six Months service I am unwilling Romans to dwell upon this part of my Speech for they ought to say thus who have to do with Mercenary Soldiers but we would deal as with fellow Citizens and think they ought to deal with us as with their Country Either the War ought not to have been undertaken or it ought to be carried on according to the dignity of the Roman People and should be made an end of assoon as possible Now it will be made an end of if we press the besieged if we do not draw off before we have put an end to our hopes by taking of Veii If there were no other reason the very indignity ought to engage our perseverance There was a City heretofore besieged ten years together for the sake of one Woman by all Greece How far from home How many Countries how many Seas distant And yet we are weary of attacking a Town but one Year which lies within twenty Miles almost within sight of our City because forsooth the occasion of the War was so small and there is no sufficient reason to encourage our perseverance Why they have rebelled seven times nor were they ever faithful in time of Peace besides that they have pillaged our Country a thousand times They forced the Fidenates to revolt from us killed our Colony there and were the occasion against the Law of Nations of our Embassadors being barbarously murdered They would have set all Etruria against us and endeavour so to do even to this day nor were they far from offering violence to our Embassadors when they demanded back what was our due Should we wage War with these kind of People gently and by degrees If our just hatred does not move us will not these things I pray you stir us up Their City is surrounded with great Works wherewith the Enemy is enclosed on every side so that they have not manured their Ground and what was Tilled is all laid waste by the War Now therefore if we bring back our Army who doubts but that they not only out of a desire to revenge themselves but also out of meer necessity that is laid upon them to plunder their Neighbours will invade our Territories Wherefore by that means we do not differ the War but take it into our own Confines What must that which properly belongs to the Soldiery from whom the good Tribunes of the People would extort their stipend be just now on the sudden inquired into of what nature it is They have made a Bullwark and a Trench both which cost a great deal of labour of such a length they built Forts at first a few but afterward when the Army increased many more and planted Fortifications not only toward the City but toward Etruria also lest any Auxiliaries should come from thence Why should I talk of the Galleries Towers and Tortoises with other instruments used in attacking of Cities Since they have been at such pains and are now at last come to the end of their work do you think these things are to be left that they may undergo the same toil again at Summer in making them anew when it is easier for us to defend the Works we have made to press on persevere and perfect our design For indeed the business is but short if it be done without interruption and we our selves do not by intermissions and intervals make our hopes more slow I speak of work and loss of time What Will these so frequent Assemblies of Etruria touching their sending of Auxiliaries to Veii suffer us to forget the danger that we run into by deferring the War As the case now stands they are angry they hate the Veians and say they will send them no assistance and therefore for all them we may now take Veii but who will promise that if we defer the War now they shall be in the same mind hereafter since if you give them leisure they may send greater and more frequent Embassies since that which now offends the Etrurians viz. the King which they have chosen and set up at Veii may be altered by tract of time either by consent of the City to reconcile the Etrurians or of the Kings own free will who may be unwilling that his grandeur should obstruct the good of his Citizens Do but consider how many great inconveniences attend that way of proceeding the loss of Works that cost so much pains in the making an imminent devastation of our Country and an Etrurian War raised instead of a Veian These Tribunes are the methods much like as if a body should give a sick Man who if he suffered himself to be diligently look'd after might soon be well any grateful meat or drink that was at hand and so throw him into a tedious and perhaps an incurable Distemper If it did not really conduce to the perfecting of this War yet it would be of very good consequence toward Military Discipline at least to have our Soldiers inured and not only to enjoy a Victory when they had got it but if the business were somewhat more tedious than ordinary to endure the fatigue on 't and expect the event even of slow hopes so as that if a War be not ended in Summer to stay till Winter and not like Summer Birds look about in Autumn for shelter and recesses I pray you since the pleasure of Hunting hurries Men through Snow and Frost into the Woods and Mountains shall we not imploy as much patience about the necessities of War as even our sport and pastime prompts us to Do we think the Bodies of our Soldiers are so effeminate and their spirits so weak that they cannot endure a Camp or be absent from home one Winter as if they were to engage in a Sea Fight where they must watch all Storms and observe the time of Year Can they not endure neither heat nor cold Surely they would blush if a Man should tell them so and would be willing to persuade you that they had a manly patience both in their bodies and their minds and could wage War as well in Winter as in Summer and that they did not give the Tribunes any order to patronize sloth and effeminacy but remembered that their forefathers created this very Power not in the shade nor in any House These things are becoming the Valour of your Soldiers and sute with the Roman name not only to look upon Veii and this War that is before you but to gain Fame and Renown toward other Wars and against other Nations for the future Do you believe the difference in point of opinion is so small whether our Neighbours think the Romans to be such a People as that if any City can but bear their first short effort it need fear nothing after that or whether the terror of our name be such as that Men may believe that neither the toil of a long Siege nor the severities of Winter can once remove a Roman Army from before a
an Alliance with him assuring him That if he would persist in the War against them he would do a very acceptable kindness to the Romans who would in due time amply requite him for the same The Barbarian was very glad of this Overture and having talk'd with the Embassadours touching the Art of War understood from the Discourses of those old Souldiers how ignorant he was of many things in comparison of that more regular Discipline which they described Therefore the first thing he requested was That as they were good and faithful Friends two of them would go back to their Generals and the other remain with him to instruct his people in the Art Military For the Numidians were hitherto altogether unacquainted with Foot-service and useful only on Horse-back their Forefathers having ever since they were a Nation managed their Wars that way to which only they were accustomed from their youth but their present Enemy was strong in Infantry and he should never be able to match them unless he had store of Foot-Souldiers and though his Kingdom afforded men enow for that purpose yet they had not the Art to arm and train them but did all things rashly and in disorder as the multitude happen'd to come together The Embassadours consented upon Security given that their Companion should presently be sent after them if their Generals should not approve of his staying there His name that stay'd with the King was Q. Statorius and with the other two went back Numidian Embassadours to receive the Ratification of the League from the Roman Generals who had Instructions to wheadle away all the Numidians they could that were in Annibals Army or Garrisons Statorius out of the multitude of young men wherewith that Country abounded levied and muster'd Foot for the King and exercising them after the Roman mode cast them into Regiments and Bands taught them to follow their proper Colours and to keep in their Ranks and Files and all other kinds of Military Discipline so that in a little time the King confided as much in his Infantry as Cavalry and in a pitch'd Battel on even hand defeated the Carthaginians Nor were his Embassadours of small advantage to the Romans in Spain for upon the News of their Arrival abundance of the Numidians daily deserted the Enemy Thus a firm League of Friendship was setled between the Romans and Syphax which when the Carthaginians understood presently they dispatch'd away Envoys to Gala a Prince of the other part of Numidia over the people called Massilians This Gala had a Son named Masanissa but seventeen years of Age yet of such hopes as fairly promised that he would render his Kingdom much more large and powerful than he found it To him these Envoys remonstrated That since Syphax to render himself more powerful against the rest of the Kings of Africk had Confederated with the Romans it would be the interest of Gala to join as soon as he could with the Carthaginians before Syphax went over into Spain or the Romans invaded Africk and as for Syphax he might now easily be subdued whilst he had yet gain'd nothing by the Roman League but a bare name of having such remote Friends The Son being altogether for War Gala was easily persuaded to send forth an Army who with the Carthaginian Auxiliaries defeated Syphax in a mighty Battel wherein 't is said there were thirty thousand slain Syphax himself with a few Horse fled to the Maurusians a sort of Numidians that border'd upon the Ocean over against Cadiz and having by his great renown drawn many of the Barbarians to him arm'd in a little time vast Forces but before he could carry them over the streight into Spain Masanissa came into those parts with his Victorious Army and alone with his own Troops and no help of the Carthaginians gave Syphax Battel to his great Honour In Spain nothing memorable happen'd save that the Roman Generals drew all the Celtiberians that were fit to bear Arms into their service for the same stipend that they had bargain'd for with the Carthaginians and sent above three hundred Spanish Gentlemen into Italy to solicite their Countrymen that were under Annibal to desert him and serve the Romans This only touching the Affairs of Spain In this Year may be noted That the Romans had never any Mercenaries in their Army till now they hired the aforesaid Celtiberians DECADE III. BOOK V. The EPITOME 2. P. Cornelius Scipio afterwards sirnamed Africanus made Aedile though under Age. 8. Annibal takes the City Tarentum all but the Castle by the Treachery of some young men of that City who pretended to go out a Hunting 12. The solemn Games in Honour of Apollo were now first instituted upon occasion of certain Prophetical Verses of Martius wherein the Overthrow at Cannae had been foretold 13. Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius the Consuls fight Hanno the Carthaginian General with success 16. T. Sempronius Gracchus the Proconsul was by a Lucanian at whose House he Quarter'd train'd into an Ambuscade and slain by Mago 19. Centenius Penula who had served in the Wars but in quality of a Centurion importuning the Senate to have the Conduct of an Army assuring them that if they would grant him that Honour he would certainly beat Annibal out of Italy obtains the Command of eight thousand men and with them fights Annibal but both himself and his Army are cut to pieces 21. Cn. Fulvius the Praetor engaging with Annibal lost the Field and sixteen thousand men and himself escaped but with two hundred Horse 22. The two Consuls Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius besiege Capua 23 c. Claudius Marcellus in the third year of the Siege takes Syracuse having most gallantly and prudently behaved himself in all that Service In the Tumult at storming the City Archimedes busie about Geometrical Figures which he had drawn in the dust is by a common Souldier knockt o' th head 32 c. The two Scipio's Publius and Cornelius after so many brave Actions and great successes in Spain come to a disastrous end being kill'd with the loss of almost both their whole Armies in the eighth year after their going into Spain 37. That Province had utterly been lost had it not been for the Courage and Industry of L. Marcius a Roman Knight who rallied together the scatter'd Reliques of the said Armies and by his Conduct and Encouragement routed the Enemy drove them out of two several places where they were encamped slew seven and thirty thousand of them took eighteen hundred and thirty Prisoners and a mighty Booty whereupon he was called General Marcius WHilst these things were a doing in Africk and Spain Annibal had spent the Summer U. C. 540 in the Tarentine Territories in hopes of gaining that City by Treachery during which time several obscure Towns of the Salentines revolted to him but of the twelve Clans of the Bruttians two of them called the Consentines and the Thurines return'd to their old Alliance with the Romans
the same time they sent five hundred men under the command of Hippolochus for a Garison to Pherae but they being excluded from access to that place now that the Kings men had beset all the Roads went to Scotussa To the Larissaean Embassadours the King gave this mild Answer That he was come into Thessaly not to make War but to defend and establish the liberty thereof He also sent an Envoy to say much the same thing to the Pheraeans but they giving him no Answer sent themselves an Embassadour to the King by name Pausanias who was one of the chief men in their City Who when he had spoken to the same purpose being in the same circumstances as others had done for the Chacideses in the parley at the Streight of Eupirus and some things more boldly too the King having advised the Pheraeans to deliberate again and again for fear they should take that course of which whilst they were too cautious and provident for the time to come they would repent at present dismissed them When this news came to Pherae they presently resolv'd out of their love to the Romans to undergo all that the Fortune of War should cast upon them They therefore prepar'd themselves as fast as possible to defend their City whilst the King at the same time began to attack their Walls on every side as knowing well enough for there was no doubt of it that it depended upon the event of his attempt upon that City which he first set upon whether he should be contemn'd or fear'd by the whole Nation of the Thessalians wherefore he put the besieged into all the consternation he could The first effort of the attack they endured with resolution enough but soon after when many fell or were wounded as they were making their defence their hearts began to fail them But being recall'd by the chastisement of the Nobility to persevere in their design they left the outward circle of the Wall seeing their Forces were now wasted and retired into the inner part of the City about which there was a shorter Line of Circumvallation At last being quite tired out they fearing lest if they were taken by force they should find no favour from the Conquerer surrender'd themselves Thereupon the King without any delay sent four thousand men whilst the terrour was fresh to Scotussa where the Inhabitants never stuck to surrender having seen the Example of the Pheraeans before their Eyes who were forced at their cost to do that at last which at first they so pertinaciously refused Together with that City Hippolochus also and the Larissaean Garison were surrender'd But they were all dismiss'd by the King without any hurt done to them for that the King thought that would be a thing of great moment to reconcile the affections of the Larissaeans unto him Within ten dayes after his coming to Pherae having perfected these matters he went with his whole Army to Crano which he took upon his first arrival From thence he went and took possession of Cypaera Metropolis and the Castles thereabouts so that all places in that part of the Country excepting Atrax and Gyrto were now in his hands Then he resolv'd to attack Larissa supposing that either for fear since the other Cities were so lately taken or in gratitude for his dismissing of their Garison or by the Example of so many Cities that had surrender'd themselves they would no longer persist in their obstinacy He therefore having order'd his Elephants to be driven before the Ensigns for terrour march'd with a square Body up to the City to the end that the minds of great part of the Larissaeans might float to and fro between present fear of an Enemy and respect for their absent Allies At the same time Amynander with the Athaman Youth seiz'd Pellinaeum and Menippus going into Perrhoebium with three thousand Aetolian Foot and two hundred Horse took Mallaea and Cyretiae by storm plundering all the Country of Tripolitis Having done all this with great celerity they return'd to the King at Larissa and came just as he was consulting what to do with that place For there they were of different opinions some saying that they must use violence and not defer attacking the Walls with Works and Engines on every side at once it being a City seated on a Plain and easy of access which way they pleas'd whilst others said one while it was a City of such strength as not to be compar'd to Pherae and anon took notice that it was Winter and such a time of year as was not fit for any Warlike Enterprize much less for besieging or taking of Cities Whilst the King hereupon stood doubtful between hope and fear Embassadors from Pharsalus who came by chance to surrender their City raised his Courage In the mean time M. Boebius having met and confer'd with Philip in the Dassaretian Territories sent Appius Claudius by common consent to guard Larissa who marching through Macedonia by great Journeys came to that highest part of the Mountains that lies above Gonni Gonni is a Town twenty thousand paces from Larissa situate in the very entrance of the Lawn called Tempe Where having Encamp'd on more ground than he needed to have done in regard to the numbers he had and kindled more Fires than were necessary he made the Enemy believe what he design'd they should to wit that the whole Roman Army was there with Philip. Whereupon the King telling his men for an excuse that Winter was near at hand after he had staid only one day retired from Larissa and went back to Demetrias the Aetolians and the Athamans too going into their own Territories likewise Appias though he saw that the Siege was raised the only thing he was sent thither for yet he went down to Larissa to confirm their Allies in their affections for the future so that there was a double joy among them not only for that the Enemy was departed out of their Confines but that they saw a Roman Garison within their Walls The King going from Demetrias to Chalcis fell in love with a Damsel of that place who was Daughter to Cleoptolemys whom when he had tired out first by Proxy and then by his own importunities himself in person the Gentleman being unwilling to match his Daughter into a Family so much above her at last having gain'd his request kept his Wedding as if it had been in the midst of Peace and spent the remaining part of the Winter in feasting drinking sleeping and such pleasures as attended that kind of Life wherewith he was tired rather than cloy'd All his great Officers too who in Boeotia especially had the over-sight of his Winter-Quarters were guilty of the same debauchery and so were the common Souldiers also nor did any one of them put on his Armour keep his watch or station or do any thing else that belong'd to a Souldier Wherefore in the beginning of the Spring when he was come through Phocis into Acarnania
instant the crash of the falling Bridg and the noise that the Romans made for joy that the work was done struck such a sudden terror into the Enemies that it restrained their violence Then Cocles cryed out Great Father Tiberinus I beseech thy Deity propitiously to receive these Arms and this Soldier into thy River With that being all in Armour he leaped into the Tiber through which though many Darts were thrown upon him he swam very safe over to his Party having done an Exploit that will be more talked of than believed by all Posterity The City was very grateful to him for so great an Atchievement and therefore his Statue was set up near the Comitium or place of publick Assembly and he had as much Land given him as he could mark round with a Plough in one day The Affections also of private men were very eminent amidst his publick honours for when he was in great necessity there was no body but gave him something towards House-keeping though they wanted it themselves Porsena being repulsed in his first Attempt and therefore changing all his measures from a design of Storming to besieging the City when he had placed a Guard in Janiculum himself pitched his Camp in the Plain and upon the Banks of Tiber. He likewise sent for Ships from all parts both as a Guard to hinder any Corn from being carried to Rome and for the convenience of passing his Soldiers over the River in several places to forage as occasion should serve By which means in a short time he so infested all the Country about Rome that not only other things but even all their Sheep too were driven out of the Fields into the City neither durst any one drive them without the Gates But this so great liberty was granted to the Etrurians not so much of fear as policy For Valerius the Consul being intent on the opportunity of surprizing a great many straglers at once seemed negligent to revenge small injuries because he kept himself for some greater Action He therefore to draw in the Foragers commands his Soldiers that the next day they should drive out a great many Sheep at the Gate called Porta Esquelina which was most remote from the Enemy supposing that the Enemy would come to know of it because in that time of Siege and Famin several faithless Slaves had fled the City And so indeed they did by the Information of a Renegado upon which a great many more of them in hopes to have all the Prey pass'd the River In the mean time P. Valerius ordered Herminius with a small Party to make an Ambuscade at the second Stone i. e. two Miles off in the way that leads to Gabii and Sp. Lartius to stand with the nimble young men at the Gate called Porta Collina till the Enemy came by and then to block them up that they might not return to the River The other Consul Titus Lucretius marched out at the Gate called Porta Naevia with some few Companies whilest Valerius himself led a choice Party down from the Mount called Mons Coelius who were the first that appeared to the Enemy Herminius when he heard the tumult made haste from his Ambuscade and fell upon the Etrurians Rere whilest their Van was engaged with Valerius There was a shout set up and returned both from the right hand and the left that is to say from the Gate called Porta Collina on the one side and that called Naevia on the other So the Foragers were slain in the middle of the Romans being neither strong enough to cope with them nor having any way to escape and that was the last time that the Etrurians stragled so disorderly into the Roman Territories But nevertheless the Siege continued Corn being very scarce and very dear and Porsena had some hopes that by continuing there he should at last take the City 'till Caius Mucius a Noble Youth who thought it a disgrace that the Roman People who though they were Slaves while they lived under Kingly Government yet were never Besieged in any War nor by any Enemy that the same People now they were free should be Besieged by those very Etrurians whose Armies they had so often Routed he was incensed and thinking that he ought to revenge that indignity by some great and bold exploit he first resolved of his own accord to force his way into the Enemies Camp but fearing lest if he should go without the consent of the Consuls or the knowledg of any body else he might possibly be taken by the Roman Centinels and be brought back as a Run-away in which case the present state of the City would make his Accusation the more probable wherefore he went to the Senate Fathers said he I have a mind to pass the Tiber and get if I can into the Enemies Camp not as a Robber nor to revenge that havock which they have made amongst us but if the Gods will give me leave I design to do a greater exploit The Senators approved of his proposal and therefore with a Sword hidden under his Garment he went upon his Enterprize When he came thither he stood in a great crowd near to the Kings Tribunal where seeing the Souldiers came to receive their Pay and that the Secretary who sate by the King in an habit very like him was mighty busie with the Soldiers thronging about him he fearing to ask which was Porsena lest by not knowing the King he might discover who he was as fortune unluckily would have it he stabbed the Secretary instead of the King Then walking off as far as he could make way through the affrighted Crowd with his Bloody Weapon in his hand the People flocked together upon the noise of it and the Kings Guards laying hold on him brought him back Then being placed before the Kings Tribunal he even at that time amidst so many menaces of fortune like one to be feared rather than fearing any thing himself cryed out I am a Roman Citizen and they call me Caius Mucius wherefore as an Enemy I had a mind to kill my Enemy nor do I desire to avoid my own death any more than I did to miss killing him 'T is like a Roman both to do and to suffer great things Nor was I the only Person that bore that spleen to thee I have a long Train behind me of such who desire to do the same glorious Act. Wherefore prepare thy self if thou pleasest against this danger that thou mayest be ready every hour to fight for thy life and see thou have both Arms and Men continually at the entrance of thy Palace We the Roman Youth declare this War against thee Thou needest not fear any formed Army nor any pitched Battel for we shall engage with thee only and that hand to hand At which the King being at once enraged and frighted at the danger commanded in his fury that a Fire should be made round about him unless he would declare presently what snares those were
Aequi and the Volsci though in the mean time another new mischief more near at hand surprized them Four thousand five hundred banished Men and Slaves possessed themselves of the Castle and Capitol in the night time under the Command of Ap. Herdonius a Sabine who caused all those in the Castle that would not enter into the Conspiracy and take up Arms as they had done to be immediately slain whilst the rest being scared ran headlong amidst the tumult down into the Forum from whom you could hear no words but these To your Arms and There are Enemies come into the City Thereupon the Consuls were afraid as much to Arm the People as to let them continue without Arms being uncertain what sudden misfortune whether Foreign or Domestick from the Peoples animosities or villany of their Slaves had invaded the City They strove indeed to appease the tumults but by so doing sometimes the more increased them for the fearful consternated Multitude would not be ruled by reason However they distributed Arms though not to every body but to such a number only as that they might have since it was not known how strong the Enemy were a sufficient reserve if occasion were Which having done they spent the rest of the night in setting of Guards and Sentinels at all convenient places in the City not knowing either what Country-men or what number the Enemy were But the next morning discovered both the Foe and the General of them and Ap. Herdonius tempted all the Slaves out of the Capitol to take their freedom saying He undertook the cause of every poor Man that was in misery to restore such as had been injuriously Banished to their own Country again and take off the heavy yoke of Slavery that he would rather the People of Rome would do it for him but if there were no hopes from them he would try and instigate the Volsci and the Aequi with all extremity The thing appeared much plainer to the Senate and the Consuls than to any body else but besides what was related to them they were afraid lest that might be a design of the Veians or the Sabines with an intention that now they had got so many Men into the City the Sabine and Etrurian Legions should straight come up and likewise that their eternal Enemies the Volsci and Aequi might now come not as before to ravage their Country but even to the City which was now in part taken Mean while there were many and various fears among them but among others the apprehensions they had of their Slaves was the greatest lest they should each of them have an Enemy in his own House whom it was neither safe to trust nor by shewing their diffidence to put him upon doing what he saw they suspected At this juncture it was scarce possible to make them agree for at that time when so many mischiefs sprung up so much exceeding any former ones no one feared the Tribunes or the People But that seemed a small inconvenience which always proceeded from a cessation of other evils and then to be removed by Foreign fears but indeed that thing alone was a great addition to their miseries for the Tribunes were in such a fury that they said It was not a War but the vain fansie of a War that was pretended to have taken up its Quarters in the Capitol to avert the Peoples minds from any thoughts of their Law that the Friends and Clients of the Patricians if they should find by the passing of that Law that they had rioted to no purpose would go away more silent than they came Whereupon they called a Council to prefer the Law having persuaded the People from taking up of Arms. In the mean time the Consuls also summoned a Senate from whence the Tribunes discovered greater terror than that which the Enemy by coming in the night time had strook into them When the news was brought that the Men had laid down their Arms and were departed from their stations P. Valerius whilst his Collegue held the Senate ran out of the Court and into the Temple to the Tribunes saying Tribunes What 's the meaning of this Do you intend to oveturn the Commonwealth by the Conduct and encouragement of Ap. Herdonius Has he been so happy in corrupting you who could not prevail upon your Slaves When your Enemies are over your heads would you lay down your Arms and make Laws Then turning to the Multitude If you Romans said he have no care either of the City or your selves yet you fear the gods of your Country who are now taken by your Enemies Jupiter the Good and Great Juno the Queen of Heaven Minerva and other gods and goddesses are besieged and a Camp of Slaves are now in possession of your publick Deities Does this look like a well regulated City in your eyes There are a vast number of Enemies not only within the Walls but also in the Castle above the Forum and the Senate House yet at the same time there is an Assembly in the Forum and another in the Senate House where each one gives his opinion as gravely and as deliberately as if this was a time of the greatest leisure whilst other Citizens are giving their Votes in other cases Instead whereof is it not more fitting that all the Senate and the People the Consuls the Tribunes together with all the gods and men should take up Arms and run into the Capitol to deliver and rescue that most august House of the Good and Great Jupiter from violence Father Romulus do thou infuse that Courage into thy Race whereby thou formerly recoveredst this Castle from these same People when they had taken it with Gold bid them go that way which then their Captain and thy Army went Lo I the Consul as far as a mortal Man can go in the steps of a God will first follow thee Then the end of his Speech was That he intended to take up Arms and expected all the People of Rome to do the same If any one obstructed the doing of it whoever he was or wheresoever whether in the Capitol or the Forum he should take him at that time for an Enemy of the Consuls Power of the priviledgââ of the Tribunes and one that had forgotten the sacred Laws If therefore the Tribunes who had forbidden People to take up Arms against Ap. Herdonius should command them to do the same against P. Valerius the Consul he should make bold to do the same by them as the first of his Family did by the Kings Thereupon they seemed to be reduced to the last extremity and the Enemy was like to have the satisfaction of seeing Rome in an uproar for the Law could not be passed nor the Consul go into the Capitol though the night put an end to their contentions and the Tribunes for that reason gave out as fearing the Consuls strength When therefore the heads of the Sedition were removed the Senators went about to the People and
likewise the beginning of the Censorship a thing which though it sprang from a small original yet afterward increased to such a degree that the regulation of Manners and Discipline among the Romans was subject to it the Senate and the Centuries of Knights the Power distinguishing between decency and undecency was within the jurisdiction of that Magistrate yea the ordering of all places both publick and private and the Customs or Tribute of the Roman People were at the disposal and in the hands of that Officer Now the first reason why Censors were made was because the People having been Unpolled or Rated for so many Years that business could neither be deferred nor had the Consuls leisure to mind it they had so many Wars to provide against Thereupon the Senate said It being a troublesome business and unbefitting the Dignity of a Consul it ought to have a Magistrate peculiar to it who should have Clerks under him together with the keeping and making the Tables of Rates as well as power to prescribe the form of every particular Mans Pole The Senators gladly received the proposal though it was a small matter because it increased the number of Patrician Magistrates in the Commonwealth supposing also I suppose what afterward came to pass that in a short time the riches of those that should bear that Office would make an addition of State and Majesty to the honour it self The Tribunes also considering the present circumstances look'd upon it to be necessary rather than a specious piece of service and therefore lest they should seem to thwart the Senate in such small things were willing to comply Since therefore this dignity was slighted by the chief of the City the People Voted that Papirius and Sempronius whose Consulate occasioned some dispute should make up their Year in that Office of Censorship being called Censores à censendo i. e. from Taxing the People c. Whilst these things were transacted at Rome Embassadors came from Ardea desiring the Romans for old Alliance-sake and the late League renewed between them to send aid to their City which was almost ruined for they could not enjoy that Peace which they had wisely preserved with the Roman People for their intestine broils the original of which is said to be the difference between several Factions which always have been and still will prove more fatal to many People than Foreign Wars than Famin or Diseases or any other thing that men ascribe to the wrath of Heaven as the most deplorable of all publick calamities Two young Men made love to a Damsel of the Plebeian rank who was very beautiful the one of them being of the same quality with her and relying upon his Guardians who themselves also were of the same condition the other being a Nobleman was taken with nothing but her beauty only Him therefore the Nobility assisted so far that both the Rivals came a Wooing to her at the same time But the Noble Youth prevailed upon the judgment of her Mother who had a mind to have her Daughter married into a great Family whilst the Guardians stickled all they could for their Pupil being in that also mindful of their priviledges as Plebeians At length seeing the matter could not be determined within those Walls they went to Law about it where when the Mother and the Guardians had been heard the Magistrates gave it as their opinions that the Mother might dispose of her Daughter in Marriage as she pleased But force was above Law for the Guardians complaining openly in the Market-place among People of their own Quality and Party of the injustice of the Decree got a Band together and forced the Maid out of her Mothers House against whom a stronger company of Noble Youths rising up in Arms followed the young Man who was much concerned at the indignity and occasioned a fierce encounter In which the populace having the worst on it went nothing like the Roman Commonalty out of the City Armed and having possessed themselves of a certain Hill made excursions into the Lands belonging to the Nobility with Fire and Sword yea they prepared to Besiege the City also and the rich Citizens that had been concerned on neither side calling out all the Mechanicks in hopes of Plunder to assist them And now the face of War and Slaughter appeared in all its shapes the City being as it were infected with the madness of two young fellows that contended for a fatal Marriage through the ruin of their Country Each Party had but a small force either at home or abroad wherefore the Noble Men sent to the Romans to come and relieve their Besieged City whilst the Commonalty instigated the Volsci to help them in the taking of Ardea The Volsci came first under the Conduct of Cluilius and made a Rampire against the Enemies Walls Which being told at Rome immediately M. Geganius the Consul marching forth with an Army pitched his Camp three thousand paces from the Enemy and being it was late in the day bid his Soldiers refresh themselves After which about the fourth Watch he marched forth and the Work which he began was carried on with such speed that at Sun-rising the Volsci saw themselves enclosed by the Romans with a stronger Bulwark than that which they had made against the City the Consul having also made a Line of Communication up to the Wall of Ardea whereby his friends might come to him out of the Town The Volscian General who had to that day maintained his Men not with Provisions prepared before-hand but with Forage and Plunder that he took out of the Country for his present occasion seeing himself encompassed on a sudden with such a Mound and being unprovided of all necessaries desired the Consul to let him speak with him and told him That if the Romans came to raise that Siege he would draw the Volscians off from thence to which the Consul answered That those who were Conquered ought to take not to make Conditions of Peace nor should the Volscians go away as they came to oppose the Allies of Rome at their own pleasure but he commanded them to surrender their General lay down their Arms confess themselves Conquered and obey his Commands otherwise both those that went away and those that stayed there too should find him such an Enemy as would rather carry back to Rome a Victory over the Volsci than an unfaithful Peace The Volscians therefore put little trust in their Arms and having found that all other means were quite cut off engaged besides other inconveniencies in a place which was very incommodious to fight in and worse to run away from by which means being killed on every side they turned from fighting to praying and having delivered up their General together with their Arms underwent the disgraceful ceremony of being made Captives of War by going under a Gallows made of three Javelins and then with one Garment on their backs were dismissed after they had suffered so
whereinto the Romans took occasion to break as the Enemy who were all forced into the City were sallying forth and besides the Castle taking all other places for a crowd of Armed Men got up into that which was naturally fortified and defended it though a great many Men were killed and taken under it Then next they besieged the Castle but could not take it either by storm because for the bigness of it it was well manned nor had any hopes of a surrender since all the Corn was carried into the Castle before the City was taken insomuch that they had been forced after a long fatigue to retire thence if a Slave had not betrayed it to the Romans For the Soldiers being let in by that fellow at a steep place took it by whom the Sentinels being first killed the rest of the multitude were in such a sudden consternation that they submitted to a surrender When therefore they had demolished the City and Castle of Artena they led the Legions back out of the Country of the Volsci and all the Roman force was turned against Veii The Traytor besides his Liberty had for a reward the Goods of two Families being afterward called Servius Romanus i. e. the Roman Servant There are some who think that this City of Artena belonged to the Veians and not to the Volsci which error was occasioned by there being a Town of the same name between Caere and Veii but that the Roman Kings demolished And besides that belonged to the Caerians not to the Veians this other of the same name of the sacking whereof I have just now spoken being in the Volscian Territories DECADE I. BOOK V. EPITOME 2. At the Siege of Veii there were Winter Quarters prepared for the Soldiers which being a new thing offended the Tribunes of the People who complained that the People had no respite for War even in the Winter season 7. The Knights began then first of all to serve in the Wars upon their own Horses 15. There having happened an Inundation of the Albane Lake they took a Prophet from the Enemy to interpret the meaning of that accident 21. Furius Camillus the Dictator took Veii after it had been besieged ten years 22. He carried the Image of Juno from thence to Rome 23. He sent the tenth part of the Booty to Apollo at Delphi 27. He also being Tribune of the Soldiers whilst he besieged the Falisci a People of Tuscany sent back certain Children that were betrayed into his hands to their Parents whereupon they immediately surrendred the City by his Justice thus Conquering the Falisci 31. C. Julius one of the Censors being dead M. Cornelius was put in his place But that was not done any more afterward because in that Lustrum space of five years Rome was taken by the Gauls 32. Furius Camillus being summoned to his Tryal by L. Apuleius Tribune of the People went into banishment 36 c. When the Gauls called Senones were besieging Clusium and the Embassadors sent by the Senate to make a Peace between them and the Clusians stood and fought in the Clusian Army against the Gauls the Senones were so enraged at this action of theirs that they attacked the City with a mighty Army and having routed the Romans at the River Allia took the City all but the Capitol into which the Youth had gotten They killed all the old People as they sate in the Porches of their Houses with the badges of those honours about them that each of them had born and when they had got up on the back-side to the top of the Capitol they were betrayed by the gagling of Geese and forced down again by M. Manlius 48. After that when the Romans were reduced to such a streight by famin that they were fain to give 1000 l. of Gold and with that purchase the raising of the Siege 49. Furius Camillus being created Dictator in his absence came with an Army as they were weighing the Gold and after six Months time drove them out of the City and killed them 50. There was a Temple built to Aius Loquutius in the place where before the City was taken a voice was heard to say The Gauls are a coming 'T was said they must remove to Veii by reason that the City was burnt and ruined 51. Which design was defeated by the advice of Camillus 55. The People were likewise concerned at what a certain Centurion said who coming into the Forum had said to his Men Stand fellow Soldiers it will be best for us to stay here HAVING made Peace with all others the Romans and the Veians were in Arms with so much spite and rage that it was evident that side which happened to be Conquered U. C. 352 would be totally destroyed The Assembly for chusing Magistrates of both those People was managed at a quite different rate to what it had been For the Romans increased the number of their Tribunes Military who had Consular Power and made them eight more than ever before they had been whose names were Manius Aemilius Mamercinus a second time L. Valerius Potitus a third time Ap. Claudius Crassus M. Quintilius Varus L. Julius Julus M. Postumius M. Furius Camillus and M. Postumius Albinus The Veians on the other side being weary of their annual canvassing which was sometimes the occasions of discords among them chose a King Which thing offended the minds of the Etrurians who hated not a Monarchy more than the Person of that King For he had formerly been very grievous to that Nation through his wealth and pride in that he had violently disturbed their solemn sports which it was a sin to intermit when for madness that he was repulsed and another Priest chosen before him by the suffrage of those twelve People he took away the Artists of whom great part were his own Servants from the midst of the Action Wherefore that Nation above all others being so much the more given to Religion in that they knew best how to perform Holy Duties Decreed That they would not lend the Veians any aid as long as they were under a King Which Decree was not much spoken of at Veii for fear of the King who look'd upon every Man that he heard should say any such thing as the ring-leader of a Sedition and not the Author of a vain story The Romans though they heard of no disturbance like to come out of Etruria yet since news was brought them that that affair was debated in all their publick Assemblies made Lines of Circumvallation and Contravallation the former toward the City and against the Sallies of the Townsmen and the latter toward Etruria as a bar to any succours that might possibly come from thence Now seeing the Roman Commanders had more hopes in a Siege than an Assault they began to build Winter Hutts which was a thing altogether new to the Roman Soldiers and designed to continue the War by quartering there all the Winter Which when it was told to the
beleguered City seeing they know no other end of War but Victory nor wage War with force more than perseverance which as it is necessary in all sorts of warfare so most especially in Sieges of Cities many whereof though they are well fortified and by their natural situation rendred almost impregnable are yet in time overcome and taken by mere hunger and thirst as Veii will be unless the Tribunes of the People assist the Enemy and the Veians find those succours in Rome which they vainly seek for in Etruria Is there any thing that can fall out so luckily for the Veians as that first of all the City of Rome should be filled with Sedition and then as it were by Contagion the Camp But indeed among our Enemies there is so much modesty that they have made no innovations for all the tediousness of the Siege or the uneasiness of a Monarchy the Etrurians denying them assistance did not disturb their minds for he must presently die that is the Author of Sedition nor may any man say those things that among you are said without any notice taken of them but he deserves a Cudgelling who either leaves his Colours or quits his Guard Those that persuade not one or two Men but whole Armies to fly from their Colours and desert the Camp are publickly heard in the Assembly so that whatever a Tribune of the People says though it be in order to betray his Country or to ruin the Commonwealth you have used to hear and yet you are so taken with the sweetness of that Power that you suffer any evil actions to lie hid under that cover What remains but that they say the same things in the Camp before the Soldiers as they bawl out here that they corrupt the Army and keep them from being obedient to their Commanders because that forsooth is the liberty and priviledg of Rome not to shew any respect to the Senate Magistrates the Laws the Customs and Institutions of our Forefathers or the Discipline of War Thus Appius was now equal in publick Assemblies to the Tribunes of the People when on a sudden a misfortune which they had from whence no body could have believed at Veii not only made Appius superior in the case but caused a greater union among the several Orders and a more vehement inclination resolutely to besiege Veii For when a mound was raised just at the very City and their Galleries now almost fixed to the Walls whilst their Works were more intently carried on in the day than looked after in the night the Gate on a sudden was opened and a vast Multitude armed most of them with Torches threw fire into them and in a moment of an hour both the Rampire and the Galleries which had been so long a making were all on fire and many People there who vainly endeavoured to assist were consumed by Fire and Sword Which when it was told at Rome made all People sad but filled the Senate with care and fear lest at that time more than ever the Sedition in the City and in the Camp too might become intolerable and the Tribunes of the People insult as if they themselves had subdued the Commonwealth When on a sudden those that had Knights Estates though they had no publick Horses assigned them having first consulted among themselves went to the Senate and having permission granted them to speak promised that they would serve in the Wars upon their own Horses Who being thanked by the Senate in very gracious expressions the noise of it was got all over the Forum and the City and thereupon was there a sudden concourse of the Commons to the Senate-house who said They were as yet of the Plebeian Order who fought on Foot and promised the Commonwealth their pains out of course whether they would lead them to Veii or any whither else but if they were carried to Veii they said they would not return thence before they had taken the Enemies City With that their joy grew very unruly for they were not ordered to be commended as the Horsemen were by a Magistrate chosen on purpose nor were any of them called into the House to receive the Senates answer or was the Senate contained within the House but each of them from the higher place where they stood made signs of publick joy to the Multitude that stood in the Court both with their voice and hands crying Oh! happy Rome that art invincible and eternal in this union commending both the Knights the Commons and the very day it self and confessing that the courtesie and bounty of the Senate was now out-done The Senate and the People strove they were so transported with joy that the very tears flowed from them till the Senators being recalled into the House there was an Order of Senate made That the Tribunes Military calling an Assembly should give the Foot and Horse thanks and tell them that the Senate would be mindful of their piety towards their Country as also that they thought good that all those who had declared themseves Voluntiers out of course should receive pay besides which there was a certain sum assigned them for keeping of their Horses Then it was that Knights began first to serve in the Wars on Horseback The Voluntier Army being led to Veii did not only restore their ruined Works but also made new ones and Provisions were brought from the City with greater care than before lest there should be any thing lacking that might be for the use of so deserving an Army The following they chose for Tribunes Military with Consular Power C. Servilius Ahala a third time Q. Servilius L. Virginius Q. Sulpicius A. Manlius a second time and Manius U. C. 353 Sergius a second time Now whilst the care of all things in order to the Veian War was committed to these Tribunes the Garrison at Anxur being neglected for want of Men and by commonly receiving the Volscian Merchants was taken by a surprise upon the Watch that was at the Gates but no great number of Men was lost because except those that were sick all the rest traded like Sutlers all over the Country and about the Neighbouring Cities Nor did the affairs succeed any better at Veii which was then the chief Seat of all their publick cares for not only the Roman Generals had more quarrels among themselves than animosity against their Enemies but the War also was augmented by the sudden approach of the Capenates and the Faliscans These two Nations of Etruria being next adjacent to the Conquered Veians believed that they should be next also in the course of the Roman War the Faliscans as being obnoxious upon their own account for having been formerly concerned in the Fidenate War and therefore sending Embassadors to and fro and being by Oath obliged to each other they came on a sudden with their Armies to Veii They happened to attack the Camp in that part of the Country which was under the Government of Manius Sergius and
