inraged at the burning of their houses flew to Arms elected one Bobadilla a furious Cloth-worker their Captain under whose conduct they presently destroy'd all they could meet with that had any familiarity or kindness with Fonceca against whom they sent their complaints to the other Cities At this the Citizens of Valladolid fell stark mad ran in a fury to Pedro de Portillo's house the chief and richest there which they plundred and pull'd down the like they did to General Fonceca's house and the habitation of Alonso Ninno de Castro their chief Judge and turn'd out of their City Don Alonso Enriquez Bishop of Osma and other Gentlemen whom they supposed would not be partakers with them the rest they made take an Ingagement or Covenant to their Holy Commonalty The City Cuenzâ— also declares for the people and suffers themselves to be govern'd by one Calahorra and a Bridle maker as Salamanca and Segovia were by two Skinners and of the same humours were Toro and Ciudad-Roderigo and other places insomuch that of eighteen Cities in Castile which had votes in Parliament a Toledo Madrid Guadalaxara Soria Murcia Cuenza Segovia Avila Salamanâ—a Toro Zamara Leon Valladolid Burgos Ciudad-Roderigo fifteen were risen for the Commonalty Besides the people of Murcia had risen and kill'd their Governour a Judge and one of the Sheriffs with other persons and threatned the same to any that should be sent to try or question them for so doing And Sevilla it self was running the same risk but that it seems the Nobility the b Veynte y Quatras the fouâ— and twenty or Aldermen four and twenty and other Justices at that time were too loyal to be perswaded to such wickedness and
to return to the Junta in Castile we finde their Army consisting of seventeen thousand foot besides good store of Horse and Artillery b march'd into the field with an intent to a Nov. 23. 1520 fight the Imperialists lying about Rioseca One of the most furious sticklers for the Junta against his King was Don Antonio de Acunna Bishop of Zamora one who had formerly been honour'd with an Embassie into France He was threescore years old but lively and vigorous and excellent in handling his Arms he had above four hundred Priests under his command in this Rebellion well armed and stout himself always charging at the head of them crying out Here my Priests And if he saw but any of them c handle or read on his Breviary b L. de Mayerne Hist Gen. d'Espaigne l. 27. Grimston pag. 961. or Prayer book he would cudgel them for it Between the two Armies there were now and then some skirmishes but the Royalists thought it no wisdom to put it to a main Battel their enemies being double the number besides they had some underhand dealings with some Chieftains of the Commonalty which made the Rebels too negligent and retire into Quarters Upon which opportunity the Imperialists on a sudden march'd to Tordesillas which with the loss of some bloud they took and here the Bishops Priests fought it out desperately Tordesillus thus taken the Nobility waited upon the Queen-mother who received them kindly not that she cared how things went being indisposed in her senses from understanding what was either good or bad for the publick though the Junta to delude the Commonalty gave out that she was not onely well in her wits but fit for Government and that she had taken it upon her and acknowledged their interest and accordingly they acted all things in her name not mentioning the King Here some of the Junta were taken others escaped and the honour of this exploit was justly thrown upon the Earl of Haro the Kings General The taking of Tordesillas did not a little terrifie Valladolid whither the remaining part of the Junta fled and sate in Commission and the people now growing jealous of Don Pedro Giron chose Juan de Padilla for their Captain General who prosecuted the Rebellion more vigorously then the former And now Biscay and Guipuscoa ran a gadding into the same mischief nor would the Province of Alava be behind in which Rebellion Don Pedro de Ayala Earl of a He was also Eâ—rl of the vallies of Ayala Quartango and San Milan Salvatierra had a main stroke being of a proud humour and distasted with his Counâ—ess Madama Margarita whom the Court favour'd and he went the nearest way to work by getting the Fryars to countenance his party and interest The Royalists hearing of his Rebellion surprised Ampudia or Fuente Empudia belonging to the Earl but this they kept not long the Commonalty retaking it at this assault the Bishop of Zamora is reported thus to have encouraged his men So my boyes get up nimbly fight and dye couragiously and let my soul go at a venture along with yours since you dye in so just and holy an Enterprise A bold Rebel By this time some of the Junta were willing to see their errour year 1512 and might be brought to accept of a Composition but the people Juan de Padilla the Bishop of Zamora and others were stark mad against any such thing by which villany these two got such a love amongst the people that they protested they would serve under none but them hooting and crying along the streets of Valladolid Let Juan de Padilla live let the Bishop live long may Juan de Padilla live who takes away the Taxes of Castile we will have none but Juan de Padilla and the Bishop And the truth was these two were as fit for their turns as a Rope for a Traytor As for the Bishop he questioned not but to gain well by these broyls The See of