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A67922 Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.; Actes and monuments Foxe, John, 1516-1587. 1583 (1583) STC 11225; ESTC S122167 3,006,471 816

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and determination of the matter was committed to the iudgement of king Edward of England who after sufficient proofe made to the Scottes and firme euidence brought out of all the ancient historyes both of England and Scotland testifying from tyme to tyme that he was chief head and soueraigne of the Realme of Scotland first by necessitie of the law and by al theyr consentes tooke full possession of the same And that bone adiudged the right of the Crown to John Bailol who descended of the daughter of Dauid Earle of Huntington brother to Dauid King of Scotland in the dayes of Kyng Henry the second This Erle Dauid had three daughters Isabell maried to Robert Brusse Margaret to Allen Earle of Galeway had Ellen to Henry Lord Hastinges Allē Earle of Galeway had Ellē maried to Roger Quincy Erle of Winchester Constable of Scotland Doruagile maried to John Bailol father to Edward king of Scots When these thinges were thus finished in Scotlande and Syr Iohn Bailol as most rightfull inheritour had receaued the crowne of Scotland at the handes of kyng Edward thankefully for the same in the presence of the Barony of England and of Scotland did vnto the sayd king Edward his homage and sware to him fealty the Scottes with theyr new king returned into Scotland and Kyng Edward remoued agayne to England But not long after the falsenes of this Scotishe Kyng soone appeared Who repenting him of his homage done vntruely for sook his former othe promise and made war against king Edward through the counsaile of the Abbot of Menros Wherfore the king with a great host sped hym into Scotland in processe laid siege to the towne of Berwicke which the Scots did egerly defend not onely to the discomfiture but also to the decision of the kinges and hys English host But in conclusion the English men preuayled and wan the towne where were slayne of the Scottes the number of 25. thousand And while the king was there busied in winning other holds about the same he sent part of his host to Dunbarre where the Englishmē agayn had the victory and slue of the Scottes xx thousand Gis burne sayth but x. thousand so that very few were lost of the English company The king with a great nūber of prisoners returning into his realm shortly after sped him ouer vnto Flaūders where he sustayned great trouble by the French kyng till truce for certayne space was betweene them concluded But in the meane while that K. Edward was thus occupyed beyond the Seas the French king resorting to his practised maner set the Scottes secretly agaynst the Englishmen to keep the king at home Which Scots makyng themselues a Captaine named Williā Waleis warred vpon the borders of Northumberlād where they dyd much burt At length the king returning from Burdeaux into England shortly vpon the same tooke hys iourny into Scotland Where meeting at Yorke with hys host marched into the Realme of Scotlande winning as he went townes and Castles till at length comming to the towne of Frankyrch on Mary Magdalens day he met with the power of Scotland and had with them a fore sight but through Gods prouidence the victory fel to the right cause of Englishmen so that of the Scottes were slayne in the field as it is of diuers writers affirmed ouer the number of xxxii thousand and of Englishmen but barely xxviii persons Whereupon the king agayn taking possession and feairy of the whole land returned home And yet the false vntroth of the Scots would not thus be ruled but rose vp in a new broyle so that the kyng was enforced to make his power agayn the yeare folowing into Scotland where he to suppressed the rebellion of that Lords and of the commons that they swearing to the kings allegiaunce presented themselues by great companyes put them wholy in the kings grace and mercy so that the king thinking himselfe to be in peaceable possession in a great surety of the land caused to be sworne vnto hym the rulers of the boroughes citties and townes with other officers of the land and so returned vnto Barwicke and so into England and lastly to Westminster These martiall affayres betwene England and Scotland although they appertayne not greatly to the purpose of our story Ecclesiastical yet so much by the way I thought briefly to touch whereby the better it might be vnderstanded by these premisses that whiche followeth in the sequele hereof As the Scottes were thus warring and ragyng agaynst the king and saw they could not make theyr party good they sent priuily to Pope Boniface for hysayde and counsaile who immediatly sendeth downe his precept to the K. to this effect that he should hereafter succease to disquiet or molest the Scottes for that they were a people exempt and properly pertaining to hys Chappell And therfore it could not otherwise be but that the Citty of Ierusalem must needs defend hys own Citizens as the mount Syon mayntayn such as trust in the