them for that their Munification The Gold being received from every one of them and valued they thought fit to buy a Golden Cap to be carried to Delphos and presented to Apollo As soon as they were free from the Vow the Tribunes of the Commons blow up Sedition anew The Multitude rise up against the Nobility especially Camillus Those that were absent cry out that by Collations and Vows they have brought the Veientan Prey to nothing those that were present are now modest because the Senators offered themselves voluntarily to their anger and when they saw the matter almost at an end for that Year they make the same Tribunes Legislators for the other and the Senate endeavoured to make the same Intercessors who were to give a Negative Voice for that the same Tribunes were for the most part made again At the Assembly for chusing Military Tribunes the Senators made it plain that M. Furius Camillus ought to be created one by reason of the Wars in hand they made as though 't was U. C. 361 better to make a General but there was a stop like to be set to the passing that Bill for the Tribunes However with Camillus L. Furius Medullinus being in that Office six times C. Aemilius L. Valerius Poplicola J. Postumius P. Cornelius twice in that Office were created Tribunes all Men of Consular Power The Tribunes of the Commons did not stir the beginning of the Year till M. F. Camillus was gone against Falisci against whom his Commission was directed and even then by delays the matter cooled and Camillus whom they were most afraid of became glorious at Falisca For first the Enemies kept themselves within their Walls thinking that the safest course but when they saw their Fields wasted and their Villages burned they come out of the City about a Mile being afraid to adventure farther and then they pitch their Camp relying upon nothing more than the baseness of the way to them and the roughness and cragginess of those high Rocks and Mountains that were about them But Camillus getting a Captive for his Guide and removing his Camp late at night till break of day shews himself upon the Hills The Romans made their Fences three manner of ways the other Army stood ready for Battel and as they endeavoured to hinder their Fortifications Camillus routs them and puts them to flight Whereupon the Falisci were so greatly afraid that breaking out of their Camp which was pretty nigh they ran as fast as they could to the City Many were killed and wounded before they could get within the Gates The Camp is taken and the Prey brought to the Treasurers not without great grumbling among the Soldiers but being forced to submit to the severity of the Command they did as well admire as dislike the Power that commanded it Then they besieged the City and thereupon the Soldiers and Townsmen would sally out against the Roman stations and ââise little skirmishes spending the time without much hope on either side For the besieged had more plenty of Corn and other Provisions before laid in than the besiegers and truly the Siege in all probability had been as long and laborious as that of Veii had not fortune put the Roman General in remembrance of his Valour and Experience in Warlike affairs and so given him a seasonable Victory 'T was customary among the Falerians that their Childrens Schoolmasters should be their Companion too and many Boys which custom continues still in Greece were committed to the care of one Master and he that appeared to be the greatest Scholar was made choice of to instruct the Nobility Now the Schoolmaster of this Town being used in the times of Peace to lead his Lads out to play he left not this custom in the time of War but one day he drew them a little way another day somewhat farther from the Gate At last by variety of Play and Discourse he drill'd them on farther than ever and having opportunity he goes with them among the Roman Guards from thence to the Camp afterwards he leads them even to Camillus's Pavilion and there he makes a Speech more horrid than the baseness of the Fact That he had forsooth delivered the Falerians into the hands of the Romans in giving those Children into their Power whose Parents were in all things the Heads and Governours of the Place Which when Camillus heard Thou art come O base fellow with thy abominable Present to a People and General not like thy self We never had any Alliance with the Falerians by Human League or Treaty but what nature has implanted in us does and shall continue between both There are Laws in War as well as Peace which we know how to execute with Justice as well as Courage We draw not our Swords against that Age which we spare even upon our taking Cities but against our Soldiers and those very Men who without any provocation or injury offered them opposed the Roman Camp at Veii Thou as much as lay in thy Power hast conquered them by a new sort of wickedness but as for my part I will conquer by the Roman Arts and Stratagems by Arms and Valour After this when he strip'd him he tied his hands behind him he delivered him to his Boyes to bring him back to the Falerians and gave them Rods to lash the Traytor into the Town whereupon the People ran out wondring at such a strange sight and the Magistrates were assembled upon this unheard of occasion their minds being so suddenly changed that whereas they were before for being utterly destroyed rather yielding themselves up upon terms of Peace the whole City were now for desiring Peace and publickly Celebrating the Roman Fidelity and the Justice of their General in the Court and Forum And by the Counsel of all they sent Embassadors to Camillus into the Camp and by his permission to the Senate at Rome to tell them that the Falerians freely yielded up themselves when they were admitted to the Senate 't is reported they said thus We O Senators being conquered by such a Victory which neither Gods nor Men can envy do here give up our selves to you being persuaded we shall live better under your Government than which there is nothing in the World more honourable than our own Laws The event of this War has produced two examples beneficial to Mankind you prefer Fidelity in War before present Victory and we being thereupon encouraged have yielded up our selves Send men to take our Arms our Pledges our Cities the Gates being open to receive them neither shall you ever repent of your Fidelity or we of being under your Government The Enemies as well as the Citizens gave thanks to Camillus The Falerians were commanded to pay the Soldiers for that Year to ease the Roman People Peace was granted and the Army brought back ãâã Rome When Camillus being thus signalized for his Justice and Fidelity returned he went through the City with far greater praise than
first day they did not burn much of the City because perhaps all of them had not a mind to it or because the chief of the Gauls thought it best only to burn some few Houses thereby to terrifie those that had shut themselves up to yield freely and to engage them upon hopes of enjoying what was left When the Romans from the Tower saw the whole City full of Enemies and running up and down every Street when they saw fresh murthers in one place or other continually they were not only almost distracted in their minds but they were also not able to fix either their ears or eyes upon any one Object for the shouts of the Enemies the lamentations of Women and Children the crackling of the fire and the noise of Houses falling every-where did turn away their trembling minds their eyes and faces from what before they reflected on Thus they were placed by fortune to behold the fall of their Country having nothing left them to defend but their own bodies labouring under a far greater misery than ever any besieged Persons did because they saw all they had in the hands of the Enemy Neither did a quieter night succeed that fatal day but even the night and the day after and every minute they beheld fresh spectacles of Rapine and Murther Yet notwithstanding they were thus laden and overwhelmed with calamities did their courage sink but though they saw all places levelled by flames and ruins they were resolved to defend their liberty to the last and the little Hill which was all that was left to them For now the like mischiefs happening every day they were accustomed to miseries and laying by all thoughts of their own concerns they trusted only to their Arms and Swords which they beheld with pleasure in their own right hands accounting them the only Relicks of their hopes When the Gauls who for some days spared the Houses saw nothing remaining among the ruins of the Captive City but Armed Men and those not at all terrified by these misfortunes nor inclinable to yield up themselves unless they were assaulted they resolve to try the utmost and assaulted the Tower At break of day at the sound of the Trumpet they meet and are put in order in the Forum Then giving a shout and having made a Fence to keep the Fire-balls and stones from them they march under the Tower Against whom the Romans did nothing rashly nor fearfully but having fortified all their passages with Guards and knowing the steeper the Hill was the easier they could beat them down they let them climb up to the middle of it and then from a Place somewhat higher which was as it were for the purpose they set upon the Gauls and throwing them down made a great slaughter Insomuch that no part of them nor all of them together ever after attempted to get up again Being therefore quite out of all hopes of taking the Tower by Force they lay Siege against it which they never thought of till that time having themselves burnt all the Corn in the City and that which was in the Fields was carried thence to Veii The Army then being divided some of them pillaged the neighbouring People others kept Siege at the Tower receiving supplies of Provision from the Foragers But as the Gauls went from the City to try the Valour of the Romans even fortune herself led them to Ardea where Camillus was banished who being there in greater sorrow for the calamities of the Publick than his own blaming both Gods and Men and with indignation wondring what was become of those Men who with him took Veii and Falisci who in other Wars came off with greater Courage than success on a sudden hears that the Army of the Gauls are coming and when the trembling Ardeatians asked him What they should do Though before he kept from the publick Councils he then goes into the middle of the Assembly and as if he had been inspired said thus My old friends of Ardea who are now also my fellow Citizens since not only your kindness has so contrived it but my fortune too has put me into these circumstances I hope none of you think that I was forgetful of my condition in coming hither but the affair in hand and the common danger forces every one to contribute what they can in this case now that the Garrison is in such a consternation And indeed when should I return my acknowledgments for your great favours to me if I omit this opportunity Or where can you make use of me if not in War Upon the reputation of this skill in Military affairs I lived in my own Country but though I were conquered in War yet in peace I was banished by my ungrateful fellow Citizens Now you Ardeans have an occasion offered to you not only of requiting the Romans for all their extraordinary kindnesses that you your selves well remember nor is it any reproach to say so since you know 't is true but of making this your City very glorious for its warlike actions against a common Enemy The Nation that is a coming against you are such a sort of Men to whom nature has given rather great than strong bodies and therefore they bring to every combat more dread than force Take the Roman miscarriage for an instance of it They took the City when it lay open to them but were beaten off from the Castle and the Capitol with a small Party Now being quite tired with the fatigue of a Siege they march off and straggle like Vagabonds about the Country where they are filled with Meat and Wine that they get by thieving When night comes on they lay themselves down by the Rivers sides without any Fortification without any formed Camp and without any Watches all over the Fields like so many wild Beasts being now since their prosperity grown much more careless than ever If you therefore resolve to defend your Walls and not to suffer your whole Country to be turned into Gaul stand to your Arms in a full body at the first watch and follow me to kill not to fight and if I do not give you an opportunity whilst they are asleep to kill them like beasts I am content to undergo the same fate at Ardea as I have met with at Rome Now every body both Friends and Enemies wore before convinced that there was never such a Man in the World at that time for Warlike affairs so that the Assembly being dismissed they refreshed themselves and then waited very diligently till the signal should be given Which being given they met Camillus assoon as it was night at the Gates and when they were got a little way from the City as he had foretold them they came to the Camp of the Gauls which was unguarded and neglected on every side which they with a great shout invaded Nor had they any need to fight but slew all before them killing their naked bodies which were dissolved and
of themselves more inclined to take that advise That therefore was the cause why after his Triumph he laid not down his Dictatorship since the Senate desired him not to leave the Commonwealth in an uncertain state First of all as he was a most devout Person in point of Religion he took care of those things that related to the Immortal Gods and procured an Order of Senat That all the Temples for that the Enemy had been possessed of them should be repaired bounded and purified and that the manner of their purification should be sought for in the Books by the Duumviri That they should make a friendly and publick alliance with the Caeretes for that they had entertained the holy things belonging to the Roman People together with their Priests and that through the kindness of that People the honour due to the Immortal Gods was not intermitted That the Games called Ludi Capitolini should be set forth upon the account that Jupiter had defended the Capitol his own Seat and the Castle of the Roman People in time of danger and that M. Furius the Dictator should appoint such a body of Artists for that purpose out of those that dwelt in the Capitol and the Castle There was likewise mention made about expiating that voice in the night time which was heard though neglected when it foretold their defeat before the Gallick War and order given That there should be a Temple built to Aius Locutius The Gold that was taken from the Gauls and that which amidst their confusion was brought out of other Temples into that of Jupiter since they had forgot whither it ought to be returned was all judged to be sacred and ordered to be laid under Jupiters shrine Now the Religion of the City had formerly appeared in this that when they wanted Gold in the publick stock to make up the sum which they were to give the Gauls they had had the rest raised by the Matrons that they might not meddle with the holy Gold The Matrons therefore had thanks given them and a new honour bestowed upon them viz. that they as well as their Husbands should have a laudatory Oration made in praise of them after their deaths When all those things were performed that related to the Gods and could be done by the Senate then he at last seeing the Tribunes importuned the common People with daily harangues to leave those ruins and remove to the City of Veii which was ready to receive them came into the Assembly with all the Senate attending on him and made this Speech Romans the contests I have had with the Tribunes of the People are so vexatious to me that I had no other comfort in my severe exile all the while I lived at Ardea than in being removed from these debates nor would I upon this very score have ever come back had you not recalled me by an Order of Senate and the consent of the People Nor was it the alteration of my mind at this time but your fortune that induced me to return For their great design was that our Country should remain upon its old bottom not that I should be in it And truly I should not only be now quiet but hold my tongue very willingly were there not any such occasion as this to fight for my Country which to refuse as long as life lasts is dishonourable in all other Men but in Camillus a sin For what do we contend for Why did we deliver it when besieged out of the Enemies hands if now 't is recovered we our selves desert it And when though the whole City were taken by the Conquering Gauls the Gods and People of Rome still kept and inhabited the Castle and the Capitol shall that same Castle and Capitol now that the Romans are victorious and have recovered their City be quite forsaken Shall our good fortune make more waste in this City than our bad did Truly if we had no religious Rites injoyned and delivered down to us along with the City yet there was the hand of Heaven so evident in the late management of the Roman affairs that I suppose Men can never hereafter neglect the Divine Worship For do but consider either our good or our bad success for some years past and you shall find that all things went well with those that worshiped the Gods and ill with those that despised them First of all How many years and with what difficulty was the Veian War carried on There was no end of it before by Command from the Gods the Water was let out of the Albane Lake What say you to the new defeat of this our City Did it happen before that despised voice was sent from Heaven concerning the arrival of the Gauls before the Law of Nations was violated by our Embassadors or before that was through the same neglect of the Gods omitted when it ought to have been revenged We therefore in being conquered taken and redeemed suffered so much from the Gods and Men too as to make us an example to the whole World Then our ill circumstances put us in mind of Religion for we ran into the Capitol to the Gods to Jupiters shrine and amidst our confusions hid some of our holy things in the earth removing others into the adjacent Cities out of the Enemies sight nor did we though deserted both by Gods and Men omit the worship of the Gods They therefore restored to us our Country Victory and our ancient glory in War which we had lost turning all the terror defeat and slaughter upon our Enemies who blinded with avarice broke their contract and their word in the weight of the Gold Now since you see such instances in Humane affairs of what attends the Worship or neglect of the Deity are you not sensible Romans how great a crime we before we are well got clear of the Shipwreck of our former fault and misfortune are about to commit We have a City built by advice and direction of the Soothsayers and Augurs nor is there any place in it but what is full of Religion and Gods besides that there are set places as well as days for the performance of our solemn Sacrifices and will you Romans forsake all these Gods both publick and private How agreeable is this act of yours to that which during the late Siege was done by that brave Youth C. Fabius to the astonishment of the Enemy as well as you when going down from the Castle amidst all the Gallick Darts he performed the solemnity of the Fabian Family upon the Hill Quirinalis Now therefore will you who would not have the Holy Rites of a private Family neglected even in time of War have the publick Rites and Roman Gods forsaken in time of Peace or allow the Priests and Flamens to be more negligent of the publick Worship than a private person was in the solemn Sacrifice of his own Family But some one perhaps will say that we will either sacrifice at Veii or
their Office consulted the Senate first of all about Religion First they ordered all the Leagues and Laws which were the 12. Tables and some made by the Kings too to be got together that could be found whereof some were published among the Commonalty and others that related to holy things suppressed by the Priests most of all that they might keep the peoples minds under an awe to Religion Then they began to discourse of Holy dayes and called the 17. of August which was memorable for a double defeat being the day on which the Fabii were slain at Cremera and when they had such ill fortune to lose the day in the Battel at Allia with the ruine of their City Dies Alliensis from the latter defeat and made it remarkable by ordering that no business shou'd be done on it either publick or private Some think That because on the 17. of July Sulpicius the Tribune Military had not appeased the Gods but that before they were reconciled the fourth day the Roman Army had been exposed to the Enemy that therefore it was ordered that no holy duties shou'd be performed that day and that from thence also proceeded the same usage upon the day after the Calends and the Nones But they were not long at leisure to consult how to raise the Commonwealth out of so grievous a condition For on the one hand the Volsci their old Enemies had taken Arms to extinguish the Roman name and on the other Merchants brought them word that there was a consult about a War held by all the great Men in Etruria at the Temple of Voltumna besides that a new fright also was come upon them by the revolt of the Latins and the Hernicans who after the Battel at the Lake Regillus had for almost 100. years been constant Friends to the Romans Wherefore since so many fears encompas'd them on every side and that it was evident to all people that the Roman name was not only hateful to their Enemies but contemptible even to their Allies also they thought fit that the Commonwealth shou'd be defended by the same persons Conduct who recover'd it and that M. Furius Camillus shou'd be made Dictator He therefore being Dictator chose C. Servilius Ahala Master of the Horse and having put a stop to all judicial proceedings made a Levy of the younger sort of men but so that he listed the Seniors too that had any strength left and made them take an Oath to be true to him When he had raised and armed his Men he divided them into three parts whereof he planted one in the Veian Dominions opposite to Etruria another he order d to Encamp before the City of whom A. Manlius was Tribune Military i. e. Colonel as Aemilius was Commander of those that were sent against the Etrurians and the third part he himself led against the Volsci Nor was it far from Lanuvium at a place near the hill Marcius that he began to attack their Camp Who marching forth out of contempt for they thought the Gauls had kill'd almost all the Roman Youth to War the name of Camillus who was General put them in such a fright that they secured themselves with a Rampire and their Rampire with heaps of Trees that the Enemy might not any way enter upon their Works Which when Camillus observ'd he order'd fire to be thrown into the Wood there being as it happen'd a great wind at that time which blew toward the Enemy and by that by means he not only opened the way with fire but the flames making toward their Camp he put the foe with the heat smoke and crackling of the green stuff as it burnt into such a consternation that it was less trouble for the Romans to go over the Rampire into the Volscian Camp than it had been to go over the fence which was burnt down When the Enemy was all routed and slain the Dictator having taken the Camp by storm gave the Spoil to the Soldiers which the less it was expected from a General that was not used to make Presents was so much the better taken After that pursuing the Foe as they fled when he had pillaged all the Volscian Territories he brought the Volscians to make a Surrender at last after 70. years Wars Having Conquer'd the Volscians he went over to the Aequi and surprized their Army at Bolae as they were there preparing for a War nor did he attack their Camp only but their Ciiy too and took it upon the first Assault But whilst they had such good fortune on that side where Camillus was the chief manager of the Roman affairs they were mightily terrified on the other For almost all Etruria was up in Arms and Besieging Sutrium a Town in Alliance with the Romans whose Embassadors desiring aid in that their unhappy condition went to the Senate and got a Decree That the Dictator assoon as possible should relieve the Sutrians But the fortune of the besieg'd being unable to endure the delay of that hope seeing the few men they had in the Town were all disabled by toil watching and wounds which still lay heavy upon them they delivered up their City to the Enemy upon terms and being sent forth unarmed with one coat a piece they left their native soil in a wretched manner At that time Camillus chanced to come in with the Roman Army to their assistance at whose feet when the sorrowful crowd of them had laid themselves down and the cryes of the Women and Children who were sharers in their Exile seconded the speeches of the Nobility which were forced from them by extream necessity he bad the Sutrians forbear their Lamentations For he brought sorrow and tears to the Etrurians Then he ordered his men to lay down their Baggage and the Sutrians with whom he left a small Guard to sit down there together but bid his Soldiers take their Arms along with them So going as fast as he could to Sutrium he found as he supposed he shou'd and as in such cases it generally happens all things dissolved in Luxury no Guard before the Walls the Gates wide open and the straggling Conquerer carrying the Booty out of the Enemies Houses By this means Sutrium was taken again the very same day and the Victorious Etrurians were killed by this new Foe all over the Town nor had they time to Rendezvouz and meet in a Body or take up their Arms. And when they made every man as he was able towards the Gates they found them according to the Dictators first orders shut With that some of them took up their Arms and others who were by chance got Arm'd amidst the crowd call'd their party together to joyn Battel which had indeed been brought to effect through the Enemies despair had not the Cryers who were sent all about the City given order to them to lay down Arms that the unarm'd shou'd be spared and that no body shou'd be hurt save those that were Arm'd With that even those
with the glory of his past Warlike and Valiant Exploits so 't is no small encouragement to consider under whose leading and auspicious Conduct you are to venture the fortune of the day whether he be a man that can only make brave and daring Speeches one stout and feirce in words but unexperienced in the practice of Arms Or whether he be one that can himself handle his Weapons always ready to advance in Person before the Standards and both able and willing to endure all hazards and fatigues in the heat of the Battel 'T is my Deeds Gentlemen Soldiers not my Words that I would have you follow and to receive from me not only Command but also Example who not by bribing or the canvassing of Factions nor yet by Courtship and Orations usual Arts with Noble Men but by this right hand of mine have attained to three Consulships and the highest pitch of Glory There was a time indeed when it might have been objected that this was no wonderful matter but easy to one of my Birth and Quality being a Person of Noble Blood descended form the deliverers of their Country and whose Family bore the Consulship the very first year that the City had a Consul But now the Case is altered the way unto a Consulship lies equally open to you Commoners as to us of the Nobility for 't is not now as heretofore the priviledge of the Gentry but the reward of vertve and Courage look up therefore Gentlemen Soldiers and aym at this Sovereign Honour Tho men by the approbation of the Gods have given me the Surname of Corvinus yet have I not forgot the Ancient name of Publicola appropriate to our Family I have and ever will as always I have done the Commons of Rome at all times alike both abroad in Wars and at home in Peace as a private Man and as a publick Magistrate and no less when I was Consul than when Tribune and the same affections I retein'd throughout all my several Consulships as for the work in hand come along brave Boys and with the assistance of Heaven purchase this day for your selves as well as me a fresh and intire Triumph over the Samnites There never was a General more familiar with his Soldiers as ready as the meanest of them to undertake any duty and in their Military Exercises or pastimes when they tried each others nimbleness and strength he would often make one with a most obliging freedom his countenance unchang'd whether he got the Mastery or were Foil'd nor would he refuse any man for the meanness of his quality that offer'd to try a Bout with him In his deeds he was kind and bountiful to his power and as occasion required In words no less mindful of others Freedom than of his own Place and Dignity and which most of all renders a man acceptable to the People the same vertues and moderation which raised him to Honours and Preferments he always retain'd in the management and enjoyment of them Therefore the whole Army following this exhortation of a General so beloved with an incredible chearfulness March'd out of their Camp into the Field Never was Battel more obstinately fought on both sides their Hopes were like their Forces equal and each party charg'd full of Confidence in themselves and yet without contempt of the Enemy The Samnites were animated with their late successes and double Victory but just before The Romans on the Contrary stood upon that Honour and Reputation which they had enjoyed and daily encreased for the space of 400 years and their Conquests almost ever since the Foundation of their City each of them appeared the more solicitous because they had a new Enemy to deal with whom they had never tried before The manner of the fight shew'd the stoutness of their courage neither party for a considerable time yeilding one Foot The Consul seeing they could not be made retreat by down right blows thought to terrifie them by sending a party of Horse to break their Front but the Ground was too streight for them to do any good and they had not room to Charge whereupon the Consul returning to the Van of the Legions leaps off his Horse ' T is we Footmen quoth he when all is done must do the work come on then and as ye shall see me wherever I go make way by dint of Sword into the Enemies Main-Battel so do you every one down with all that oppose or stand in your way and presently through all that Grove of Pikes and glittering Spears you shall see wee 'l make an open passage over their slain Carcasses He had no sooner said this but the Cavalry by his Command Charged the Enemies Wings and made way for the Foot to come up to their Main-Body where first and formost the Consul charged in Person and kill'd the first man he met upon the spot the sight whereof enflam'd his men so that every one most manfully laid about him The Samnites tho they received more wounds than they gave stood to it still most resolutely and now the fight had continued a good while great slaughter there was all round the Samnites Ensigns but no flying on either side for they had resolved that nothing but Death should Conquer them The Romans therefore finding their own strength begin to decay through weariness and not much day-light left in a transport of Rage and Fury gave a fresh Charge all at once upon the Enemy who then first of all began to give Ground and soon after betook themselves to flight Then were abundance of the Samnites slain and taken Prisoners nor had but few of them escaped if night coming on so fast had not interrupted the victory rather than ended the Battel The Romans confessed that they never engaged with a more resolute and stubborn Enemy and the Samnites being demanded what it was that after so brave a Resistence first caused them to fly did affirm that the eyes of the Romans appeared to them like flames of fire and their Looks and Countenances feirce and terrible as those of Persons mad or distracted which sight did more daunt tham then any thing else and this dread of theirs they manifested not only by the event of the Battel but by their dislodging of their Camp and private retreat that night so that next morning the Romans took possession of their empty Huts wheâe the Campanians came crowding in Multitudes to rejoice and congratulate their victory But this Joy had like to have been spoil'd by a disaster in Samnium for the other Consul Cornelius advancing from Saticula had unwarily March'd his Army into a Forrest through which ran an hollow Valley on the side whereof the Enemy lay in Ambuscade nor did he discover them till he was so far Engaged as he knew not how to Retreat with safety But whilst the Samnites waited till he should have brought his whole Body into that deep Valley that they might have them all at the same advantage
they had rebell'd get to be made free Denizens of Rome 25. The Palaepolitans vanquish'd and besieg'd submit 26. Q. Publilius who first besieg'd them is continued in Command and allow'd to Triumph 28. The Commons freed from the Tyranny of their Creditors by reason of the filthy Lust of Lucius Papirius who would have ravish'd C. Publilius his Debtor 30. Whil'st L. Papirius the Dictator was gone from the Army to Rome to repeat the Sacrifices Q Fabius General of the Horse invited by an occasional advantage fights with the Samnites contrary to his Edict and worsts them for which the Dictator goes about to punish him 33. Fabius flies to Rome 35. And when his cause would not hold water at Law by the Peoples intreaty he obtains a Pardon 36. This Book contains the prosperous proceedings against the Samnites THE Consuls now were C. Plautius the second time and L. Aemilius Mamercus U. C. 412 when the Setines and Norbans sent advice to Rome that the Privernates had Revolted with Complaints of damages by them sustained Intelligence also arriv'd That an Army of Volscians under the Conduct of the Antiates were Encamp'd at Satricum The management of both these Wars fell to Plautius's Lot who advancing first to Privernum presently gave them Battel The Enemy was easily vanquish'd the Town taken but restored only a strong Garison placed in it and two parts of their Lands taken away from them Thence the Victorious Army march'd to Satricum against the Antiates where a cruel Battel was fought with great slaughter on both sides and when a Tempest had parted them before either could lay claim to the Victory the Romans nothing wearied with that so doubtful Conflict made preparations to renew the Encounter in the Morning But the Volscians having taken an Account of what Men they had lost had not so much mind to repeat the Danger For in the Night thereby confessing themselves beaten they dislodged and in fear and confusion went their ways towards Antium leaving their wounded Men and part of their Baggage behind them A power of Arms were found amongst the Dead and in their Camp which the Consul promis'd to Dedicate to the Goddess called Mother Lua thought to signifie the Earth which after Blood-shed was to be appeas'd with Offerings and Lustrations after which he forrag'd and spoil'd the Enemies Country as far as the Sea-Coast Aemilius the other Consul made an Inroad into the Sabellian Territories but neither were the Samnites in the Field nor did their Legions offer to oppose him On the contrary as he was destroying all before him with Fire and Sword they sent Ambassadors to him desiring Peace whom he referr'd to the Senate where having obtain'd Audience their haughty stomachs being come down They requested the Romans to grant them Peace and leave to prosecute their War against the Sidicins which they alledged they might with the more Justice and Equity desire since as they had sought and entred into Amity with the People of Rome in their highest Prosperity and not as the Campanians enforced by necessity so the Arms they desired to bear was against the Sidicins always their Enemies and never Friends to the Romans A Nation who neither in Peace as the Samnites ever desired any Alliance with the Romans nor yet in time of War had like the Campanians requested any Assistance from thence and could not pretend to be under the protection of or in subjection to the People of Rome When touching these Demands of the Samnites Tib. Aemelius the Praetor had consulted the Senate and they had thought fit to renew the League he returned them this Answer That as it was not the fault of the People of Rome that the Friendship heretofore concluded between them was not perpetual so since they now seem'd to be weary of the War of which themselves were the occasion the Romans would not oppose the Renewing of the League and settling of the Ancient Amity But as to the Sidicins they should not interpose but leave the Samnites to their Liberty of making Peace and War as they should think best The League being ratified they return'd home and forthwith the Roman Army was recall'd having got a years Pay and Corn for three months according to the Capitulation made with the Consul for granting them a Truce till their Ambassadors came back The Samnites now imployed all their Forces against the Sidicins and doubted not but in little time to be Masters of their City Then first of all the Sidicins made an offer to yield up themselves and become Subjects to the Romans but the Senate rejected the same as coming too late and wrested as it were from them perforce in their last Extremity Whereupon they tendred the same to the Latines who already of their own accord had revolted and taken Arms nor were the Campanians wanting to join in the same Association so much fresher in their minds was the memory of the Injuries offered them by the Samnites than of the good Offices done them by the Romans Out of so many several Nations confederated together a vast Army was raised which under the Conduct of the Latines invaded the Borders of the Samnites and slew more in Forraging and Plundering than by fair Fighting And though the Latines seem'd to have the better on 't in several Skirmishes yet they were well content for avoiding frequent Encounters to retreat out of the Enemies Territories Then had the Samnites time to send Ambassadors to Rome who made complaint to the Senate That they suffered as hard measure now they were Confederates as they did before whil'st they were Enemies and therefore did humbly request That the Romans would be satisfied with that Victory which they snatch'd out of the Samnites hands over the Campanians and Sidicins and not suffer them now to be trampled under foot by united multitudes of base and cowardly people That if the Latins and Campanians were Subjects to the People of Rome they would by their Authority restrain them from Infesting the Samnites Country and if they refuse that then they would by force of Arms compel them to forbear Hereunto the Senate framed a doubtful Answer For on the one side they were ashamed to say that the Latins were not now under their Dominion and on the other side afraid that if they should go about to rufflle with them it might alienate them the more and cause them to break out into open Hostility therefore they told the Ambassadors That as to the Campanians they were united not by League but by absolute Surrender and therefore whether they would or no they would make them be quiet But in their League with the Latins there was no Article whereby they should be prohibited from making War against whomsoever they thought fit This Answer as it sent away the Samnites altogether uncertain what measures the Romans would take so it wholly estranged the Campanians for fear and at the same time rendred the Latins more stout and daring as if the Romans
the Chariots should be let out of the Barriers to run their Races because L. Plautius the Praetor whose business that was happen'd to be sick And that having dispatch'd that petty Affair scarce worth while to be remembred under the name of so great a Charge he should give up his Dictatorship The Authors on both sides are so equal both in number and credit and confidence in telling their Stories that 't is no easie matter to know which to prefer For my own part I conceive the Memoirs of those Times much depraved by those Encomiastick Orations used at Funerals and counterfeit Titles of Statues whil'st every Family by some colourable Untruth sought to draw to it self the Glory of brave Exploits and antient Dignities Thus certainly both the Deeds of particular Men and the Publick Records of the Common-wealths Affairs are become confus'd Nor is there extant any one Writer that lived near those Times upon whom we may sufficiently depend as a true and certain Author DECADE I. BOOK IX EPITOME 2 3 c. THe Consuls Veturius and Posthumius with their Army being pounded up in the Streights of Caudium are forc'd to compound for their Lives with the Samnites promising That the People of Rome should grant them Peace and for performance thereof gave 600 Horsemen as Hostages and so they and the rest of their Army march'd away sub Jugo that is shamefully without Arms and under a thing erected like a Yoak or Gallows 8 9 c. The Consuls Tribunes and all that subscrib'd this dishonorable agreement are upon the motion of Sp. Posthumius the Consul himself sent back Prisoners to the Samnites to discharge the City from any Obligation to stand to it but the Samnites would not accept them 14. Not long after Papirius Cursor routs the Samnites makes them pass under the Gallows recovers the 600 Hostages and so wipes off the stain of the former Miscarriage 20. Two new Tribes added 29. Appius Claudius being Censor furnish'd the City with a new Water-course and paved an High-way which from him were called The Claudian Conduit and the Appian Causway He also admitted the Sons of Libertines or Enfranchised Bond-men to be Members of the Senate But the Consuls next year looking upon the Honor of the House to be sullied by Persons of such base Birth remov'd them 31. This Book likewise contains the Military Successes against the Apulians Tuscanes Umbrians Marsians Pelignians Aequians and Samnites with whom the Antient League was at last renewed 46. Flavius the Notary whose Father was but a Bondman Enfranchised is made Aedile of State by a Faction of the Rabble who growing very turbulent and too strong in all Elections of Magistrates Q. Fabius the Censor reduc'd them into four Tribes by themselves which good Service got him the Surname of Maximus or Fabius the Most Great Furthermore in this Book having occasionally mentioned Alexander the Great who at that time flourish'd the Author digresses into a Comparison of his strength with the Romans and thence infers That if he had happened to cope with them he would scarce have met with such easie Victories as he did over those Eastern Nations whom he subdued U. C. 432 NOw followed the Claudian Treaty so memorable for the Romans dishonor under the Consulship of T. Veturius Calvinus and Sp. Posthumius The Samnites General that year happen'd to be Caius Pontius the Son of Herennius a most prudent Father and himself an excellent Soldier and Captain This Gentleman when their Ambassadors that were sent to Rome to make restitution of the Goods that had been taken were returned without being able to obtain a Peace spake as follows in the Senate Let us not however Sirs imagine that this Embassy is altogether fruitless We have thereby Expiated the anger of the Celestial Powers against us for violating the Truce and now engag'd them in our Favor For sure I am those Gods whoever they were that thought fit to reduce us to the necessity of restoring what was demanded in pursuance of the Treaty are nothing pleas'd with this surly pride of the Romans in refusing to accept our tender of satisfaction What could there be done to pacifie the Gods or reconcile Men more than we have perform'd The Enemies Goods taken in War which by the Law of Arms we seem'd rightly intituled unto we have returned The Authors of the War because we could not send them living we have delivered up dead and with their Bodies their Goods we carryed to Rome That no Contagion of their Guilt might on us remain What more O Roman canst thou pretend that I owe either to thee or the League or those Gods that were invok'd to be the Guarantees thereof Whom shall we have to be judge of your Demands or of our Amends For our parts we refuse none be it either Nation or private Person And if nothing of Right amongst Men be left to the Weak when he has to do with those that are too Strong and Mighty for him yet let us address to the Gods who are the proper Avengers of haughty Injustice and intolerable Insolence Those Divine Powers I will implore to turn the fury of their Displeasure on those whom neither the Restitution of their own Goods nor the rendring of other Mens withal to boot will content whose raging Cruelty is not to be appeased either by the Death of the Guilty nor the Delivery up of their breathless Bodies nor the surrender of their Goods together with the Owners Carcasses whom indeed nothing can satisfie unless we part with our heart-blood and suffer them to tear out our very Bowels That War O Samnites must needs be Just which is absolutely Necessary and Pious their Arms who but by Force of Arms can no longer subsist since therefore in all humane Affairs nothing is of greater Importance than to have the Gods propitious or adverse unto our Enterprises you may be assured That as we undertook our last War rather against the Gods than Men so in this which we now engage in we shall have the Gods themselves for our Leaders and Assistants These pleasing Promises the Event rendred Prophetical for drawing out his Army near Caudium he encamp'd with the greatest privacy in the World and having Advice that the Roman Consuls and their Army lay quartered about Calatia he sent out half a score Souldiers in Sheepherds habit and ordered them severally to feed their Flocks one here and another there near the Roman Out-guards who being taken by the Scouts did all relate for certain That the Samnite Legions were got into Apulia besieging the City Luceria with all their Forces and doubted not but to take it very shortly by Storm Such a flying report had before been industriously broach'd and these Prisoners all agreeing in a Tale fully confirm'd it No Man doubted but the Romans ought to relieve the Lucerins as well because they were their good and faithful Allies as to prevent all the rest of Apulia from revolting to the