Toledo being voyd by the death of Guillermo de Crouy Nephew to Xeures he made himself Archbishop of it went to the City was nobly received by the people who placed him in the Archiepiscopal Chair and gave him good store of Money and Church-plate wherewith to pay his Sâ—uldiers But for all this he is neither held nor reckon'd amongst the Archbishops of Toledo being but an Intruder To tell all the Murthers Rapines Sacriledges in this Rebellion all the Tumults in the b Old Castile is divided into VII Merindades viz. of Buâ—gos Valladelid Calahâ—râ—a Osma Seg via Avila and Soria The Kingdom of Navar is divided into V Merindades But here Old Castile is onely intended Merindades the burning of about three thousand people in the Church of Mora and to relate the divers overâ—ures they had for a general peace would be too tedious In short the people were mad against any Treaty the Junta upon an erected Scaffold in the chief Market-place in Valladolid adorned with rich Hangings with Drums Trumpets the Kings at Arms with Maces Coats c. a March 17. 1521. proclaimed the Admiral Constable the General and others for the King to be Traytors against the Queen-mother and the Holy Commonalty And the people were so mad with delays that they began to threaten the Holy Junta it self if they were not more vigorous in the War and laid aside all thoughts of Treaty being resolved to put all upon the fortune of a Battle And in truth the City of Valladolid and some other places for the Commonalty had suffer'd very much all Trade being spoil'd Corn very dear their monies all gone in paying the Souldiers and no safety for any without the venturing of blows And now the fatal day drew near Juan de Padilla with his Army was in Torrelobaton where he had trifled away too much time The Royalists march towards him thinking either to besiege him or force him to battel before he could get any more succour the Imperialists being towards 10000 men and the Commonalty at that place almost nine thousand Padilla informed of the designe was resolved not to be besieged so drew out his men intending for Toro there to stay till more succours came to him The Royalists having notice of his private march mend their pace now and then skirmishing them till they come neer to Villalar a Town in Leon between Medina de Reoseco and Tordesillas where they fell upon them in three several bodies and presently putting them to the rout the pursuit being several miles in which many of the Commonalty were slain This victory was gain'd on St. Georges day the Imperialists word was b Sancta Maria y Carlos St. Mary and Charles the Commonalty was c Santjago libertad St. James and Liberty This was the ruine of the Rebellion and the restauration of the people to Peace and Loyalty Here amongst others where taken their Captain-General Juan de Padilla Juan Bravo Captain of the 6000 Commonalty which formerly came from
June him By this time the City began to be in great want by reason of the Kings cutting off all assistance from them therefore to encourage the people Cardinal Pietro Gondy Bishop of Paris 't was made an Archbishoprick 1622 pittying the poor had all the Church-plate turned into money for them the Legat caused all his own Plate to be melted and coined Mendoza the Spanish Embassadour promised them six score Crowns a day in bread and of all his Plate he left himself but one Silver Spoon the Ladies and richest Nobles sold their Houshold-stuff Jewels and Ornaments the Legat also got fifty thousand Crowns for them from the Pope But all thâ—se helos were not enough for two hundred thousand persons then in the City provisions growing so scarce that a Bushel of Whâ—at wa 〈…〉 for one hundred and twenty Crowns the flâ—sh of Horses Dâ—gs Asses Mules c. are publickly vended but the poorer sort wanting moneys to buy such daintiâ—s were forced to feed upon such Hâ—rbs and Grass as tâ—ey found in the Yards Ditchâ—s and along the Ramparts whicâ— maâ—e them â—iâ— in hâ—aps yet were the Chieftains as if thâ—y wâ—re related tâ— the old Saguntines so far from yiâ—lding that they caused several to be exâ—cuted for desiring Brâ—ad or Peace Anâ— here we need nâ—t trouble our â—elvâ—s with the stories of former great Famines as of Hierusalem amongst the Turks 1595 in Poland and Bohemâ—a 1312 in Transylvania 1604 at Leyden 1574 at Sancerre and Rochel of Pegâ— 1598 of Caifung in China 1642 and several others since as is confess'd by all this Famine at Paris was not inferiour to any of them many being forced to make bread of dead mens bones and not onely feed upon Skins Tann'd hides c. but men eat one another and some women their own children and we may justly suppose a grand scarcity when there was but one little * Mem. de la Ligue tom 4. p. 332 333. Dog in all the City which the Dutchess of Montpensier kept for her self and refus'd two thousand Crowns onely for its brains though it was to preserve the life of Monsieur d Orlan one of her friends In short above twâ—lve thousand died of very Famine yet did the people really think themselves Holy Martyrs for dying in so good a Cause At last the King for mere pity permits as many to depart the City as would at one time there crauled out above four thousand glad they were delivered from such a misery then he sent Pasports to the Scholars Churchmen Ladies and even to his greatest enemiâ—s In the mean time the King presseth more upon them taketh S. Denis 7 July the Leaguers before their yielding it