Lord. c. Whereunto the king briefly maketh aunswere agayne swearing with anothe that he would to his vttermost keepe defend that which was hys right euidētly known to all the world c. Thus the Scots bearing themselues bold vpon the popes message also confederating themselues with the French mē passed ouer that yeare The next yeare after that whiche was 29. of the kinges raigne the sayd Pope Boniface directeth hys letters agayn to the kyng wherein he doth vēdicate the kingdome of Scotland to be proper to the Church of Rome not subiect to the king of England And therfore it was agaynst God against iustice and also preindiciall to the Churche of Rome for hym to haue or hold dominion vpon the same which he proued by these reasons First that when king Henry the father of this Kyng receiued ayd of Alexander king of Scots in his warres agaynst Simon Mountfort he recognised acknowledged in his letters patents that he receaued the same of king Alexander not of any duety but of speciall fauour Item when the sayd king Alexander comming to England did homage to the sayd kyng Henry he did it not as king of Scotland but onely for certayne landes of Lyndal and Penreth lying in England Item where the sayd king Alexander left behynd hym Margaret his heyre being ●ece to the king of England and yet vnder age yet the tuition of the sayd Margaret was committed not to the K. of England but to certain Lords of Scotland deputed to the same Moreouer when any legacie was directed down from Rome to the Realme of England for collecting oftenthes or other causes the sayd legacie tooke no place in the realm of Scotland and might well he resisted as it was in kyng Alexander hys dayes except an other speciall commission touching the realme of Scotland were ioined wall Wherby it appeareth these to be two seueral dominions and not
is said Romanam Ecclesiam non a concilio aliquo sed a diuina voce primatum accepisse that the church of Rome tooke not his primacie by any Councell but onely by the voyce of God And this is to be said although it were true that these titles termes were so giuen to the bishop of Rome in the olde time yet how and by whom they were giuen ye s●e Now to trie this matter as ioyning an issue with our aduersaries whether those foresaid titles of soueraigntie were applied in the old tyme of the Primitiue church to the Bishop of Rome as to be called the vicare generall of Christ the hed of the whole church and vniuersall bishop remaineth to be proued Wherunto this in my minde is to be answered that albeit the bishops of Rome of some peraduenture were so called by the names of higher preeminence of that citie of some going about to please them or to craue some helpe at their handes yet that calling 1. First was vsed then but of a few 2. Secondly neither was giuen to many 3. Thirdly was rather giuen then sought for of the most 4. Fourthly was not so giuen that it maketh or can make any generall necessitie of law why euery one is so bound to call them as the bishop of Rome now seeketh to be taken and called and that by necessitie of saluation as the decree of Pope Boniface 8. witnesseth where is said quòd sit de necessitate salutis vt credatur Primatus Ecclesiae Rom. ei subesse That it standeth vpon necessitie of saluation to beleue the Primacie of the church of Rome and to be subiect to the same c. As touching therfore these titles and termes of preheminence aforesaide orderly to set foorth and declare what histories of times doe saye in that matter by the grace of Christ. First we will see what be the titles the Bishop of Rome doth take and chalenge to himselfe and what is the meaning of them 2. When the first came in whether in the primitiue time or not and by whom 3. How they were first giuen to the Romane Bishops that is whether of necessary duety or voluntary deuotion whether commonly of the whole or particularly of a few and whether in respect of Peter or in respect of the Citie or els of the worthines of the Bishop which there sat 4. And if the foresayd names were then giuen of certaine Bishops vnto the bishop of Rome whether all the saide names were geuen or but certaine or what they were 5. Or whether they were then receaued of all Byshops of Rome to whō they were giuen or els refused of some 6. And finally whether they ought to haue bene refused beyng giuen or not Touching the discourse of which matters although it appertaine to the profession rather of Diuines then hystoritians and would require a long and large debating yet for so much as both in these diuers other weighty controuersies of Diuinity the knowledge of times and histories must needes helpe Diuines disputing about the same so much as the grace of Christ shall assiste me therein I wil ioyne to the seeking out of truth such helpe as I may And first to begin with the names and titles now claymed and attributed to the sea and Byshop of Rome and what they be is sufficiently declared aboue that is the cheife Preist of the worlde the Prince of the Church Byshop Apostolicall the vniuersall head of the Church the head and Byshop of the vniuersall Church the successor of