abroad in the Streets The Consuls themselves kept in like private Men and would exercise no Function of their Office but what they were forc'd unto by an Act of the Senate namely To nominate a Dictator to preside at the Election of the next Consuls so they appointed Q. Fabius Ambustus Dictator and P. Aelius Paetus General of the Horse But there being some defect in the Ceremonies of their Creation M. Aemilius Papus and L. Valerius Flaccus were nominated in their Rooms but neither did they hold the Assemblies for Election for the People being out of conceit with all the Magistrates of that Year as unlucky the business came to an Inter-Regency And Inter-Regents there were Q. Fabius Maximus and M. Valerius Corvus which latter created Consuls Q. Publius Philo and L. Papirius Cursor the second time A Choice highly approved by the whole City there being not two braver Generals in that Age. The very Day they were Created they entred upon their Office for so the Senate had expresly ordered and after the solemn and ordinary Acts touching Religion were pass'd according to Custom They proposed the matter of the Caudine Agreement to be taken into Consideration And Publius who had the chief Authority that day commanded Spurius Posthumius to speak to that Point who rising up with looks altogether as sad and dejected as when he went under the Gallows I am not ignorant said he O ye Consuls that t is not for Honor-sake but for greater Ignominy that I am called forth and that I am commanded to speak at this time not as a Senator but as a Criminal guilty both of an unfortunate ill-manag'd War and a most unworthy dishonorable Peace But since you have not been pleased to put the Question touching either our Guilt or Punishment I shall omit all Apology and Defence which yet it were not difficult to make before Persons that are not ignorant of Humane Chances the variable Accidents of War and those Necessities whereunto men are often driven rather by their Destinies than Default Waving all that I say I shall briefly declare my Opinion in the matter by you propos'd which I hope will shew whether it was for my own sake or to preserve your Legions that I obliged my self in that Stipulation call it either base or necessary which you please sure I am 't is such as being made without the privity or order of the People the State of Rome is thereby no ways bound Nor is there any thing from thence due to the Samnites but only the Bodies of us who were the Sponsors therein let us naked and in chains be delivered up to them by the Heralds let us discharge the People of those Religious ties if in any we have intangled them that so without the least violation of any Law Divine or Humane the War may be begun afresh In the mean time let the Consuls Levy Arm and Muster an Army but not enter a step into the Enemies Country till all the Ceremonies of our Rendition be legally performed And you O Immortal Gods I beseech and implore that if it were your pleasure not to grant the Consuls Sp. Posthumius and T. Veturius success against the Samnites yet at least you would be satisfied to have seen us dragg'd under the Gallows to have seen us obliged in an Infamous Sponsion and for the same to have beheld us delivered strip'd and bound into the hands of the Enemy ready to receive upon our Heads even with the loss of our Lives all their rage and spight Be pleased to accept this as a sufficient Expiation and vouchsafe to grant That the new Consuls and Roman Legions under their Conduct may so manage the present War against the Samnites as all other Wars against them were wont to be managed before our unhappy Consulship This generous Speech raised at once so great an Admiration and Compassion in the Breasts of all the Senators That they could scarce believe it to be the same Sp. Posthumius who had been the Promoter of so dishonorable a Treaty and then they were sensibly touch'd with pity that so brave a man should suffer extraordinary Tortures above others at the Enemies hands for perswading the Reversal of that Peace for the Cities Honor which he made for its Safety However all applauded him and approved of his Motion only there was a little opposition made by L. Livius and Q. Maelius the Tribunes of the Commons who alledged That neither could the People be absolv'd from the Religious Obligations of that Treaty unless all were restored to the Samnites and every thing put into the same state as at Caudium Nor yet could they acknowledge that by consenting to an Agreement which preserved a whole Army of Romans they had incurr'd any Crime or deserv'd any Punishment And lastly since their Persons by virtue of their Office were Sacred and Inviolable could not by Law be given up to the Enemy or exposed to any Out-rage Posthumius replyed In the mean time surrender us the Prophane whom without injuring Religion ye may and afterwards deliver these Sacred Gentlemen as soon as ever they are out of their Office But if you will be rul'd by me let them first be soundly scourged here publickly in the Common-Hall that they may pay some Interest for this delay of their Punishment As for their denying that our Rendition will discharge the People who is so ignorant in the Heralds-Law as not to see that they do it rather to save their own Bacon than that they themselves can believe it so to be I do not deny Grave Fathers that bare Promises and Stipulations as well as Leagues are to be accounted Sacred and observ'd by all that have any regard to Faith towards Men or Piety towards the Gods But this I resolutely deny That any thing done without the Peoples consent is Obligatory to them Suppose the Samnites in the same fit of Pride whereby they extorted from us this Promise had insisted and compell'd us to pronounce the solemn Form of Words which those use who surrender up the Propriety and Dominion of Cities would you My Lords the Tribunes yield the People of Rome were thereby become Vassals and this City its Temples Chappels Bounds and Waters presently vested in the Samnites But to wave speaking of a Surrender since 't is only a Stipulation that is here in question What I pray if we had undertook and promised that the People of Rome should forsake and abandon this City or set Fire to it or no longer to have Magistrates Senate or Laws or to be again Govern'd by Kings God forbid that say you Well but pray then observe 't is not the Indignity of things that discharges the Obligation of a Promise If the People without their own consent can be bound to one thing they may be bound to all nor does that which perhaps some may think material at all alter the case whether it be the Consul or the Dictator or the Praetor that enters into
us number the Commanders in Chief ever since Affairs begun to fall under the management of Commoners and reckon up the several Triumphs it will appear the Commons have no cause to blush at their own Nobility This I am sure of whenever any mighty dangerous War happens the Senate and People of Rome do not repose more confidence in their Patritian than in their Plebeian Commanders Since this is so how can it seem an indignity to God or Man if to those great and illustrious Personages whom you have dignified with Ivory Chairs of State with Robes of Honor of all sorts with Triumphant Crowns and Laurels and whose Houses are above others rendred Glorious with the affix'd spoils of Enemies you shall also add the Sacred Accoutrements of Pontiffs and Augurs He that hath already been deck'd in the Ornaments ef Almighty Jupiter and being drawn through the City in a Chariot of Gold hath mounted the Capitol who can think it too much to see the same Person that hath thus appear'd as a God to Men to shew himself an humble Suppliant to the Gods to hold in Triumphal Hands the Sacred Cup or Holy-water-pot and the Divining Wand or Crosier Staff and with a veiled Head to kill the Sacrifices or take the lucky Auguries for the Publick When Posterity shall read the stile of some brave Man upon his Statue and find there so many Consulats Censorships and Triumphs Will they think you be frighted if you shall have added thereunto an Augurship or the Pontificial Dignity For my part I verily hope with reverence and the good leave of the Gods be it spoken That by the Beneficence of the People of Rome we are now such as by our Quality may bring as much Credit and Honor to the Priestly Function as we shall derive from it And that we desire it more in respect of the Service of the Gods than for any Interest of our own That whom we have hitherto reverenc'd privately we may henceforth have opportunities publickly to Worship But why plead I all this while as if the Patricians alone were intirely Invested with the Priviledge of Sacerdotal Dignities and as if we were not already in possession of one Honorable and most Principal Priesthood We see the Decemvirs appointed for Celebration of Sacrifices and Interpreting the Sibylline Verses for reading the Destinies of our Nation the same Persons being Chief Ministers at the Sacred Rites of Apollo and other Ceremonies are Commoners And as no Injury was done the Patritii when in favor of the Commons the number of the Duumviri or Superintendents of the aforesaid Mysteries was augmented to Ten so neither have they now any greater cause to complain if the Tribune a worthy and brave Man hath added five places more of Augurs and four of Pontiffs unto which Commoners may be nominated Not to dispossess you Appius but that Commoners may be assistant to you in Sacred Things who are so highly helpful to you in Civils Be not ashamed O Appius to have the same Person your Collegue in the Priesthood who might fitly be your Companion in a Censor or Consulship To whom being Dictator you might be Master of the Horse as well as he Master of the Horse when you happen to be Dictator The Patritii of Old refus'd not to admit into their Rank a Sabine Stranger Appius Clausus or Claudius I know not which his Name was the very Top of your Kindred you must not think much then to accept Us into the number of the Priests who bring with us not a few Marks of Honor nay even all that you can boast of You tell us That the first Commoner that was made a Consul was L. Sextius the first Master of the Horse Caius Licinius Stolo the first both Dictator and Censor C. Marcius Rutilus we have heard you repeating a thousand times the same thredbare Allegations That to you forsooth alone belongs the taking of the Auspicia that you only are Gentlemen that you and none but you ought to have the Chief management of Affairs both at home and abroad Yet still I must tell you the Commoners have always been as prosperous hitherto as the Nobles in any brave or difficult Undertaking and I doubt not but they ever will be so Did you never hear that the Patritii did not drop down from Heaven but were at first establish'd by Humane Policy being composed of such as were able to name their Father that is to say Honest Free-men and no more I my self can already nominate my Father to have been a Consul and shortly my Son will be able to alledge his Grandfather of that Quality The bottom of the Business is only this That every thing must be denyed us and nothing obtained without tugging The Patritians Design is only to maintain a Faction and contend and regard not greatly what the end of the Dispute is It is therefore my Vote That to the good of you all and the Weal-Publick this Law be passed and established The People presently commanded the Tribes to be call'd to a Scrutiny and it appeared That without all doubt the Law would be accepted but that day was lost by the Interposition and Negative of some of the Tribunes But on the Morrow they were afraid to oppose it and then it pass'd unanimously and the New additional Pontiffs then Created were the Promoter of the Law P. Decius Mus P. Sempronius Sophus C. Marcius Rutilus and M. Livius Denter The five Plebeian Augurs C. Genutius P. Aelius Paetus M. Minucius Fessus C. Marcius and T. Publilius thus the number of the Pontiffs came to be Eight and of the Augurs Nine The same Year M. Valerius the Consul procured the Law Touching Appeals to the People to be confirm'd This was the third time since the expulsion of Kings that Law had been establish'd and always by the same Family The Cause of renewing it so oft I conceive might be because the power of a few of the Grandees and Nobles was apt to be too hard for the Liberties of the Commons The Porcian Law seems Enacted only to save the Romans skins imposing a grievous punishment on any that should Kill or Scourge a Citizen of Rome The Valerian Law which prohibited any man to be Whipt or Beheaded that made his Appeal had no express Penalty but only declared That whoever should act contrary the same would be naughtily done that seeming then as I believe such was the Modesty and Reverence of those Times a sufficient Obligation and Restraint whereas now a days if a Man should threaten but his Slave at such a rate he would despise it The same Consul manag'd the War against the Aequians who were broke out in Rebellion but there was little remarkable in it for they had nothing left of their Antient Fortune but the stoutness of their Stomachs The other Consul Apuleius besieged the City Nequinum in Umbria a place difficult of Access as being situate high and on the one side was a steep
others of her Sex looking upon the Battel from the top of a House and happening to see Pyrrhus eagerly coming up towards the person that wounded him was so concern'd for her Sons danger that she took a Tile from the top of the House and with both hands threw it on Pyrrhus's head Thus Pyrrhus died miserably and ignobly a Person outdone by none in that Age for Courage Conduct and Experience in Military Affairs and several other endowments both of Body and Mind but the fruit of his Atchievements and the lustre of his other Excellencies was destroy'd by his Ambition for he wanted nothing of being a happy Man but Contentment In fine had he been as circumspect in maintaining as he was industrious in making Conquests the World could not have shew'd a greater Prince When the news hereof came to Italy it was receiv'd with joy or regret according as People were differently affected to the Person While other Nations which were free bought their Peace with Rome upon such terms as they could get the Tarentines were not able to take those measures they would have done being over-rul'd by Milo and the Garison of the Epirots between whom matters improv'd from lighter Affronts to an open quarrel The Tarentines thus sorely afflicted on both sides by the Romans their Enemies without the Walls and the Epirots within sent Ambassadours for aid to Carthage the Carthaginians who already possess'd a great part of Sicily and wish'd rather to make themselves Masters of the Maritime Coasts of Italy than that they should fall into the hands of the Romans readily came with a Navy equipp'd under pretence of casting out Milo but intending if they could take Tarentum to defend it against the Romans When L. Papirius the Consul was also arriv'd thither Tarentum was block'd up out all sides the Romans besieging by Land the City and Citadel and the Carthaginians besieging the Citadel by Sea In this state of Affairs whilst the Romans were no less solicitous that the Carthaginians should not take the place than that themselves should take it whilst they cunningly tried all the Methods of Victory they sent to Milo by private Messengers promising if Tarentum were deliver'd into their hands by his means they would dismiss him and his Countrymen safe home Milo thinking it the best course to do so at present treats with the Tarentines that they should unanimously consult concerning their common safety and by degrees he persuades them to send him Ambassadour to L. Papirius and that he would get such conditions from him as would be for the advantage of them all When these People being tir'd with cares and dangers had willingly assented to him he went likewise to the Consul with whom he had laid the Plot and return'd from him with very advantageous Conditions and hopes of Peace upon reasonable terms This credulity expos'd the Tarentines to security and confidence laying aside all care and circumspection and thereby administred an opportunity to Milo not onely to deliver the Citadel but the Town also to the Romans The Carthaginians being not well pleas'd with this event departed pretending themselves still Friends to the Romans and that they were come for no other end but to drive out Milo According to some Authors I find that the Romans had warn'd the Carthaginians not to meddle in the Tarentine Affair for in so doing they would act contrary to the Articles of the League but that the Carthaginians did not onely slight the admonition but also that the Punic Auxiliaries fought in the Tarentine Army against the Romans from which distaste the War that was waged against the Carthaginians in Sicily first broke out though the Carthaginians being desirous to conceal their falshood by perjury swore they had acted all things squarely and honestly But as I do not deny but such things might pass between the Generals while the Romans could not endure the presence of the Carthaginians and the Carthaginians colour'd the matter as well as they could or that People commonly discours'd such things so I am of Opinion that the War rose upon other reasons both because they did not enter upon the War presently and also because the War in Sicily rising afterwards chiefly broke out by reason of the Mamertines while the Punic League was still valid Their Dominion being thus inlarged the Consuls returning to Rome being receiv'd with a great deal of rejoycing triumphed afterwards with Honour and Renown In the mean while Q. Fabius Gurges and the rest who had been sent to Alexandria gave an Account of their Embassy in the Senate how that they had been entertain'd with all manner of civility costly Presents being sent to them when they came and richer ones when they were returning home But that it was conceiv'd more for the honour of the Roman abstinence to refuse the former modestly But as for the rest which had been receiv'd they had carried them into the Treasury of the Roman People before they had done any other business and as for the golden Crowns sent to them at Alexandria when they were invited to a Feast according to the usual custom of the Court that they had receiv'd them for the Omens sake and plac'd them at Night upon the King's Statues The Senate being very glad for the success of the Embassy and gravity of the Ambassadours returning them thanks for rendring the Roman Manners venerable even to forein Nations by their continence order'd those Presents to be restor'd them which they had put into the Treasury and the People saying That the Commonwealth would then be best manag'd when that base course of getting Riches by the Acquests of Ministers of State during their imployments was taken away immediately decreed the same thing and the Treasurers readily delivering up the Money as they were commanded these Persons worthy of this fruit of their abstinence with equal glory refus'd and receiv'd the Egyptian Wealth Q. Fabius the Chief Ambassadour was I suppose upon this account preferr'd before so many noble Persons and chosen President of the Senate by the Censors Curius and Papirius whilst both for the nobleness of his blood and his Father's deserts as also for his two Consulships and as many Triumphs he seem'd ripe for any Honour In the same year M. Curius the Censor defray'd the charge of bringing the River Anien into the City with the booty taken from the Enemy Out of which he was so unwilling to be enrich'd himself privately that when he was charg'd by some Adversaries of his with having imbezzled that Money bringing out a wooden Cruise that he us'd to Sacrifice withal he swore that he had carried no more of the booty into his own House but that a Man that deserves for the greatness of his Atchievements and other famous proofs of his Vertues to have his more remarkable Deeds and Sayings taken notice of though we digress a little For I think it not unfit or impertinent to the business of an Historian to relate
having first pick'd up the Spoils of the Camps returned to his Colleague who having possessed himself of Acerrae where he found a great quantity of Provisions with much ado defended himself against the Enemy about Milan a Capital Town of the Insubrian Gauls But by Marcellus his arrival the Scene was much alter'd For both the Gaesates went home when they heard their King was slain and also the Milaneses being abandon'd by them could not defend their City So that great numbers of the Insubrians being killed and Milan and Como taken the other Towns afterwards and the whole Nation of the Insubrians surrendred themselves having obtain'd conditions of Peace that were reasonable enough part onely of their Lands being confiscated M. Marcellus having performed his charge held a very splendid and magnificent Triumph over the Insubrian Gauls and Germans the first of March This is the first mention of Germans in Roman Story these being some Mercenary Soldiers rais'd in Countries beyond the Rhine who came into Italy under the conduct of Viridomarus Some of whom and also of the Gauls being taken Prisoners Men of huge size and Stature went before the Victors Chariot among the most precious Spoils The Consul Himself followed after who made a gallant Show carrying the Arms he had devoted in his hands to Jupiter Feretrius on whom the Army richly clad and equipped attended and as they went celebrated the Consuls Praises with Songs and Acclamations When the Cavalcade had come in this order to Jupiters Temple M. Marcellus alighting from his Chariot hung up in that Temple the Magnificent Spoils being the third Man after Romulus and Au. Cornelius Cossus and the last too that ever did so The Roman People view'd these Arms with greater pleasure because the Enemies were said to have Vow'd the Romans Arms to Vulcan and the joy for this Victory was so great that the Senate and People of Rome out of the Spoils made a Present to Apollo's Shrine at Delphos of a golden Bowl and bestowed on their Confederates and Friends round about some of the Arms taken from the Gauls To Hiero King of Syracuse besides some of the Spoils they sent the price of that Corn which he had furnished the Romans with during the Gallic War The Istrians were the next Enemies they had who annoying the Seas by Piracy took several Vessels belonging to the Romans that were laden with Corn against whom the two Consuls P. Cornelius and M. A. U. 532 Minucius Rufus being sent subdued some by force and obliged others to surrender themselves But yet I do not find that these triumph'd because I suppose their Victory had cost a great deal of Roman blood A. U. 533 This year there arose in Spain a Star of malevolent influence upon several Kingdoms and People Hannibal Hasdrubal's Successor of whose rise and Exploits many things are to be delivered in the course of this History by a greater hand Mean while L. Veturius and C. Lutatius marched out with their Forces to the Alps and rather using Treaties and Negotiations than Arms with those People they brought over several of them to embrace the Roman Alliance A War brake out again with the Illyrians at this time by reason of Demetrius Pharius his Tyranny who pretending his Alliance with Rome molested the neighbouring Nations as he pleased himself and therefore Complaints were made against him from several parts He trusting in the Power in which upon his revolt from Teuta he was setled by the Romans and his being Protector to Pinneus during his Minority whose Mother Triteuta he had married he carried himself with as great State as a King and because troublesom and insupportable as well to his Country-men as Neighbours And even those People of Illyria that were the Roman Confederates and Allies he endeavour'd to subdue and having put to Sea with a Fleet of fifty Pinnaces well manned he sail'd beyond Lessus contrary to the Treaty made with the Romans and wasted the Cyclades small Islands in the Archipelago and forced some of the People to pay him Tribute And now he had got on his side as many of the Istrians as were dissaffected to the Romans since the late War and forced the Atintanes to join with him Neither did he regard the Romans at all for he thought now they were ingaged in the Gallic War and likewise were under apprehensions of another with Carthage they would have neither Power nor leisure to revenge their Confederates quarrel or to afford them protection Beside he doubted not but he should be assisted with what Force he pleased by Philip King of Macedon because in his War with Cleomenes he had lent him Aid being himself General of the Illyrian Auxiliaries A War therefore is declared against him and preparations were made accordingly Mean time L. Aimilius and C. Flaminius the Censors perform'd the Lustration wherein 270213 men were polled At that time a multitude of freed men which liv'd dispersed amongst all the Tribes gave great disturbances to the City so that the Censors in imitation of Q. Fabius Maximus reduced them into four Tribes the Esquilina Palatina Suburrana and Collina C. Flaminia in the same Censorship payed the High-way as far as Ariminum and built a Cirque both which Works were called by the name of their Author the Flaminian Cirque and the Flaminian Way The same Censors proposed to the Commons the Metilian Law concerning Fullers not supposing the Care of those meaner things to be below the regards of their great Office At this time the Rebellion in Illyria obliged the Senate to send M Livius Salinator and L. Aimilius Paul us the Consuls to that Province Demetrius on the other side was preparing very briskly for War A. U. 534 having put a Garison into Dimalus and provided all other things that were necessary for holding out a long Siege In some places he caus'd the principal men to be kill'd whose loyalty he suspected and deliver'd the government of their respective Towns to such as were his own Creatures and Adherents and out of his whole Kingdom he selected a Body of six thousand men which he kept with him for the defence of Pharus Whilst these things pass'd on thus L. Paulus the Consul marching out in the beginning of Spring came to Illyria and understanding that the Enemies relied very much upon the Works and defences of Dimalus thought by them an impregnable Fort he judg'd that if he could take this place he might put the Enemy into a great consternation Whereupon he sat down before it and his men made such brisk attacques upon the place that it was taken by storm within seven days aftar it had been first invested Nor was the Consul mistaken in his opinion for the report hereof being immediately spread through the neighbouring Cities Ambassadours came from all places round yielding themselves up to the Romans The Consul having accepted their submissions and taken them under his protection went to the Isle of Pharus where Demetrius his Palace
several young Noblemen were slain and amongst the rest Hegeas that commanded that Squadron charging too far upon those that seem'd to fly was cut off However when Annibal came to view the Walls of the Town how strong and impregnable they were he was discouraged from sitting down before it From thence he turn'd his march towards Capua a City grown luxurious with a long prosperity and indulgence of Fortune but amongst all corruptions that there raigned it was most of all infected with the licentiousness of the Commons who beyond all measure abused their Liberty Pacuvius Calavius a man of noble descent and popular in his Carriage but by ill Courses grown Rich had both the Senate and the Commons very much at his Devotion He happen'd to be their Chief Magistrate that year the Romans were over-thrown at Thrasymenus and having some inkling that the Commons who a long time had mortally hated the Senate might if Annibal came that way attempt such a desperate Villany as to murder all the Senators and surrender the City to the Carthaginians though he were an ill man yet he was not so profligately wicked but he rather desired to domineer over the Common-wealth in being than utterly to subvert it and knowing no State could subsist if once depriv'd of publick Council he bethinks himself of a course whereby he might both preserve the Senate and oblige them as well to the Commons as himself Assembling therefore one day the Senate together after a solemn Preface protesting That in no case he could approve of any design of revolting from the Romans unless it were upon necessity as having himself Children by the Daughter of Appius Claudius and his own Daughter married to Livius at Rome but he told them there was a thing in agitation of greater importance and far more dreadful consequence than that For the Commons had a design not only by way of Revolt and Rebellion to rid the City of the Senate's Authority but even to Massacre the Senators and so to yield up to Annibal and the Carthaginians the City void of all Governours and Magistracy That he knew how to free them from this imminent danger if they would trust him with the management of it and forget former jars and differences which had happen'd between them and himself concerning publick affairs All of them present consenting for meer fear to what he propounded I will says he shut you up here in the Council Chamber and by seeming to approve and be a Confederate in those Councils which I should not otherwise be able to oppose I will work a way for your safety and for performance hereof I will give you any security that you your selves shall demand Thus having pass'd his solemn Promise to be true to them away he goes shuts up the Senate-House and sets a Guard in the Lobby and all the Avenues charging them to let no body pass in or out without his Order Then he calls all the people together to the Town-Hall and makes this Speech to them That which so often you have wisht for Fellow Citizens of Capua even an opportunity to punish and revenge your selves of your naughty and accursed Senate is now fairly presented and may with equal ease and safety be perform'd for you need not in a tumultuous way assault their several Houses which by reason of the strong Guards they keep of their Clients and Bond-slaves was not to be done without great hazard but you may set upon them altogether in the Council-Chamber where they are fast shut up alone and without Armour Friends or dependants to rescue them Yet shall you do nothing rashly but I will bring every one of them severally before you to receive your impartial Doom that each according to his desert may be punisht However in the first place you must not so far indulge your just resentments as to suffer a present heat or desire of revenge to betray your future safety For as I conceive it is only these wicked Senators whose persons and ill practices you hate not that you mean wholly to abolish and live without a Senate For either you must have a King which I know you abhor to think of or else that which is the only Council of a Free City a Senate Therefore we have two things before us To Cashier the old Senate and furnish our selves with a new one In order thereunto I will cause the several Senators to be cited and demand your Sentence upon them and what you Decree shall be done but before any be Executed you shall first chuse some good substantial person of Wisdom and Courage worthy to succeed in his place Then down he sits and Orders the Senators names to be drawn by Lot and the man that it first fell upon to be brought thither from the Council Chamber As soon as his name was mentioned every one cryed out That he was a wicked Wretch and a Villain and well deserv'd to be hang'd Then says Pacuvius Well Gentlemen I see what your Judgment is of him Let him turn out like a base Fellow as he is and now go on to chuse a good just and worthy Senator in his room At first they were all husht and silent for want of a better man to supply his place by and by some bold Fellow of the Crowd laying aside modesty names one that he had a fancy for but then presently the Clamour was louder against him than the other some crying out they did not know him others laid vile Crimes to his Charge another said he was a Beggar or else they objected his base descent or scandalous sordid imployment and when a second or third was named the more impetuous they were and muster'd up against every one a thousand Exceptions so that 't was plain the people were weary of the Senator in being but wanted a better to put in his place For to what purpose was it to put up the same men again whom they had already nominated unless to hear them reproach'd afresh and if they went on to others still they appear'd more base and unfit than such as first occurr'd to their thoughts so that at last the people began to whisper one to another Better trust a Knave we know than a Knave we do not know and desired that the old Senators might be set at liberty By this Policy Pacuvius having saved the Senators Lives oblig'd them to himself much more than to the Commons and without Arms govern'd all things at his pleasure none controuling him Thence-forwards the Senators forgetting their Dignity began to court and Complement the Rabble to invite and treat them sumptuously at their Houses to Espouse their Quarrels were always ready to stand by them and appoint Judges favourable to that party that was most in credit with the Mobile so even in the Senate it self all things were transacted just as if it were an Assembly of the Populace That City had always been too much given to Luxury as well by the
Enemy and caused his Forlorn Hope and Horse that were scouring the Fields to retreat thither also for their better security and not thinking fit to trust either to the Hill or River fortified his Camp with a Rampire in this interchangeable fear on both sides there pass'd some Skirmishes but neither the Numidian Horse were so good as the Spanish nor were the Moorish Archers able to deal with the Carpesian Targeteers who for agility were their equals and in courage and strength of body their Superiours At last seeing they could neither provoke Asdrubal to a Battel with all their braving him just under his Camp nor yet could easily storm his Works they went and took the City Asena where Asdrubal at his first coming upon their Frontiers had laid up his stores of Corn and other Provisions and thenceforwards grew so insolent that they would be under no Command either in the Field or the Camp which disorders Asdrubal perceiving to be occasion'd as usually it happens by their late success having encouraged his men to fall upon them as they were roving about without their Colours and in no Order descending from the Hill he marches in Battalia towards their Camp Of whose approach notice being given by some Messengers running in hast from the Sentinels and Out guards they cry'd out To Arms To Arms and as every one could get ready without Command or Ensigns they hurried confusedly to oppose him and some were already engaged whilst others were but coming up in heaps and some not yet got out of their Camp At first their boldness rendred them formidable but the Carthaginians being rang'd close and thick together the others soon found they were too few to deal with them and therefore began to look about for the rest of their Fellows and being every where worsted cast themselves in a Ring and made as good a defence as they could but being then thrust up so close had not room enough to wield their Arms and so being environ'd by the Enemy were for a good part of the day cut to pieces by degrees only a small Party broke through by dint of Sword and escap'd to the Woods and Mountains with the same fright they abandon'd their Camp and next day the whole Nation made their submission to the Carthaginians but did not long continue quiet for within a while after Asdrubal receiv'd Orders from Carthage to march away with all Expedition into Italy which being nois'd through Spain turn'd in a manner all their hearts to the Romans whereupon Asdrubal dispatcht an Express to Carthage with Letters to acquaint them how prejudicial the bare report of his going was to their affairs That if he should set forwards and go out of those parts before he could be pass'd the Iberus the Romans would be Masters of all Spain For besides that he had no sufficient Guard nor Commander to leave behind in his stead the Roman Generals there were such that it would be hard to make head against them with equal Forces Therefore if they had any regard of Spain it would be requisite to send some body to succeed him with a strong Army who would find his hands full enough of business let things succeed never so prosperously These Letters at first startled the Senate yet because all their aim was at Italy they would not reverse their orders touching Asdrubal's march thither only sent Himilco with a compleat Army and a Navy newly augmented to hold Spain in Obedience and defend it by Sea and Land Who having cross'd the Sea landed his Men and fortifyed them in a Camp drew his Ships also on Shore and cast up Works to secure them and then with a select party of Horse made what hast he could possibly through Nations some professed Enemies and others wavering in their inclinations and did not stop or stay at any place but always upon his Guard until he came to Asdrubal to whom having communicated the Senates command and from him received an account of the present state of Affairs and how the War in Spain was to be manag'd with like expedition return'd back to his Camp the celerity of his march being his only security for he was always gone from a place before the People could agree get together to surprise him Before Asdrubal began his march he levyed what Money he could in all the Cities and States in his Jurisdiction for well he knew that Annibal was forc'd to pay for his passage through certain Countries and that the assistance he had from the Gauls was hired and if he had undertaken that Journey empty-handed would scarce ever have penetrated so far as the Alps therefore having in great hast collected his Money away he marches towards Iberus Upon intelligence of these resolutions of the Carthaginians and Asdrubal's march both the Roman Generals laying aside all other Affairs prepared to join all their Forces together and go meet and oppose him for since Annibal himself was so formidable an Enemy that all Italy could scarce make head against him they concluded if Asdrubal and the Spanish Army should once join him there would presently be an end of the Roman Empire intent on these considerations they draw their Forces towards the Iberus and having pass'd the River call'd a Council of War to debate whether they should encamp themselves and wait the coming up of the Enemy to fight them or by falling upon some of the Carthaginians Allies retard their march And the latter being resolv'd on down they sat before Ibera a City not far from the River and the richest at that time in those parts Whereof Asdrubal having notice to help his Friends by diverting the Romans went and besieg'd a City that had lately submitted to the Romans whereupon they rais'd their Siege and advanc'd to engage Asdrubal himself For some Days both Armies lay but at five Miles distance not without some skirmishes and at last on one and the same day as if it had been by agreement each Party put forth the signal of Battel and with all the Forces they could make came into the Field The Romans drew up in three Battalions part of the Foot before the Standards as a Van guard the rest behind the Standards as a Rereguard and the Horse on both Wings Asdrubal plac'd his Spaniards in the Main Battel on the right Wing his Carthaginians and his Moors on the Left and as for his Auxiliary Horse the Numidians he clapt before the Carthaginian Foot to Guard them and disposed of the rest of the African Troops about the Skirts and edges of the several Batallions Nor were all the Numidians posted in the Right Wing but only those who after the manner of Vaulters led two Horses a piece and used oft-times in the hottest of the conflict to leap armed as they were from their wearied Horse upon the fresh one so nimble they were themsâlves and so tractable their Horses standing thus in Battalia the Generals of each side having equal hopes of success
should presently be a League concluded on terms indifferent for both Parties But that promise was not very well perform'd because Amilcar charg'd them with having fraudulently dismiss'd and suffer'd the Romans to escape which the Locrians endeavour'd to excuse by alledging that they ran away and they could not help it And a Party of Horse was sent to pursue them if by chance either the Tide might cause any of the Vessels to stay in the Current of the streight or drive them on shore but though they did not overtake them yet they had sight of other Ships crossing from Messina to Rhegium being Roman Forces sent by Claudius the Praetor to secure that City with a Garrison whereupon the Enemy presently withdrew from before Rhegium The Terms allow'd the Locrians by Annibal's Command were these That they should live under their own Laws and Customs That the City should be free for the Carthaginians to come into but the Locrians should have the Command of the Port and on either side they should mutually assist each other both in Peace and War So the Carthaginians retired from the Streights the Bruttians being much discontented that they had left untoucht Rhegium and Locri both which Cities they design'd to have had the plunder of Therefore soon after they by themselves arm fifteen thousand of their own men and march to assault Croton which was also a City inhabited by Greeks and a Sea-Port imagining they should not a little encrease their wealth and power by being Masters of a well-fortified City so conveniently situate on the Sea-side But still they were pinch'd with a shrewd Dilemma if they did not invite the Carthaginians to join with them in this Expedition it might be counted an affront and breach of the social League between them If they did and they should again act the part rather of Arbitrators of Peace than Assistants in the War then they should fight against the Liberty of the Crotonians as they had done against the Locrians to no purpose and get nothing for their pains Therefore the best expedient they thought was to send Agents to Annibal and obtain his promise that Croton when taken should belong to the Bruttii But Annibal told them That those present on the place could best advise of that matter and referr'd them to Hanno who never would give them any positive Answer for neither were they willing that so noble and rich a City should be plunder'd and on the other side thought that the Crotonians when attacqu'd by the Bruttians seeing that the Carthaginians neither approv'd nor assisted the same might so much the sooner of their own accord revolt to them and desire the Punick assistance Nor were the people of Croton all of a mind for one and the same Disease had infected almost all the Cities of Italy and set the Nobles and the Commons at variance the Senate favouring the Romans and the Populace the Carthaginians This dissention within the City the Bruttians were made acquainted with by a Renegade That Aristomachus was the head of the popular Faction and a great stickler for yielding the City to Annibal That the City being so very vast and the Walls in several places ruinous the Guards and Watches of the Senators and those of the Commons were set at the respective breaches many times a great distance from each other and whereever the Commoners were upon duty they might enter without resistance Upon this Intelligence and with the guidance of this Fugitive the Bruttii environ'd the City round about and being let in by the Commons at the first assault became Masters of the whole City except the Castle which the Nobles held in their own hands and had well-stor'd it with all Provisions for a refuge for themselves in any such surprize Aristomachus fled thither as well as the rest as having been the Adviser to surrender the Town to the Carthaginians not to the Bruttians The Wall of this City Croton before the coming of Pyrrhus into Italy contain'd twelve Miles in compass but after the desolation made by that War scarce one half part of it was inhabited the River that formerly ran through the middle of the Town flow'd now at a great distance from any of the Streets and the Castle stood far from any Houses Six Miles from this City was a noble Temple more famous than the City it self dedicated to Juno Lacinia frequented with great Devotion by all the neighbouring Nations There was a sacred Grove enclosed with a thick under-Wood and losty Fir-Trees in the midst of it were gallant delicate Pastures wherein were fed Beasts consecrated to the Goddess of all sorts without any Keeper for as they went out to feed each kind by themselves so at night they came home every one to his Stall or Pinfold secure from any harm either by the way-layings of wild Beasts or being stoln by men great encrease therefore and profit was made by these Cattel insomuch that out of that Income a solid Pillar of gold was made and consecrated and the Temple renowned for its riches as well as its sanctity And as generally to such notable places are ascrib'd some Miracles or other the story goes That in the very Threshold of this Temple there was an Altar the ashes on which no Wind though ever so high or boisterous could blow away or so much as stir As for the Castle of Croton on the one side it stands on the Sea on the other it looks towards the Fields in old time defended only by the natural advantages of its scituation afterwards fortified with a Wall on that part where Dionysius the Tyrant of Sicily having gain'd the Cliffs behind surpriz'd and took it This Fortress strong enough as they thought to secure them was held by the Nobles as aforesaid besieg'd not only by the Bruttians but their own people too Who at last finding the same impregnable against their Forces were forc'd by necessity to desire Hanno's assistance but he endeavouring to draw them to a surrender upon Terms offers them a Colony of the Bruttii to be planted amongst them and so fill up their City again to its antient frequency of Inhabitants to which not a man would in the least hearken except it were only Aristomachus all the rest affirming That they would sooner die than being mixt with the Bruttians degenerate into Foreign Rites Manners and Laws and in time into a strange barbarous Language Aristomachus alone seeing he could neither prevail with them to surrender nor yet had any opportunity to betray the Castle as he had done the City fled away to Hanno Soon after this Embassadours from Locri by Hanno's permission came up to the Castle and were admitted in who perswaded the Gentlemen there to transport themselves to Locri rather than hazard the last Extremities to which purpose if they pleas'd to accept it they had already obtained for them Annibals pass by Embassadours sent to him on that very Errand So all the persons of note of
the Territories of Naples more for madness and revenge than out of any hopes to gain that City upon his advance so near the Commons of Nola who had long been Enemies to the Romans and at difference on that account with their own Senate began to be very tumultuous and sent Messengers to Annibal with Assurances that they would yield the Town if he pleased to come to receive it But Marcellus the Consul upon Advice from the Nobles of that City prevented their design for in one day he marched from Cales to Suessula although part of the time was spent in ferrying over the River Vulturnus and next night sent into Nola six thousand Foot and three hundred Horse for a Guard for the Senate and as Marcellus used all celerity to secure Nola so Annibal having already been twice deceived linger'd out the time not much crediting the Nolans promises About this time the Consul Fabius came before Casilinum where was a Punick Garrison and to Beneventum at one and the same time as if they had been agreed came Hanno out of the Bruttians Country with a strong Party of Foot and Horse on one side and Ti. Gracchus from Luceria on the other side who got first into the Town and being advertiz'd that Hanno lay about three miles off on the River Calores and plunder'd the Country he issued out of the Gates on that side and drew up within a mile of the Enemy where he made a Speech to his Souldiers who consisted chiefly of the Volunteer-Bondmen who were willing rather to deserve their liberty by another years service silently than to claim it with publick Clamours yet when he parted from his Winter-Quarters he perceived some of them murmured and complained to one another What shall we never serve in the Quality of Free-men And he had wrote to the Senate not so much what they desired as what they deserved assuring their Lordships That they had performed good and faithfuâ servââ all along to that very day and wanted nothing but their freedom to pass for as good and lawfââ Souldiers as any in their Army whereupon they left it to him to do as he should think best for the Commonwealth Therefore before they went now to fight he told them That the hâppy moment they so long had wisht for the time of enjoying their liberty was now arrived For next morning they should engage the Enemy in a pitch'd Battel in a free and open Field where without any tricks or stratagems the matter must be decided by pure Valour and the dint of Sword That whoever should bring thence the Head of an Enemy he would immediately make him free and on the other side whoever should fly or give ground should as a Bond-slave be scourged So that now every man had his Fortune in his own hands and that they might be assured of their freedom acquainted them that it was not only he himself that promised it them but the Consul Marcellus and the whole Senate whom he had consulted therein And so caused the Consuls Letter and Sânates Order to be publickly read before them Which they entertain'd with a mighty shout and earnestly begg'd that he would presently give them have to fall upon the Enemy but Gracchus told them next morning would be time enough and so dismissed them who all were exceeding joyful especially those that hoped on the morrow to earn their liberty and spent the rest of that day in making ready their Arms. Next day assoon as the Trumpets began to sound they first presented themselves before any of the rest of the Troops at the Generals Pavilion arm'd compleatly and ready to fight at Sun-rising Gracchus drew up in Battalia nor was the Enemy behind hand but altogether as ready for the Encounter they were seventeen thousand Foot for the most part Bruttians and Lucanians and twelve hundred Horse of whom a very few were Italians the rest almost all Numidians and Moors The Fight was both sharp and tedious for four long hours together none could say which had the better on 't Nor did any thing hinder the Romans more than the Enemies Heads being made the price of their Liberty for as any one stoutly slew an Enemy he must first spend time in cutting off his Head which was difficult to do in the crowd and tumult and then their right hands being employ'd to hold the Heads the most valiant were able to do no further service and so the whole brunt lay upon the weakest and most timorous so that the Marshals of the Field inform'd Gracchus That none of his men now wounded a standing Enemy but busied themselves in butchering the dead and carried in their right hands mens Heads instead of Arms. He gave Orders That they should all at once fling away the Heads and press on upon the Enemy That they had already given sufficient proofs of their Valour and behaving themselves so gallantly they need not doubt of their Liberty Then was the Fight renew'd and also the Horse charg'd the Enemy whom the Numidians as stoutly receiv'd and between them the Encounter was no less furious than amongst the Foot and now again it was an even Lay to which the Victory would incline The Generals on both sides heartned on their men The Roman minding his Souldiers how oft these Bruttians and Lucanians had been subdued by their Ancestors and the Carthaginian cryed out They had to do only with a few Roman Bond-slaves and Varlets And at last seeing things in an extremity Gracchus declared That not a man should hope for freedom unless the Enemy were discomfited and put to flight That word set their Spirits all on fire and as if it had transform'd them into other men with a new shout they charg'd the Enemy so fiercely that there was no standing before them First the Punick Van-Guard gave ground then their Standards and at last their main Body took their heels towards their Camp in such disorder and consternation that they did not so much as face about at the Ports nor endeavour to defend their Rampier but the Romans following them pell-mell continued the Fight even within the Enemies Works where as the Conflict was more troublesom for want of room so the Slaughter was more dreadful the same being augmented by the Prisoners that were there before in custody who snatching up Weapons in that tumult fell upon the Rear of the Carthaginians and stopt their slight so that of all that great Army not full two thousand and those for the most part Horse escaped with their General the rest being either slain or taken together with eight and thirty Colours The Conquerors lost near two thousand men All the Booty was given to the Souldiers except the Prisoners and such of the Cattel as the Owners should come in and claim within thirty days Being return'd loaded with Plunder to the Camp about four thousand of the Volunteer-Bondmen who did not fight so well as the rest nor broke in so soon into