up having * d'Aubigne tom 3. l. 3. c. poison'd the Wells the better to dâ—stroy the Kings Forcâ—s at which siege the King himself was so vigilant that he â—atâ— on horse-back forty hours together Being entered S. Denis in the Presence-chamber were two Franciscan Friars Ant. Colynet p. 476. and another Priest sâ—iz'd on in the habit of Gentlemen who being imprison'd and strictly examin'd confâ—st that they were three of the six and twenty who had sworn the Kings death for which they were hang'd Then the King assaults and takes the Suburbs of Paris which so startled the Leaguers that they desire a Treaty onely to spin out time daily expecting relief the King grants it but their Propositions are so extravagant that nothing is done However the King having now the Parisians as it were by the throat the Doctors of Sorbone are at their wits end suspect the Integrity of the Legat grew angry at the Pope for not affoarding them more assistance and in this pet and fury drew up a Letter to be sent to his Holiness but the City was so closely besieged that the Letter and Messenger were seized on and so never got as far as Rome which the better to shew what fears jealousies and distractions they were possest with at the writing of it take as followeth as I meet with it then translated into English out of the Latin Copy Most Holy Father By those continual Letters partly touching the cruel and lamentable slaughter of our most Christian Brethren which your Holiness at sundry times hath received was easily to be known that all France hath fixed her eyes onely upon the See of Rome the Cause concerning the state of the whole Church and therefore the rather because it hath been always the chiefest refuge of those that were afflicted for the defence of Religion in their greatest misery and extremity Besides the good report that we daily hear of your Holiness Zele Wisdom Sincerity Justice and Hate of all Ungodliness did not a little increase our hopâ— the tokens whereof being brought unto us were very severe against all the wicked as are the heavy Censures and Sentences pronounced by your Holiness own mouth against the Hereticks and Politicians of our time and the Orations made in the sacred Assemblies of the Cardinals which we read with a great desire being now printed and also because there is ordain'd a Council of most reverend Cardinals for the redress of the state of France and favourable and Fatherly Letters written to the Princes and Magistrates of this Realm and moreover to many of sundry degrees and qualities whereby we perceive that your Holiness did commend and approve our purpose and enterprize promising us all aid and assistance to the furtherance thereof And lastly the sending of your Holiness * * Card. Caâ—etan Legat through such long and dangerous ways being a man of great parentage and singular wisdom with the full consent of all the most Honourable Council of Cardinals nothing more comfortable and to be desired in this our general and common grief We of our side for to encourage the hearts of the common people have caused to be printed in both the Languages that every man might understand them those Letters the which with great commendation of our College the renouned Cardinal of a a Nephew to this Pope Sixtus V. Montalto hath vouchsafed to send wherein was specified that your Holiness Legat was sent with men and mâ—ney and that the onely and chiefest care of your Holiness was touching this Realm how best to refresh and succour the afflicted and distressed people thereof that therefore we should not doubt but that your Holiness will out of hand in this our distress send us sufficient relief The private Communication of your Holiness Legat did also confirm your singular good will and affection towards us and the exquisite eloquence of b b Tâ—e old Translâ—tor might as well have said The Bishop of Asti Hâ—â— name was Franciseo Panigâ— rola He was an â—â—quâ—nt Pâ—ea her aâ—â— came into France with Gaecano the Lâ—gat Astensis did greatly enlarge and commend it in the Pulpit Wherefore we cease not daily to publish and declare unto all the world this your great benefit so ready and certain and are
presumed to absolve Navarre though they alledged it was but ad futuram Cautelam reserving his Obedience and Acknowledgment to the Pope which he now rendred him The Duke and Prelats seeing nothing to be done depart the City and go to Venice In the mean time Mayenne carrieth on his designs sends into Spain desiring that their Infanta might be married to his eldest son but the Legat is mad at him for spoiling the cause by crossing the Promotion of Guise nor had the Spaniards any great kindness for him perceiving that he favour'd and made use of them only for his own advantage Besides these the League was now also somwhat weakned by the Ambitious thoughts of the Duke of Nemours who thinking to canton out or make himself absolute Lord or Prince of Lyon where he was Governour and the Territories adjoyning was by Mayenne's Directions turn'd out of the City and Government by which affront as his Brother in law Nemours thought it was one grand prop of the Covenant was thus discontented and laid aside Upon which Mayenne and Guise thus conceiving their own Relations and Confederates to ploâ— against them thought it behoved them to be more cunning and wary and so they joyn more strictly together for the more sure preservation of themselves Family and Faction CHAP. IX The Several