Peter most holy Pope the vicar of God on earth neither God nor man but a mixt thing betweene both the Patriarche or Metropolitane of the Churche of Rome the Byshop of the first sea etc. Unto the which titles or stile is annexed a triple crowne a triple crosse two crossed keyes a naked sword seauenfold seales in token of the seauenfolde giftes of the holy Ghost he being carried pickbacke vpon mens shoulders after the maner of heathen kynges hauing all the Empire and the Emperour vnder his dominion that it is not conuenient for any terrene Prince to reigne there where he sitteth hauing the plenary fulnes of power as well of temporall things as spirituall things in his handes that all thinges are his and that all such Princes as haue gyuen him any thing haue giuen him but his owne hauing at his will and pleasure to preach indulgencies and the crosse against Christen Princes whatsoeuer And that the Emperour certaine other Princes ought to make to him confession of subiection at their coronation hauing authoritie to depose and that he de facto hath deposed Emperors and the king of France Also to absolue the subiects from their allegeance to their Princes whom kings haue serued for footmen to lead his horse and the Emperour to hold his stirrop that he may and doth geue power to Bishops vpon the bodies of men and hath graunted them to haue prisons without whose authoritie no general Councell hath any force And to whom appellations in all maner of causes may and ought to be made That his decrees be equall with the decrees of Nicen Councel and are to be obserued and taken in no lesse force then if they had bene confirmed with the heauenly voyce of Sainct Peter himselfe ex fra Barth alijs Item that the sayd Byshop of Rome hath the heauenly disposition of thinges and therefore may alter and chaunge the nature of thinges by applying the substance of one thing to an other cap. Quando de transl Epis. tit 7. Item that he can of nothing make something and cause the sentence which before was none to stande in effect and may dispence aboue the lawe and of iniustice make iustice in correcting and chaunging lawes for he hath the fulnes of power And againe dist 40. cap. Si Papa If the Pope doe leade with him innumerable soules ●● flockes into hell yet no man must presume to rebuke his faultes in this worlde Item that it standeth vpon necessitie of saluation to beleeue the Premacie of the sea of Rome and to be subiect to the same c. These thinges thus declared now let vs see whether these names and titles with the forme and maner of this authoritie and regalitie aboue rehearsed were euer attributed of any in the primitiue tyme to the byshop of Rome For al these he doth chalenge and clayme vnto him by old possession from the time of S. Peter And here a question is to be asked of our aduersaries the Papistes whether they will auouch all these aforesaide titles together wyth the whole forme and tenour of regalitie to the same belongyng as is afore touched or not if they wil let them come foorth with their allegations which they neuer haue done yet nor euer shal be able if they will not or can not auouch them all together in maner as is specified then why doth the byshop claime them altogether so stoutly
Abdias and other although they doe not all precisely agree in the tyme. The wordes of Hierome be these Simon Peter the sonne of Iona of the prouince of Galile and of the Towne of Bethsaida the brother of Andrew c. After hee had bene Byshop of the Church of Antioch and had preached to the dispersion of them that beleued of the Circumcision in Pontus Galacia Capadocia Asia and Bithinia in the second yeare of Claudius the Emperour whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 44. came to Rome to withstand Simon Magus and there kept the priestly chayre the space of 25. yeares vntill the last yeare of the foresayd Nero which was the 14. yeare of hys raygne of whome he was crucified hys head being downe and his feete vpward himselfe so requiring because he was he sayd vnworthy to be crucified after the same forme and maner as the Lord was c. Egesippus prosecuting this matter something more at large and Abdias also if any authoritie is to be geuen to hys booke who following not onely the sense but also the very forme of wordes of Egesippus in this Hystory seemeth to be extracted out of him and of other authors sayth that Simon Magus being then a great man with Nero and his president and keeper of hys life was required vppon a tyme to be present at the raysing vp of a certayne noble young man in Rome of Neros kindred lately departed Wheras Peter also was desired to come to the reuiuing of the sayd personage But when Magus in the presence of Peter could not doe it Then Peter calling vpon the name of the Lord Iesus dyd rayse him vp and restored him to hys mother wherby the estimation of Simon Magus began greatly to decay and to be detested in Rome Not long after the sayd Magus threatned the Romaynes that he would leaue the Citie and in their light flye away from them into heauen So the day being appoynted Magus taking hys winges in the Mounte