went with their Wives and Children in Procession to the Shrines of all their Gods The next day they chose Praetors of whom Andronodorus was the first Created the rest for the most part were the Kings Murderers and two of them viz. Sopater and Dinomenes though they were absent Who being advertiz'd how matters pass'd at Syracuse deliver'd what Treasure of the King 's was at Leontinum to the Questors created for that purpose to carry it back to Syracuse as also that which in the Isle and in the Acradine was committed to their custody That part of the Wall which divided the Isle from the rest of the City with too strong a Fortification was order'd to be dismantled and thrown down by common Consent and every thing was transacted suitable to those inclinations they had to maintain their liberty Hippocrates and Epicides upon news of the Kings Death which Hippocrates endeavour'd to conceal so far that he kill'd the Messenger that brought the first tidings being deserted by the Souldiers return'd to Syracuse thinking that for the present to be their safest course where to prevent all suspicions of their seeking any occasion to raise disturbances they first address'd themselves to the Praetors and by their means had Audience of the whole Senate To whom they remonstrated That they were sent by Annibal to Hieronymus as his Friend and Ally and had yielded Obedience unto him according to the Instructions and Orders receiv'd from their aforesaid Commander That they now were desirous to return again to Annibal but since their Journey was not like to be with safety to their persons the Roman Forces being so frequent up and down all Sicily they requested they might be allow'd a Convoy as far as Locri in Italy which small Courtesie Annibal would take very kindly and be ready to reward the same with great thanks and favours whenever there should be an opportunity Their Suit was easily obtain'd for the Senate were very willing to be rid of several of the Kings Commanders men skilful in Arms but of desperate Fortunes and withal extremely bold and ready to engage in any Villany yet they did not hasten to put such their desires in execution so soon as they ought to have done For these Embassadours delaying their departure being themselves Martial young men and very intimate with the Souldiery sometimes to them and sometimes amongst the Renegades who for the most part were Roman Sea-men and now and then to the Rabble and meanest sort of people whisper'd lies and calumnies against the Senate and Noblemen accusing them That they secretly carried on a design under colour of renewing the League to betray Syracuse into the hands of the Romans that so their own Faction might be Lords and tyrannize over the rest By this means there flocked multitudes every day more than other to Syracuse whose ears were tickled with these stories and apt enough to give credit thereunto and consequently gave not only Hippocrates and Epicides but also Andronodorus too good hopes of changing the Government and effecting their several Designs Andronodorus's Wife was perpetually baiting him That now was the time to take upon him the Government whilst all things were in an hurry and kind of confusion by their new and yet unsetled Liberty whilst the Souldiers were at hand to assist him daily maintain'd and fed out of the Kings Exchequer and whilst these Captains sent from Annibal were here who by their acquaintance with the Souldiers might not a little assist and promote his Interest Overcome with her importunities what had hitherto been concerted only between him and Themistius that married Gelo's Daughter he soon after unadvisedly communicated to one Aristo an Actor of Tragedies whom he was wont to intrust with other Secrets This Aristo was both well descended and a man of a good Estate nor did his Profession scandalize him for amongst the Greeks no such thing is matter of dishonour who preferring his Duty to his Country before private Friendship discovers the business to the Praetors who finding by several good Evidences that the matter was no forged Information having consulted some of the most ancient Senators by their Authority planted a Guard at the door and assoon as Themistius and Andronodorus came into the Court slew them and when there began some uproar upon this Fact which seemed horrible to those that were ignorant of the Cause they commanded silence and brought forth the Discoverer into the open Court where before them all he related in order the whole Conspiracy That it took its rise from the Marriage of Harmonia Gelo 's Daughter with Themistius That divers Auxiliary Souldiers both Africans and Spaniards were prepared to murder the Praetors and other principal Citizens whose Goods were promis'd as a reward to the Assassinates That there was a Band of mercenary Souldiers that had long been at the devotion of Andronodorus appointed once more to seize the Isle and so proceeded to set before their eyes all the whole Plot by whom to be managed what Forces to be employ'd and all other Circumstances On hearing of which the Senate was satisfied That these men were no less justly put to death than Hieronymus But abroad before the Senate-house door there was a mighty Clamour of the Multitude not certainly knowing what the matter was and though they swagger'd and threatned yet at the sight of the dead Bodies of the Conspirators when thrown out into the Lobby they were affrighted and so husht that in great silence they followed the whole Body of the Commons to the Common Hall where Sopater by Order of the Senate and his Fellow-Praetors made a Speech unto them He began with Invectives against Andronodorus and Themistius as if he had been accusing them at the Bar and ripp'd up all their past life charging them with all the Injustice Oppressions Impieties and Villanies that had been acted ever since the Decease of King Hiero For alas quoth he what did Hieronymus do of his own accord Or indeed what could he do being but yet a Child It was his Officers and these his Tutors that ruled all and managed the Kingdom at their pleasure but laid all the envy and the blame upon him and therefore they well deserved to have perish'd either before Hieronymus or at least together with him But though themselves then well deserved to have been cut to pieces yet nothing deterr'd with his punishment they afterwards became more active to hatch and contrive new mischiefs first openly whilst Andronodorus shut up the Gates of the Island and pretended to usurp the Kingdom as if it were his Inheritance and what he was intrusted with during the Princes Nonage would have held in his own Right but being deserted by those in the Isle and besieged by the whole City who had possession of the Acradine seeing he could not get the Kingdom by open Force endeavours to obtain it by Address and Treachery Nor could he by any obligations of Honour or Advantage be diverted from
seconded both with Messengers from Hippocrates and Letters from Annibal affirming That now was the only time to recover Sicily with the greatest Honour imaginable and being himself present in person no ill Orator to promote the business he got them to transport these Forces in all speed to Sicliy soon after his Arrival he took Agrigentum and the other Cities that took part with the Carthaginians were so flusht with hopes of expelling the Romans out of the Island that even the besieged Syracusians took heart and thought they could defend the Town well enough with part of their Forces and so divided themselves Epicides to guard the City and Hippocrates to join Himilco and carry on the War against the Roman Consul In order thereto one night he march'd out with ten thousand Foot and five hundred Horse and pass'd unperceiv'd between the Roman Guards at places where no Sentinels were set and encamp'd near the Town Acerrae Marcellus had march'd in great haste hoping to have got to Agrigentum before the Enemy but sailing therein was now coming back that way not in the least dreaming to meet an Army of Syracusians however for fear of Himilco and his Carthaginians who were superiour to him in numbers he march'd very warily and in good order to encounter any sudden accident This care and diligence against the Punicks turn'd to good account against these Syracusians For coming upon them as they were pitching their Tents and out of Array and for the most part unarm'd the Foot were hemm'd in and cut to pieces the Horse after a small Skirmish fled with Hippocrates to Acrae This Defeat having somewhat restrain'd the Sicilians that before were all for revolting from the Romans Marcellus return'd to Syracuse and within few days Himilco having join'd Hippocrates encamp'd about eight miles from thence upon the River Anatis About the same time there arriv'd in the great Port of Syracuse Admiral Bomilcar with a Fleet of fifty five Sail from Carthage and the Roman Navy consisting of thirty Sail put on shore the first Legion at Panormus so that now the War seem'd diverted from Italy and both Nations intent only upon the gaining of Sicily This Roman Legion Himilco doubted not but to intercept in their passage to Syracuse but he mistook the way marching high up in the Land whilst they went along the shore the Navy sailing by them all the way and so came to Pachynus where App. Claudius met them with part of his Souldiers Nor did the Carthaginian Fleet continue at Syracuse for Bomilcar neither thought himself able to engage the Romans at Sea not could do his Friends any good but rather impoverish them and waste their Provisions therefore he hoised Sail back again for Africk And Hamilco having dogg'd Marcellus as far as Syracuse hoping to have met with some advantage to have fought him before he had join'd the rest of his Forces finding no such opportunity and that before Syracuse the Enemy was too strong both by their Works and their Numbers that he might not vainly spend time in looking upon his besieged Friends whom he could not help he march'd thence to see what places he could by his presence or Force withdraw from the Roman Obedience and first of all he was receiv'd at Marguntia whose Inhabitants betray'd the Roman Garrison there he got abundance of Provisions of all sorts stor'd up by the Romans This encourag'd other Towns to the like Revolt and the Roman Garrisons were every where driven out by Force or circumvented and cut off by Fraud The City Enna situate on a Hill every way very steep was not only impregnable by Nature but secur'd by a strong Garrison under a Captain not easie to be wheadled viz. L. Pinarius a sharp man and one who confided more in his own caution than the Sicilians fidelity especially since he was now every day alarm'd with so many treacherous pranks play'd round about him Therefore night and day he kept strict Guards and Watches his Souldiers were always in Arms nor durst any depart from his Post which the chief Burghers perceiving who already had bargain'd with Himilco to betray the Garrison they thought it best to play above board and by open means effect their design they therefore tell the Governour That both the City and Castle ought to be in their own hands and disposal since they entred into League with the Romans as Freemen and yielded up themselves not as Slaves and Vassals to be kept under per duress and as it were in a prison therefore they thought it but just and fit that the Keys of the Gates should be restor'd unto them Amongst good Allies there is no greater obligation than their own fidelity and the People and Senate of Rome would no doubt have the greater kindness for them when they should see them continue firm and stedfast to their Friendship not by constraint but of their own free inclinations The Governour answers That he was placed there in Garrison by his General and from him receiv'd both the Keys of the Gates and the Custody of the Castle and held the same neither at his own disposal nor at the pleasure of the Enneans but of his who committed them unto him That for a Captain to quit his Post was amongst the Romans punish'd with certain death wherein their Ancestors had been so strict as even Parents had not spared their own Children when guilty therein And seeing the Consul Marcellus was but hard by they might if they pleas'd send to him about it who only had the proper Right and Authority to gratifie them in this matter They flatly told him That they would not stand sending after Marcellus but if fair words would not prevail were resolv'd to take other measures to redeem their Liberties Pinarius replied If you think much to address your Messengers to the Consul yet do me this favour as to call a Common Hall for my satisfaction that I may know whether these Demands proceed only from some few mens humours or be the sentiments of the whole body of the City Which they granted and appointed a general Assembly on the morrow Assoon as he parted from them and was got into the Castle he calls a Council of War and thus harangues them I believe Fellow-Souldiers you have heard in how miserable a manner the Roman Garrisons abroad are of late betray'd and destroy'd by these Sicilians which Treachery you have hitherto avoided first and principally through the goodness of the Gods and in the next place by your own Valour and vigilance in standing night and day to your Arms and I wish we might as well pass the time that is to come without either suffering or acting any horrible violence We must still exercise the same Caution as we have done hitherto against their secret fraud which because it has not yet succceded they now openly and publickly demand the Keys of the Gates which we shall no sooner surrender but the Carthaginians will be Masters of
resort That Enquiry should be made after the said Volunteers requiring them forthwith to repair to their Ensigns All which directions were executed with the greatest care imaginable Appius Claudius the Consul after he had constituted D. Junius Captain of the Sconce erected at the mouth of the River Vulturnus and M. Aurelius Cotta Governour of Puteoli with Orders to them both That as fast as any Ships arrived with Corn from Etruria or Sardinia they should convey the same to the Camp went back himself to Capua where he found his Collegue Q. Fulvius busie in carrying Provisions thither from Casilinum and making all possible Preparations for assaulting that City which thenceforwards was invested by both Consuls who besides sent for Claudius Nero the Praetor with his Army from Suessula who leaving there a small Guard to secure the place march'd with the rest of his Forces to join them so that now Capua was surrounded with three distinct Armies who falling to work in several places endeavour'd to draw a Line of Circumvallation about it and in divers Quarters at once they skirmish'd with the men of Capua whenever they sallied out to hinder their Fortifications with such success that at last the Townsmen were glad to keep within their Walls but before the Line was fully finish'd the Capuans sent Messengers to Annibal complaining That he had abandon'd their City and as bad as yielded it up to the fury of the Romans withal beseeching him That now at least he would relieve them being not only besieg'd but shut up by Retrenchments on every side P. Cornelius advised the Consuls by Letters That before they had fully invested Capua with their Works they should offer as many of them as thought fit liberty to come out and carry their Goods with them That all should pass free until the fifteenth of March but whoever stay'd longer must expect to be treated as Enemies These Overtures were made to the Capuans but entertain'd only with scorn revilings and menaces Annibal by this time had advanced from Herdonia to Tarentum as hoping by force or fraud to gain the Castle there but meeting with a disappointment turned his March to Brundusium supposing that Town would be betray'd into his hands Whilst there he spent his time in vain the before-mentioned Messengers from Capua accosted him both with Complaints and Entreaties to whom he magnificently answer'd That he had once already raised that Siege and was sure the Consuls would never abide his second coming Thus fed with hopes those Messengers return'd but could scarce get into Capua it was so inclosed round by this time with a double Trench and Rampier Whilst Capua was thus closely beleaguer'd an end was put to the tedious Siege of Syracuse promoted not only by the Skill of the General and Valour of the Army that assailed it but also by Intestine Treachery For Marcellus at the beginning of the Spring not knowing whether he were best bend all his Forces towards Agrigentum against Himilco and Hippocrates or continue before Syracuse which he found could not be taken by Storm being impregnable both by Sea and Land nor yet starved out since the passage in a manner lay open for Carthage to send them in all kinds of Provisions yet to leave no stone unturn'd he order'd some Deserters for there were several of the Syracusian Nobles with the Romans being expell'd from home because they would not consent to the Revolt to sound the minds of those that had been of their Faction and to assure them That if Syracuse were deliver'd into his possession by their means they should remain free and live at their own discretion but they could get no opportunity of Conference For many in the Town being suspected to be that way inclined all eyes were fix'd upon them that they should hold no Correspondence with the Enemy At last a Servant of one of the Exiles being admitted into the City as a Deserter to a few confiding men proposed somewhat of the business who thereupon in a Fisher-boat cover'd with Nets got to the Roman Camp and discoursed with their Country-men that were there In the same manner others one after another to the number of eighty in all consulted them But when all things were adjusted for betraying the City one Attalus taking snuff that he was not sooner intrusted with the Intrigue discover'd it to Epicides and so they were every one put to death with cruel Tortures This design thus blasted a while after another probable one was offer'd One Damippus a Lacedemonian sent from Syracuse to King Philip being intercepted by the Romans Epicides was wonderful solicitous to ransom him nor was Marcellus unwilling to grant the same the Romans for some time having courted the Friendship of the Aetolians with whom the Lacedemonians were allied The fittest place for the Commissioners on both sides to meet for setling that Affair was at the Wharf Trogili hard by the Tower which they call Galeatra It happen'd as they repaired thither several times about this business one of the Roman Commissioners viewing seriously the Wall counting the stones that appeared in Front and reckoning with himself their proportion whereby he was pretty well able to give a good guess at its whole height and found it not so high as he and others heretofore had imagined it so that now he made no doubt but ordinary scaling Ladders might reach it This he communicates to Marcellus who look'd upon it as a thing not to be slighted but forasmuch as there was no coming at that place at present because by reason of its lowness it was kept with a stronger Guard than any other part of the Wall it was thought fit to wait some opportunity which as Luck would have it soon offer'd it self by means of a Fugitive who gave Intelligence That there was a solemn Feast held within the City in Honour of Diana for three days together and what good Chear they wanted by reason of the Siege was abundantly supplied with plenty of Wine of which not only Epicides had bestow'd a great quantity on the Commons but the great men in every Ward allow'd a proportion besides at their own Charges for their poorer Neighbours to make merry with Upon this Intimation Marcellus calls a Council of War and caused his Chief Officers to chuse out fit Captains and Souldiers for such a difficult piece of Service and privately provided their scaling Ladders ordering them to refresh themselves and go to sleep for at night they were to be employ'd in an Expedition Then when he thought the Enemy after their Feasting and Carouzing were got into their first sleep he commanded one Company of Souldiers to carry Ladders and near a thousand well-arm'd to follow them with a silent March to the place where the formost mounting the Wall without any noise or opposition encourag'd the rest to follow them By this time the thousand select Souldiers had made themselves Masters of one part of the City and the rest of the
Souldiers being generally busy in that part of the City which they had already taken Bomilcar taking the advantage thereof and of a tempestuous night wherein the Roman Fleet by reason of the rough weather could not ride at Anchor in the main Sea got out of the Haven of Syracuse with thirty five Ships and set Sail for Carthage leaving fifty five Sail still behind with Epicides and the Syracusians and having inform'd the Carthaginians in what extream danger the affairs of Syracuse were at that Juncture return'd again thither reinforc'd with an hundred Sail for which 't is reported he was richly rewarded with Presents made him by Epicides out of King Hiero's Treasury Marcellus having gain'd Euryalus and planted there a Garrison was rid of one of his former fears viz. Lest some new Forces of the Enemy abroad should get into that Fortress behind him where they might greatly have annoy'd his men being then as it were enclosed within the Walls Thence-forwards he began to besiege the Acradine having posted his Forces at convenient places in three distinct Camps and was in good hopes in short time to reduce those within to extream want and scarcity The Guards on either side had for some days been pretty quiet when on a sudden the Arrival of Hippocrates and Himilco so incourag'd the Enemy that on all parts they of themselves began to attacque the Romans for both Hippocrates having Encampt and strongly fortified himself by the great Key and given a Signal to those in Acradine fell upon the old Quarters of the Romans where Crispinus Commanded in Chief and at the same time Epicides sallied out upon Marcellus's Guards and the Carthaginian Fleet came and lay close by the shore that was between the City and the Roman Camp to hinder Crispinus's having any succour sent him from Marcellus and yet after all this ado the noise and tumultuous Alarm was greater than the Execution For Crispinus did not only repulse Hippocrates from his Works but pursued him as he fled and Marcellus as easily beat back Epicides into the City so as they seem'd now sufficiently provided against the like sudden Sallies or Irruptions for the future Besides there happen'd a Calamity common to them both viz. a grievous Plague which much took off their minds on either side from prosecuting the War It being now Autumn the place it self naturally unwholsome and a bad Air and the weather intolerable hot mightily distemper'd their Bodies in each Camp but much more without the City than within As first they fell sick and died by the distemperature of the Season and noisomness of the place so afterwards by visiting and tending one another when sick the Disease was spread and became infectious so that those that were taken ill either perisht for want of help and looking to or else they that went to assist and tend them were seiz'd with the same violence of the distemper so that continually there were Coarses carrying to their Graves nothing to be met with but Spectacles of Mortality and night and day there were heard in all places lamentation and dying groans But at last being continually used to this misery their hearts were so hardned that they not only gave over to mourn for the dead but even so much as to carry them forth or inter them so that the dead Bodies lay scatter'd all about on the ground in the sight of those who every moment look'd for the like miserable death themselves Thus the dead kill'd the sick and the sick infected the sound partly with fear and partly with corruption and pestiferous stench Insomuch that some chusing rather to die on the Swords point would venture alone to invade the Enemies Guards on purpose that they might be kill'd out of the way However the Plague was hotter by far in the Carthaginian Camp than in the Romans by reason of bad water the tedious Siege they had endured and the great slaughter there committed Therefore the Sicilians when once they saw the sickness spread so fast got away and stole every man home to the Cities near adjoining but the Carthaginians having no place to retire to were generally swept away by the raging Pestilence together with both their Generals Hippocrates and Himilco and indeed there was scarce a man of them escaped Marcellus when he found the Mortality encreased so sorely drew his men into the City where the Houses and shadowy places yielded some refreshment to the sick yet still a great many of the Roman Army were by this Pestilence destroy'd The Carthaginian Land-Army being thus totally consumed those Sicilians who had served under Hippocrates withdrew themselves into two Towns which were not great but strong and well fortified one but three Miles from Syracuse the other fifteen Miles and thithey they convey'd all manner of Victuals from their own Cities adjoining and sent abroad for recruits of men In the mean time Bomilcar was return'd as we told you with a greater Fleet from Carthage for he gave account of the Syracusians condition in such terms as gave hopes not only that he might come time enough to relieve them but also that the Romans notwithstanding they had in a manner taken the City might be surprized and taken therein themselves by which suggestions he prevail'd so with the Senate That they granted him abundance of Ships of Burthen laden with all sorts of necessary Provisions but also encreas'd the number of his Men of War so that with one hundred and thirty Sail of tall Ships and seventy Merchant-men he put out to Sea with a Gale fair enough to wast him over to Sicily but the same Wind did not serve him to double the point of the Cape Pachymus The Report of Bomilcars arrival first and then his delay beyond expectation wrought diversly in the minds of the Romans and Syracusians administring matter sometimes of fear and sometimes of joy unto them both At last Epicides apprehending That if the same Easterly Winds should long continue the Navy might possibly sail back for Carthage he leaving the Guard of the Acridine to the Commanders of the hired Souldiers goes down by water to Bomilcar riding still with his Fleet in the Road that looks towards Africk and fearing to venture an Engagement at Sea not that he was inferiour in strength or number of Ships for he had considerably more than the Enemy but because that Wind sat more favourably for the Romans Fleet than for his However Epicides was so importunate that he in Fine prevail'd with him to hazard the Fortune of a Sea-fight On the other side Marcellus seeing the Sicilian Forces gathering together against him from all parts of the Island and understanding that this Punick Fleet brought vast quantities of provisions that he might not be blockt up by Sea and Land in an Enemies City resolv'd to hinder Bomilcar from coming into the Bay of Syracuse Thus rid the two Armado's affronting each other about the head of Pachynus ready to Engage as soon as calm
weather would give them leave to get out into the open Sea When the East-Wind which had blown strong for several days was pretty well down Bomilcar first weigh'd Anchor and his headmost Ships seem'd to put out to Sea only as it was thought that they might more easily gain the Cape and Promontory before-mentioned but so it was that as soon as he saw the Roman Fleet make towards him affrighted by I know not what sudden accident he made all the Sail he could possible out to Sea in earnest and sending Orders to Heraclea that the Ships of Burthen should return for Africk himself Coasted all along Sicily and shaped his Course for Tarentum And Epicides thus strangely disappointed of his hopes resolv'd not to go back to be coop'd up in a City for the most part already lost and therefore Sail'd to Agrigentum rather there to expect the Issue than troubling himself how to furnish them with any assistance from thence When these Tidings were brought to the Sicilian Forces That Epicides was gone from Syracuse that the Carthaginians had abandon'd the Isle and in effect yielded it again to the Romans they having first consulted the minds of those that were in Syracuse thought it high time to send Commissioners to Marcellus to treat of Terms for surrendring the City Who being in a manner come to an Agreement That the Romans should have the Seigniory and all that properly belonged to the Kings but for private persons Rights Estates and Liberties the Sicilians should enjoy the same and their ancient Laws as before The said Commissioners sent to those who were intrusted by Epicides to come to a Parley and pretended to them That they were sent from him as well to the Sicilian Army as to Marcellus That all in general as well those besieged as those that were abroad should be comprized in the Treaty and none capitulate or enter into any Agreement apart for themselves without all the rest Hereupon these Commissioners were admitted into that part of the City to visit their Relations and Friends and did privately acquaint them what Terms they had made with Marcellus and by giving them good hopes of safety prevailed with them to join in cutting off Polycletus Philistion and Sydon who were Epicides's Deputies there and accordingly they being assassinated the people were summon'd to a Common Hall where as they were wont before privately to grumble for the want and scarcity of all things so now they made publick Complaints on that account till one of the wisest stood up and spoke to this purpose Although we are beset with so many miseries yet we have no reason to blame Fortune since it is in our power to put an end to them when we our selves please 'T is well known the Cause that induced the Romans to besiege Syracuse was not any spight or ill will but they did it purely out of kindness to the Inhabitants for understanding that the Government was usurped by those two Creatures first of Annibal and afterwards of Hieronymus I mean Hippocrates and Epicides they then and not before began the War and prepar'd to besiege the City not intending any harm to the City it self but only to suppress those haughty Tyrants and rescue it from slavery and now since Hippocrates is dead Epicides departed and his Deputies dispatch'd out of the way As also the Carthaginians both by Sea and Land beat out of all possession in Sicily what reason can the Romans have why they should not desire Syracuse to be as safe and happy as in good King Hiero 's days their special Friend and Ally There is therefore no danger at all to be feared either to our City or its Inhabitants but from our selves that is if we slip this opportunity of reconciling our selves to the Romans For never shall we have the like again as at this moment if we now embrace it assoon as we appear delivered from those insolent Tyrants This Speech was entertain'd with general Applause however 't was thought fit to create Praetors before they sent Commissioners and then out of the Praetors some were chosen to go Commissioners to Marcellus of whom the Chief when admitted to Audience spake as follows Neither did we the Inhabitants of Syracuse at first revolt from you But Hieronymus a Person no less injurious to us than unfaithful to you nor after when the Peace was re-establish'd after the death of that Tyrant was it any Syracusian that violated it but the infractions thereof were made by these Royal Minions Hippocrates and Epicides whilst we were oppressed and kept under what with Fraud on one side and Force on the other nor can any one truly say That we were ever at our own liberty and did not faithfully maintain our Alliance with you At this instant assoon as by the Execution of those who held Syracuse in Bondage we came to be at our own free dispose immediately behold we come to deliver up our Arms surrender our selves our City and all its Walls and Works ready to refuse no Conditions that you shall think fit to impose upon us The Gods have given you most Noble Marcellus the Glory of subduing the most illustrious and fairest City of the Greeks whatever brave Exploits we have heretofore atchieved either at Sea all makes to the advancement of your Honour and serve but as so many Labels to adorn your Triumph Desire not therefore by our destruction to have it known only by Report and the Testimony of Fame what a brave and mighty place it was which you have master'd but let it remain to Posterity a glorious Monument at once both of your Valour and your Clemency That whoever henceforwards shall come hither by Land or arrive here from Sea it may present to their memories both the Trophies of our former Victories over the Athenians and Carthaginians and also those of yours over us the bravest Conquest of all the rest suffer the City Syracuse undemolish'd to do Homage for ever hereafter to your Family and remain under the Protection of the Marcelline Name Let not your resentments against Hieronymus have more influence upon you than your kind respects to the memory of King Hiero who was abundance longer your Friend than the other your Enemy his good Offices you were often sensible of but the folly and madness of his Grandson could not reach you it only centred in his own destruction There was nothing but they might have obtain'd of the Romans all was safe there They were more at Daggers-drawing amongst themselves and at home was all the danger For the Renegade's fearing they should be delivered back to the Romans and not comprized in the Composition possest the Auxiliaries that were hired Souldiers that they too would be left in the same predicament What do they therefore but joining together snatch up their Arms and first cut off the heads of the Praetors and afterwards ran all about to Massacre the Syracusians whoever came next in this rage they butcher'd
great matter of consequence like in the interim to be perform'd at their Leaguer one of them if they thought fit should repair to Rome for chusing new Magistrates Upon the receit of which Letters the Consuls agreed between themselves That Claudius should manage the Elections and Fulvius remain before Capua The new Consuls created by Claudius were Cn. Fulvius Centimalus and P. Sulpicius Galba the Son of Servius a man that had never born any Curule Office of State before The Praetors were L. Cornelius Lentulus M. Cornelius Cethegus C. Sulpitius and C. Calpurnius Piso This last had the City-Jurisdiction Sulpitius the Government of Sicily Cethegus of Apulia and Lentulus of Sardinia The Consuls had their Commands over the Armies continued for another year DECADE III. BOOK VI. The EPITOME 10. Annibal Encamps on the River Anio but three miles from Rome himself in person with two thousand Horse rode up to the Gate Capena to take a view of the Cities situation 11. The Armies on both sides two dayes together facing each other in Battalia stormy weather each time hindred them from an Engagement though as soon as ever they were retreated to their respective Camps it prov'd fair 14. Capua is taken by Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius the Consuls and the chief men of that City hasten their own deaths by poison 15. The Senators of Capua being tied up for Execution Q. Fulvius the Consul receiving Letters from the Senate containing a Pardon as to their Lives pockets them up unread and proceeds to put them to Death 18 19. A Common-Hall being Assembled to chuse a Governour for Spain and none being willing to accept that Charge P. Scipio the Son of him of the same name that was lately slain there offers himself and with a general consent is dispatcht thither who being but a young man not twenty four years old in one day took the City call'd New Carthage and was supposed to be of some Divine Descent both because always after he came to Mans Estate he constantly frequented the Capitol as also because a strange Snake was wont to be seen in his Mothers Bed-Chamber 21. This Book likewise contains the Actions perform'd in Sicily the League with the Aetolians and the Wars against the Acarnanians and Philip King of Macedonia U. C. 542 CN Fulvius Centumalus and P. Sulpicius Galba the Consuls entring upon their Office on the fifteenth of March summon'd a Senate and consulted the Fathers touching the management of the War and the disposal of the Provinces and the Armies Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius last years Consuls were continued in their Commands over the same forces and besides had Orders Not to depart from Capua which they were then besieging until the same was taken For above all other Affairs the Romans at that time were most intent upon that not so much out of anger and revenge though they had never juster cause given them by any City as out of interest For being a City so rich and illustrious as by its Revolt it drew away with it several of the Allies so by its being again reduced to Obedience it was like to incline many of their minds to the same awful respect as they had formerly for the Roman Empire The last years Praetors also had their Commands continued M. Junius in Etruria and P. Sempronius in Gallia with two Legions apiece and so Marcellus remained as Proconsul in Sicily to dispatch what remained of the War there with the same Army he had and if he wanted any Recruits was to be re-inforced out of those Troops which were under the Conduct of P. Cornelius the Propraetor in the same Island provided that he should chuse none of those Souldiers that escaped at Cannae whom the Senate had refused to dismiss or suffer to return home before the end of the War Unto C. Sulpicius whose Lot it was to have the Government of Sicily were assign'd those two Legions which P. Cornelius had before with a fresh Supply out of the Army of Cn. Fulvius which the last year was so shamefully routed in Apulia which Souldiers by a Decree of the Senate were not to be dismissed the Service sooner than those of Cannae and for a further disgrace to them both it was Order'd That they should lye all the Winter abroad in the Field and their Camp not to be within ten miles of any City L. Cornelius in Sardinia had those two Legions that Q. Mucius had commanded and if they wanted any Recruits the Consuls were to make new Levies T. Otacilius and M. Valerius with the same Forces and Ships which they had already were appointed to secure the Sea-Coasts of Sicily and Greece The Greeks had fifty Sail in their Fleet man'd with one Legion The Sicilians an hundred Ships and two Legions to furnish them so that the Romans this year maintain'd three and twenty Legions to carry on the War by Sea and Land In the beginning of the year Letters from the before-mentioned L. Marcius being taken into Consideration by the Senate the Contents thereof were very acceptable and all agreed he had perform'd excellent Service but most of their Lordships were offended in that he had assumed to himself a Title of Honour and wrote in this Stile L. Marcius the Propraetor to the Senate Greeting when neither the People nor Senate had bestow'd that Character upon him 'T was alledged It would be a very ill Precedent to have Generals of the Field chosen by Armies and the Solemnity of Elections always hitherto celebrated in the Name of the Gods and with Religious Auspices now transferr'd into Camps and Provinces far from Laws and Magistrates and committed to the Capricio's of the rash inconsidârate Souldiery But when some urged to bring that matter presently to a Judicial Hearing it was thought better to defer it until those Gentlemen whom Marcius had sent were gone back As touching the Corn and Cloaths which he desired it was Order'd to return Answer That the Senate would take care to supply him But they would by no means direct their Letter to him with the Title of Praetor lest they might seem to approve and confirm his Pretensions which were left to be determined of afterwards And indeed after his Messengers were departed the first thing the Consuls did was to propound that Affair and it was unanimously agreed That the Tribunes of the Commons should with all expedition assemble them and put it to the Vote Who they would please to send into Spain to command that Army which lately was under the Conduct of Cn. Scipio The Tribunes were made acquainted herewith and a Bill preferr'd to the Commons But all mens minds were taken up with another more important Controversie then on Foot for C. Sempronius Blaesus had commenc'd a Criminal Process against Cn. Fulvius for the loss of the Army in Apulia and ceased not in all the Assemblies of the People to inveigh against him That by ignorance and rashness many Generals had precipitated their Forces
able to send any Messengers to Annibal all Avenues were so strictly guarded At last there was a Numidian that offer'd to get clear to him with Letters and perform'd his word escaping in the night through all the Roman Camp which encouraged the Besieged so far as to attempt a sally on all sides of the City whilst yet they had some competent strength left them And in divers irruptions of their Horse they had generally the better on 't but in Foot-Skirmishes were always worsted but the Romans were not so glad of their Victories as vex'd in any sort to be overcome by a besieged and in a manner vanquisht Enemy so at length they found out a device to supply by policy what they wanted in strength a draught was made out of all the Legions of young men that were of the most vigorous light and nimble Bodies whom they arm'd with shorter Targets than Horsemen commonly use and seven Javelins apiece each about four Foot long with Iron Spikes at one end such as are in the Javelins of those light-arm'd Souldiers appointed to begin Skirmishes Each Horseman mounted one of these behind him and us'd them both to sit the Horse and ride behind them and on a signal given to jump down with wonderful agility After by daily practice they could readily and without any fear perform these Exercises the Horse advanc'd into the Plain between their Camp and the Town-Wall to encounter the Capuan Cavalry who there stood in a Body and as soon as they were come within a Darts cast of each other these Javelineers at a sign given all dismount in an instant and so form a Body of Foot and charge the Enemies with their new-fashion'd Weapons wounding many both men and Horses yet the surprize and fright of such an unexpected and novel Encounter was worse than the real damage till the Roman Horse finding the Enemy daunted and amaz'd broke in amongst them put them to flight and had the killing of them up to the Gates of the City Hence forwards the Romans were too hard for them in Horse-Service and it was Order'd That there should be some of these light-arm'd Javelineers in every Legion The first Inventer of this intermingling Foot amongst the Horse is reported to have been Q. Navius a Centurion and that he was highly honour'd by the General for the same Whilst affairs at Capua were in this posture Annibal's thoughts were distracted whether he should presently advance thither to preserve that City or stay to recover the Castle of Tarentum but the regard of Capua prevail'd as being a place on which he saw the Eyes of all his Allies were fixt and like to give a Specimen what would be the Issue of all other Revolters from the Romans Therefore leaving a great part of his Baggage and all his heavy-harness'd Souldiers amongst the Bruttians he hastens into Campania with a select Body of Horse and Foot such as were most fit for Expedition yet as fast as he march'd there followed him thirty three Elephants He sat down in a Valley behind the Mountain Tifata which overlooks Capua and having at his first coming taken the Castle Galatia and drove the Garrison out of it by force he turn'd his Forces against those that were besieging Capua having first sent private advice to that City at what hour he would attacque the Roman Camp that they being ready might at the same instant sally out at all their Gates The Romans having no notice by their Scouts of his advance were so much the more terrified for he set upon them in one place and the Capuans at another with all their Horse and Foot together with the Punick Garrison commanded by Bostar and Hanno The Romans lest in so doubtful Case running all to any one part they should leave another undefended did thus divide their âorces App. Claudius was to grapple with the Capuans Fulvius to encounter Annibal Clâudius Nero the Pro-Praetor with the Horse of the sixth Legion to secure the road which leads to Suessula and C. Fulvius Flaccus the Lieutenant General with the associate Cavalry was posted along the Bank of the River Vulturnus The Battel began not after the usual manner only with Shouts and Out cries but besides all other clamours of Souldiers neighings of their Horses and ratlings of Armour there was a multitude of Capuans unfit for military service placed upon the Walls who with the tinkling of Basons and beating upon Brazen Vessels as the manner is in the dead time of night when the Moon is in Eclipse made such an hideous noise as amus'd and diverted their minds who were engag'd Appius easily repuls'd the Capuans from the Rampier but Fulvius had a harder task Annibal and the Carthaginians charging so fiercely upon him that the sixth Legion gave ground who being beat back a Regiment of Spaniards with three Elephants advanc'd as far as the Entrenchments and had broke through the Main Battel of the Romans but that they were afraid of being hemm'd in and excluded fâom the rest of their Companies Fulvius perceiving this consternation of that Legion and the danger his Camp was in encourag'd Q. Navius and other prime Centurions to attacque and cut to pieces that Regiment of the Enemy who were now fighting under the Rampier telling them That now all was at stake and they must either give way to the Enemies who would then more easily enter the Camp than they had already pierc'd through the thick Squadrons of the main body or else they must dispatch them before they got further which would be no difficult service considering they were but an handful of men separated and shut out from any succours from their Fellows and the same Roman Battalions which now whilst they are affrighted seem open and interrupted if they would but make head and turn on both sides upon the Enemy were able to environ and cut them off in the midst Navius upon these words of the General snatcht the Standard of the second Band of the Hastati out of the hands of the Ensign-Bearer display'd it in the face of the Enemy threatning to fling it into the midst of them unless his Souldiers made better hast to follow him and take their share in the Conflict He was a man of an huge bulk and promising presence set off the more with his gallant Armour and withal his advancing the Ensign aloft attracted the Eyes both of his own Party and of the Enemy but after he was come up as far as the Spaniards Standard their barbed Javelins were lanced at him on every side and the whole shock of the Battel seem'd turn'd upon one single man yet neither their multitude nor all that storm of Darts was able to resist his fury At the same time M. Atilius a Lieutenant General caused the Standard of the first Band of the Principes to charge this Spanish Regiment And L. Porcius Licinus and T. Popilius who had the Guard of the Camp fought desperately from the Works