Plots of Pierre Barriere against the King Paris yielded Charles to the King Chastel stabs the King in the Mouth Ridicove a Friar sent to kill the King WHILST the Leaguers as aforesaid were grievously perplext year 1593 by their own Jealousies Divisions and the Kings Conquests the Murther of his Majesty his life being the main Obstacle to the Covenant is zealously contrived There was one Pierre Barriere or la Bar first a Boatman in Orleance and after a trusty Souldier for the Solemn League and Covenant he some way or â—her instigated took up a Resolution to kill the King thinking thereby to do God good service and meritoriously to make his way more easie for Heaven their Preachers from the Pulpit having continually thundted into the peoples ears the lawfulness and gallantry of such an Action His design he communicateth to some Friers who incourage him in it then he must needs reveal it to Seraphino Banchi a Florentine Dominican then living in Lyon Banchi honestly abhorring the Faâ—â— discovereth it to le Sieur de Brancabeon a servant of the Queen Dowagers and sheweth him the fellow to the end he might use his direction in informing the King Barriere resolved on his business goeth to Paris conferreth about the business with Christopher Aubre Curat of S. Andre des Arcs or en Laas who seem'd well pleased with the noble Resolution made the fellow drink telling him That he should gain by that Act both great Glory and Paradice and so sendeth him for further Instructions to Ambrose Varade about three weeks before chosen Rector of the Jesuits Colledge Varade entertaineth him friendly telling him that the Enterprise was most holy and that with good Constancy and Courage he should Confess himself and receive the blessed Sacrament Then led him to his Chamber gave him his blessing received the Sacrament in the Colledge of the Jesuits and was confest also by another Jesuit by Varade's Order The Villain thus encouraged buyeth a Knife for Eighteen pence a lusty knife with a blade some seven inches long edged both ways with a long Poyniards Point Thus prepared he went to St. Denysâ— where the King then was watching opportunity to give the blow but prevented there he followed him to Fort Gournay then to Bricontrez Robert where he confess'd again and communicated with Thomas Boucher whether akin to Jean I know not the Curate of that place here the year 1594 King passed by and escaped him as he was drawing out his knife so losing that opportunity he followed His Majesty to Melun whither Brancalâ—on being come and seeing the fellow he is discovered and taken and carried to prison where he desired of Anne Rousse the Gaolers wife some poison Being examin'd confess'd all is condemn'd led to the 31 August Scaffold in the Market-place where he further confesseth that two Black Fâ—iars went from Lyon also upon the same design so his right Hand is burned in a flaming Fire his Arms Legs and Thighs broken so put upon the wheel and strangled the next day his body was consumed to ashes and they thrown into the River The King now goeth on prosperously taking several places and others yielding freely to him which success troubled not a little the Covenanters year 1594 But to keep up their hearts the Nuncio put forth a * 27 Jan. Declaration exhorting all the Catholicks to unite and oppose Navarre telling them that the Pope will not absolve him nor admit of his Absolution that the Duke of Nevers is disreguarded at Rome his Embassie is despised by the Pope that they owe no obedience to the King his Conversion being but a Cheat and himself not received into the bosom of the Church In the mean time Aix in Provence yields to the King to the great trouble of Gilbert Genebrard the Hebrician and Chronologer who the year before had this Archbishoprick given him for his great zeal to the League by Pope Gregory XIV and so vext was this old Covenanter at the reâ—â—ition of this place that he forthwith departed the City scorning to breathe amongst such Royallists Mayenne having sought help from Pope Spaniard and every where else and now growing jealous of Count de Belin his Governour of Paris he removed him putting in his room Count de Brissac and so marcheth out to try his fortune in other places Brissac having thus Paris under his command thought it best to consult his own advantage by making peace with the King whom he saw to carry all Whilest this Capitulation went secretly on the King had himself crown'd at Chartres by Nicholas de Thou Bishop of that City 27 Feb. and for his Sacreeing or Anointing because Rheims was possest by the Covenanters and so they could not procure the Sancte Ampoule or holy Vial of Oyl of which their Legends talk much they had recourse to that kept in the Abby * Monastâ—riâ—m majoris Monaste ii de Marmonstier near Tours which they say was brought from Heaven by an Angel †Pâ—g 57. Gononus saith the Virgin Mary to cure the broken bones of St. Martin the Archbishop of that City For the Ceremonies of this Coronation I shall refer you to a Hist de Nâ—vâ—â— c. Andre Pavyn b Le Cerimonial de â—ranc Theodore Godefroy and the story of it was the same year printed in French as also in English Well the Trâ—aty is concluded about the delivering up of Paris Brissac upon feigned excuses sendeth out of the City the Souldiers he could not confide in then having prepared all things for the best the King and his Forces are secretly let into Paris the Souldiers and Citizens upon notice 22