Capitolinus began to flye in the ayre But Peter by the power of the Lord Iesus brought him downe with his winges headlong to the ground by the whiche fall hys legges and ioyntes were broken and he thereupon dyed Then Nero sorrowing for the death of him sought matter agaynst Peter to put hym to death Which when the people perceiued they entreated Peter with much a doe that he would flye the Citie Peter through their importunitie at length perswaded prepared himselfe to auoyd But comming to the gate he sawe the Lord Christ come to meete him to whom he worshipping sayd Lord whether doest thou goe To whome he aunswered and sayd I come agayne to be crucified By this Peter perceauing hys suffering to be vnderstanded returned backe into the Citty agayne And so was he crucified in maner as is before declared And this out of Egesippus Eusebius moreouer writing of the death not onely of Peter but also of his wife affirmeth that Peter seeing his wife goyng to her Martyrdom belike as he was yet hanging vpon the crosse was greatly ioyous and glad thereof who crying vnto her with a loud voyce and calling her by her name bade her remember the Lord Iesus Such was then saith Eusebius the blessed bonde of Mariage among the Saintes of God And thus much of Peter Paule the Apostle which before was called Saule after his great trauail and vnspeakable labours in promooting the Gospell of Christ suffred also in this first persecution vnder Nero and was beheaded Of whom thus writeth Hierome in his Booke De viris illustr Paule otherwise called Saule one of the Apostles yet out of the number of xij was of the tribe of Beniamin and of a towne of Iewrie called Gisealis which towne beyng taken of the Romains he with his parents fled to Tharsus a town of Cilicia Afterward was sent vp by his parents to Hierusalē and there brought vp in the knowledge of the law at the feete of Gamaliel and was at the death of Stephen a doer And when he had receiued letters from the high Priest to persecute the Christians by the way going to Damascus was stroken downe of the Lordes glory and of a persecutor was made a professor an Apostle a Martyr a witnesse of the Gospell and a vessell of election Among his other manifold labors trauails in spreading the doctrine of Christ he wan Sergius Paulus the Proconsul of Cyprus to the faith of Christ whereupon he tooke his name as some suppose turned from Saulus to Paulus After he had passed through diuers places and countries in his laborious peregrinations he tooke to him Barnabas and went vp to Hierusalem to Peter Iames and Iohn where he was ordained and sent out with Barnabas to preach vnto the Gentils And because it is in the Actes of the Apostles sufficiently comprehended concerning the admirable conuersion conuersation of this most worthy Apostle that which remaineth of the rest of his history I will here adde how the sayd Apostle Paule the 25. yere after the passion of the lord in the second yeare of Nero what tyme Festus ruled in Iewrie was sent vp in bondes to Rome where he remaining in his free hosterie two yeares together disputed daily against the Iewes proouing Christ to be come And here is to be noted that after his first answer or purgation there made at Rome the Emperor Nero not yet fully confirmed in his Empire yet not bursting out into those mischiefs which histories report of him he was at that tyme by Nero discharged and dismissed to preach the Gospell in the West partes and about the coastes of Italy as he himselfe writing vnto Timothie afterward in his second apprehension in his second Epistle witnesseth saying In my first purgation no man stoode with me but did all forsake me the Lord lay it not to their charge But the Lord stood with me did comfort me that the preaching of his word might proceed by me that all the Gentiles might heare and be taught and I was deliuered out of the Lions mouth c. In which place by the Lion he plainly meaneth Nero. And afterward likewise saith I was deliuered from the mouth of the Lion c. And againe the Lord hath deliuered me out from all euill workes and hath saued me vnto his heauenly kingdom c. speaking this because he perceiued thē the tyme of his Martyrdome to be nere at hand For in the same Epistle before he saith I am now offred vp and the tyme of my dissolution draweth on Thus then this worthy preacher and messenger of the Lord in the 14. yeare of Nero and the same day in which Peter was crucified although not in the same yeare as some write but in the next yeare following was beheaded at Rome for the testimonie of Christ and was buried in the way of Ostia The yeare after the passion of the Lord 37. He wrote ix Epistles to seuen