also beyond Sea were checquer'd with interchangeable Fortune King Philip in a very ill time became their Enemy but then the Aetolians and Attalus King of the lesser Asia did voluntarily offer to be their new Allies Fate even then by that Overture seeming to promise them the Empire of the East In like sort the Carthaginians as they lost Capua so they had won Tarentum and as they gloried not a little because without any opposition they had come up to the very Walls of Rome so they were pretty well mortified to find nothing at all gain'd in the end by that Expedition and that they should be so much slighted as whilst they sat before one Gate of Rome an Army of Romans was led forth at another and sent away into Spain And even in Spain also the greater hopes they had were that upon the death of two such renowned Generals and both their Armies routed the War would be at an end and the Romans driven from thence for ever the greater was their vexation to see those Victories rendred vain and of no use to them by the Valour of L. Marcius an unexpected Captain chosen in haste and performing such mighty Acts when they thought themselves sure enough that there was no body to make head against them Thus Fortune poizing their affairs in equal Scales all things were on both sides in a kind of wavering suspense and as well their hopes as their fears ran as high as at the very first moment that the War began But that which most of all gaul'd Annibal was that the seeing Capua more vigorously attacqu'd by the Romans than by him defended had quite alienated the affections of many of the States of Italy neither could he secure them all with sufficient Garrisons unless he meant to Cantonize his whole Army into driblets which would undo him in the Field and on the other side he was not willing by withdrawing his Garrisons to trust to his Allies Fidelity who being once left at liberty might easily be sway'd any way by their hopes or fears At last as he was naturally addicted to Avarice and Cruelty he resolved upon this course to plunder and make spoil of those Cities which he was not able to keep and so leave them wast and empty for the Enemy an Enterprize not more wicked and dishonourable in its first attempt than mischievous to himself in its consequences for he thereby utterly lost the hearts not only of those who actually suffer'd under these unjust violences and rapines but of all the rest besides for though the present loss and calamity reach'd but some few yet every body thought himself concern'd in the Example Nor was the Roman Consul wanting to solicite all such Cities as yielded him any grounds of hope that they might be brought over to the Roman Interest There were in Salapia two Noblemen eminent above all the rest Dasius and Blasius the former a firm Adherent to Annibal the latter as much as he durst favour'd the Romans and by secret Overtures had given Marcellus some hopes of a Revolt but the matter could not be brought about without the concurrence of Dasius wherefore after much musing and long delays he at length resolved rather for want of better Counsel than on any likelyhood of speeding to address himself to Dasius and acquaint him with the design Who not only out of aversion to the thing it self but Envy to the proposer as being the only man in the Town that was his match discovers the Plot to Annibal whereupon they both were summon'd to appear and as Annibal was sitting on his Tribunal dispatching some other affairs that he might anon the better attend unto the accusation of Blasius whilst the Plaintiff and Defendant stood apart by themselves a pretty way from the rest of the people Blasius briskly speaks to Dasius and again solicited him to deliver up the Town to the Romans Upon which Dasius as if now the matter were plain and manifest cries out aloud That even just now in the very presence of Annibal he was again instigating him to practise Treason and betray the City But this seem'd so extravagant a thing that Annibal nor any present could believe it but concluded rather that the accusation proceeded from Emulation and Malice and that therefore he chose to charge him with such a Crime as was not capable of other Witnesses that he himself might more freely devise lies against him and so they were both dismiss'd yet did not Blasius for all that give over this bold attempt but continued baiting of him with perpetual remonstrances how advantagious it would be both to themselves in particular and their Country in general whereby he at last prevail'd with him to consent that the City Salapia and the Punick Garrison there which consisted of five hundred Numidians should be rendred unto Marcellus but this could not be effected without much bloodshed for they were the stoutest Squadron of Horse in all the Carthaginian Army wherefore though they were surpriz'd and their Horses stood them scarce in any stead in the City yet with such Weapons as in that sudden Alarm they could catch up they first attempted to break their way through but finding that impossible they fought still most desperately to the last nor were there above fifty of them taken alive all the rest being kill'd upon the spot and the loss of this Wing of Horse was much more considerable to Annibal than of the City Salapia for never from that day forwards had the Carthaginians the better of the Romans in Cavalry which before was the only advantage they had over them and by which they obtain'd all their Victories About this time the Castle of Tarentum was grievously straitned for provisions and hardly able to hold out the only hope that M. Livius the Governour and the rest of that Garrison had was that they should be supplied from Sicily and for the safe Convoy thereof along the Coast of Italy there rod at Anchor a Fleet well near of twenty Sail before Rhegium The Admiral of which Fleet and of those Vessels appointed to transport Corn from time to time was one D. Quintius a person of obscure Birth but with many brave services he had signaliz'd himself and won much honour in military affairs at first he had the Command but of five Ships whereof two of the greatest which were three-Banked Gallies were allow'd him by Marcellus afterwards for his success in several Conflicts three more were added of five Banks of Oars apiece and at last he himself by calling upon the Confederate Cities as Rhegium Velia and Pastum for their Quota's of Ships which by their Treaties they were to furnish the Romans with made up a pretty Armado consisting as aforesaid of twenty Sail. As this Fleet put off from Rhegium it happen'd in their Voyage that Democrates Admiral of Tarentum with much a like number of Ships came up with them about five Leagues from Tarentum in a Bay call'd The
offering to strike a stroke he betook him to his heels and getting out at a Postern Gate accompanied with Epicides and some few more came down to the Sea-side where meeting very luckily with a small Vessel they went aboard and stood away for Africk leaving the peaceable possession of all Sicily which for so many years had been both the Seat and Prize of their Wars unto the Enemy The rest of the multitude as well Punicks as Sicilians without making any defence running blindly away and finding all passages stopt were cut to pieces at the Gates The Town being secured Laevinus caused the chief Burghers concern'd in the Revolt to be first scourged and then beheaded the rest he sold for Slaves and all the Booty and sent the Money to Rome The report of the Overthrow of Agrigentum being spread through Sicily presently turn'd all their affections to the Romans in a little time twenty Towns were betray'd six taken by storm forty came in and surrendred of their own accord The principal persons of all which Cities the Consul either rewarded or punish'd according to every ones deserts and forced the Sicilians to lay aside their Arms and apply themselves to Husbandry and Tillage that the Island might not only yield Bread enough for its Inhabitants but serve as often heretofore it had done Rome and all Italy with Provisions in a time of scarcity From Agatirna he carried back with him into Italy a lewd Crew of unruly people about four thousand in number being a Gallimausry of all sorts of Rascals banish'd Rogues Bankrupts and notorious Malefactors deserving death by the Laws of those several Cities wherein formerly they dwelt and being run their Country some for one Fact some for another they herded all together at Agatirna and liv'd by Robberies and Rapine Laevinus thought it no good Policy to leave behind him these Rake-hells in an Island scarce yet well setled in Peace lest they should continually prove fuel for new Combustions and therefore took them with him as knowing they would be of ale to the Rhegines to forrage and rove about the Bruttians Country for they had desired a Company that were well acquainted with thieving and stealing and these he thought would fit them And so as for Sicily this year put an end to the War In Spain P. Scipio early in the Spring set his Ships out to Sea and summon'd all the Auxiliaries of the Allies to rendezvous at Tarracon ordering all the Ships both Men of War and Vessels of Burden to stand for the Mouth of the River Iberus whither he also commanded the Legions to march assoon as they left their Winter-Quarters and himself with five thousand of the Associate Auxiliaries from Tarracon repaired thither Upon his first Arrival he thought good to make a Speech especially to the old Souldiers who had gone through so many Brunts and Disasters and therefore having drawn them up in a Body he in the Head of the whole Army spoke to this effect There never perhaps was a new General besides my self that was obliged by Justice and Merit to applaud and return thanks to his Souldiers before ever he had employ'd them But as for me before ever I saw the Camp or this Province Fortune had made me beholding to you first for your Piety and those kind regards you paid to my Father and Uncle both when living and dead And that when this Province was as it were wholly lost by those mighty Overthrows yet you by your Valour recovered the entire possession of it for the People of Rome and me the next Successour in Sovereign Command And now since by the favour and assistance of the Gods we design and resolve not so much to secure our own Residence in Spain as to dispossess the Carthaginians and not leave them any footing there not to stand on the Banks of Iberus to obstruct the Enemies passage but to go over our selves and make their present Quarters the Seat of War I am not without apprehensions that some of you may think it a more great and daring Enterprize than comports either with the fresh remembrance of those late Defeats or my own green and unexperienced Age. Certainly our disasters in Spain no man breathing has reason more to resent or longer to bear in mind than my self as having therein lost both a Father and an Uncle all in less than thirty days space whereby sorrow upon sorrow and one Funeral after another was unfortunately heap'd upon our Family But as this desolate Estate of our private Name where in a manner I alone am left alive of all our Race as oft as I think thereof pierces my heart and wounds me in the tenderest part of my Soul so both the publick Vertue and Fortune of our Commonwealth do again revive my Spirits and will not suffer me to despair since it seems to have been always our Fate to thrive by Afflictions and not to have compleated any Conquests until we first seem'd utterly overthrown and reduced to the last Extremities I shall wave Examples of old times as of Porsena the Gauls or the Samnites and begin only with these Punick Wars How many brave Fleets gallant Commanders and stout Armies did we lose in the former War And what shall I say of this which we are at present engaged in In all our defeats I have been either personally present or where I was absent none has reason to be more sensible of them than I. The River Trebia the Lake Thrasimenus and the Town Cannae what are they else but so many Monuments Sepulchres and Tombs of the Roman Armies there cut to pieces and of their Consuls slain Add hereto the almost general Revolt of Italy Sicily and the greater part of Sardinia Nay add moreover this last affright and terrour when the Carthaginian Tents were pitch'd between the River Anio and the Walls of Rome and from our very Gates we beheld Annibal vaunting himself as a Conquerour In all these ruines and dreadful shocks of our State the Vertue and Courage of the People of Rome held up its head above water upright and immoveable You Gentlemen Souldiers were the first that after the discomfiture at Cannae under the Conduct and good Fortune of my Father put a stop to Asdrubal in his Expedition towards the Alps design'd for Italy who if once he had join'd his Brother Annibal the Roman Name had undoubtedly by this time been extinct which Success balanced and supported all our former Losses At present by the favour of the Immortal Gods our Affairs are in a more smiling condition and grow every day better and better both in Italy and Sicily In the latter Syracuse and Agrigentum are taken the Enemy clear beaten out and the whole Island reduc'd to the Roman Devotion In the former the Town Arpi is recovered by Surrender the City Capua taken by Storm and Annibal himself having in a trembling flight measur'd all the way from Rome to the Bruttians Country in the upper Calabria
Spouse has been kept here with no less modesty and reverence than if she had been all this while with your Father and Mother-in-Law her kind Parents Reserv'd she has been and kept for you alone that you might receive her untoucht and as a Present worthy both of you and my self All the return I expect for this gift is That henceforth you will be a Friend and Well-willer to the State of Rome and if indeed you take me to be an honest good man such as all these Nations have known both my Father and Vncle to have been before me then be assur'd That the City of Rome yields abundance more that are like us and that there is not a Nation this day under Heaven that is either a better Friend or a more formidable Enemy The young Prince confounded between an excess of joy and bashfulness held Scipio by the hand and invok'd all the Gods beseeching them to recompence him for this superlative savour on his behalf who should never be able to make acknowledgments for the same sutable either to his own desires or the merits of the thing Then the Maids Parents and Kindred were call'd who since the Lady was restor'd gratis for whose Redemption they had brought a great summ of gold began to intreat Scipio That he would be pleas'd to accept thereof which they should take as the next kindness to that he had done them in delivering their Daughter Scipio seeing them so importunate seems willing to take it and bids them lay it at his Feet Then calling Allucius Here says he besides the Portion you are to have from your Father-in-Law Let me help to encrease your Marriage Fortune take all this Gold and keep it for you and yours So being sent home over-joy'd with these Presents and Civilities he fill'd all the Country with Scipio's Praises and how brave and worthy a person he was telling them There was come over into Spain a young man in all respects resembling the Immortal Gods and who equally vanquisht all men with his Arms and his Courtesies Amongst his Dependents he soon raised fourteen hundred choice Horse and with them return'd to Scipio Laelius continued with Scipio till the Prisoners Hostages and Booty were by their mutual consent dispos'd of and then in a Galley of five Banks of Oars was dispatcht away for Rome with tidings of the Victory withal carrying Mago and about fifteen Senators Prisoners thither Scipio spent those few dayes he design'd to remain at Carthage in exercising his Sea and Land Forces The first day he caused all the Legions to run in their Arms a four-miles-course Next day he employ'd them in scouring and furbishing up their Armour before their Tents The third day they drew up in Parties and charg'd one another as in Battalia but arm'd only with wooden Swords and blunt rebated Darts and Javelins The fourth day they rested The fifth they ran again in their Armour as before and so continued this course of Exercise all the while they quarter'd at Carthage Whilst the Seamen as often as the weather was calm and would permit used to row out into the open Sea and vye one Galley with another for nimbleness and sometimes representing shews of a Sea-fight Thus without the City they were busy in hardening their Bodies and enuring their minds for service both at Sea and Land and within the Town nothing was heard but the clatter of Artificers and Workmen preparing all sorts of military Furniture shut up in divers Shops and Workhouses for that purpose The General had his Eye every where now he was aboard the Fleet by and by exercising himself with the rest of the Legions sometimes he took a view how the Works went on in the Armory and amongst the Shipwrights where every one endeavour'd to out work the other hoping so much the sooner to gain their Liberty Having thus set them to work and repair'd the Walls where there were any breaches or decays leaving a sufficient Garrison he march'd back to Tarracon being met by the way by several Embassies of whom some he presently dispatcht and appointed others to attend him there where he had ordered a General Diet or Assembly to be held by the Deputies of all the Allies old and new and almost all those Nations on this side of Iberus and many of the further Spain appear'd accordingly The Carthaginian Generals industriously suppress'd the report of New Carthage's being taken but when it grew too notorious to be any longer denied or concealed they used all their Art to undervalue it and make it seem as a thing of no great moment That there was indeed one single City of Spain taken by surprize and as it were by stealth in one dayes time which small exploit had so puft up the young man that he fancied it a mighty Victory but when their three Generals and their Victorious Armies should approach him the Ghosts of his Father and his Vncle would begin to haunt him Such like Speeches they gave out amongst the people though in themselves they were sadly sensible how great a blow it was and how much their strength in all respects was decay'd by this loss of New Carthage DECADE III. BOOK VII The EPITOME 1. Cn. Fulvius the Proconsul with his Army is slain at Herdonea by Annibal 2. But Cl. Marcellus the Consul has better Fortune against the same Enemy at Numestrio and obliges Annibal to retreat by night 14 c. Marcellus pursues him and urged him still as he retired until he obliged him to another Engagement 16. Wherein at first Annibal had the better on 't but in the next Fight Marcellus worsted him 17 18. Fabius Maximus the Father being Consul recovers Tarentum by the Treachery of some in that City 20 21. Scipio sights with Asdrubal the Son of Amilcar at Betula in Spain and defeats him where amongst others having taken a Royal Youth of wondrous Beauty he sent him home to his Vncle Massanissa with several Presents 29. Claudius Marcellus and T. Quintius Crispinus the Consuls going out to take a view of the Country are surprized by Annibal with a Stratagem Marcellus being killed and Crispinus escaping by Flight 32 c This Book also contains the Actions of P. Sulpicius the Praetor against Philip and the Achaeans 38. The Censors take a solemn Survey of the City and purged it by Sacrifices where there were enrolled an hundred thirty seven thousand one hundred and eight persons By which Account it appeared how many Romans were lost by the late unfortunate Wars 41 c. Asdrubal having with a fresh Army passed the Alps to join his Brother Annibal is cut off with six and fifty thousand of his men by the Conduct of M. Livius but especially by the good Service of Claudius Nero the other Consul 45. Who being appointed to make head against Annibal left the Camp so privately as the Enemy was not aware of it and with a choice Body of Souldiers surrounded Asdrubal and so defeated
his coming for all the Men that were either in the Fields or in the adjacent Castles of Potidania or Apollonia fled into the Woods and Mountains but the Cattle which for hast could not be driven off were taken and carried into the Ships Having sent these and the rest of the booty with Nicias Governour of the Achaeans to Aegium he went to Corinth and ordered his Foot-Forces to be led thence through Boeotia by Land whilst he himself sailing from Cenchrea along by Attica above Sunium in the middle almost of the Enemies Navies he came to Chalcis There having commended their fidelity that neither hope nor fear had changed their resolutions and exhorted them to remain as constant for the future in their alliance if they desired to be in their present condition rather than to undergo the fortune of the Oritans and Opuntians he sailed from Chalcis to Oreum where having committed the Government and keeping of the City to such of the Nobility as chose rather to run away than surrender themselves to the Romans he crossed over to Demetrias from Euboea whence he first came to assist his Allies After which having laid the keels or foundations of one hundred long Ships at Cassandrea and got together a great number of Ship-Carpenters to perfect that work seeing not only that Attalus's going away but the aid he himself gave to his then oppressed Allies had made all things quiet in Greece he went back into his own Kingdom to make War upon the Dardans At the end of that Summer when these things passed in Greece Q. Fabius Maximus who was sent Embassador from M. Livius the Consul to the Senate at Rome having brought word That the Consul thought L. Porcius with his Legions a sufficient guard to the Province of Gallia so that he might come thence and the consular Army be brought away The Senate ordered not only M. Livius but his Colleague also C. Claudius to return to the City save that there was this one exception in the Decree that M. Livius's Army should be brought away and Nero's Legions that opposed Annibal should stay in the Province Now between the Consuls there was this agreement made by Letters That as they had unanimously carried on the business so though they came out of several Countries they should arrive at the City both on a day and that he who came first to Praeneste should stay there for his Colleague It so happened that they came both to Praeneste at the same time from whence having sent the Edict before hand that three Days after there must be a full Senate held at the Temple of Bellona they approached near to the City out of which the multitude ran in all hast to meet them Nor did the rabble salute them all together but each one for himself desiring to touch the Consuls Conquering Hands some congratulated and other gave them thanks That by their means the Commonwealth was preserved When they therefore having as it is the custom for all Generals told what they had done had likewise required that for their faithful service to the Commonwealth not only the Gods might be honoured but they also have the priviledge to enter in Triumph into the City to which the Senate made answer That they would decree what they required first upon account of the Gods and secondly next to the Gods on the score of the Consuls merits they ordered not only a supplication in both their Names but a Triumph to both of them In which affair lest they two who had unanimously carried on the War should be divided as to the Triumph they made this agreement That since M. Livius had done all his business in his own Province and that day when the Battel was to be 't was his turn to observe the auspicies and so begin the Battel and that Livius 's Army was brought to Rome but Nero 's could not stir out of the Province that therefore M. Livius should enter the City upon a Chariot drawn by four Horses with the Soldiers following of him and C. Claudius should go in on Horse-back without any Souldiers to attend him The Triumph being thus concerted as it augmented he glory of them both so did it most encrease his fame who yeilded as much to his Colleague in point of honour as he outdid him in desert For they said That Man on Horse-back in six days time ran all the whole length of Italy and engag'd with Asdrubal in Gallia the same day that Annibal thought he had pitched his Camp against him in Apulia By which means one Consul for both parts of Italy opposed on the one hand his policy and on the other his Body against two great Captains against two great Commanders That the name of Nero was enough to keep Annibal in his Camp and what was the ruine of Asdrubal but his arrival Wherefore the other Consul might go if he would enthroned upon a lofty Chariot with so many Horses but a true Triumph was carried through the City upon one single Horse and Nero though he went on foot would be renowned both for the glory that he gain'd in that War and that he contemned in that Triumph These discourses of the Spectators pursued Nero as far as the Capitol They brought of Money into the Treasury three millions and eighty thousand Sesterces M. Livius gave the Souldiers fifty six Asses a piece and C. Claudius promised his absent men as much when he returned to the Army It was observed that Day the Soldiers cast forth more jocular Verses upon C. Claudius than upon their own Consul That the Horse commended L. Veturius and Q. Caecilius two Lieutenants very much exhorting the Commons To make them two Consuls for the next year That the Consuls back'd the Horse-mens proposal and the Day following in an Assembly declared before the People what stout and faithful service those two Lieutenants especially had done them When the time of Assembly was now at hand and it was ordered that the Assembly should be held by a Dictator C. Claudius the Consul declared M. Livius his Colleague Dictator and Livius made Q. Caecilius Master of the Horse but he created the same Caecilius also Consul with L. Veturius at the very time when he was Master of the Horse Then the Praetorian Assembly was held and C. Servilius M. Cecilius Metellus T. Claudius Asellus Q. Mamilius Turinus who then was Aedile of the People were created Praetors which Assembly being ended the Dictator laid down his Office and dismissing the Army went by an order of Senate into the Province of Etruria to make inquisition What People of Etruria or Umbria had any intentions to revolt from the Romans to Asdrubal a little before his coming and which of them had assisted him with Men Provisions or in any other manner These things were done that Year at home and abroad The Roman Games were performed thrice over from the beginning to the end by the Aediles Curules chief Surveyors of publick works
all the Horse and light-armed Soldiers into the middle he divided them into two Parties and placed them as Reserves behind the Wings Then when the time to begin the fight was now come he ordered the Spaniards who were the main Body to march very slowly and sent a Messenger from the right Wing which he himself commanded to Silanus and Marcius To extend their Wing on the left side as they saw him do on the right as also that they should engage the Enemy with the nimblest Horse and Foot they had before the main Bodies could come up Accordingly having widened their Wings with three Regiments of Foot and three Troops of Horse with Skirmishers besides they made up with speed to the Enemy whilst the others followed in an oblique Figure For there was a Bay as it were in the middle of them because the Spanish Ensigns moved but slowly and the Wings were already engaged whilst all the strength of the Enemies main Body that is to say the Carthaginians old Soldiers and the Africans were not yet come within a Darts cast nor durst to run into the Wings to assist them that were a fighting for fear of opening their main Body to the Foe that was coming against them The Wings therefore were sore prest with a doubtful Battel the Horse light-armed Men and Skirmishers wheeling about to the Flanks whilst the Foot lay hard upon the Front to break off the Wings from the rest of the Army And then the Fight was not by any means equal on any side not only because the Baleleares Slingers and Spanish young Soldiers were opposite to the Roman and Latin Veteranes but also because now the Day was pretty far spent their strength began to fail the Army of Asdrubal who being surprised by the Mornings Tumult were forced to go forth hastily to the Battel before they had sufficiently fortified their Bodies with meat Now for that reason Scipio had industriously made delays that the Fight might be late for it was one of the Clock before the Foot fell on in the Wings and somewhat later before the main Bodies engaged insomuch that the noon-tide heat of the Sun and the fatigue of standing in their Arms together with hunger and thirst made them faint and uneasie ere they closed with the Enemy Wherefore they stood leaning upon their Shields And besides other inconveniencies the Elephants also being hared by the tumultuous way of fighting among the Horse light-armed Men and Skirmishers were come out of the Wings into the main Body The Carthaginians therefore being tired both in their Bodies and minds gave back yet kept their Ranks as well as if the whole Army had retreated at the command of its General But the Conquerours for that reason pressing harder upon them on every side when they saw them make way so that the shock could not easily be born though Asdrubal detained them and withstood their retreat crying out That there were Hills behind them to which they might safely retire and therefore they should not make so much hast yet fear overcoming their modesty seeing all that were nearest the Enemy gave way they immediately turn'd their backs and ran away as fast as they could And then at first they began to stop their Ensigns at the foot of the Hills and to recall their Men into their Ranks seeing the Romans loth to lead their Army upon those steep Places But when they saw them soon after come briskly on renewing their flight they were driven and frighted all into their Camp Nor were the Romans far from the Bullwark and had at that effort sârely taken their Camp if instead of the Suns shining very soultry hot as it does through Clouds that are big with Rain there had not fallen such a storm that the Conquerors could hardly get back into their Camp Besides which some were awed by Superstition from attempting any thing more that day The Night and the Rain invited the Carthaginians though tired sufficiently before with the fatigue of the Day and Wounds which they received to take their necessary and natural rest but yet since fear and danger did not give them time to lye down the Enemy being to attack their Camp at break of Day they got stones from all their neighbouring Vales to raise and strengthen their Bullwark resolving to defend themselves with Fortifications seeing they could not trust to their Arms. But the revolt of their Allies caused the flight to be more safe than staying there the beginning of which revolt proceeded from Attanes a petite King of the Turdetani who went over to the Enemy with a great number of his Countrymen After that there were two wall'd Towns delivered up to the Roman by the Governours of them Wherefore lest that mischief should increase upon him Asdrubal seeing them once inclined to a defection in the dead of the night following remov'd his Camp Scipio as soon as it was Day when those that were upon the Guard brought him word That the Enemy was gone sending the Horse before he ordered the Ensigns to march And with such speed did they pursue that if they had gone directly after they had certainly overtaken them But they trusted to the Guides who told them there was a nearer way to the River Baetis where they might set upon them as they were going over Asdrubal seeing his passage over the River was intercepted turned toward the Ocean and then his Men set a running as hard as they could which carried them some distance from the Roman Legions But the Horse and light-armour coming up with them sometimes in their Rear and sometimes in their Flanks teazed them and made them halt At last whilst upon frequent tumults their Ensigns stood still and they engaged sometimes with Horse and sometimes with Foot the Legions overtook them Then there was not a Fight but as it were a butchering of Sheep till their Genaral the author of their flight with almost six Thousand Men half armed escaped into the adjacent Hills but the rest were all slain and taken The Carthaginians fortified a tumultuary Camp all in hast upon a very high Place from whence seeing the Enemy had in vain endeavoured to get up it being so steep and rough they easily defended themselves But the Siege being in a naked and barren place was hardly tolerable even for a few Days Wherefore they went many of them over to the Enemy and at last the General himself took Shipping nor was the Sea far off that place and in the night time leaving his Army fled to Gades Scipio hearing that the Enemies General was gone left ten Thousand Foot and a Thousand Horse with Silanus to besiege the Camp whilst himself with the rest of his Forces at seventy encampings returned to Tarraco forthwith to inquire concerning the petite Kings and Cities thereabout that he might reward them according to their real merits After his departure Massinissa coming to a private conference with Silanus that he might make his
and Syracuse to our charge To Rhegium I confess in the time of the War with Pyrrhus we at the request of the Rhegians themselves sent a Legion to assist them who made themselves Masters of that City that they were sent to defend But did we approve of that injustice No we persecuted that wicked Legion which when we had subdued and forced to give our Allies satisfaction at the expence of their Necks we restored their City Country and all they had with their Liberties and Laws back to the Rhegians When the Syracusans were oppressed by Foreign Tyrants to make their oppression appear the more grievous after we had assisted them and been fatigued for three years together both by Sea and Land in attacking well fortified Cities seeing that the Syracusans themselves chose rather to be enslaved to Tyrants than to be taken by us we took and restored their City when we had freed it with the same Arms. Nor do we deny that Sicily is our Province or that some Cities that were on the Carthaginians side unanimously making War against us as their Allies are stipendiary and tributary more to us But on the other hand we would have both you and all People else to know that we have made each of their conditions proportionable to their deserts Must we repent for punishing the Campanians an act which they themselves cannot complain of These People after we had fought for them against the Samnites almost seventy years to our great loss after we had obliged them to us first by a League secondly by intermarriages and consequently by all the bonds of consanguinity and lastly by making them free of our City these very People I say in the time of our misfortunes were the first in all Italy who having barbarously murdered our Garison revolted to Annibal and then being incensed that we should besiege them sent Annibal to attack Rome Now if neither their City nor so much as a man of them were yet alive who could say but they had suffered according as they deserved More of them through consciousness of the ill things which they had done kill'd themselves than were put to death by us And from the rest we only so far took away their Town and Country that we still allowed them an habitation letting their innocent City stand as secure as that whosoever at this day sees it will find no sign at all of its being stormed or taken But what do I talk of Capua when we granted a Peace and liberty even to Carthage after we had conquer'd it Our greatest danger is lest by pardoning those we conquer too easily we incite more people for that very reason to try the fortune of War against us So much in our defence and against Philip whose domestick Parricidies and slaughters of his nearest Relations and Friends with his Lust more inhumane if possible than his Cruelty you who live nearer to Macedonia are better acquainted with than we are As for you Aetolians we undertook a War upon your account against Philip and you made a Peace with him without our knowledge But perhaps you 'll say that when we were engaged in the Punick War you were forced for fear to admit of Terms of Peace from him who then was more powerful and that we also having greater things upon our hands our selves omitted the War that you had laid down 'T is true but now by the bounty of the Gods seeing the Punick War is made an end of we bend all our strength against Macedonia and you have good opportunity of restoring your selves into our Friendship and Alliance unless you had rather perish with Philip than conquer with the Romans When the Roman had said this all of them were inclined to the Roman side but Damocritus Praetor of the Aetolians who as the report goes had received money from the King Philip assenting to neither party said That nothing was so injurious to publick Counsels as hastiness For it was attended with swift repentance though too late and to no purpose since counsels hurried so precipitately on could not be either recalled or amended But that a time might be now appointed for that deliberation whereof he thought they ought to wait the maturity or ripeness And since the Laws provided that they should not treat of War or Peace but in a Panaetolick or a Pylaick Assembly of all the Aetolians and at Pylae or Thermopylae he therefore advised them immediately to resolve that the Praetor when he had a mind to treat of Peace or War should without any design fairly summon an Assembly and that whatever was then proposed or decreed should be as valid and of the same force as if it had been the act of a Panaetolick or Pylaick Council The Embassadors being thus dismissed without any positive Answer he said He had taken the best course for the safety of their Nation for now they would be on that side which happened to have the best luck These things were done in the Council of the Aetolians Mean while Philip made preparation for the War both by Sea and Land drawing all his Naval Forces to Demetrias in Thessaly supposing that Attalus and the Roman Fleet would move from Aegina in the beginning of the Spring he made Heraclides Admiral of the Navy as he had done formerly with a charge to look to the Sea Coast But he himself mustered up all the Land Forces he could believing that he had gotten two great Auxiliaries from the Romans the Aetolians on the one side and the Dardanes on the other whilst his Son Perseus blocked up the streights at Pelagonia The Consul in the interim did not prepare for but actually wage a War leading his Army through the Confines of the Dassaretians where he kept the Corn that he brought from his own Winter-Quarters entire because that Country afforded supplies sufficient for his Souldiers The Towns and Villages surrendred themselves partly of their own freewill and partly for fear some being also taken by storm and others found to be deserted by the Barbarians who fled into the adjacent Mountains After which he pitched his Camp at Lycus near the River Bevus from whence he sent for Corn to all the Storehouses of the Dassaretians that were thereabout Philip saw all People round about in a consternation and great fear but not knowing which way the Consul was bent sent a Party of Horse to find out whither the Enemy intended The Consul was at the same loss For though he knew the King was gone out of his Winter Quarters he knew not what Country he was bound for Wherefore he likewise had sent some of his Horse as Scouts to watch his motions Which two adverse Parties after they had a long time stragled about the Dassaretian Territories to and fro at last met in the same rode Whereupon they both knew as soon as they heard the noise of the Men and Horses though at a good distance that the Enemy was at hand so that
to their Walls put the Greeks into a greater fright than ordinary Wherefore they ran immediately into the Castle so that the Enemy took possession of the City but when they had continued in the Castle for the space of two days relying upon the strength of the place more than their own Arms both they and the Garrison yielded upon condition That they might be transported with each of them one Garment to Delium in Boeotia The City it self then the Romans delivered to King Attalus but themselves carried away the spoil and Ornaments thereof Attalus lest the Island should be totally deserted perswaded most of the Macedonians and some of the Andrians to stay there After that those persons who by compact had been transported to Delium were recalled by the Kings Promises as being the more inclined to believe him because they had a mind to return into their own native Country From Andrus they crossed over to Cythnus where having spent some dayes to no purpose in attaquing the City seeing it was scarce worth their while to take it they went their wayes At Prasiae a Town upon the Continent in Attica twenty Ships of the Issaeans were joined to the Roman Fleet which were sent to plunder the Carystian Territories The rest of the Navy lay at Gaerestum a famous Port of Euboea till the Issaeans returned from Carystum Then all of them setting Sail together through the main Ocean passed by the Island of Scyros and arrived at Icus Where being detained some few dayes by a strong Northwind as soon as the weather grew a little calmer they put over to Scyathus a City that Philip had lately ruined and rifled There the Souldiers stragling about the Fields brought back to their Ships all the Corn and other things that they found sit to eat But there was no plunder left nor had the Greeks deserved to be rifled Thence going to Cassandrea they first took Mendis a Village on the Sea-Coast belonging to that City and then having passed the Cape in order to bring their Fleet about to the very Walls of the City they were almost drowned in a storm which then arose by which means being dispersed and having lost a great part of their Artillery they got as fast as they could ashore That Tempest too was an omen a foreboding sign to them to make them fight by Land When therefore they had gathered all their Ships into one place they landed their men and attacked the City but being repulsed with many Wounds for there was in it a strong Garison of the Kings they retreated from that vain Enterprize and went over to Canastrum in Pallene From whence passing by the Cape of Torona they sailed towards Acanthus Where having first wasted the Country and then taken the City it self by storm they plunder it Then going no farther forward for their Ships were already laden with spoils they returned to Scyathus and thence for Euboea from whence they came Then leaving their Fleet there they entred the Malian Bay with ten Ships to go and confer with the Aetolians about the management of the War Sipyrrhicas an Aetolian was the chief person employed in that Embassy who came to Heraclea to advise with the King and the Roman Lieutenant Attalus was required according to the League to send out a thousand men for he owed them that number now that they had engaged in a War against Philip. But that was refused because the Aetolians themselves had formerly showed themselves very backward to go and plunder Macedonia at that time when Philip being a burning up all things both sacred and profane about Pergamus they might have drawn him thence to defend his own Country By this means the Aetolians were dismissed with hopes rather than aid though the Romans promised them all the assistance that could be Apustius returned with Attalus to the Fleet where they began to consult about the taking of Oreum a City very well fortified not only with Walls but because it had been formerly attempted with a strong Garison too Twenty Rhodian Ships with close Decks men of War had joined them after the taking of Andrus under the Command of the Prefect Admiral Agesimbrotus which Fleet they ordered to Harbour at Zelasium a Cape of Isthmia opportunely seated on the other side above Demetrias that if the Macedonian Ships should move from thence they might secure those parts Heraclides the Kings Admiral was with his Fleet at Demetrias but resolved to make no attempt by force so much as upon occasion if through the Enemies negligence he had an opportunity The Romans and King Attalus attacked Oreum in several places the Roman upon that side where the Castle stands to the Sea and the Kings men against the Valley which lies between the two Castles where the City is also divided by a Wall And as their Posts were distant so also the matter of their attacque was very different For the Romans used Tortoises sheds of Boards to keep off Arrows c. and Hurdles with battering Rams which they applyed to the Walls whilst the Kings men used Cross-Bows huge Slings and all other sorts of Warlike-Engines throwing vast Stones and making Mines with all other devices that they had tryed in the former attack But now there were not only more Macedonians there than before to defend that City but they had likewise more Courage having been chastized by the King for their former fault and being mindful of both his threats and promises for the future insomuch that the Romans had little hopes so suddenly to take it Wherefore the Lieutenant thinking it the best way to imploy himself elsewhere in the mean time left men enough to finish the Works and so crossed over into the adjacent parts of the Continent where he by his sudden arrival took Larissa not that famous City so called in Thessaly but another whom they name Cremaste all but the Castle Attalus also surprized Aegeleon whilst the Inhabitants at the time when the other City was besieged feared nothing less But when the Works at Oreum were finished the Garison within being quite tired out with continual labour and watching day and night besides their Wounds part of their Wall also was struck down with a battering Ram and had gaps in it at several places So that the Romans brake through in the night time over those ruinated places and another way above the Port into the Castle Attalus at break of day having the signal given him by the Romans himself also marched into the City after the Walls were part of them demolished Whereupon the Townsmen and the Garison fled into the other Castle from whence two days after they made a Surrender The City fell to the Kings share but the Captives to the Romans By this time it was the Autumnal Aequinox and the Euboean Bay which they call Caela is look'd upon by the Mariners as a dangerous place at that time to pass Wherefore desiring to get out of it before the stormy
deceitful and sly that in War he durst not come to a fair push for it or fight a pitch'd Battle but running away used to burn and plunder all the Towns before him and though he were Conquer'd destroy the reward of those that got the Victory That the ancient Kings of Macedonia did not use to do so but were wont to engage in the open Field to spare the Cities as much as they could that their Empire might be the more opulent For what policy was it by destroying those things for the sake whereof a War is Proclaimed to leave a mans self nothing but blood and slaughter That Philip had wasted more Cities in Thessaly the year before that belong'd to their Allies than all that ever were Enemies to that Country Nay that he had taken more from the Aetolians themselves when he was their Ally than since he was their Enemy That he had possessed himself of Lysimachia after he had beaten out the Governour and the Garrison belonging to the Aetolians That he had likewise utterly ruined and razed Cius a City under their jurisdiction That by the same fraud he now also had Thebes Phthiae Echinus Larissa and Pharsalus Philip being moved at what Alexander said put his Ship nearer to the Shore that he might be the better heard But when he began to inveigh most bitterly against the Aetolians Phaneas interrupted him and said The business did not depend upon words they must either conquer or obey better Men than he was Ay answered Philip one that cannot see his way before him deriding the imperfection of Phaneas's eye-sight For he was naturally more apt to gibe than becomes a King nor could he even when he talk'd of the most serious matters forbear scurrility But then he began to be very angry That the Aetolians as though they were Romans should bid him depart out of Greece who could not tell which were the bounds of it For in Aetolia it self the Agraei the Apodeotae and the Amphilochi who are a great share of it were not properly any part of Greece Can they justly complain that I did not let their Allies alone when they themselves observe this ancient custom as a Law to let their Youth go for Souldiers even against their own Allies save that they do not publickly allow of it and the adverse Armies on both sides have many times Aetolian Auxiliaries on both sides Nor did I take Cius but only assisted Prusias my Friend and Ally who was besieging of it and defended Lysimachia from the Thracians But because necessity forced me from keeping of that City to look after this War the Thracians are now possessed of it So much for the Aetolians Now to Attalus and the Rhodians I do not rightfully owe the least thing in the World For the War was first raised not by me but by them Yet out of the respect I have for the Romans I will restore Peraea to the Rhodians and his Ships to Attalus with all the Captives that shall appear But as to the restoring of Nicephorium and the Temple of Venus what can I answer to such demands unless which is the only way that Groves and Woods can be restored that I 'll be at the charge of planting them afresh since the Kings are pleased to desire an Answer to all their several demands The latter end of his Speech was against the Achaeans in which beginning first with Antigonus and then proceeding to what he himself had deserved of that Nation he bid them read over their decrees which contain'd all honours both divine and humane to be paid to him to which he added by way of comparison their late resolution concerning the Army wherewith they had revolted from him to the Romans inveighing bitterly against their perfidiousness but yet he said he would give them Argos again That he would discourse with the Roman General concerning Corinth and desire to know of him whether he thought it reasonable that he should quit those Cities only which he himself had taken in time of War and was in that right still possessed of or even those also which he had received from his Ancestors As the Achaeans and Aetolians were going to reply to what he had said it being nigh Sun-setting the Conference was adjourn'd till next day and Philip return'd into the Harbour from whence he came as the Romans and their Allies did into their Camp The next Morning Quintius came to Nicaea for that was the place agreed upon at the time appointed But there came not so much as any Messenger from Philip for several hours till at last when they despair'd of his coming the Ships on a sudden appear'd And then Philip told them That seeing such hard and unworthy things were imposed upon him he not knowing what to do had spent all that day in deliberating about that affair But it was generally believed that he deferred his coming till that time of day on purpose that the Achaeans and Aetolians might not have time enough to make their Answers And indeed he himself confirm'd that belief by desiring that all others might be sent away lest the time should be taken up in wrangling and he alone be admitted to make some end of the business to speak with the Roman General That proposal at first was not accepted of lest the Allies should seem to be excluded but afterward seeing he would not be deny'd the Roman General by universal consent removing all the rest walkt along with Appius Claudius Tribune of the Souldiers to the very Sea side and the King with two that he had with him the day before came a shore Where when they had discoursed each other privately for some time they parted Now it is not certainly known what account Philip gave his people of that interview but Quintius made this report to his Allies That in regard to the Romans Philip would retire from all the Borders of Illyricum would send back the Fugitives and all the Captives that he couâd find That he would restore to Attalus his Ships and with them the Seamen that were taken in them and to the Rhodians that Country which they call Peraea but would not stir from Jassus and Bargyllae That he would give the Aetolians Pharsalus and Larissa again but not Thebes And in justice to the Achaeans would not only quit Argos but Corinth also But this design of his pleased none of all the Allies out of whose Dominions he either would or would not depart For they said they lost more than they got by it nor should they ever lay aside their animosities till he had drawn his Guards out of all Greece in general The whole Assembly so loudly declar'd this one striving to out-roar the other that Philip though he stood a great way off heard what they said Wherefore he desir'd of Quintius That he would defer the whole matter till the next day at which time he would certainly either perswade them or be himself perswaded into another opinion Thereupon
plant his battering Ram near the Walls Now all Acarnania lying between Aetolia and Epirus looks toward the West and the Sicilian Sea Leucadia which is now an Island divided by a narrow arm of the Sea which was cut through by Art from Acarnania was then a Peninsula joining Westward by a small neck of Land to Acarnania That neck of Land was almost five hundred paces long though not above a hundred and twenty broad and upon this streight was Leucas built upon an Hill Eastward and toward Acarnania but the lower part of the City was plain and lay to that Sea whereby Leucadia is divided from Acarnania For that reason 't is to be taken either by Sea or Land For not only the narrow Chanel which parts that and the Continent is more like to a Pool than a Sea but the Plains all thereabout are fit for Tillage and easy to raise works upon Wherefore the Walls in several places at once were either undermin'd or knock'd down with the Ram. But the City was not more liable to an Assault than the resolutions of the Enemy were Invincible For they laboured day and night to repair the breaches and fill up the gaps that were made in the Walls being very eager to engage in the fight and to defend their Walls with their Arms rather than themselves with their Walls And they had protracted that Siege beyond the expectations of the Romans had not some banish'd persons of Italian Extract who lived at Leucas let the Souldiers into the Castle Yet then also though they ran down in a great tumult from that higher place did the Leucadians for some time resist with a Body form'd as for a pitch'd Battle in the Market-place In the mean time not only the Walls were scaled and taken in several places but they got over the heaps of Stones and Ruins into the City By which time also the Lieutenant himself had with a great number circumvented those that were a fighting of whom part were slain in the middle between the Enemies and part throwing down their Arms surrender'd themselves to the Conquerour And some few days after when they heard of the Battle that was fought at Cynocephalae all the people of Acarnania came and surrender'd themselves to the Lieutenant At the same time now that fortune inclin'd all things at once the same way the Rhodians also to regain that part of the Continent from Philip which they call Peraea and had been long possess'd by their Ancestors sent Pausistratus the Praetor with eight hundred Achaeans that were Foot Souldiers and about nineteen hundred more that were Auxiliaries gather'd up out of several Countries and in different Habiliments of War Gauls Nisuans Pisuans Tamians Areans out of Africa and Laodiceans out of Asia With these Forces Pausistratus lay at Tendeba a place very convenient in the Territories of Stratonicea whilst the Kings men that were at Thera knew nothing of it There came also very seasonably as an addition to that aid which he had gotten a thousand Achaean Foot with a hundred Horse commanded by Theoxenus Dinocrates the Kings Prefect in order to recover the Castle first remov'd his Camp to the very Wall of Tendeba and from thence to another Castle which was in the Territories of Stratonicea likewise call'd Astragon Where summoning all their Forces out of the Garisons who were mightily disabled together with the Thessalian Auxiliaries from Stratonicea it self he march'd forward toward Alabanda where the Enemy then lay Nor did the Rhodians decline the fight but being both their Camps were near to each other came presently into the Field Dinocrates placed five hundred Macedonians in the right Wing and the Agrians in the left taking into the main body those that he had muster'd up out of the several Garisons who were most of them Carians and cover'd the Wings with the Horse The Rhodian Regiment had the Cretan and Thracian Auxiliaries in the right Wing and in the left the mercenary men who were a chosen Band of Foot in their main Body the Auxiliaries made up of several Nations all the Horse and Light armour that were being set about the Wings That the two Armies only stood upon the Bank of a Torrent that flow'd between them with a small stream and having thrown some few Darts retired into their Camps But the next day being marshall'd in the same order they had a far greater fight than was proportionable to the number of those that were engaged in it For they were not above three thousand Foot and about a hundred Horse who fought not only with equal numbers and Armour all alike but with proportionable Courage too and equal hopes The Achaeans first having got over the Torrent made an attack upon the Agrians whereupon almost the whole Army ran over the River But the sight continu'd for a long time doubtful till the Achaeans who were themselves a thousand in number made four hundred of the Enemy give way Then all the right Wing began to yield though the Macedonians as long as they kept to their ranks and stood like a close Phalanx could not be stir'd But when their left Flank being unguarded they began to throw their Spears round about them upon the Enemy who came athwart to attack them they were presently put into disorder and making first a tumult among themselves soon after turn'd their backs till at last throwing away their Arms and running for it as fast as they could they made toward Bargyllae Dinocrates also fled the same way and the Rhodians having pursued them as long as 't was day-light retreated to their Camp Now it is very evident that if the Conquerours had gone immediately to Stratonicea that City might have been taken without any more ado But they lost that opportunity whilst they spent time in recovering the Castles and Villages of Peraea In the mean time the minds of those that were Ingarison'd at Stratonicea were fortified besides that Dinocrates also not long after enter'd their Walls with those Forces that were left For from that time it was to no purpose to besiege or attack that City nor could it be taken till some time after by Antiochus These things past in Thessaly Achaia and Asia about the same time Philip hearing that the Dardans were come into his Dominions out of contempt to him for having relinquish'd his Kingdom and had wasted the upper parts of Macedonia though he were hard put to it in almost all the World now that Fortune was so severe to him and his Party yet thinking it worse than death to be forced from the possession of Macedonia he made a sudden Levy through the Cities of that Kingdom and with six thousand Foot and five hundred Horse near Stobus in Paeonia surpriz'd the Foe And there he slew a great number of men in the fight but a greater that were stragled about the Country for plunder Those that could readily escape and did not so much as try the fortune of the day return'd
in a pitch'd Battle nor dar'd to leave the City when all people were in such suspence and so unsetled in their minds Quintius having now prepared all things for his march decamped and the next Day came to Sellasia which lies upon the River Oenus where Antigonus King of Macedonia was said to have fought a set Battle with Cleomenes Tyrant of Lacaedemon Thence hearing that the ascent was difficult and the way narrow he went round about over the Mountains but sent a party before him to secure his passage in a Road that was broad and open enough to the River Eurotas which runs almost under the very Walls of the Town At which place as the Romans were encamping the Tyrants Auxiliaries set upon them and Quintius himself also who went before with the most active Horse and Foot at such a rate that they put them into a fright and confusion they expecting no such thing because they had met no body all the way they came but had passed as it were through a conquered Country For sometime therefore they were at a loss the Horse calling to the Foot and the Foot the Horse for assistance since none of them had any confidence in their own abilities At length the Legions came up and when the Regiments of the Vanguard were engaged in the fight those who so lately had been a terrour to them were forced to fly for fear into their City The Romans having retired so far from the Wall as to be out of Darts cast stood for some time in Battalia but anon when they saw none of the Enemies would come out to oppose them return'd to their Camp The next day Quintius went forward with his Army all in Array along by the River side by the City and under the Mountain Menelaus The Legionary Regiments went foremost and the Light-armour with the Horse brought up the Reer Nabis had the mercenary Souldiers in which he reposed all his trust in Battalia and ready under their Ensigns within the Walls to set upon the Enemy behind When therefore the last Company was just gone by they sallied out in the same confusion that they had done the day before Ap. Claudius brought up the Reer who having prepar'd the minds of his men for what was likely to come to pass that it might not surprize them commanded the Ensigns immediately to face about and so turn'd all the whole Army upon the Foe By which means as though two form'd regular Armies had join'd Battle they fought for some time upon an even lay till Nabis's Souldiers at last inclined to run though that they had not been so sure to have done had not the Achaeans who knew those parts very well come upon them But these made a great slaughter among them and disarm'd a great many that were dispers'd in their flight all over the Country Then Quintius Encamp'd near Amyclae where when he had plunder'd all places round the City which stood in a populous and pleasant Country seeing that none of the Enemies would come out of their Gates removed his Camp to the River Eurotas from whence he march'd into the Vale that lies under Taygetus laying wast both that and all the Country as far as the Sea-side At the same time L. Quintius reduced the Towns upon the Sea-Coast partly by voluntary Surrender and partly through fear or by force And then being inform'd That the Town of Gyttheum was the receptacle of all the Lacedemonians maritime provisions and that the Roman Camp was not far from the Sea he resolved to attack it with all his Forces It was at that time a strong City for the multitude of its Inhabitants as well as its being furnish'd with all kind of Warlike Preparations Now as Quintius was going about this difficult business King Eumenes and the Rhodian Fleet came very seasonably in to his assistance and the vast multitude of Seamen muster'd up out of the three Fleets in few dayes accomplish'd all those works that are necessary for the attacking of a City so well guarded both by Sea and Land The Wall therefore was soon overturn'd when they once applied their Tortoises to it being batter'd by their Rams also For by the repeated strokes of them was one of the Towers thereof demolish'd and all the Wall about it by the fall of that knock'd down so that the Romans endeavour'd to get in not only at the Gate where the passage was more plain in order to distract and draw the Enemy from defending the breach but at the place which they had broken down Nor did they much miss of making way where they design'd only the hope they had that the City would be surrender'd retarded their motion though it was soon frustrated For you must know that there were two Governours of that City called Dexagoridas and Gorgopas who were in equal authority over it Of whom Dexagoridas had sent a Message to the Roman Lieutenant That he would surrender the City but when they had agreed upon the time and way to do the business the Traitor was kill'd by Gorgopas and the City more vigorously defended by one alone By which means the attack had now been more difficult had not T. Quintius come up with four thousand choice Souldiers But when he had shown his Army from the brow of an Hill not far from the City and that L. Quintius with his works lay hard upon them both at Sea and Land then real despair forced Gorgopas also to take that course which he had reveng'd with death upon the other He therefore on condition that he might carry off those Souldiers that were in Garison there surrender'd the City to Quintius But before Gythium was surrender'd Pythagoras the Governour of it left Argus and committing the care of that City to Timocrates the Pellenian went with a thousand mercenary Souldiers and two thousand Argives to Nabis at Lacedemon Nabis as he was startled at the first arrival of the Roman Fleet and the surrender of the Towns upon the Sea Coast so though he were comforted with the small hopes of Cythium being still in the possession of his Friends when he heard that that too was deliver'd up to the Romans seeing that the Enemy lay all round the City to the Landward which spoiled all his hopes and that to the Seaward also he was intercepted thought it the best way to yield to Fortune and therefore sent an Herald first into the Camp to know whether they would suffer him to send Embassadours to them Which when he had got leave to do Pythagoras came to the General with no other Message but to desire that the Tyrant might come and talk with the General Thereupon a Council was presently call'd who being all of opinion that they ought to admit of a Conference the time and place was appointed for it And when they came with some small Forces following them to the Hills that are in the middle of that Region leaving their Regiments of both sides thereupon the
Son-in-Law commit at Argus almost before my Face and what an one didst thou thy self commit when I was now almost in the Territories of the Lacedemonians Come come give order that those persons whom you laid hold on in the publick Assembly and in the hearing of all their Fellow Citizens declar'd you would keep in Prison be brought forth with their Bonds about them that their wretched Parents may see that they who have been so mistakenly by them lamented are still alive But though these things are so as I say yet you 'll reply what 's that to you Romans And will you say so to the deliverers of Greece to them who to put themselves in a capacity of freeing it cross the Seas waging War both by Land and Water Yet I say you have not properly injur'd you nor violated your Friendship How often will you have me prove that you have done it But I shall not use many words I 'll tell you in short What is it then that violates Friendship Why they are chiefly these two things if you take my Allies for your Enemies or join with my Enemies against me Now both these things you have been guilty of For you not only took Messene which was Allied to us by the same League as Lacedemon was though your self our Ally by force and Arms but you likewise contracted with Philip our Enemy not only a Friendship but an affinity forsooth by means of Philocles his Prefect besides that you waged War against us and infested all the Sea about Malea with Piratical Ships taking and killing full as many Romans as Philip ever did insomuch that the Coast of Macedonia was more secure for our Ships that were to bring in provisions for our Armies than the Promontory of Malea Wherefore forbear I pray to brag of your fidelity and right to an Alliance with us and leaving off your popular way of haranguing speak like a Tyrant and an Enemy Hereupon Aristaenus one while advised and another while beg'd of Nabis that whilst he might whilst he had an opportunity he would consult his own good and then he began to repeat the names of the Tyrants in each particular neighbouring City who having laid down their command and restored their liberty to their Countrymen had lived not only to a secure but even an honourable old age among their Fellow-Citizens Whilst these things were said and heard on both sides night approached and ended the Conference But the next day Nabis said that since the Romans would needs have it so he would quit Argus and draw his Garison out of it restoring the Captives and the Fugitives to them again But if they had any thing else to demand he desired that they would give it him in writing that he might deliberate about it with his Friends So not only the Tyrant had time given him to advise in but Quintius also held a Council consisting of his chief Allies In which the greatest part were of opinion They ought to go on with the War and take off the Tyrant for the liberty of Greece would never be otherwise secure That it had been much better for them no War had ever been raised against him than that it should be let fall when it was once set on foot That he would not only as it were by their approbation be after that more firmly setled in his Throne when the people of Rome should seem to consent to his unjust Dominion but likewise by his Example would incite many more in other Cities to ensnare the liberty of their Fellow-Citizens The Generals own inclinations were most toward Peace For he saw now the Enemy was forced into his Walls there was nothing remaining but a Siege and that would be tedious For they were not to attack Gythium which notwithstanding was surrendered though they could not take it but they were to besiege Lacedemon a City that was very strong both in men and Arms. That the only hope they had left was the possibility of creating some dissension or Sedition among the Besieged as they made their approaches but when they saw the Ensigns almost at their very Gates never a man of them stirred To which he added that the Peace they had with Antiochus also stood upon a very false bottom for Villius the Lieutenant who came from thence brought word that he was come over into Europe with much greater Forces than before both by Sea and Land Now therefore if the Siege of Lacedemon should detain his Army there what other Forces should they have to wage a War against so mighty and so puissant a King This he spake aloud but was privately in himself afraid lest a new Consul should happen to have Greece for his Province and by that means his Successor have the honour of ending the War which he had begun But seeing that by all his opposition he could not move the Allies to the least complyance he by pretending to come over to their opinion made them all of his own side Well said he let us Besiege Lacedemon then since you will have it so But since the attacking of Cities is as you your selves know a thing so tedious and make the Besiegers oftentimes sooner weary than the Besieged you must now resolve upon wintering about the Walls of that City In which affair if there were only labour and danger to be undergone I would exhort you to prepare your minds and bodies for the enduring of it But now we want a great summ of money too to make the Works the Engines and Warlike Instruments wherewith such a great City is usually attack'd and for procuring of Provisions both for us and you against the Winter Wherefore lest you should either on a sudden be dishearten'd or quit the thing when 't is once begun before you have made an end of it I think you ought first to write to your several Cities and see what condition they are in as to courage and strength for the carrying of it on I have Auxiliaries enough and to spare but the more we are the more necessaries we shall want The Enemies Country at this time hath nothing in it but the bare ground besides that the Winter draws on in which 't is difficult to carry things together from places very distant This Speech of his made them all first to consider their several domestick misfortunes the sloth and envy of those that staid at home against such as went into the Wars their liberty of Speech and Judgment which made it so hard for them all to consent the publick wants and their slackness to contribute out of their own Estates Wherefore they immediately alter'd their minds and let the General do what he thought best for the Common-wealth of Rome and the advantage of his Allies Thereupon Quintius with the advice of the Lieutenants only and the Tribunes of the Souldiers wrote down these conditions upon which he would have a Peace concluded with the Tyrant That there should be a Truce
when we admired how he got such variety of Venison at that time of Year the man not so vain as these persons are smiling said that by several sorts of Sawces and wayes of dressing all that variety of counterfeit Venison was made of a tame Swine The same might be fitly said of the Kings Forces that were just then so much boasted of For all those several sorts of Arms and the many names of Nations unheard of as Dahae Medes Cadusians and Elymaeans were all Syrians more fit to be Slaves than Souldiers upon the score of their servile inclinations And I wish Achaeans I could lay before your Eyes this great Kings hasty march from Demetrias one while to Lamia into the Council of the Aetolians and anon to Chalcis You should see the quantity of two small Legions and those not compleat neither in the Kings Camp you should see the King one while almost begging Corn of the Aetolians to give to his Souldiers and anon borrowing money at Use to pay his Army another time standing at the Gates of Chalcis and by and by excluded thence and having seen nothing else but Aulis and Euripus returning into Aetolia Truly not only Antiochus did ill to believe the Aetolians and the Aetolians to hearken to his vanity and therefore you ought not to be deceived but to trust and rely upon the Romans honour and Friendship which you have so often experienced and throughly tryed For whereas they say 't is best for you not to intermeddle in the War nothing is so contrary and foreign to your interest or advantage for without any thanks on either side and without any honour too you will be the prey of them that conquer Nor did his Answer seem absurd to either party besides that it was easy for his Speech to find a favourable Entertainment with them who were willing to hear it For there was no dispute or doubt but they would all look upon those to be either Friends or Enemies to the Achaeans whom the Roman People so esteemed and would order a War to be proclaimed against Antiochus and the Aetolians They likewise presently sent Auxiliaries whither Quintius thought fit of five hundred men to Chalcis and five hundred to Piraeeus For there was like to be an Insurrection at Athens by means of some who through hopes of reward endeavour'd to draw the Mobile with money for which they are apt to sell themselves and their Country too over to Antiochus till Quintius was sent for by those of the Roman Party and upon the information of one Leon Apollodorus Author of their Revolt was condemn'd and banish'd Thus did the Embassadours return from the Achaeans to the King with a sad Answer The Boeotians gave no positive Answer only said that when Antiochus was come into Boeotia then they would deliberate what to do Antiochus hearing that both the Achaeans and King Eumenes had sent to the Garison of Chalcis supposed it his best way to make what hast he could not only that his men might come thither before them but that if possible they might meet them on the way and therefore sent Menippus with about three thousand Souldiers and all his Fleet to Polyxenida marching himself in a few dayes after with six thousand of his own men and of that number which could be raised on a sudden at Lamia not very many Aetolians The five hundred Achaeans a small aid who were sent by King Eumenes under the Command of Xenoclides a Chalcidese having got safe over the Euripus before the wayes were beset arrived at Chalcis And the Roman Souldiers too who were themselves also about five hundred whilst Menippus lay incamped before Salganea came to Hermaeum whence you pass over out of Boeotia into the Island of Euboea Mictio was with them in quality of an Embassadour from Chalcis to Quintius being sent to desire that very Garison Who when he saw the Streights possess'd by the Enemy went no farther toward Aulis but turn'd toward Delium with a resolution from thence to cross over into Euboea Delium is a Temple of Apollo lying upon the Sea five thousand paces from Tanagra And about four thousand paces from thence there is a passage over the Sea into the nearest parts of Euboea Where both in the Temple and the Grove which are as sacred as those places which the Greeks call Asyla i. e. Sanctuaries and before either any War was proclaimed or so far begun that the Romans had ever heard of drawn Swords or any bloodshed as their Souldiers who had nothing else to do were some of them gazing upon the Temple and the Grove others walking without their Arms upon the Beach and great part of them gone into the Fields to get Wood and Forage Menippus set upon them on a sudden as they were stragling about and kill'd them taking fifty alive Some few of them escaped among whom Mictio was one being taken on Board a small Merchant Man This accident as it was a vexation to Quintius and the Romans upon the score of their having lost so many men so it seemed to give them some farther right to make War against Antiochus Antiochus having brought his Armour to Aulis and sent Envoys a second time partly of his own men and partly Aetolians to Chalcis to treat of the same things that they had lately done but with greater menaces prevailed with ease notwithstanding all that Mictio and Xenoclides could do to the contrary to have the Gates open'd unto him Those that were of the Roman Party went out of the City a little before the Kings coming whilst the Achaeans and Eumenes's men kept at Salganea And in Euripus some few Roman Souldiers fortified the Castle for security Menippus began to attack Salganea and the King himself the Castle of Euripus Whereupon the Achaeans and Eumenes's men having first contracted for their safe departure march'd out of their Garison but the Romans defended Euripus with more resolution And yet they too since they were besieged both by Sea and Land and saw the Enemy bringing Engines and all Warlike Instruments together could not hold out the Siege Now when the King had got that which was the chief place in all Euboea the other Cities of that Island did not refuse to submit unto him Which made him think he had begun the War very fortunately seeing so great an Island as that and so many convenient Cities were now become subject to him DECADE IV. BOOK VI. The EPITOME 19 20. Manlus Acilius Glabrio being Consul with the assistance of King Philip conquer'd Antiochus at Thermopylae and drew him out of Greece c. 34. He also subdued the Aetolians 36. P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica dedicated the Temple of Cybele whom he had brought into the Palace being judg'd by the Senate to be the best man in the City 38 39 40. He likewise accepted of a Surrender made by the Boil in Gaul whom he conquer'd and triumph'd over them 44. Gives an account of several prosperous Sea-fights
the difficulty of what they were obliged to For how could they deliver up Amynander who was a King As also by the hopes which they had then by chance given them in that Nicander at that time coming from King Antiochus fill'd the multitude with vain expectations that both by Sea and Land there were great preparations for a War He on the twelfth day after he took Shipping return'd into Aetolia having perfected his Embassy and arrived at Phalara in the Malian Bay From whence when he had carried the money to Lamia himself with certain of his most active men toward the Evening in the Fields that lay betwen the Roman and the Macedonian Camp as he was going through wayes that he knew to Hypata fell into the hands of the Macedonians and was brought to the King before Supper was quite over Which being told him Philip who was concern'd as though a Guest not an Enemy had been come in bad him lie down and take part of what they had but soon after having sent away all the rest kept him there alone forbidding him to fear any thing Then he blamed the Aetolians for their ill Counsels which all return'd upon their own heads they having first brought the Romans and then Antiochus into Greece But that he had forgotten things that were past which might be easier reprehended than corrected and would not insult over their adversity That the Aetolians also ought to put an end to their animosities against him and Nicander particularly be mindful of that day on which he was by him preserv'd So having a Convoy order'd to carry him safe on his way Nicander came to Hypata as they were consulting about a Peace with the Romans Manius Acilius having sold or given to his Soldiers the booty about Heraclea when he heard that they were all in disorder at Hypata and also that the Aetolians flock'd to Naupactum that thence they might receive the whole shock of the War sent Ap. Claudius before hand with four Thousand Men to seize the tops of the Mountains that were hard to pass and himself got upon Oeta where he made a Sacrifice to Hercules in that Place which they call Pyra because there the mortal Body of that God was burnt Then marching away with his whole Army he went the rest of his Journey with ease and speed enough When he came to Corax which is a very high Mountain between Callipolis and Naupactum there many of his Beasts fell headlong they and their Burdens out of the Army and the Men were sore put to it But it was very obvious to observe with what a slothful Enemy they had to do who had not secur'd so rough a pass with any Guard to hinder any Enemies going that way He therefore seeing his Army was teaz'd there too went down to Naupactum and having set up one Bastion against the Castle he besieged the other parts of the City by dividing his Forces according to the situation of the Walls Nor did that attack cost him less work and trouble than that of Heraclea At the same time also Messene in Peloponnesus for refusing to be of their Council was besieged by the Achaeans For two Cities Messene and Elis were out of the Achaean Council and joyned with the Aetolians Yet the Eleans after Antiochus was driven out of Greece gave the Achaean Embassadors a milder answer That dismissing the Kings Guards there they would consider what they ought best to do But the Messenians having sent the Embassadors away without any answer at all had raised War and being in a fright upon their own account now that their Country was burnt all over with a destructive Army and they saw a Camp pitch'd hard by their City sent Embassadors to T. Quintius at Chalcis who was the Author of their liberty to tell him That the Messenians were ready both to open their Gates and surrender themselves to the Romans but not to the Achaeans Having heard the Embassadors Quintius went immediately from Chalcis to Megalopolis from whence he sent to Diophanes Praetor or Stadt-holder of Achaea a Messenger to bid him presently bring back his Army from Messene and come to him Diophanes did as he was ordered and raising the Siege went himself with all speed before the Army so as that he met Quintius about Ardania a little Town between Megalopolis and Messene Where when he had told the reasons of his besieging Messene Quintius having given him some gentle correction That he would dare to do so great a thing without his leave commanded him to disband his Army and not disturb that peace which was design'd for a general good bidding the Messenians Carry back the banish'd persons and joyn with the Achaean Council If they had any thing either at present to except against or for the future to provide against that they should come to him at Corinth Then he commanded Diophanes forthwith to summon him a Council of the Achaeans in which complaining that the Island of Zazynthus was intercepted by fraudulent means he required That it should be restored to the Romans Now Zazynthus had formerly belonged to Philip King of Macedon who had given it as an acknowledgment to Amynander for letting him lead his Army through Athamania into the upper part of Aetolia in which expedition having broken their hearts he forced the Aetolians to sue for Peace Amynander made Philip of Megalopolis Governour of that Island whither afterward in the time of the War wherein he joyned with Antiochus against the Romans having recall'd Philip to assist him in the management of his affairs he sent Hierocles of Agrigentum as his successor He after Antiochus's flight from Thermopylae and Amynander's being beaten out of Athamania by Philip sent Messengers of his own accord to Diophanes the Praetor of the Achaeans and for a certain summ of Money delivered up the Island to the Achaeans That the Romans thought ought to be theirs by right of War for Manius Acilius the Consul and the Roman Legions did not fight against Diophanes and the Achaeans at Thermopylae In answer to this Diophanes one while endeavoured to clear himself and his Nation and anon discoursed of the lawfulness of the action Some of the Achaeans not only at first said they abhorr'd such a thing but then also blam'd the Praetors obstinacy so that by their advice it was decreed That the whole matter should be left to T. Quintius Now Quintius as he was severe to those that opposed him so if they would yield he was very kind Wherefore omitting all signs of passion either in his voice or face he told them Gentlemen If I thought your having of that Island would be advantageous to the Achaeans I would advise the Senate and People of Rome to let you have it But as I see a Tortoise when he is gathered up into his shell is secure against all blows but when he puts forth any part is obnoxious to injuries and infirm whereever he is naked so I
the Romans with some loss of blood returned to their Ships From thence going into the Telmessian Bay which with one side borders upon Caria and with the other upon Lycia and laying aside all hopes of any further attempt upon Patara the Rhodians were sent home Livius passing by Asia went over into Greece that when he had waited upon the Scipioes who were then about Thessaly he might go into Italy Aemilius when he knew that all things were omitted in Lycia and that Livius was gone into Italy who having himself been repulsed from Ephesus by a Tempest had return'd to Samus without effecting what he went about thought it a dishonourable thing that Patara should be so vainly attempted and therefore resolved to go thither with his whole Fleet and attack the City with all the force he had So passing by Miletus and the other Coasts belonging to their Allies they went a Shore in the Bay of Bargyllae at Jassus That City was in the hands of a Garrison belonging to the King wherefore the Romans in an hostile manner ravaged the Country all about Then having sent certain Persons by conferences with the Nobility and Magistrates to try their Inclinations they having return'd him answer That there was nothing within their power he march'd up to attack the City Now there were some banish'd Jasseses among the Romans who were very urgent many of them with the Rhodians Not to suffer a City that were both their Neighbour and Relation to perish though it had done no harm That there was no reason for their banishment but their fidelity to the Romans That these who remained in the City were kept there by the same force of the Kings Soldiers whereby they themselves were expelled That the Jasseses were all of one mind and would willingly be freed from being the Kings slaves The Rhodians moved at their requests and taking King Eumenes also along with them by telling how nearly related they were to them and pittying the case of the City that was in possession of the Kings Garrison prevailed to have the Siege raised Then going from thence for all the other parts thereabout were at Peace with them and passing along the Coast of Asia they arriv'd at Loryma a Port over against Rhodes There in the Principia a part of the Camp where the second Division of their Army call'd Principes lay arose at first a secret discourse among the Tribunes of the Soldiers which came afterward to the Ears of Aemilius himself That the Navy was brought from Ephesus the proper seat of that War that the Enemy being left free behind might do what they pleas'd with so many Cities of their Allies that lay thereaboat At that Aemilius was mightily concern'd and having summon'd the Rhodians to him ask'd them Whether all the whole Fleet could harbour at Patara To which they making answer They could not he had a good excuse to lay aside that design and so return'd with his Ships to Samus At the same time Seleucus Son to Antiochus having kept his Army all the Winter in Aeolis where he partly assisted his Allies and partly ravaged all those that he could not perswade into an alliance resolved to go over into the Confines of Eumenes's Kingdom whilst he far from home was with the Romans and the Rhodians harassing the Sea Coasts of Lycia First therefore he came in hostile manner to Elaea but soon after omitting to besiege that City he plundered the Country and march'd to attack Pergamus the Fortress and Metropolis of that Kingdom Attalus at first having planted Guards before the City by excursions of his Horse and Light-armour rather provok'd than sustain'd the Enemy At last having tried by light Skirmishes that he was no wayes equal to the Foe he retired into the Walls and then the City began to be besieged About the same time Antiochus also going from Apamea Encamped first at Sardeis and then not far from Seleucus's Camp at the Head of the River Caycus with a great Army mixt of several Nations But there was most terrour in the four thousand Gauls that fought for pay whom with a few others among them he sent to ravage all the Pergamene Territories Which being told at Samus first Eumenes call'd thence by a Domestick War with his Fleet went to Elaea from whence having with him a party of nimble Horse and Foot under whose protection he was safe he arrived at Pergamus before the Enemy perc v'd or were any way concern'd for his coming There then began again light Skirmishes by way of Sally Eumenes being loth to venture all upon the hazard of one Battle Some few dayes after the Roman and the Rhodian Fleet to assist the King came from Samus to Elaea Of whom when Antiochus heard that they had landed their Forces at Elaea and that so many Fleets were met together in one Port and likewise had intelligence a little before that the Consul with his Army was then in Macedonia preparing all things necessary for his passing the Hellespont thought the time was come for him to talk of Peace before he were hard prest both by Sea and Land too and therefore Encamp'd upon a certain Bank against Elaea Where having left all his Foot Forces he march'd down with his Horse which were in number six thousand into the Fields under the very Walls of Elaea and sent an Herald to Aemilius to tell him that he would treat of Peace Aemilius having sent for Eumenes from Pergamus and summon'd in the Rhodians held a Council The Rhodians said they did not scorn a Peace but Eumenes said it was neither honourable at that time to talk of Peace nor could there be any issue of it For said he how shall we now that we are shut up in our Walls and besieged as it were either honourably accept of conditions of Peace or who will take that Peace to be valid which we shall make without a Consul without the authority of the Senate or consent of the Roman People For I desire to know of you when you have made a Peace will you return immediately into Italy or no Will you take the Navy and the Army along with you or stay till you know the Consuls pleasure in the case What the Senates will is and what the people say It remains therefore that you stay in Asia and that their Forces being led back again into their Winter Quarters omitting the War exhaust their Allies with supplies of provision for them and after that if they who are in Authority shall think fit that we renew the War which we may if we remit nothing of the present manage of affairs before Winter with the help of the Gods have finish'd This opinion prevailed and they sent Antiochus word back that before the Consuls Arrival they could not treat of Peace Antiochus having in vain attempted to gain a Peace ravaged first the Elaeean and then the Pergamene Territories and then leaving there his Son Seleucus march'd plundering all the way
Mankind who have long admired your Name and Empire as much as the immortal Gods Now what it was very hard to gain I am afraid 't is more difficult to preserve You undertook to defend the liberty of an ancient noble Nation whether you consider the Fame of what they have done or your general commendation for humanity and learning from the Tyranny of Kings And therefore it behoves you perpetually to protect all that Nation which you have receiv'd into your care and tutelage Those Cities that are in the ancient Country of Greece in Europe are not more Grecian Cities than your Colonies which formerly went thence into Asia nor has the changing of their Climate alter'd their nature or their manners We dare every City of us vie with our Parents and Founders in a pious contest for good Arts and Virtue You have many of you been in the Cities of Greece and Asia Save that we are farther distant from you we are outdone in nothing else The Massilians whom if their nature could have been overcome by the genius as it were of the soil so many unciviliz'd Nations as lye round about them had long e'r this corrupted are as much esteemed we hear and justly valued by you as though they lived in the very centre of all Greece For they have kept not only the tone of the Language the Garb and Habit but above all the Manners Laws and Humour of their Country free and entire from the Contagion of their Neighbours The bound of their Empire now is Mount Taurus and whatsoever is within that limit you ought not to think remote But wheresoever your Arms have come thither also 't is fit your justice should reach even from this City Let the Barbarians who never knew any Laws but the commands of their Lords have what they delight in Kings whilst the Greeks are pleas'd with their own Fortune that is their Wills They formerly with domestick force also embraced Empire now they wish that where the Empire at present is there it may for ever continue It is enough for them to defend their Liberty with your Arms since they cannot with their own But some Cities were of Antiochus's side and others before of Philips and Pyrrhus's being Tarentines Not to reckon up any other Nations Carthage is free and enjoys its own Laws See you Grave Fathers how much you owe to this example of yours You will be perswaded to deny that to Eumenes's avarice which you denyed to their own must just anger We Rhodians leave it to your judgment what brave and faithful service we have done you both in this and all other Wars that you have waged upon that Coast And now in time of Peace we give you such advice as if you approve of it will make all People believe that you use your Victory with more Gallantry than you got it This Oration seemed sutable to the Roman grandeur After the Rhodians Antiochus's Embassadors were call'd in who after the ordinary manner of those that beg Pardon Having confessed the Kings error beseech'd the Senate that they would remember and consult their own clemency rather than the Kings faults who had already suffer'd sufficiently for it and in fine that they would by their Authority confirm the Peace made by L. Scipio on the same terms that he had granted it Thereupon not only the Senate agreed to the observation of that Peace but the People also in a few Days after gave their consent The League was struck in the Capitol with Antipater head of the Embassy and Son to King Antiochus's Brother After which the other Embassadors likewise out of Asia had their audience To all which there was this answer given That the Senate after the manner of their Ancestors would send ten Embassadors into Asia to controvert and compose all differences there but that this should be the result of all that all the Country on this side Mount Taurus that was within the Confines of King Antiochus 's Kingdom should be given to Eumenes except Lycia and Caria as far as the River Meander and that should be subject to the Rhodians That the rest of the Cities in Asia that had been stipendiary to Attalus should all pay a tribute to Eumenes but those that had been tributary to Antiochus should be free and without any imposition They pitch'd upon for these ten Embassadors Q. Minucius Rufus L. Furius Purpureo Q. Minucius Thermus Ap. Claudius Nero Cn. Cornelius Merula M. Junius Brutus L. Aurunculeius L. Aemilius Paulus P. Cornelius Lentulus and P. Aelius Tubero Now concerning those things that required their presence upon the place to debate them these Persons were free to do as they thought good but concerning the business in general the Senate determin'd thus That all Lycaonia both the Phrygias Mysia the Kings Woods all Lydia and Ionia except such Towns as had been free at the same time when they fought with King Antiochus and particularly Magnesia near Sipylum with Cana which is called Hydrela and the Country of the Hydrelites lying toward Phrygia the Castles and Villages by the River Meander and all Towns but what were free before the War Telmissus also by name with the Forts belonging to it and the Lands that had belonged to Ptolomy of Telmissus that all these places and things above written should be given to King Eumenes To the Rhodians was assigned all Lycia beyond the aforesaid Telmissus the Forts belonging thereunto and the Lands that formerly appertain'd to Ptolomy of Telmissus for these were excepted both by Eumenes and the Rhodians too That part of Caria too was given to them that lies nearer to the Island of Rhodes beyond the River Meander consisting of Towns Villages Castles and Lands that reach as far as Pisidia saving such Towns among them that had been at liberty the Day before they fought with King Antiochus in Asia For this when the Rhodians had given the Senate thanks they treated concerning the City of Soli in Cilicia saying That they as well as themselves were descended from the Argives from which Cognation they came to love like Brothers Wherefore they desired this extraordinary favour that they would deliver that City from being slaves to the Kings Thereupon King Antiochus's Embassadors were call'd and discours'd but could not be in any wise prevailed upon Antipater appealing to the League against which the Rhodians desired to have not only Soli but to go over Mount Taurus and take all Cilicia Upon that the Rhodians being call'd back into the Senate when the House had told them how vehement the Kings Embassadour was they added That if the Rhodians thought that matter concern'd the dignity of their City the Senate would by all manner of means overcome the obstinacy of the Embassadours With that the Rhodians thank'd them much more heartily than before and said they would rather yield to the arrogance of Antipater than give any occasion of disturbing the Peace So that there was no alteration made as