that whosoeuer killeth you shall thinke that he doth God great good seruice Thē suffered the Martirs of God such bitter persecution as is passing to be tolde Sathan still shooting at this marke to make them to vtter some blasphemy by all meanes possible Marueilous therefore was the rage both of the people Prince specially against one Sanctus which was Deacon of the congregation of Uienna and agaynst Maturus being but a litle before baptised but yet a worthy souldiour of Christ and also against Attalus being borne in Pergama which was the foundation and pyller of that congregation and also against Blandina by whome Christ sheweth that those things which the world esteemed vyle and abiect to be glorious in Gods sight for the very loue which in hart and deede they beare vnto him not in outward face onely For when all we were afrayd specially her mistres in flesh who also was her selfe one of the nūber of the foresayd martirs least happely for the weakenes of body she woulde not stande strongly to her confession the foresaid Blandina was so replenished with strength boldnes that they which had the tormenting of her by course from morning to night for very werines gaue ouer fell downe were themselues ouercome confessing that they could do no more against her marueiled that yet she liued hauing her body so torne and rent And testified that any one of those torments alone without any moe had ben inough to haue plucke the life from her body But that blessed woman fighting this worthy battell became strōger stronger as often as she spake these words I am a Christian neither haue we committed any euill it was to her a marueilous comfort and bolding to abide the torments Sanctus also another of the Martyrs who in the middest of his tormentes induring more paines then the nature of a man might away with also at what time the wicked supposed to haue heard him vtter some blasphemous words for the greatnes intollerablenes of his torments paines that he was in abode notwithstanding in such constancy of mind that neither he told them his name nor what countryman he was nor in what Citie brought vp neither whether he was a free man or a seruaunt but vnto euery question that was asked him he aunswered in the Latine toung I am a Christian and this was al that he confessed both of his name citie kinred and all other thinges in the place of execution neither yet could the Gentils get any more of him whereupon both the Gouernour tormentours were the more vehemently bent against him And when they had nothing to vexe him with all they clapped plates of Brasse red hote to the most tenderest parts of his body wherewith his body indede being schorched yet he neuer shronke for the matter but was bold and constant in his confession being strengthened and moystened with the fountaine of liuely water flowing out of Christs side Truely his body was a sufficient witnes what torments he suffered for it was all drawne together and most pitifully wounded and scoarched so that it had therwith lost the proper shape of a man in whose suffering Christ obtained inspeakeable glory for that he ouercame his aduersa●y and to the instruction of other declared that nothing els is terrible or ought to be feared where the loue of God is nor nothing greeuous wherein the glory of Christ is manifested And when those wicked men began after a certayne time againe to torment the Martyr hoped well to bring it to passe that either they should ouercome him in causing him to recant by rei●erating his torments now whē his body was so sore swollen that he might not suffer a man to touch him with his hande or els that if hee died vnder their handes yet that thereby they should strike such feare into the harts of the rest to cause them to deny Christ. But they were not only disappointed here in but also contrary to the expectation of men his bodye was in the latter punishment torments soupled restored and toke the fyrst shape and vse of the members of the same so that the same his second torment was by the grace of Christ in steede of punishment a safe medecine Also Sathan now thinking to haue setteled himselfe in the hart of one Byblides being one of them which had denied Christ and thinking to haue caused her beyng a weake and feable woman in faith to haue damned her soule in blaspheming the name of God brought her to the place of execution inforcing to wrest some wicked thing out of the mouth of the Christians But she in midle of her torments returning to her selfe and waked as it were out of her dead slepe by that temporall paine called to her remembraunce the paynes of hell fire and against all mens expectations reuiled the tormentors saying How should we Christians eate young infants as ye reported of vs for whom it is not lawfull to eate the bloud of any beast Upon that so soone as she had confessed her selfe to bee a Christian she was Martyred with the rest Thus when Christ had ended those tyrannicall torments by the patience sufferaunce of our Saintes the diuell yet inuented other engynes and instruments For when the Christians were cast into prison they were shut vp in darke and ougly dongeons and were drawne by the feete in a racke or ingine made for that purpose euen vnto the fift hole And many other such punishmentes suffered they which the furious ministers stirred vp with deuilish furye are wont to put men vnto so that very manye of them were strangled killed in the prisons whom the Lorde in thys maner would haue to enioy euerlasting life set forth his glory And surely these good men were so pittifully