Philip when he heard that Athamania was revolted set out with six thousand men and with great celerity came to Gomphi where having left the greater part of his Army for they would not have endured such long marches he went with two thousand to Athenaeum which was the only Fort yet held by his men From whence making some Tryals of the adjacent parts when he easily found that the rest were all Enemies he went back to Gomphi and then return'd with all his Forces together into Athamania After that he order'd Zeno whom he sent before with one Thousand Foot to take possession of Aethopia which lies very conveniently above Argithea which Place when he saw that his own Men were possessed of he himself encamped near the Temple of Jupiter Acraeus Where having been detain'd one Day by foul Weather he design'd next Day for Argithea And as they were going the Athamanes immediately appear'd to them running several ways to the tops of Banks that were by the Road side At the sight of them the foremost Ensigns stood still and there was a dread and a consternation in the whole Army and each of them began to think with himself what would become of them if that Army should be led down into the Vales under those Rocks This disturbance therefore among his Men forced the King who desired if they would follow him in all hast to pass the straits to recall the foremost i. e. to face about and carry his Ensigns back the same way that he came The Athamans at first followed quietly at a distance but when the Aetolians joyn'd them left them to fall upon the Enemies Reer and planted themselves about the flanks Some of them going before a nearer way beset the Passes and the Macedonians were in such an hurry that as if they were in a confus'd posture of flying than of a regular march leaving many of their Arms and Men behind them they cross the River which put a stop to their pursuit From thence the Macedonians went back safe to Gomphi and from Gomphi into Macedonia The Athamans and Aetolians ran together from all parts to Ethopia to surprise Zeno and the thousand Macedonians there But the Macedonians having no confidence in that place went up into an higher Hill that was more craggy every way from which the Athamans having found out Avenues to it in several places presently drove them and as they were dispers'd besides that they could not easily escape through such pathless and strange Rocks took part of them and kill'd the rest Many of them for fear threw themselves headlong from the Precipices few of them escaping with Zeno to the King The next day by virtue of a Truce they had time given them to bury their slain Amynander having recovered his Kingdom sent Embassadors to the Senate at Rome and to the Scipio's in Asia who staid at Ephesus after a great Battel with Antiochus desiring Peace and excusing himself that by means os the Aetolians he had recovered his Fathers Kingdom but accused Philip. The Aetolians went out of Athamania into Amphilochia and by consent of the major part reduced the whole Nation When they had gotten Amphilochia again for it formerly belong'd to the Aetolians they descended with the same hopes into Aperantia which was great part of it surrendered in the same manner without fighting Dolopia was never subject to the Aetolians but they were to Philip. They therefore first took up Arms but when they heard that the Amphilochians were with the Aetolians and of Philips running away out of Athamania with the slaughter of his Garrison there they themselves also revolted from Philip to the Aetolians But whilst the Aetolians thought themselves every way secure from the Macedonians upon the score of the Nations that lay round about there was a report That Antiochus in Asia was conquer'd by the Romans Nor was it long after before the Embassadors return'd from Rome without any hopes of Peace and brought word that Fulvius the Consul was already come over with an Army Whereupon they were frighted and having caused Embassies to be sent before from Rhodes and Athens that through the Authority of those Cities their petitions which were so lately rejected might gain the easier access to the Senate dispatch'd away the Chief Men of their Nation to Rome to try their utmost hopes having never thought of making Peace before the Enemy was in sight At this time M. Fulvius having put his Army over to Apollonia was consulting with the Nobility of Epirus where to bâgin the War The Epirotes were for his attacking Ambracia which then had united it self with the Aetolians For Whether the Aetolians came to defend it the Fields thereabout were wide enough to fight in or whether they declined the conflict the taking of it would be no difficulty For there was not only plenty of stuff near at hand to raise Mounds and other Works but that Arethon also a navigable River convenient for bringing thither all sorts of necessaries ran by the very Walls besides that the Summer a season fit for the purpose was then before them By this means they perswaded him to march through Epirus When the Consul came to Ambracia the taking of it seemed to be a great task For Ambracia stands under a rough Hill which the Inhabitants call Perrhanthos The City toward the Plain and the River looketh toward the West but the Castle that stands upon the Hill to the East The River Arethon flowing out of Acarnania falls into a Bay of the Sea which from the name of the adjacent City is called the Ambracian Bay But besides that it is enclosed on this side with the River and on that with Hills it is also fortified with a strong Wall that is something more than three Thousand Paces about Fulvius therefore planted two Camps at a small distance one from another on the Plains side and built one Fort on a rising ground against the Castle All which he so endeavoured to join with a Mound and Trench that neither the besieged might have any outlet from the City nor those without any avenue to send Auxiliaries in Upon the report of Ambracia's being besieg'd the Aetolians were already met by order of Nicander their State-holder at Stratum From whence they at first intended to come with all their Forces to hinder the Siege But when they saw the City was great part of it encompassed with Works and that the Camp of the Epirotes was pitch'd in a Plain beyond the River they thought fit to divide their Army So Eupolemus going to Ambracia with a Thousand nimble Fellows enter'd the City at such Places where their Fortifications were not yet quite clos'd up Nicander had a design at first with the other part of the Men to attack the Camp of the Epirotes in the Night time though it was not easy for the Romans to assist him the River being between But soon after thinking that a dangerous enterprise for fear the Romans should
Antioch Seleucus Son to Antiochus came into the Consuls Camp according to the League made with Scipio to provide Corn for the Army where there arose a small debate about Attalus's Auxiliaries for that Seleucus said Antiochus had agreed to give Corn to none but Roman Souldiers But that also was decided by the Consuls resolution who sending a Tribune gave order that the Roman Souldiers should not take any Corn before Attalus 's Auxiliaries had receiv'd it From thence he went on to Gordiutichus as they call it and so in three marches to Tabae a City standing upon the Confines of Pisidia on that part that lies toward the Pamphylian Sea where since the Forces of that side of the Country were entire there were men very eager to fight And even the Horse sallying out upon the Roman Army put them at the first attack into great disorder But soon after when it appear'd that they were not equal either in number or courage being forced into the City they ask'd pardon for their errour and were ready to yield themselves They were injoin'd to pay twenty five Talents of Silver and sixty thousand Bushels of Wheat and so were admitted to make their surrender Three days after they came to the River Chaus from whence they went and took the City of Eriza upon the first attempt Then they proceeded to the Castle of Thabusion which stands upon the River Indus so called from one Indus who was there thrown off an Elephant And now they were not far from Cibyra but no Embassy came from Moagetes King of that City who was a man very faithless and wayward in all his dealings Wherefore to try his inclinations the Consul sent before him C. Helvius with four thousand Foot and five hundred Horse This Party was met just as they enter'd into his Confines by Embassadours who told them that the King was ready to do what they commanded and desir'd that he would come peaceably into their Country keeping the Souldiers from making havock of it They brought fifteen Talents from a Crown of Gold and Helvius promising to keep the Country entire from Plunder order'd the Embassadours to go and wait upon the Consul To whom since they said the same thing before him too the Consul made Answer We Romans have not any testimony of the Tyrants good will toward us besides that all the World know him to be such a person as that we ought to think of punishing rather than making an Alliance with him The Embassadours being disturb'd at this desir'd nothing else than that he would accept of the Crown and that he would permit the King to come and discourse him in order to atchieve himself Accordingly the next day by permission of the Consul the King came into the Camp cloth'd and attended like an ordinary Man Where he made a submissive humble Speech extenuating his own power and complaining of the poverty of the Cities in his Dominions which were besides Cibyra Syleum and Alimne Out of these he with some diffidence promised though he beggar'd himself and all his people to raise twenty five Talents Whereunto the Consul reply'd This mockery of yours can no longer be born with Was there not reason enough for your being ashamed of cheating us by your Embassadours when you were absent but you must persist in the same impudence when present too Five and twenty Talents would exhaust your Kingdom Let me tell you Sirs unless you pay five hundred Talents to us in three dayes you must expect a ravage in your Country and a Siege before your City Walls The King though frighted at this denunciation yet continu'd in his obstinate pretence of poverty but by degrees making an illiberal addition sometimes with cavilling and other whiles with begging and feigned tears was brought to a hundred Talents to which were added sixty thousand Bushels of Corn. All this was done within six days From Cibyra he led the Army through the Sindian Territories and Encamped on the farther side of the River Calaures The next day they march'd by the Fenn Caralitis and halted at Mandropolis From whence when they went on to the next City named Lagos the Inhabitants ran all away for fear They therefore rifled the Town that was forsaken of its people but abounded in all sorts of provisions Then from the Spring-head of the River Lysis they went forward next day to the River Cobulatus The Termessians at that time having taken the City attack'd the Castle of Isionda so that the besieged having no other hopes of aid left sent Embassadours to the Consul to desire his assistance saying that they with their Wives and Children being shut up in the Castle every day expected death either by Sword or Famine Whereupon the Consul who before had a mind to go into Pamphylia had then a good occasion offer'd him and at his arrival raised the Siege from before Isionda He granted Termessus a Peace though he took fifty Talents of Silver from them as he likewise did to the Aspendians and the other people of Pamphylia Out of Pamphylia he return'd the first day to the River Taurus and the next Encamp'd at Xyline Come as they call it From thence he went straight to the City of Cormasa the next City to which is Darsa That he found deserted by the Inhabitants for fear but full of all necessaries Whence as he went on by the Fenns Embassadours met him from Lysinoe to surrender their City Then he came into the Sagalassene Territories a fruitful and a rich soil inhabited by the Pisidians who are much the best Warriers in all that Country Whom as that animates so does the fertility of the soil the multitude of their people and the situation of their City which among those few that are there is fortified The Consul because there was no Embassy ready at the Confines sent his men to plunder the Country By that means at last their obstinacy was tamed when they saw all they had taken away They therefore sent Embassadours who bargaining to give the Consul fifty Talents a hundred and twenty thousand Bushels of Wheat and sixty thousand of Barly obtain'd a Peace From thence going onward to the head of the River Obrima he Encamp'd at a Village called Aporidos Come whither Seleucus also came the next day from Apamea and from that place having first sent his sick men and other cumbersome Baggage to Apamea took Guides of Seleucus's providing along with him and march'd that day into the Plains of Metropolis and the next day on to Diniae in Phrygia Then he came to Synnada the Towns thereabout being deserted for fear When therefore he had laden his Army with the plunder of them so that they could scarce march five thousand paces in a day he came to a place called old Beudos From thence he went to Anabura the next day to the head of the River Alander and the third day Encamp'd at Abbassus There he continu'd for several dayes because he was come to the
had been scatter'd all over the Country in their flight being met together again in one place great part of them wounded or unarm'd and destitute of all necessaries sent Envoys to the Consul concerning a Peace Then Manlius to come to Ephesus whilst he himself making hast to get out of those parts that were so cold by reason of Taurus being so nigh for now it was the middle of Autumn brought back his Victorious Army into Winter Quarters upon the Sea-Coast Whilst these things were transacted in Asia all things in the other Provinces were quiet At Rome the Censors T. Quintius Flaminius and M. Claudius Marcellus review'd the Senate of which P. Scipio Africanus now the third time chosen President there being only four names pass'd over in order to their being put out of the Senate none of whom had ever rode in a Curule Chair They were also very mild in their review of the Knighthood They likewise bargain'd for the building of an House upon the place where that of Sp. Maelius called now Aequimelium stood in the Capitol and to have the street paved with Flint from the Capene Gate to the Temple of Mars The Companions consulted the Senate to know where they should be poled and it was decreed that it should be done at Rome There were great Waters that Year The Tiber over-whelm'd the Campus Martius and all the lower parts of the City twelve times Now when Cn. Manlius the Consul had made an end of the War against the Gauls in Asia the other Consul M. Fulvius having subdu'd the Aetolians went over into Cephalenia and sent all about to the Cities of that Island to inquire Whether they would rather yield themselves to the Romans or try the Fortune of a War Whereupon their fear so far prevailed with them that they all submitted to a Surrender So Hostages being required of them the Nesiotes Cranians Palleans and Samians according to the ability of such a poor people gave twenty By this means an unexpected Peace smiled upon Cephalenia when on a sudden one of their Cities namely the Samians for what reason is not known revolted For they said that since their City was situate in a convenient place they were afraid lest they might be forced by the Romans to remove from it But whether they form'd these apprehensions in themselves and by vain fears depriv'd themselves of rest or whether such a thing might be talk'd of by the Romans and so brought to their Ears is not certain save that as soon as they had given their Hostages they presently shut their Gates nor would they even at the request of their own Natives for the Consul had sent to the Walls of the City to move the compassion of those that were Parents or Countrymen at least to the Hostages desist from their undertaking Thereupon the City began since they return'd no peaceable answer to be attack'd The Consul had all sorts of Provisions of Warlike Instruments and Engines brought over from the Siege of Ambracia besides that the Souldiers quickly perfected all such Works as were to be raised Wherefore their Rams being apply'd in two places at once began to shake the Walls Nor did the Samians omit any thing whereby either the Works or the Enemy might be removed but made resistance by two things more especially the one in that they still repaired the inward Wall when it was beaten down with a strong new one and the other in that they fallied out of a sudden one while upon the Enemies Works and another while upon their Guards in which attempts they for the most part got the better of it There was one slight way at last found out scarce worth the mentioning to restrain them and that was this There were a hundred Slingers sent for from Aegium Patrae and Dyma who had been used even from their Childhood according to the custom of their Country to throw round stones that lie upon the Sea-shores among the Sand into the open Sea Wherefore they used that instrument to greater advantage and with more certainty and a stronger blow than the Balearian Slingers did Neither has their Sling one Leather only in the bottom of it as the Balearian and that of other Nations hath but three which are fasten'd close and hard together with many seams least the Leather being loose the Stone or Bullet should roull to and fro when they are going to fling it so that lying dead upon the bottom it is hurl'd forth as from a Cross-Bow They therefore being used to throw Coronets of a small compass from a great distance did not only wound the heads of the Enemies but any part of their Faces that they design'd to hit These things kept the Samians from sallying forth either so frequently or so boldly insomuch that they desired the Achaeans from the Walls for a little time to draw off and quietly look on whilst they engaged with the Romans The Samians held out the Siege for four Months But at last since of those few that they were some daily fell or were wounded and they that remained were tired both in their Bodies and Minds too the Romans getting in the Night over the Wall through the Fort which they call Cyatis for the City runs Westward toward the Sea side came into the Market-place Whereupon the Samians seeing part of their City was taken fled with their Wives and Children into the bigger Fort and from thence the next day making their Surrender their City being risled they were all sold for Slaves The Consul having set all things in order at Cephalenia and put a Garison into Samus went over into Peloponnesus at the request of the Aegians chiefly and the Lacedaemonians who had for a great while together desired his Company there The meeting of the general Assembly or Council of Achaia was originally always appointed to be at Aegium either out of respect to the dignity of that City or for the convenience of the place But this usage Philopoemen that Year first of all endeavour'd to abolish and therefore prepared a Bill to be pass'd into a Law that the meeting should be in all the Cities that sent Members to the Achaian Parliament by turns And accordingly when the Consul was a coming the chief Magistrates in each City summoning them to Aegium Philopoemen who then was State-holder order'd the Assembly to be at Argos Whither when it appear'd that they were all resolv'd to come the Consul also though he favour'd the Aegians most came to Argos where when upon debate he saw the matter incline the other way he desisted from his first design of being for Aegium After that the Lacedaemonians engaged him in their quarrel their City being most infested by a company of people that were banish'd thence Of whom great part dwelt in the Maritime Castles of the Laconian Coast which was all taken away from the Lacedaemonians Which indignity the Lacedaemonians being scarce able to endure in order to their having some Avenue
the Aeniân Territories by the Temple of Apollo which the Natives call Zerynthus Then they came to anothâr streight about Tempyra for that 's the name of the place which was as rough as the foâmer but because there are no Woods about it is not a convenient place for an Ambuscade Hither with the same hopes of prey came the Thransians who are a Nation in Thrace too but because the naked Vales gave way for them to be seen at a distance besetting the pass there was less terrour and tumult among the Romans For though the place were uneven yet they must of necessity sight hand to hand in a regular manner and in the open Field Wherefore coming close up and with a shout falling briskly on they first removed the Enemy from their Post and afterward forced them back again Thereupon began the slight and slaughter of them their own streights being their greatest hinderance After this the Romans being Victorious Encamped at a Village of the Maronites called Sare from whence they went next day into the Plain called Campus Priaticus where they staid three dayes to take in Corn partly out of the Maronites Country and partly out of their own Ships that follow'd them with all sorts of Provisions From their Camp there it was a dayes Journey to Apollonia from whence they march'd through the Abderites Dominions to Neapolis which was all along a quiet rode by reason of the Greek Colonies in those parts But the remaining part of the way as they went through the middle of Thrace Day and Night if it were not troublesom to them was yet suspected so to be till they came into Macedonia But that same Army found the Thracians more civil to them when they were led the same way by Scipio for no other reason but because they had less booty to lose Though at that time also Claudius sayes that 15000. Thracians met Mutineâ the Numidian who went before to view the Country That there were 400 Numidian Horse and some few Elephants That Mutines 's Son broke through the miâst of the Enemies with a hundred and fifty chosen Horsemen and that the same person soon after whilst Mutines having placed the Elephants in the middle and the Horse in the Wings was engaged with the Enemy gave them a diversion in the reer by which means the Enemy who were put into great disorder by that storm as it were of Horse never came up to the body of foot Cn. Manlius led his Army through Macedonia into Thessaly from whence coming through Epirus to Apollonia not slighting the Sea at that time of Year so much as that he durst cross it he Winter'd there When the Year was almost out the Consul M. Valerius came out of Liguria to Rome in order to choose new Magistrates having done nothing that was memorable in his Province so as that that might have been a reasonable Plea for his coming later than ordinary to U. C. 563 hold the Assembly The Assembly for proposing of Consuls was on the 16th of February and there were chosen M. Aemilius Lepidus and C. Flaminius The day after the Praetors were elected namely Ap. Claudius Pulcher Ser. Sulpicius Galba Q. Terentius Culleo L. Terentius Massaliota Q. Fulvius Flaccus and M. Furius Crassipes When the Assembly was over the Consul refer'd it to the Senate what Provinces they would please to assign the Praetors Whereupon they order'd two to be at Rome for the doing of justice between man and man two out of Italy which were Sicily and Sardinia and two in Italy which were Tarentum and Gaul and immediately before they enter'd upon their Offices they were commanded to cast Lots Ser. Sulpicius happen'd to have the City Q. Terentius the Foreign Jurisdiction L. Terentius Sicily Q. Fulvius Sardinia Ap. Claudius Tarentum and M. Furius Gaul That year L. Minucius Myrtilus and L. Manlius for that they were said to have beaten the Carthaginian Embassadors were deliver'd by order of M. Claudius the City Praetor by the Heralds to the Embassadours and carry'd to Carthage There was then also a report of a great War in Liguria that encreas'd every day more and more Wherefore to both the new Consuls that day when they proposed the setling of the Provinces and other publick affairs the Senate assign'd Liguria for their Province This order of Senate the Consul Lepidus opposed saying it was an unworthy thing that both the Consuls should be shut up in the Vales of Liguria That M. Fulvius and Cn. Manlius had been now two years the one in Europe and the other in Asia as though they had been substituted to reign there instead of Philip and Antiochus wherefore if the Senate resolv'd that the Armies should continue in those parts that Consuls were more sit than private men to command them That they wander'd with the terrour of War through Nations against whom there was no War declar'd selling Peace for money That if it were necessary to keep those Provinces with standing Armies then as M. Fulvius and Cn. Manlius had succeeded M. Acilius and L. Scipio in the Consulate so C. Livius and M. Valerius ought to succeed Fulvius and Manlius That now surely since the Aetolian War was ended Asia retaken from Antiochus and the Gauls conquer'd the Consuls ought to be sent to the Consular Armies or the Legions to be brought back from thence and render'd to the Commonwealth The Senate though they heard what was said yet still persever'd in their former resolution that Liguria should be both the joint Province of both the Consuls together and gave order that Manlius and Fulvius quitting their Provinces should bring the Armies thence and come back to Rome Now there was a Pique between M. Fulvius and M. Aemilius the Consuls Aemilius affirming among other things that he was made Consul two years the later by means of M. Fulvius Where to create Envy against him he suborn'd the Ambracian Embassadours to come into the Senate and accuse him Who thereupon complain'd that they had a War waged against them even in time of Peace though they had done all that the former Consuls injoin'd them and were ready to perform the same obedience to M. Fulvius that their Country was first ravaged whereby their City was put into fear of being rifled and butcher'd insomuch that by their dread they were forced to shut their Gates After that that they were besieged attack'd and had all the severities of War exercised upon them by slaughter fire ruine and rifling of their City That their Wives and Children were carried away into slavery their goods taken from them and which troubled them most of all their Temples through the whole City rob'd of all their Ornaments That the Images of their Gods yea and the Gods themselves were forced from their seats and carry'd away the Walls and Pillars stript of their Furniture so that the Ambracians had now no Gods left to adore or pray to Now whilst they complain'd of these things the Consul
by force and Arms Menelais in Dolopia which formerly belong'd to his Kingdom As also that Petra in Pieria was taken by the same Thessalians and the Perraebians together That they took Xyniae which was undoubtedly an Aetolian Town into their own Dominions and that Perachelois which belong'd to Athamania was wrongfully made part of the Thessalian Territories For as to the crimes that were objected against him concerning his laying wait for the Embassadours and frequenting or forsaking such and such Sea-Ports the one was very ridiculous that he should give an account what Ports his Merchants or Mariners went to and other was quite contrary to his constant usage For it was now so many years that their Embassadours had never ceased to carry stories of him one while to the Roman Generals and another while to the Senate at Rome yet which of them did he ever abuse so much as in words only That they pretended there was an Ambuscade once laid for those that were a going to Quintius but they did not say withal what besel them That such crimes were invented by them who sought for something which they might falsely object when they had nothing of truth to tell That the Thessalians did insolently and immoderately abuse the indulgence of the Romans whilst they too greedily guzled down pure liberty as those that had been long thirsty did Wine That upon the same score they like Slaves who are contrary to their expectations on a sudden set at liberty they try'd the freedom of their speech and tongue and vaunted themselves by inveighing and railing against their Governours Then raised by his passion he added That Sun was not yet set for all dayes that were to come which threatning saying of his not only the Thessalians but the Romans also took as spoken against them And when the murmur that arose upon those words was at last again allay'd he then made Answer to the Embassadours of the Perraebians and Athamanians in this manner That the case of those Cities for which they pleaded was altogether the same That the Consul Acilius and the Romans gave him then when they belong'd to the Enemy That if they that gave him that present would take it from him again he knew he must yield but they would thereby do an injury to a better and a more faithful Friend to oblige a light and an useless parcel of Allies For there was no obligation more fading than that of liberty especially among such people as by making a bad use of it were like to destroy it Having heard the case the Embassadours declared That they thought fit the Macedonian Garisons should be drawn out of those Cities and that the Kingdom should be bounded by its ancient limits As to the injuries which they complain'd were done to them on both sides that they would appoint a legal method how a decision should be made between those Nations and the Macedonians The King being mightily offended with what they said they went thence to Thessalonica to inquire concerning the Cities of Thrace Where the Embassadours of King Eumenes told them That if the Romans had a mind that Aenus and Maronea should be free it did not sute with their modesty to say any thing else save to admonish them that they would leave them really and not verbally free nor suffer their gift to be intercepted by another person But if they less regarded the Cities in Thrace yet it was more consonant to reason that Eumenes should have those Towns that were subject to Antiochus as the rewards of War than that Philip should whether upon the score of his Father Attalus 's merits in the War which the Roman People waged against Philip or of his own who was concern'd in all the toil and danger of the War with Antiochus both by Sea and Land Besides that he had the judgment of the ten Embassadours in the case before hand who when they gave him Chersonesus and Lysimachia gave him Maronea and Aenus too which by their very Neighbourhood were as it were dependencies upon that greater present For upon the account of what merit toward the Roman People or right of Government since they were so far from the Confines of Macedonia had Philip put Garisons into those Cities That they would order the Maronites to be called in and from them they should receive a more satisfactory account of the state of those Cities Then the Maronean Embassadours being call'd in said That the Kings Garison was not only in one part of the City but in several places at the same time and that Maronea was full of Macedonians By which means the Kings flatterers domineered there That they alone had the liberty to speak both in the Senate and in other publick Assemblies and that they not only took to themselves but confer'd upon others also all kinds of honour That every good man who had any regard to his liberty and the Laws was either banish'd his Country or forced to live there in disgrace and silence subject to a parcel of Rascals They also added some few words concerning the right of their Borders saying That Q. Fabius Labeo when he was in those parts set Philip a boundary which was to be the Kings old road that goes into the Paroreia i. e. the Country near the Mountains of Thrace and comes no where nigh the Sea but that Philip afterward went a new way whereby to take in the Cities and Country belonging to the Maronites To this Philip taking a quite different method of Discourse from that which he lately used against the Thessalians and Perraebians said I have no controversy with the Maronites or with King Eumenes but even with you Romans from whom I have long observ'd that I can have no justice done me I thought it reasonable that the Macedonian Cities which in the time of the Truce had revolted from should be again restored to me not because that would be any great addition to my Kingdom for they are not only small Towns but situate also upon the very Frontiers of my Dominions but because the example would conduce very much to the keeping of the other Macedonians within the bounds of their Allegiance But this was deny'd me Then being order'd in the Aetolian War by the Consul Manius Acilius to attack Lamia when I had been long fatigued there with Battles and Works as I was just ready to scale the Walls and had almost taken the City the Consul recall'd me and forced me to draw my Forces off from it To make me amends for the injury it was permitted that I should retake some certain Castles rather than Cities of Thessaly Perraebia and Athamania And those too you Q. Caecilius some few dayes after took from me A little before that the Embassadours of Eumenes forsooth took it for an unquestionable truth that what belongs to Antiochus it was more reasonable Eumenes should be Master of than I. But that I take to be quite contrary For Eumenes could not
but at his first approach they surrender'd the City Cyretia endeavouring to make resistance the first day in a sharp Skirmish he was repulsed from the Gates but the day following attacking it with all his force they all before night yielded him submission Mylae was the next Town and so strong that the hope of it's being impregnable had render'd the Inhabitants a great deal fiercer thinking it not sufficient to shut the Gates against the King but they also cast out many scurrilous reproaches oâ him and the Macedonians which proceeding seeing it had more inraged the Enemy to the assault and themselves likewise despairing of pardon enflam'd them the more fiercely to defend themselves so that for the space of three dayes they were attack'd and defended with much gallantry on both sides The number was so great of the Macedonians that relieving one another by turns they easily maintain'd the assault but the Townsmen that defended the Walls night and day not only their wounds but continual watching and labour had quite worn them out The fourth day when the Scaling-Ladders were every where raised on the Walls and the Gates assailed with greater force the Townsmen being driven from the Walls ran to defend the Gate and made a sudden sally on the Enemy which was rather an effect of blind rage than a true confidence of their strength but being few in number and quite tired out they were beaten back by those that were fresh and vigorous and in the pursuit their Enemies were received with them thorough the open Gate Thus the City was taken and sacked and the free people that survived the slaughter were exposed to sale The greatest part of the Town being burnt and ruined the Camp moved to Phalanna and the day after came to Gyrtone but hearing that T. Minucius Rufus and Hyppias the Thessalian Praetors had fortified that place he passed by without making any attempt however he surprized Elatia and Gonnus being smitten with terrour at his unexpected approach which two Towns are situate in the Streights which lead to Tempe Gonnus especially and therefore he left it fortified with a very strong Garison both of Horse and Foot and a triple Ditch and Rampier He determined to go himself to Sycurium there to expect the Enemy and commanded his Army to Forage all the Country of the Enemy that lay under him For Sycurium is seated at the Foot of the Mountain Ossa having on the South-side lying under it the Thessalian Plains and behind Macedonia and Magnesia To these commodities may be added the extraordinary healthfulness of the clime and the multitude of Fountains continually running round about it The Roman Consul by this time marching with his Army towards Thessaly at first began his expedition with some celerity thorough Epirus but when he had passed over into Athamania with great difficulty and slow marches thorough a rough and almost unpassable Country he arrived at Gomphi If the King at that time and place with his Forces in order had met him at the head of a young disciplin'd Army compos'd of tired men and Horses the Romans themselves cannot deny but that they must have received a very great overthrow but when they arriv'd at Gomphy without any opposition besides their joy for overcoming those difficulties they began also to despise their Enemies for their ignorance of their own advantages The Consul having duly sacrificed and distributed Corn to the Souldiers remained there some few dayes for the refreshing of his men and Horses When he heard that the Macedonians overran all Thessaly and destroyed the Countries of their Allies being now sufficiently recruited he led his Army to Larissa afterwards when he was about three miles distant from Tripolis which they call Scea he incamped by the River Peneus About this time Eumenes came by Sea to Chalcis with his Brothers Attalus and Athenaeus leaving his Brother Philetaerus at Pergamus Protector of his Kingdom departing hence with his Brother Attalus and four thousand Foot and a thousand Horse he came to the Consul leaving at Chalcis two thousand Foot under the Command of his Brother Athenaeus Thither also came other Auxiliaries to the Romans from all the parts of Greece many of which particulars being so inconsiderable are lost in oblivion The Appolloniats sent three hundred Horse and a hundred Foot From the Aetolians came one Company only the greatest number of Horse the whole Nation could raise nor did all the Thessalonians which were separated and quartered asunder in the Roman Camp exceed three hundred Horse and the Achaeans sent a thousand of their youth armed for the most part like the Cretesians About this time also came C. Lucretius the Praetor who went before with the Ships to Cephalenia after he had appointed his to sail above Malea with his Fleet to Chalcis himself went aboard a Trireme Galliot passing the Gulf of Corinth to pre-possess the affairs in Boeotia his Voyage was the slower because of the infirmity of his Body M. Lucretius coming to Chalcis and hearing that the City of Haliartus was besieged by P. Lentulus sent a Messenger to command him in the name of the Praetor to depart thence The Lieutenant having entered on that affair with the Boeotian youth who had taken part with the Romans left the Walls The raising of this Siege made room for another For M. Lucretius with a Naval Army of ten thousand Souldiers with two thousand of the Kings which were under Athenaeus immediately besieged Haliartus and being just ready to make an attack the Praetor from Creusa joined with them And about the same time Ships from the Allies arrived at Chalcis Two Punicaean Quinquereme Galliots two Trireme Galliots from Heraclea in Pontus four from Chalcedon as many from Samos and five four-oar'd Gallies from Rhodes the Praetor because there was no where any Sea-War remitted all these again to the Allies Q Marcius also after he had taken Halops and assaulted Larissa which is called Cremaste came by Sea to Chalcis This was the State of affairs in Boeotia when Perseus as was said before lay incamped at Sycurium having drawn together all the Forage of that Country round about sent Souldiers to destroy the Territory of the Pheraeans supposing that the Romans being drawn far from their Camp to the relief of their Confederates might be surprized But when he found them nothing moved by tumult he gave the Booty except the men which was large in Cattle of all sorts to be merrily devoured among his Souldiers Afterwards about the same time the King and Consul both consulted where they should begin the War The King's Courage was much increased by the devastation of the Pheraeans permitted by the Enemy and therefore resolved nor to give any space of further prolonging to march immediately towards their Camp The Romans also were of opinion that delay would have rendered them infamous among their Confederates resenting it as a thing extreamly dishonourable that the Pheraeans were not succoured as they were
could and enter'd the City The report of this new relief forced the Romans and the King too Eumenes to quit the Siege and so they doubling the Cape arrived with the Fleet at Torone But as soon as they began to attack that place also finding that it was defended by a strong body of men they thought 't was in vain to make any farther attempt and went to Demetrias Where when upon their approach they saw the Walls all cover'd over with Souldiers they sailed by with their Fleet to Iolcus resolving when they had wasted the Country thereabout to return and besiege Demetrias At this time too the Consul lest he should be guilty of sitting down idle in an Enemies Country sent M. Popillius with five thousand men to attack the City of Meliboea which is situate at the foot of the Mountain Ossa on that side which lies toward Thessaly and stands very opportunely above Demetrias The first arrival of the Enemy put the Inhabitants of the place into some consternation but when they had recover'd themselves from the fright they ran several wayes to the Gates and the Walls where they suspected the Foe would make their approaches whereby they presently cut off all the Enemies hopes that they might be taken upon the first effort Thereupon preparation was made for a Siege and all works in order to it taken in hand When Perseus heard that not only Meliboea was attempted by the Consuls Army but that the Navy also stood at Iolcus with design from thence to attack Demetrias he sent Euphranor one of his Captains with two thousand choice men to Meliboea commanding him that if he raised the Siege of the Romans from before Meliboea he should get privately into Demetrias before they decamped from Iolcus to that City When those that besieged Meliboea saw him on a sudden upon the Hills they left their works in great confusion but first set them on fire and so they retreated from Meliboea Euphranor having raised the Siege from before one City march'd strait to Demetrias Nor did the Inhabitants of that place then believe that they could defend their Walls only but their Country also from devastation for they made sallies out upon the stragling Pillagers and wounded many of the Enemies Notwithstanding the Praetor and the King rode about the Walls to view the situation of the City and see if they might attempt it either by works or force on any side There was a report that conditions of Peace were treated of between Eumenes and Perseus by Cydas a Cretan and Antimachus who at that time was Governour of Demetrias but this is unquestionable that they retreated from Demetrias Eumenes sailed to the Consul and having congratulated his prosperous entrance into Macedonia went away to Pergamus in his own Kingdom Marcius Figulus the Praetor having sent part of the Fleet to Winter at Sciathus went with the rest of the Ships to Oreum in Eubaea supposing that City to be the most commodious for sending of Provisions to the Armies that were in Macedonia and Thessaly There are very different accounts concerning King Eumenes If you believe Valerius Antias he sayes that he neither assisted the Praetor though he often sent for him by Letters nor went with the Consuls good liking into Asia but took it ill that he had not the liberty to lodge in the same Camp and that he could not be induced to leave behind him even those Gallick Troops which he had brought thither with him That his Brother Attalus not only staid with the Consul but also that he was very faithful to him all along and did mighty service in the War Whilst the War continu'd in Macedonia there came Embassadours from a petit King of the Gauls beyond the Alpes his name 't is said was Balanos but of what Nation he was is not mention'd to Rome who promised aid toward the carrying on of the Macedonian War For which the Senate return'd him their thanks and sent him several Presents viz. a gold Chain of two pound weight and several golden Goblets of four pound weight with a trapped Horse and Arms for an Horseman After the Gauls the Pamphylian Embassadours brought into the Senate House a golden Crown made out of twenty thousand Philippeans pieces of Gold like Jacobus's and desiring that they might have leave to lay that Present up in the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus and likewise to sacrifice in the Capitol they were permitted besides that they received a very kind Answer to their Petition for renewing the Alliance between them and Rome and had each of them a Present sent them of two thousand pounds of brass Then the Embassadours from King Prusias and soon after from the Romans who discourse very differently concerning the same thing had their Audience both of which Embassies treated about concluding of a Peace with King Perseus Prusias came with a Petition rather than a demand professing that he had to that day been for the Romans and as long as the War continu'd would be But since Embassadours came from Perseus to him about making an end of the War with the Romans and that he had promised them to intercede with the Senate on their behalf he begg'd of them that if they could be perswaded to lay aside their animosity they would let him have the honour of being thought a Peace-maker Thus said the Kings Embassadours The Rhodians having proudly reckon'd up what kindnesses they had done the Roman People and arrogated the greater share of the Victory over King Antiochus to themselves added That when there was Peace between the Macedonians and the Romans their Alliance began with King Perseus but that they broke off with him against their wills and for no other reason that he gave them but only because the Romans would needs have them bear a part with them in the War Of which War they had now felt the many inconveniences for three years together for the Sea being so block'd up with Ships that all commerce was obstructed their Island was reduced to extream want and they had lost not only their customs but their trading too Wherefore since they could no longer endure it they had sent other Embassadours into Macedonia to Perseus to declare unto him that the Rhodians thought fit he should conclude a Peace with the Romans and that they were sent to Rome with the same message That the Rhodians would consider what to do against those who should be the cause why the War was not made an end of I am sure that these words cannot even at this day be read or heard without indignation and thence we may imagine how much those Senators were concern'd that were by when they were spoken Claudius sayes They received no answer but that there was only an act of Senate read over whereby the Roman People ordain'd that the Carians and Lycians should be free States and that there were Letters dispatch'd to both those Nations to let them know what the
was fought in Macedonia The next day there was a Senate held in the Senate House supplications decreed and an Order of Senate made That the Consul should dismiss all them that he had listed under him except the ordinary Souldiers and the Seamen and that the disbanding of them should be deferr'd till the Embassadours came from L. Aemilius the Consul who had sent the Letter-Carrier before them Upon the 26th of October about the second hour the Embassadours enter'd the City and drawing along with them a vast crowd of people that met and follow'd them where ever they went they walked strait on into the Forum up to the Tribunal The Senate was then by chance sitting and therefore the Consul brought the Embassadours into them Where they were detain'd so long as to declare what quantity of Foot and Horse the King had how many thousands of them were slain and how many taken with what a small loss of men so many Enemies were destroy'd with how few the King escaped that it was thought he would go to Samothrace and that the Fleet was ready to pursue him That he could not get away either by Sea or Land They said these very words a little after when they were brought into the publick Assembly where the peoples joy being renew'd after the Consul had set forth an Edict that all the Temples should be open'd every man in particular went out of the Assembly to give the Gods thanks and by that means the Temples of the immortal Gods all over the City were fill'd with a vast multitude not only of men but of Women too The Senate being called again into the Senate-House decreed that supplications should be made five dayes together in all the Temples about the City upon the score of L. Aemilius the Consuls great and good success and that Sacrifice should be made with the bigger sort of Victims That the Ships that stood ready and were just fit for service upon the Tiber should be taken up to be sent into Macedonia if the King could make any resistance and put into the Docks that the Seamen should have a years pay given them and be dismiss'd and with them all that had sworn to be true to the Consul as also that all the Souldiers at Corcyra Brundusium upon the upper Sea or in the Larinian Territories for in all those places there had been Forces posted with whom if occasion had been C. Licinius was to have assisted his Collegue should be disbanded The supplication was appointed in the Assembly of the people to begin upon the tenth of October and with that day to continue five dayes Two Embassadors viz. C. Licinius Nerva and P. Decius out of Illyricum came and brought word That the Illyrian Army was slain that their King Gentius was taken and that he and all Illyricum were now at the disposal of the Romans Upon the account of those performances under the Conduct and lucky success of L. Anicius the Praetor the Senate decreed a supplication for three days as the Latine Holy-Days were appointed by the Consul to be celebrated on the three days immediately preceding the Ides i. e. the 13th of November Some say That the Rhodian Embassadours being not as yet dismiss'd after the news of the Victory were called into the Senate to be jeered and laugh'd at for their foolish pride and that there Agesipolis the chief of them spoke to this purpose saying That they were sent Embassadours from the Rhodians to make Peace between the Romans and Perseus seeing that War was grievous and incommodious to all Greece in general yea a charge and a dammage even to the Romans themselves That Fortune had done very well in that the War being ended by other means she had given them an opportunity of congratulating with the Romans upon the score of so great a Victory Thus said the Rhodian to which the Senate reply'd That the Rhodians sent that Embassy not out of any care they took of the advantages of Greece or any respect to the charges which the Roman People had been at but on the behalf of Perseus For if that had been their care which they pretended they ought then to have sent Embassadours when Perseus having brought an Army into Thessaly besieged the Grecian Cities some of them for two years together and frighted the rest by threatning to make War against them That then there was no mention made by the Rhodians of a Peace but when they heard that the Romans having passed the Streights were got over into Macedonia and that Perseus was within their reach that then the Rhodians sent their Embassy for no other reason but to deliver Perseus out of imminent danger That with this Answer the Embassadours were dismiss'd At the same time M. Marcellus departing out of the Province of Spain after he had taken the famous City of Marcolica brought back into the Treasury ten pound weight of Gold and of Silver in Sesterces a Million In the mean time P. Aemilius the Consul being Encamped as I told you before at Sirae in Odomanticae received a Letter from King Perseus by the hands of three Embassadours who were but ordinary men upon the receit of which he is said to have wept to think of the frailty of mankind that he who a little before was not content with the Kingdom of Macedonia but attacked the Dardans and Illyrians calling in Auxiliaries from the Bastarnae should now since he had lost his Army be banish'd his Kingdom forced into a small Island and like a suppliant be protected by the religious respect born to a Temple only and not by his own strength But when he read these words King Perseus to Consul Paulus sendeth greeting his compassion was all taken off by the folly of the King who understood not his own circumstances Wherefore though in the other part of the Letter the intreaties of Perseus were such as did in no wise become a King yet that Embassy was dismiss'd without any Letter or Answer Perseus thereupon grew sensible what title he a conquer'd Prince ought to have left out and therefore sent another Letter with the title of a private person in which he desired and obtained that certain persons might be sent to him for him to discourse with concerning the state and condition of his present Fortune There were three Embassadours sent whose names were P. Lentulus A. Posthumius Albinus and A. Antonius but nothing was concluded of in that Embassy since Perseus was resolved to retain the Name of King and Paulus was very earnest to have him commit himself and all that he had to the protection and mercy of the Roman People Whilst these things were transacted Cn. Octavius with his Fleet arrived at Samothraca who endeavouring besides the present fright which he put him into sometimes with threats and sometimes with hopes to perswade him that he would deliver himself up was assisted in his undertaking whether by accident or design is not well known For L.