tormented that and if they had had all the helpe medicines in the world it was thought impossible for them to lyue to be restored And thus they remaining in prison destitute of al humaine helpe were so strengthened of the Lord and both in body and minde confirmed that they comforted stirred vp the myndes of the rest the yonger sor●e of them whiche were latter apprehended put in prison whose bodies had not yet felt the lash of y● whip were not able to indure the sharpness of their imprisonment but died of the same The blessed Photinus who was a Deacon to the bishop of Lyons about 90. yeares old and a very feeble or weake man could scarsely draw breath for the imbecilitie of his body yet was he of a liuely courage spirit For the great desire he had of martyrdome when he was brought vnto the iudgement seate although his bodye was feeble and weake both because of his old age and also through sicknes yet was his soule or life preserued to this purpose that by the same Christ might triumph be glorified He being
ye gaue me to drinke I was harborles and ye lodged me And againe Looke what ye haue done to the least of these the same haue ye done to me What greater riches can christ our maister posses then the poore people in whō he loueth to be sene Oh what toung is able to expresse the fury and madnes of the tirants hart Now he stāped he stared he rāped he fared as one out of his wit his eies like fier glowed his mouth like a bore fomed his teeth like an helhoūd grinded Now not a reasonable man but a roaryng lion he might be called Kindle the fire he cried of wood make no spare Hath this vyllaine deluded the Emperour away with him away with him Whip him with scourges iercke him with rods buffet him with fistes braine him with clubs iesteth the traitour with the Emperour Pinche him with fyrie tonges gyrde him with burning plates bring out the strongest chaines and the fireforkes and the grated bedde of yron On the firewith it bind the rebell hande and foote when the bed is fire hot on with him rost him broyle him tosse him turne him On paine of our highe displeasure do euery man his office O ye tormentors The worde was no soner spoken but all was done After many cruell handlings this meeke lambe was layd I will not say on his firye bed of yron but on his soft bed of downe So mightily God wrought with his Martyr Laurence so miraculously God tempered his element the fire not a bed of consuming paine but a pallet of nourishing rest was it vnto Laurence Not Laurence but the Emperour might seeme to be tormented the one broiling in the fleshe the other burning in the hart When this tryumphant Martir had beene pressed downe with firepikes for a great space in the mightie spirite of God he spake to the vanquished tyraunt This side is now rosted inough turne vp O tyraunt great Assay whether rosted or raw thou thinkest the better meate O rare and vnaccustomed patience O faith inuincible that not onely not burnest but by meanes vnspeakable doest recreate refresh stablish strengthen those that are burned afflicted and troubled And why so mightilye comfortest thou the persecuted Because through thee they beleeue in gods promises infallible By thee this glorious Martir ouercommeth his torments vanquisheth this tyraunt confoundeth his enimies confirmeth the Christiās slepeth in peace raigneth in glory The God of might and mercy graunt vs grace by the life of Laurence to learne in Christ to liue and by his death to learne for Christ to dye Amen Such is the wisdome and prouidence of God that the bloud of his deare Saints like good seede neuer falleth in vaine to the grounde but it bringeth some increase so it pleased the Lord to worke at the Martirdome of this holy Laurence that by the constant confession of this worthy valiaunt Deacon a certaine souldiour of Rome beyng therwith compuncted and conuerted to the same faith desired forthwith to be Baptised of him for the which he being called for of the iudge was scourged and afterwarde beheaded Henr. de Erford Under the same Valerianus suffered also Dionysius byshop of Alexandria much affliction and banishment with certaine other brethren Of the which he writeth himselfe is alledged in the Ecclesiasticall story of Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 11. the wordes whereof tend to this effect Dionysius wyth three of his Deacons to wit Maximus Faustus and Cheremon also with a certaine brother of Rome came to Emilianus then President who there declared vnto them in circumstance of words how he had signified vnto them the clemencie of his Lords and Emperours who had graunted them pardon of life so that they would returne to them worship the Gods and keepers as he called them of their Emperie asking them what aunswere they would gyue him there vnto trusting as he saide that they woulde not shew themselues ingrateful to the clemency of them which so gently did exhort them To this Dionysius aunsweryng said Al men worship not al Gods but diuers men diuers gods so as euery one hath in himselfe a mind or phantasie to worship But we worship not many nor diuers Gods but onely that one God who