when he came into the Senate House he bow'd down and kiss'd the threshold calling the Senate the Gods that preserved him with many other expressions which were not so honourable to those that heard him as they were unseemly for him to use Having staid about the City some thirty days he went back for his own Kingdom FINIS SUPPLEMENTS OF THE Several Gaps or places wanting in the five last Books pretermitted by John Freinshemius and filled up by Monsieur John Dujatius which in imitation of him we here add altogether by themselves because we would not intermix other mens word with Livy's yet with References to the respective Folio's to which each matter belongs The Beginning of the One and fortieth Book or first of the Fifth Decade fol. 791. NOW had the Romans carried their victorious Arms into all the three Parts of the World Not content to be confined to their native Italy with their Swords they cut their way into Regions vastly remote each from other and separated by Several Seas All which they invaded by a continual Train of Successes not so much checkt as rendred more active by some very few intervening Disasters Spain the most Western put of the European Continent they had made themselves Masters of having traversed the Gallâck and Iberian Seas and beat out the Carthaginians Afterwards passing the Adriatick Gulph into Greece where Europe exâends furthest Eastward they soon forced that whole Country to truckle to their Power when once they had subdued the Macedonians a People that formerly bid fair for the Empire of the World Moreover beyond the Aegaean Sâa so much of Asia as lies on this side the Cliffs of Mount Taurus was taught by Antiochus's Overthrow to âevere the Mâjesty of Rome As for Africk it was already at their devotion For what could withstand them after they had vanquish'd Carthage In fine there was fearce any thing altogether free from the Gripes of their Power only the Names of Kings remained and Nations were not called their Subjects but their Allies and Confederates under the shadow of which Title they enjoy'd though not the thing it self yet a certain resemblance of Liberty But still the Destinies either ow'd or design'd somewhat greater for Rome For that nothing might be wanting to its Sovereign Dignity and Supreme Command of the World Fortune provided notable occasions by the supine Errours and vain Tumults of her Rival Enemies to spâeâd her Empire and advance her Power especially the Vices of Perseus King of Macedonia who usuâped that Government by fraud and managed it accordingly his Cruelty towards his Country-men which rendred him universally hated his unreasonable Covetousness amidst such vast Treasures and his Lightness and Inconstancy both in taking and executing Councils did both ruine him and all others that might else have been able to preserve themselves as long as that Bridle of the Roman Power and Bulwark of Greece should have continued But by these Extravagancies though at first he had not only the advantage of them as to the situation of his Country and in strength and numbers of men and plenty of all things but also in the Fortune of the War yet in a very little time he brought both himself and others to destruction For presently his Overthrow drew on the Ruine not only of his Neighbours but even distant Nations shared in the Effects of his Calamity The Fate of Carthage and the Achaeans following that of Macedonia and with their Disasters astonishing all other States the yoke thenceforwards was every where to be received alike and as well free Kingdoms as Associates must be content to be governed as Roman Provinces But being now to relate how all these Occurrences not so considerable for the grandeur or difficulty of the Actions themselves as the magnificent Enlargement of Dominion that thence accrued did happen in their proper Series of time it will be necessary that we look back to the Consulship of M. Junius Brutus and A. Manlius Vuâso for so far this work had already proceeded In the beginning of the year when the Consuls and Praetors were entred upon their Offices they divided the Provinces between them by Lot To A. Manlius Vuâso one of the Consuls happen'd Gallia To the other M. Junius Brutus the Ligurians To M. Titinius Curvus the City Jurisdiction To T. Claudius Nero that of the Foreigners P. Aelius Ligus had Sicily T. Aebutius Carus Sardinia Another M. Ticinius the hithermost Spain and T. Fonteius Capito the furthermost but till they should arrive there T. Sempronius Gracchus and L. Posthumius Albinus were to continue in their Commands Before the Consuls set out towards their Provinces a Fire happening in the Forum destroy'd abundance of Houses and amongst the rest burnt the Temple of Venus down to the ground Besides which most of all terrified the peoples minds the Sacred Fire in Vesta's Temple happen'd to be extinguish'd and the Virgin that had the charge thereof was scourged by the Command of M. Aemilius Lepidus the Pontiff To expiate these ill Omens Supplications were held according to Custom and to appease the Gods the Consuls offer'd the greater Sacrifices A Survey of the City was about this time taken by M. Aemilius Lepidus and M. Fulvius Nobilior the Censors and the number of Citizens enroll'd was two hundred seventy three thousand two hundred forty four Heads T. Gracchus the Propraetor stoutly carried on that War which he had last year prosperously begun against the Celtiberians He was yet but in the prime of his youth and excelling all men of that Age both for prudence and industry had himself conceived hopes of performing extraordinay Actions and infused the same opinion into his Souldiers therefore having Advice that the Enemy with twenty thousand men had besieged Carabis a City in Alliance with the Romans he hastened with all expedition to relieve it But the Town was so straitly invested that there seem'd no way to send them in word that assistance was coming till the Courage of Cominius undertook that desperate Service who being a Captain of a Troop of Horse put himself into Spanish Habit and mingling himself amongst the Enemies Troopers that were abroad a sorraging with them returned into their Camp where taking his opportunity he rode away full speed to the City and informed them That Tiberius was upon his March With which News the Townsmen being raised from the extremity of despair to joy and confidence made such a resolute Defence as gave Gracchus sufficient opportunity to come up The Enemy in the mean time seeing they could do little good by force of Arms betook themselves to a Stratagem which caused no small confusion in the Roman Camp Out of the several Towns which Cato a while before had all in one day caused to be dismantled of their Walls a vast multitude were slock'd together as to a new City at a place which they called Complega from whence to the number of twenty thousand men they went in the Habit of
Suppliants carrying Olive-branches in their hands till they came within sight of the Roman Camp where they made an halt for a little time as if they came to beg for Peace but on a sudden flinging away their Ensigns of petitioning they fell to brandishing and clattering their Arms and with an horrible Clamour rush'd in to the Camp where all were put into a consternation both by their fury and their noise But this Fraud of the Barbarians Gracchus by a like Artifice eluded and beat back on their heads For pretending to fly he quitted the Camp but no sooner were they got into it and busie a plundering but he rallies his Army and in good earnest falls upon them and not only slew a great part of them but seized the City from whence they came After this pushing on his good Fortune he compelled innumerable Towns exhausted with the Calamities of War to surrender themselves and subdued the neighbouring Nations Then dividing the Lands amongst the Poor and assigning to every Nation their certain bounds he made a League with all the Celtiberians and the People adjacent who had sided with them whereby he brought over a considerable part of Spain to an Alliance with the Romans and their Posterity embraced the same Treaty as a Law which makes that seem less wonderful which is related by Polybius viz. That Gracchus took by Force or subverted three hundred Cities of the Celtiberians which Posidonius thinks to be a Fiction and that the Actions of that Expedition were augmented beyond all measure in favour of Gracchus since neither the Extent of the Country nor its Nature could yield so many Cities in that dry and barren Soil And the Spaniards except those that border on our Seas though they are very numerous build and inhabit Villages rather than Cities nor are they a few of them that lead a life almost like Savages in the Woods troublesom to those more Civil people that dwell near them But we must consider that under the Name of Celtiberians were comprehended all those neighbouring Nations who were in League with them As on the one side the Arevacans Carpetans Oretanes and other People about the River Tagus and on the other side the Vascons towards the River Iberus amongst whom he rebuilt the Town Gacchurris a perpetual Monument of his Valour and Atchievements which place the Spaniards formerly called Illurcis The same Summer L. Postuminius Governour of the farther Spain in quality of Propraetor routed the Enemy killing forty thousand of them and subdued the Lusitanians and Vaccaeans Whilst these things were doing A. Manlius Vulso the Consul whose Province we told you was the Cisalpine Gallia seeing all that Country in a profound Peace and no hopes for him to acquire a Triumph on either side of the Po unless it were beyond the Alps grew desirous to advance his Arms another way and luckily it happen'd that some Commotions of the Istrians and Illyrians though they were rather predatory Excursions by Sea and Land upon Roman Allies than warlike Invasions invited him to pass the Bounds of Italy Those people always enured to Robbery and Spoil were grown weary of their Peace though they both had long since made tryal to their Cost of the Roman Puissance The Illyrians having been weakned with several Overthrows especially in the days of their Queen Teuta whom Cn. Fulvius Centumalus and A. Posthumius Albinus having attacqued with Forces both by Sea and Land deprived of part of her Kingdom and forced her to beg Peace upon very hard Terms some few years before the beginning of the second Punick War Not long after which viz. about forty three years since the Istrians were defeated by the two Consuls P. Cornelius Scipio Asina and M. Minucius Rufus and almost utterly subdued but afterwards their Spirits in a new Generation being elevated they returned to their old Trade of affronting the Romans their new Princes in each place not restraining but rather encouraging the insolence of their people The Ruler of the Illyrians was Gentius the Son of Paluratus who in the heat of his youthful blood was fond to have armed that which c. as fol. 791. aforesaid A Supplement of two Gaps near together at the End of the eighteenth Chapter of the same Book fol. 799. C. Valerius having heard of the death of his Collegue Q Petillius leads his Army against the Ligurians and joining his own Troops with those who lately under the others Conduct had driven the Enemy out of the Mountains did so inclose and defeat them that he abundantly sacrificed them to his Partners Ghost Hence returning to Rome and admitted to Audience by the Senate in the Temple of Bellona he gave an account both of Petillius's Actions and his own demanding a Triumph for himself and such Honours to be done to his Collegues Memory as the dead were capable of A Supplication was order'd for two days and a Triumph granted him but upon that Legion by whom Petillius was if not deserted yet at least not so valiantly defended as they ought to have done the Fathers thought fit to lay a Mark of their Displeasure by an Order That they should have no Pay for that year Some few days after Valerius triumphed over the Ligurians being drawn in a stately Chariot with four Horses through the City to the Capitol After this the holding of the Assemblies for chusing Consuls and Praetors came to be considered touching which there happen'd no small Debate in the Senate because C. Valerius Laevinus the only surviving Consul of all the three that had been the last year was not chosen in the beginning of the year but subrogated in the room of Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispalus deceased during his Magistracy Now those that were skill'd in Religious Rites and the Common Laws of the Nation said That seeing both the ordinary Consuls of that year happen'd to be taken off one by a natural Death and the other by the Wars the Consul substituted in the room of either of them could not legally hold the aforesaid Assemblies And the Pontiffs being consulted declaring themselves to be of the same Opinion the matter came to an Inter-regency And by the Court held by the Inter-regent there were chosen Consuls P. Mucius Scaevola and M. Aemilius Lepidus the second time Next day Praetors were created viz. C. Popillius Laenas T. Annius Luscus C. Memmius Gallus C. Cluvius Saxula Sext. Cornelius Sulla and App. Claudius Centho Amongst whom the Provinces were thus allotted to the Consuls the Cisalpine Gallia and Liguria the latter to Mucius the former to Lepidus Of the Praetors Cluvius had the City-Jurisdiction Annius the Foreign Pop. Laenas Sicily Memmius the higher Spain Corn. Sulla Sardinia Centho the further Spain How many and what Legions or Forces of the Latine Allies were assigned to each the Ancients are silent However it can scarce be doubted but before they went to their respective Provinces they did by the Senate's Order inspect the Sibylline Books and
by it not touching it then was it a token that the matter was displeasing to the Gods and would have an ill end but if the Chickens did hastily leap out of the Coop and eat so greedily that some fell out of their mouths and redounded on the ground then the Cunning-man pronounced success in the matter proposed and this was called Tripudium Solistimum The Aruspices Craft lay in observing whether the Beast that was to be sacrificed came to the Altar willingly or dyed without much struggling or bellowing at one blow or many whether any unlucky object were seen or heard whilst they were sacrificing whether the Bowels and especially the Liver were fair and natural for if they appear'd of an ill colour dryed up ulcerous imposthumated or the like it was an ill Oââen As commonly they would begin no Action of moment inauspicatò that is without the Counsel of some of these Augurs so especially the same was requisite in Assembles for chusing of Magistrates and making of Laws but not to all alike For though the Divination taken from observing the Heavens that is Thunder Lightning and the like were admitted at all the three sorts of Comitiâ or Assemblies of the People yet the flight of Birds and observing the Chickens Crums were appropriate to the Comitia Curiata and Centuriata only The General of an Army being elâcted with these Ceremonies was said to wage the War in that Province with his own Auspices and all his inferiour Officers and Souldiers were said to fight under his Auspices and therefore the Name of Imperator or Lord General was never given to any Lieutenant General or the like nor any Triumph allow'd him for any Victory though obtain'd by him when the General was sick or absent for still the matter was atchiev'd by his Auspices not their own As or Assis is usually taken in Livy for a piece of Roman Money or Coin in Brass that at first weigh'd a pound or twelve ounces and so we have in several places translated it as fol. 71. you find mentioned 3000 l. which is not to be understood of pounds Sterling but of so many Asses King Servius was the first that coin'd or stampt Brass-money for they had no Silver coin'd till after they had vanquisht King Pyrrhus about the year of the City 485. The Denarius of Silver when first coin'd was in value equal to ten of these Asses but in the first Punick War the Commonwealth being straitned for Money it was order'd that Asses should be stampt that were but of one sixth part of the old weight that is to say two ounces And afterwards they reduc'd them to one ounce and reckon'd one Silver Denarius equal to sixteen Asses Hence the old Asses were called Aes grave Money of full weight but however it alter'd in weight it is reputed always to have gone for three far things or thereabouts of our money Auspicia or Auspices See before Aruspices Balista so called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã from darting or casting out any thing termed also sometimes Catapulta from the Greek word Peltes a Dart was an Engine used by the Romans in besieging of Cities somewhat like our Cross-bow for its use but much bigger with which they used to shoot Darts and some Authors say Stones too upon occasion against their Enemies on the Wall at a great distance It is thus described by Marcellinus lib. 23. cap. 3. Between two planks saith he there is set in a frame and fast joined a large strong Iron reaching out in length like a good great Rule out of the round body whereof which is artificially wrought there lieth forth further a four-square Beam made hollow with a direct passage in manner of a narrow Trough tyed fast with many Cords of Sinews twisted one within the other and thereunto are joined two wooden Screws near unto one of which stands the Balistarius he that plays the Engine and puts into the hollow passage of the Beam a wooden Shaft with a big head fastened on it This done on both sides two lusty young men do bend the Engine by turning about certain Wheels and when the top of the head is drawn to the uttermost end of the Cords the Shaft hurried out of the Balista by the inward force thereof flies out of sight with mighty violence Those Engines were employ'd also in the Defence of Places besieged For so we read That when the Capitol was besieged by the Gauls the Romans wanting Sinews for making or repairing these Engines the Matrons supplied them by cutting off their hair which served instead of Sinews in Honour of which there was afterwards a Temple erected to Venus Calva Venus the Bald. Basilica so called from the Greek word Basileus which signifies not only a King but a Judge were stately upper Buildings at Rome supported with Piazza's under which the people walkt the use of these Halls above was principally for the Judges to sit in and determine Causes and in their absence the Merchants met there and therefore as one part of them was furnisht with Benches and Bars like Law-Courts so other sides had Shops for the better sorts of Wares Bellona the Goddess of War whose Temple stood before the Gate Carmentalis near which there was a Column called Bellica from which the Romans latterward were wont to lance a Dart or Javelin towards those parts where they intended to make War whereas in former times they sent their Heralds to the very Confines of their Enemies to perform that Ceremony Bigati were the Roman Denarii having the stamp of a Chariot drawn with two Horses called Biga Calends was amongst the Romans the first day of every Month so named à Calando to Call because the petty Pontiff in old time was wont then to call the People to the Court Calabra and there to pronounce to them how many Nones there were in that Month. For the Romans divided their Months into Calends Nones and Ides and some Months had two Nones more than others which difference and their manner of Counting is intimated in these memorial Rhymes Each Month's first day we do its Calends call In March May July and October fall Six following Nones the rest but four in all But every Month eight Ides doth thence take in Which done th' account from next Calends begin That is as the first day of every Month is called the Calends of that Month so the 2 3 4 5 6 7. of those four Months March c. were called the Nones of that Month but in all other Months the Nones contained but the 2 3 4 5. days so that for Example the fifth day of January was called Nonae Januarii but the seventh day of March the Nones of March and the second of March was the sixth Nones for they always reckon'd backward so but the second of January the fourth Nones After the Nones followed the Ides which contained eight days in every Month so that the 15. day of March
the Gauls at that River v. 37. Alorcus his Speech to the Saguntines xxi 13. Alps how difficult to pass xxi 23. In the Winter shut up xxvii 38. Altar built by Annibal on which was inscribed an Account of his Exploits xxviii 45. Amilcar the Father of Annibal counted a second Mars xxi i. Amilcar the Son of Bomilcar xxiii 49. Amilcar the Son of Gisgo xxi 51. Amulius deposes his elder Brother Numitor i. 3. is beheaded 5. Andronicus beheaded for taking up Arms with his Father against the Romans xlv 31. Annales the Family of the Villii so called for preferring a Law establishing how many years old each person must be that pretended to any Office xl 43. Annibal at nine years old takes an Oath to be an Enemy to the Romans xxi i. His Character 4. Besiges Saguntum who were allied to the Romans 6. Takes that City the chief persons having first burnt themselves and their treasure 14. His Speech to his Souldiers in their Winter Quarters 21. His Vision inviting him into Italy 22. He passes the River Rhosne 27. His Speech to his men loth to pass the Alps 30. His difficult march over the Alps 33. He softens the Rocks with Fire and Vinegar 37. The number of his Forces 38. He shews his Souldiers a prize first and then makes a Speech to them before they fought 43. Routs the Romans at Trebia 54. Like to be destroy'd passing the Appenine 58. He loses one of his Eyes passing through the Fens xxii 2. Defeats the Romans at Thrasymenus and where the Consul Flaminius is slain 6. Routs the Romans at Cannae where forty thousand of them were kill'd 46. Neglects to march from thence to Rome and is told That he knew how to gain but not to improve a Victory 51. He is worsted by Marcellus at Nola xxiii 16. Debauches his Army by Wintering in Capua 18. He besieges Sempronius in Cumes and is beaten off 37. He carries Ships over Land at Tarentum xxv 10. Defeats Fulvius 21. Attempts to relieve Capua but is beaten off with loss xxvi 6. Resolves to march to Rome 7. Grievously harasses the Country 8. Views Rome in person 10. Draws up in Battalia twice but is prevented from fighting by Tempests 11. The ground on which he lay sold at a full price Ibidem Whereupon he Retreats Ibidem He uses Marcellus's Signet but in vain xxvii 3. Is deceived in the time of his Brother Asdrubal's passage over the Alps 41. Beaten in Lucania by Claudius Nero 44. His words when he saw the Head of his Brother Asdrubal 53. He was as admirable in adversity as prosperity and why xxviii 12. Is beaten near Croton by P. Sempronius xxix 36. Sent for home to defend Carthage xxx 9. His words on that occasion and departure accordingly 20. Arrives in Africk 25. Desires a Parley with Scipio 29. His Speech to Scipio 30. Scipio's Answer 31. Is totally defeated by Scipio twenty thousand of his men slain and almost as many taken 35. Returns beaten to Carthage thirty six years after he went from thence Ibidem He laughs at the tears of his Countrymen and gives the reason 44. He is hated at Carthage and why xxxiii 48. Accused by the Romans of conspiring with King Antiochus 49. Flies from Carthage in a Lawyers habit Ibidem Entertain'd at Tyre as his Grandmother Country and thence comes to King Antiochus at Ephesus 51. His reasons to move King Antiochus to a War in Italy xxxiv 60. Being in disgrace with Antiochus clears himself xxxv 19. He forewarns Antiochus that the Romans would invade Asia xxxvi 41. Discourse between him and P. Scipio xxxv 14. After the defeat of Antiochus flies to King Prusias and being like to be delivered up to the Romans poisons himself xxxix 51. L. Annius a Latine Praetor of Setia his Oration at home against the Romans viii 4. His Speech in the Roman Senate 5. Antium a very rich City yielded to the Romans ii 63 65. A Colony sent thither viii 14 Antiochus the Great prepares to come into Europe xxxiii 40. Is Shipwrackt 43. Supposed to poison his own Son xxxv 15. Is sent for to deliver Greece and decide the Controversy between the Aetolians and Romans 33. Lands in Greece 43. His Speech 44. War declar'd against him by the Romans xxxvi i. Falls in Love with and Marries a mean Gentlewoman of Chalcis and himself and Army grow debaucht ii Is totally routed 19. His Fleet worsted 44. Releases P. Scipio's Son gratis xxxvii 37. Routed by Scipio at Magnesia and above fifty thousand slain 43. His Embassadours Speech for Peace and the Terms demanded by the Romans 45. The Articles of Peace between him and the Romans xxxviii 38. Antiochus Epiphanes sends Embassadors to Rome xlii 6. His odd manners and humours xli 20. And in the Supplement of the fourth and fifth defective passage Popilius draws a Circle about him with his Wand and demands his Answer before he stirr'd out of it xlv 12. Antipater made Governour of Asia xxxviii 16. Is taken xlii 66. Anxur taken iv 59. A Colony sent thither viii 21. Apollonian Embassadors being affronted those that did it though Noblemen and Magistrates are sent Prisoners thither but freely return'd xv 13. Apollo for eight days together is honour'd v. 13. A golden Goblet sent him to Delphos 25. Appeal to be allowed from any Magistrate to the people ii 8. No man should offer to make any Magistrate without liberty of Appeal if he did it should be lawful to kill him iii. 55. Appulians a League with them viii 25. Archimedes defends Syracuse by his wonderful Engines xxiv 34. Is kill'd and how xxv 32. Argos famous for the death of King Pyrrhus xxxi 7. The Inhabitants pillaged by the Wife of Nabis the Tyrant xxxii 40. Aricia and Ardea submitting their Controversie touching a parcel of Land to the Arbitrement of the Romans they adjudged it to themselves from them both iii. 72. Aristaenus Praetor of the Achaians his Speech xxxii 21. Arms though consecrated taken down from the Temples and made use of in necessity xxii 57. xxiv 21. Aâpos taken by Q. Fabius xxiv 46. Asdrubal takes upon him the Command of Spain xxi 22. Is commanded to march into Italy and join Annibal xxiii 27. Worsted by the Scipio's 29. His passage over the Alps quicker than Annibal's and the reasons xxvii 41. He is slain with fifty six thousand Carthaginians near Sena xxvii 51. Asdrubal Hoedus his Speech for a Peace to the Senate xxx 40. Ascanius the Son of Aeneas builds Alba Longa i. 3. Asia a passage for the Romans thither open'd by Eumenes xxxvii 33. The Cities of Asia yield themselves to P. Scipio The humors of the people of Asia xxxviii 17. xxxix 6. Astapa the horrid Tragedy acted there xxviii 22. Astronomy how useful in War xliv 37. Asylum or Sanctuary made by the Romans i. 8. Athenians foolishly draw a War upon themselves xxxi 14. Are besieged by Philip 24. Eloquence highly priz'd by them 44. Their Edicts
vii 1. The first Commoner that held that Office was Q. Publius Philo viii 15. Prisoners that would list themselves Souldiers discharged xxiii 14. Private ends always have and always will obstruct publick Councils ii 30. Privernum retaken and its Inhabitants by the brave Answer of one of their Embassadors made Free Denizons of Rome viii 21. J. Proculus affirms Romulus appears to him as from Heaven i. 16. Proconsul the first that enjoy'd that Office viii 23. Prodigies Livies Apology for inserting so many xliii 13. Particular Prodigies IT rains Stones i. 31. A Voice heard that the Gauls were coming v. 32. Earth on fire xv 5. Sea burns and Statues sweat Blood xxiii 31. It rain'd Chalk A Bullock spoke and a Child in its Mothers Belly spoke A Woman turn'd into a Man xxiv 10. A Pig with an humane Face xxvii 4. A Fountain ran Blood An Oxe spoke and it rain'd Milk 13. It rain'd stones again and an Infant was born as big as a Child of four years old which was an Hermaphrodite and therefore was drown'd 39. A Pig with two Heads Two Suns seen an Oxe spoke and the Vestal fire out xxviii 11. Two Suns seen xxix 14. It rain'd stones xxxv 9. An Oxe spoke these words Roma cave tibi 21. A Mule brought forth xxxvi 3. A Stone fell from Heaven xli 9. An Heifer spoke and it rain'd blood xliii 13. Prusia King Bithynia though courted by Antiochus joins with the Romans xxxvii 25. His sneaking Flattery to the Romans xlv 41. Ptolomy King of Egypt sends Embassadours to the Romans xiv 38. Implores the Romans aid against Antiochus Epiphanes xliii 19. Publicans make a Riot xxv 3 4. Whereever they came they render the Laws vain or the Allies Slaves xlv 18. Pudicitia Patricia a Chappel erected thereunto and another to Pudicitia Plebeia x. 23. Punick War the first when begun and the grounds thereof xvi 23 24. The second Punick War begins to be treated of xxi 1. The second Punick War when ended xxx 44. Puteoli withstands Annibal xxiv 13. Pyrrhus King of Epirus incouraged to War against the Romans by the equivocating Oracle xii 17. Releases Prisoners without ransome xiii 29. His Speech against the vanity of devoting ones self 37. His Battel with the Romans at Asculum 40. Departs out of Italy into Sicily xiv 1. Growing cruel disobliges the Sicilians 17. Returns from thence into Italy 20. Robs the Temple of Proserpina but is Shipwrackt and the money cast back on the shore 24. He is utterly routed 31. Retires home out of Italy 37. He is kill'd at Argos by a Woman 44. Pythagoras falsly supposed to be King Numa's Tutor but indeed lived a hundred years after him i. 18. Q QVaestors doubled and to be chosen out of the Commons as well as the Patricians iv 43. First made of Commoners 54 Cn. Quintilius made Dictator viii 18. L. Quintius Cincinnatus created Consul iii. 12. His Speech against the Tribunes 19. Would not suffer himself to be made Consul again against the Law 21. Is call'd from work in his Field to the Dictatorship beats the Enemy Triumphs and in sixteen days returns to his Plow 26. Caeso Quintius a great Stickler against the Commons accused and forc'd to run away to the undoing of his Father that was his Bail being the first that ever gave publick security iii. 13. Quintius Capitolinus his Speech against the Seditious and Factious between the Nobles and Commons iii. 65. T. Quintius chosen Commander by a Company of mutinous Souldiers and by his means they make their Peace vii 39 40. T. Quintius Flaminius Consul xxxii 7. Goes to Corinth 40. His Speech to the Cities of Greece xxxiv 22. He is called their Saviour and Deliverer 51. He Triumphs three dayes 52. Quirites why the Romans so call'd i. 13. R. REmus See Romulus Rex sacrificulus what his Office was and when first created ii 2. Rhea silvia made a Vestal Nun Fathers her Children on the God Mars i. 4. Rhegines are massacred by Jubellius xii 32. Romulus and Remus suckled by a She-Wolf i. 4. They kill King Amulius their Uncle and are owned by their Father Numiter 5. They build Rome and Romulus kills his Brother Remus and calls the City by his own name 7. Establishes a hundred Senators 8. Has a Lifeguard of a hundred Horse 15. Is lost in a storm and made a God 16. He reign'd thirty seven years 21. Rome almost deserted in the quarrel between the Commons and the Decemvirs iii. 52. Burnt by the Gauls v. 42. Rebuilt vi 4. Disburthen'd of Foreigners xxxix 3. Romans not only undertook but ended their Wars with Justice xxx 16. To bear adversity with Courage and prosperity with moderation is the property of a Roman xlii 62. Rufinus the Consul takes Croton xiv 7. S. SAbine Women seized by the Romans i. 8. Sabines and Romans fight but united by the Womens means i. 9 10. Horatius the Consul fights with the Sabines iii. 63. Sabines made free Denizons of Rome but without Votes xi 21. Sacred Spring what and the manner of vowing it xxii 10. Sacrifices which foreign Princes came from afar to perform at Rome or in Italy the Charges thereof shall be born by the Publick xlv 45. Sacrifices of the Samnites sprinkled with the blood of men as well as Beasts x. 30. Sacriledge punisht xlii 28. Saguntum besieged by Annibal xxi 6. They burn all their Gold and Silver 14. The City is taken 15. Recovered by the Romans xxiv 42. Their Embassador's Speech xxviii 39. Salapia and the Punick Garrison therein surrendred to Marcellus xxvi 38. The Inhabitants elude the fraud of Annibal xxvii 28. P. Salonius beseeches the Senators not to prefer their own Honour before the Concord of the City vii 41. Samnites the War with them began vii 29. Thirty thousand of them slain 36. A Peace with them vlii 2. They coop up the Roman Army at Caudium and force them to surrender their Arms and pass under the Gallows ix 3 6. They are routed and themselves forced to undergo the same ignominy at Luceria 15. Thirty thousand more of them kill'd and taken 27. They appear in extraordinary brave Arms yet are routed again 40. The War with them continued fifty four years xi 19. Their Embassy to Annibal xxiii 42. Samothrace an Island sacred xlv 5. Samus taken after four months Siege xxxviii 29. Satricum taken from the Romans vi 9. Recovered ix 16. Schoolmaster betraying his Boys to Camillus order'd to be whipt back by his Scholars v. 27. Seamen to be provided by private persons xxiv 11. Sedition the Bane of Cities ii 44. Seditions between the Commons and Senate ii 27. v. 10. Senate and Senators Senate of an hundred establisht by Romulus i. 8. One hundred more added by Tarquinius Priscus 35. Senators do duty on the Walls as common Souldiers iii. 6. The Senate to pass Laws and the People in Comitia Centuriata to ratifie them viii 12. Senate supplied with new Members and how xxiii 23. Senators
and killed the Elephants on the very Rampier just as they were getting over whose bodies falling back into the Trench served as a Bridge for the Enemy to get over upon so as there upon the Carcasses of the Elephants happen'd a very great slaughter of men On the other side of the Camp the Capuans and Punick Garrison were long since beat back and in the pursuit the Conflict was hot at the very Gate of Capua which opens to the River Vulturnus nor was it so much the Valour of the Defendants that hindred the Romans from breaking into the City as the Balists and Scorpions and other Engines placed there which gaul'd them at a distance but especially that brave Attacque of the Romans was dasht by the hurt of their General Appius Claudius who as he was encouraging his men at the head of them happen'd to be wounded with a Dart above his breast in the left shoulder However a great number of the Enemy were slain before the Gate and the rest in confusion beat into the City And Annibal perceiving the slaughter that was made of the Spanish Regiment and how valiantly the Camp was defended despairing of success gave over the Assault sounded a Retreat to his Foot and to secure them placed his Horse in the Rear lest the Enemy should fall upon them as they march'd off which the Roman Legions were wondrous eager to have done but Flaccus thought it better to forbear judging they had done well enough already in effecting two such signal Services in one day viz. to let both the Capuans and Annibal himself see how little he was able to contribute to their Relief Those that write the story of this Battel relate that there were kill'd eight thousand of Annibals Army and three thousand Capuans fifteen Colours taken from the former and eighteen from the latter But in others I do not find the Fight so considerable but that the Fright was far greater than the Conflict for they say That the Numidians and Spaniards unexpectedly broke into the Roman Camp and that their Elephants passing through the midst thereof overthrew abundance of their Tents with an horrid noise which made the Sumpter-Horses break their bridles and run straggling to and fro bearing down all before them and that besides this Confuâion Annibal added a Stratagem by sending in certain persons that could speak the Latine Tongue very well for some such he had with him who in the Consuls Names commanded the Souldiers That since the Camp was lost every one should shift for himself to the adjacent Mountains But this fraud was soon discovered and revenged by a great slaughter of his men and that the Elephants were driven out of the Camp with fire 'T is certain this however it began or ended was the last that was fought before the Surrender of Capua whose chief Magistrate whom they call Medixtutichus for that year was one Seppius Lesius a person of mean obscure Birth 'T is reported that his Mother upon a time being to expiate some domestical ill Omen that happen'd in her House on his behalf being then an Orphan the Southsayer told her That Boy should one day arrive to the chief place of dignity in Capua who not believing any such matter replyed Truly Sir Capua must be in a sad condition when my Child comes to be the most honourable person there which words spoken in jest prov'd true in sad earnest For the City being straitned with Sword and Famine and its case desperate all persons of Qâality declining Offices Lesius by complaining That Capua was abandon'd and betray'd by the great men prevail'd with the people to Elect him and was the last of the Capuans that there bore Rule Annibal finding that he could neither tempt the Romans to venture a pitcht Field nor was able to break through their Leaguer to relieve the Town was forc'd without effecting his design to dislodge from thence lest the new Consuls should blockade him up and intercept his provisions As he was studying what course to take next a freak took him in the head to march to rights to Rome and strike at the very Root of the War which as he had always desired so both others commonly grumbled and himself could not deny That he had slipt a fair opportunity for that purpose after the Victory at Cannae nor did he despair but that by surprize and the unexpected terrour of an assault he might make himself Master at least of some part of the City Besides if Rome were once in danger he believ'd one or both the Roman Generals would quit Capua and hasten to its rescue whose Forces being divided and consequently weakned might give either him or the Capuans an opportunity of some good Fortune against them The only thing that troubled him was the fear lest upon notice of his retreat the Capuans in despair should yield to a surrender To prevent which he hires a Numidian a bold Fellow fit for any desperate undertaking for a large reward to fly unto the Roman Camp as a Deserter and thence to get into the City with Letters privately bestow'd about him the tenour of which was full of encouragement That his marching from thence was for their good and safety whereby he doubted not but to draw the Roman Forces from assaulting Capua to defend their own City of Rome and therefore they should not despond but hold out a few days longer and he would warrant them the Siege should be raised Then he caused all the Vessels taken in the River Vulturnus to be brought up to the Fort which he had before erected there for his security and understanding there were enow of them to transport his whole Army in one night he drew down his Legions thither in the dark and before Morning had ferried them all over Before this was accomplisht Fulvius Flaccus by some Renegado's got an inkling of the design and sent an Express to Rome to advertize the Senate which news variously affected mens minds according to their several fancies and dispositions and as so important an occurrence required the Senate was immediately Assembled to consult what was to be done P. Cornelius sirnamed Asina was of Opinion That without regard of Capua or any thing else all the Generals and Forces throughout Italy should be forthwith sent for to secure the City But Fabius Maximus thought it the most dishonourable thing in the World to raise the Siege of Capua and be terrified and hurry to and fro at every beck and vain Menace of Annibal He that when he was Victorious at Cannae durst not yet approach the City is it likely he can have any hopes of taking Rome when he was soundly beat but the other day from Capua If he were marching that way it was not to besiege Rome but only to raise the Siege of Capua which otherwise he knew not how to relieve That there was no doubt but Jove the witness to those Leagues which Annibal had violated and the other Gods
would with that Army which was at present in and about the City sufficiently defend them against his violence and outrages Between these differing Opinions P. Valerius Flaccus proposed a middle Expedient approved of by the Body of the Senate for having a due regard to the importance of both Affairs he advis'd That an Express should be sent to the Commanders that lay before Capua to acquaint them what Guards the City had already and as for the strength of Annibals Army or how many Forces would be necessary to continue the Siege of Capua they themselves could best judge and therefore if one of the Generals and part of the Army could be spared without any hazard of interrupting the Siege then Claudius and Fulvius should agree between themselves which should continue there and which should come with all Expedition to Rome to keep their Native City from being invested by the Enemy A Decree of the Senate to this purpose being brought to the Leaguer at Capua Q. Fulvius the Pro-Consul undertook the Expedition for Rome because his Collegue was not yet able to march by reason of the wound he lately received out of the three Armies he made a Draught of fifteen thousand Foot and a thousand Horse and with them pass'd the River Vulturnus And having intelligence That Annibal would march along the road call'd The Latine Street he took the other way call'd Via Appia and sent Curriers before unto Setia Sora and Lavinium which are situate near thereunto not only to provide and lay up Necessaries for him in their Towns but to cause the Country to bring in their provisions to the said road and to assemble what Forces they could into their Towns for their defence and all to be in Arms and stand upon their Guard Annibal that day he passed Vulturnus encamped not far from the River The next day arrived near Cales in the Sidicines Country where he spent one day in forraging and so led his Army along the Latine Way by Suessula Allifanum and the Territories of Casinum where he remain'd two days encamped and made great spoil in the neighbouring Country From thence leaving Interramna and Aquinum he came near Fregellae as far as the River Liris where he found the Bridge beat down by the Fregellanes to interrupt his March Fulvius was likewise stay'd at the River Vulturnus for Annibal having burnt all the Barges and Lighters he was forc'd to make Rafts and Punts to set over his men and found not a little difficulty therein by reason of the great scarcity of Wood in those parts But when he was once got over there met with no obstruction in the rest of his March but was plentifully furnish'd with all sorts of Provisions not only in the Towns but on the Road and the Souldiers were very chearful and to encourage one another would cry Come let 's mend our pace remembring that we go to defend our Country A Post from Fregellae that rode night and day arriving at Rome with the News of Annibals advance to that Town put the City into great consternation and the concourse of people adding vain fictions of their own to the News they heard made a greater hurry than the Messenger and set the whole City in an uproar The Women fill'd not only their private houses with their lamentations but you should see multitudes of Matrons running about streets with their hair about their Ears and sweeping the Altars of the Gods with their lovely Locks kneeling on the bare ground and with hands lifted up to Heaven beseeching the Divine Powers That they would vouchsafe to keep the City of Rome out of the hands of the Enemy and preserve the Roman Matrons and their Children and little ones from all violence and abuse The Body of the Senate were ready in the Common Hall to give their Advice whenever the Magistrates desired it some having receiv'd their necessary Orders depart every one to his Charge Others offer themselves to be employ'd in any Service where-ever there was occasion Guards are set in the Castle in the Capitol and upon the Walls all places about the City were well man'd the Alban Mount and Castle of Tusculum furnish'd with strong Garrisons But during this Alarm News came that Fulvius the Proconsul was upon his March with an Army from Capua and because he should not according to the common course be abridg'd of his Authority when he came into the City the Senate passed a special Vote That he should have equal Command with the Consuls themselves Annibal having most severely plunder'd and wasted the Fregellanes Country in revenge for their breaking down the Bridges march'd through the Frusinat Ferentinate and Anaguine Territories unto those of the Labici and so by Algidum advanc'd towards Tusculum but being there denied Entrance within their Walls he went a little below it on the right hand to Gabii and so into Pupinia and encamp'd within eight miles of Rome The nearer the Enemy approach'd the more dreadful havock they made and the greater slaughter of the Peasants that fled before them abundance of all Conditions and Ages being taken by his Numidian Horse who scour'd the Country before his Army In this distress and tumult Fulvius Flaccus entred Rome with his Army at the Gate Capena and march'd through the midst of the City along the street Carinae unto Port Esquiline and going forth thereat encamp'd between that and the other Gate called Collina The Aediles of the Commons conveying Provisions and the Consuls and whole body of the Senate likewise repairing thither where they sat in Council about the State of the Commonwealth And agreed it was That the Consuls should also lye encamped not far from the same Gates That C. Calpurnius Praetor of the City should be Governour of the Castle and the Capitol and the Senators be always ready in the Forum to be advised with upon any sudden Accidents In the mean time Annibal was come forwards as far as the River Anio and kept a standing Leaguer but three miles off the City whence he himself in person with two thousand Horse advanc'd up towards the Gate Collina as far as Hercules's Temple and rode all about as near as he could to take a view of the Walls and Situation of the City Flaccus could not without indignation behold him take this liberty to brave them at his pleasure and therefore sent out a body of Horse to beat off the Enemy and send them back to their Camp Whilst they were skirmishing the Consuls gave Order That a Squadron of Numidian Horse to the number of twelve hundred who some time before revolted from the Enemy and at that time lay upon the Aventine Hill should hasten through the City and out at the Esquiline to engage the Enemy as knowing that none were so fit for that Service seeing the ground where they fought was very uneven full of Banks and Vallies Garden-Houses Sepulchres and hollow Ways but when the people at a distance saw them riding
three hundred Souldiers to their relief and the Rhodians but one Gally of four Banks on a side out of his Fleet that lay at Tenedus Yea afterward when they could hardly hold out the Siege and Attalus himself came that way he only made a show of aid at some small distance assisting his Allies neither by Sea nor Land The Abydenes at first planting their Engines of War upon the Walls did not only beat them off that came to assault them by Land but made the station where their Ships also lay uneasy to the Foe After which when part of their Wall was broken down and the Enemy had now Mined under it all on a sudden as far as the opposite Wall they sent Embassadors to the Kings for terms of Surrender Whereupon they agreed That the Rhodian Gally with its Naval Allies and King Attalus ' s men should freely pass away and they themselves would march out of their City with each of them one Garment apiece To whom seeing Philip would not afford any hopes of Peace unless they would grant all that he desired the Answer sent by that Ambassy through indignation and despair so far enraged them that they growing as mad as the Saguntines caused all their Matrons to be shut up in the Temple of Diana and their Freeborn Boyes and Girls and Infants with their Nurses in a Gymnasium or place of Exercise their Gold and Silver to be carried into the Market-place their precious attire to be thrown into two Ships the one a Rhodian and the other a Cyzicene that were in their Harbour the Priests and their Victims to be brought thither and Altars set in the midst of it And there they first chose out such persons who when they saw their Army all slain as they fought before the ruinated Wall should kill their Wives and Children throw all the Gold and Silver and the Garments that were in the Ships into the Sea and set fire in as many places as they could to the Buildings both private and publick To which they were obliged by an Oath which the Priests repeated in an Execrable Form before them and all that were able to bear Arms were sworn not a man of them to stir from the place till they had got the Victory They therefore out of reverence to the Gods fought so pertinaciously that when the night was ready to part them the King affrighted at their resolution retreated first The Nobility who underwent the greatest part of the Fatigue seeing some few though very much wounded and tired yet alive sent the Priests in their Sacred Robes at break of day to Philip to surrender the City But before the Surrender was made M. Aemilius though the youngest of those Roman Embassadors that were sent to Alexandria came by consent of the other three when they heard that Abydos was Besieged to Philip complaining that he made an offensive War upon Attalus and the Rhodians besides that even at that time he attempted Abydos To which the King making Answer That he was set upon by Attalus and the Rhodians without any provocation Aemylius reply'd What and did the Abydenes too set upon you without provocation At which the King being not used to hear truth thought his Language too pert to be used before a King and told him Your Age Beauty and above your name as a Roman makes you too sawcy I would have you first remember their Leagues and keep the Peace you made with me For if you provoke me to it I am resolv'd you shall find that the Kingdom and name of the Macedonians may be as Renowned in War as that of the Romans Then dismissing the Embassador Philip took all the Gold and Silver that was there heaped up together but lost the Booty of the men For the multitude were so enraged that on a sudden thinking them betrayed who died in the fight and upbraiding each other with perjury especially the Priests who had made a Surrender to the Enemy of those very men alive that they had devoted to Death ran all forthwith and kill'd their Wives and Children together with themselves by all wayes of Death that were The King amazed at their Fury restrained the violence of his Souldiers and declar'd he would give the Abydenes three dayes time to die in in which space the conquered committed more outrages upon themselves than the insulting Conquerours before had done Nor was there any one of them taken Prisoner unless he were hindered from destroying himself either by being in Bonds or some other necessity Philip having put a Guard into Abydus returned into his Kingdom But even now when the destruction of the Abydenes as that of Saguntum did Annibal had animated Philip for the Roman War the news met him That the Consul was already come into Epirus having put all his Land Forces into Apollonia and all his Naval Forces into Corcyca for Winter Quarters In the mean while the Embassadors that were sent into Africa concerning Amilcar General of the Gallick Army had this Answer from the Carthaginians That they could do no more than banish him and confiscate his Estate That they had sent back all the Renegadoes and Fugitives which they could find out and that about that matter they would send Embassadors to Rome to satisfie the Senate And that they sent two hundred thousand Bushels of Wheat to Rome and as many to the Army in Macedonia From thence the Embassadors went into Numidia to the Kings giving the Presents to Massinissa and telling him what they had to say Thereupon he would have given them two thousand Horse but they accepted of only one thousand which he himself took care to have Shipped off and sent them with two hundred thousand Bushels of Wheat and as many of Barley into Macedonia The third part of their Embassy was to Vermina who going to the very Frontiers of his Kingdom to meet the Embassadors he let them write down what terms of Peace they pleased For he said That any kind of Peace between him and the Roman people would be good and just They therefore gave him terms of Peace for a confirmation whereof they bad him send Embassadors to Rome At the same time L. Cornelius Lentulus the Pro-Consul returned out of Spain who having told the Senate what things he had perform'd with courage and success for many years together and desired to enter into the City in Triumph The Senate lookt upon what he had done to deserve a Triumph but they had no precedent for it that any one who was not either a Dictator a Consul or a Praetor when he performed such and such exploits had ever triumph'd Now he was Pro Consul of Spain and not Consul or Praetor Yet they condescended so far that he make his Entry into the City Ovant though T. Sempronius Longus Tribune of the People was against it saying that that was equally as much against the Custom of their Ancestors and all Precedents But at last overcome by the
unanimous consent of the Senate the Tribune was sain to yield and by an order of Senate L. Lentulus came into the City Ovant He brought as booty along with him forty four thousand pounds of Silver Bullion and of Gold two thousand four hundred pounds giving each of his Souldiers a hundred and twenty Asses apiece By this time the Consuls Army was brought from Aretium to Ariminum and five thousand of the Allies of the Latine Race were coming over out of Gaul into Etruria Wherefore L. Furius making great marches from Ariminum against the Gauls who then were a besieging Cremona he pitched his Camp fifteen hundred paces from the Enemy He had a good opportunity to have done his business had he gone straight on and attacked the Enemies Camp For they santered and stragled about the Country without leaving any strong Garison there behind them But he feared his Souldiers were too weary because they had marched so very fast Thereupon the Gaules being recalled by the shouts of their own Party left the Booty that they had gotten and made back to their Camp coming the next day into the Field Nor did the Romans delay the fight though they had hardly time to set their men in Battalia the Enemy ran in upon them with such speed The right Wing for he had an Army of Allies divided into Wings was planted in the Van and the two Roman Legions in the Reer M. Furius Commanded the Right Wing M. Caecilius the Legions and L. Valerius Flaccus the Horse being all of them Lieutenants The Praetor had with him two Lieutenants Cn. Letorius and P. Titinius by whose help he might be able to look about him and be ready for all the Enemies sudden efforts First then the Gauls with all their whole Body gathered into one place hoped to overthrow and rout the right VVing which was in the front but seeing they had no success in that attempt they endeavoured to wheel about from their Wings and enclose the Enemies Army which to such a multitude against so few seemed very easie VVhen the Praetor saw that he also went about to dilate his Army and therefore drew the two Legions out of the Reer to the right and left in order to cover the VVing that fought the Front and vow'd to build a Temple in honour of Jupiter if that day he routed the Enemy After which he ordered L. Valerius that on the one side he should send forth the Horse that were in the two Legions and on the other side those of the Allies against the Enemies VVing or suffer them to surround or circumvent their Main Body And at the same time he himself as soon as he saw the Gauls Main Body grown thin after the widening and spreading of their VVings commanded his men at their close Order to attack them and break their Ranks by which means the Wings were beaten by the Horse and the main Body by the Foot Whereupon of a sudden the Gauls being slain in great numbers on every side turned their backs and ran toward their Camp as hard as they could drive Whither the Horse first pursuing them and by and by the Foot also they made an attack upon their Camp Little less than six thousand men made their escape thence there being killed and taken above thirty five thousand with eighty military Ensigns and Gallick Waggons laden with much Booty to the number of above two hundred Amilcar the Carthaginian General fell in that Battle and three noble Generals of the Gauls Of the Placentine Captives there were full two thousand Freemen delivered back to the Inhabitants This was a great Victory and the cause of much joy at Rome concerning which when the Letters came a supplication was decreed to be made for three Days together There fell of Romans and their Allies in that Battel two Thousand many of them belonging to the right VVing upon which the Enemy at first made their fiercest Attack Now though the Praetor had almost made an end of the VVar yet C. Aurelius the Consul also having perfected what was to be done at Rome going into Gallia took the Victorious Army from the Praetor whilst the other Consul being coming into his Province about the latter end of Autumn wintered near Apollonia C. Claudius and the Roman three-bank'd Gallies as I told you before who were sent from the Navy that was in Harbour at Corcyra to Athens being arrived at the Pyraeeus revived the hopes of their Allies who were now in a very desponding condition For neither were those incursions by Land that used to be made from Corinth through Megara into their Country any longer continued nor durst the Thieves and Pirates of Chalcis that had infested not only the Sea but all the Maritime Country also belonging to the Athenians pass Sunium or appear in the open Sea without the streights of Euripus Besides these there came three Rhodian four-bank'd Gallies and there were three Attick open Ships on purpose to defend the Sea Coast VVith this Navy though Claudius was of opinion that the City and Country of Athens might be for the present sufficiently defended he had a greater thing offered to him by mere chance Certain banished Persons that were driven from Chalcis by injuries which they received at Court brought him word That Chalcis might be taken without the trouble of fighting for it For the Macedonians because there was no fear of any Enemies being near them straggled up and down and the townsmen relying upon the Macedonian Garrison neglected the keeping and securing of their City By their advice therefore he set out but though he came so soon to Sunium that he might by day-light have got as far as the entrance into the streights of Euboea yet lest if he pass'd the Promontory or Cape he might be discovered he kept his Navy in the same station till night As soon as it was night he moved and sailing gently to Chalcis a little before day in that part of the City that is least inhabited he with a few Men scaled and took the adjoyning Tower and the Wall about it Then finding in some places the Sentinels asleep and in others no Sentinel at all they went forward to those places where there were more Houses and there having kill'd the Watch and broke open the Gate they let in the otner multitude of their own Souldiers Whereupon they ran all about the City increasing the tumult by setting fire on the Houses that were about the Market Place The Kings store-houses also and his Armory were burnt with great quantities of VVarlike Instruments and Engines Then there began to be made a slaughter both of such as fled and such as made resistance too in all parts nor was there any one fit to bear Arms that was not either slain or put to flight besides that Sopater also an Acarnanian who was Governour of the Garrison was kill'd by which means all the spoil was first carried into the Market Place and then put on