is the creator of all things hath committed to our Lords Valerianus and Galienus the gouernmēt of their Empery making to him our prayers ●●cessauntly for their prosperous health and continuance Then the President sayde And what hurt is it but that you may both worship your God what God soeuer he be and these our Gods also For you are cōmaunded worship such Gods as al men know to be gods Dionysius answered we worship none other but as we haue sayd Emilianus the President said I see you are ingratfull men and consider not the benignitie of the Emperous wherfore you shal remaine no longer in this City but shal be sent out to the parts of Libya vnto a towne called Cephro For that place by the commaundement of the Emperour I haue chosen for you Neither shal it be lawful for you to cōuent your assemblies or to resort as ye are wont to your burial places And if any of you shal be found out of your places wherunto you are apointed at your peril be it And think not contrary but ye shal be watched well inough Depart therfore to the place as is cōmaunded you and it foloweth more in the said Dionysius speaking of himselfe And as for me sayth he although I was sicke yet hee vrged mee so straightly to depart that he would not giue me one dayes respite And how saith he writing to Germanus coulde I congregate or not congregate any assemblies And after a few lines it followeth And yet neyther am I altogether absent from the corporall societie of the Lordes flocke but I haue collected them togither which were in the Citye being absent as though I had bene present absent in body yet present in spirit And in the same Cephro a great congregation remayned with mee as well of those brethren which followed me out of the City as also of them which were remayning there out of Egypt And there the Lorde opened to me the doore of his word although at the first entraunce I was persecuted and stoned among them yet afterward a great number of them fel from their Idoles and were cōuerted vnto the Lord. And so by vs the word was preached to them which before were infidels which ministery after that we had accomplished there the lord remoued vs to an other place For Aemilianus translated vs frō thence to more sharpe and straighter places of Libya commaunding vs to meete altogether at a city Mareota thinking there to separate vs seuerallye into sundrye villages or thinking rather to take and preuent vs by the way After we were come thether it was assigned to me saith Dionysius to go to Colluthion which place I neuer hearde of before which was the
vs with their praiers preachings they persecute vs. Whervpon after that Brocmayl being ouercome did flee awaye the king commaunded his men to turne their wepons against the sely vnarmed Monkes of whome he slewe the same time or rather Martired .1100 onely fiftie persons of that number did flee and escape awaye with Brocmayl the rest were all slaine The authors that write of this lamentable murder declare saye howe the forespeaking of Austen was here verefied vpon the Britanes which because they would not ioine peace with their frends he said should be destroied of their enimis Of both these parties the reader may iudge what he pleaseth I can not see but both together were to be blamed And as I cannot but accuse the one so I cannot defend the other First Austen in this matter can in no wise be excused who being a monke before therfore a scholer professor of humilitie shewed so litle humilitie in this assembly to seuen Byshops an Archbishop cōming at his cōmaundement to the Councell that he thought scorne once to stirre at their comming in Much lesse would his Pharisaicall solemnity haue girded himselfe washed his brethrens feete after their trauaile as Christ our great maister did to his Disciples seyng his Lordship was so hie or rather so heauy or rather so proude that coulde not finde in his hart to giue them a little moouing of his body to declare a brotherly humble hart Againe the Britaynes were much or more to blame who so much neglected their spirituall duety in reuenging their temporal iniury that they denyed to ioyne vnto their helping labour to turne the Idolatrous Saxons to the way of lyfe and saluatiō In which respect all priuate cases ought to geue place and to be forgotten For the whiche cause although lamentable to vs yet no great meruaile in them if the stroke of gods punishment did light upon thē according to the wordes of Austen as is before declared But especially the cruell king in this fact was most of all to blame so furiously to flee vpon them which had neither weapō to resist him nor yet any will to harme him And so likewise the same or like happened to himselfe afterward For so was he also slayne in the field by Christian Edwine who succeeded him as he had slayne the Christians before whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 610. But to returne to Austen agayne who by report of authors was departed before this cruelty was done after he had baptised and christened x. thousand Saxons or Angles in the West riuer that is called Swale beside Yorke on a Christēmasse day perceauing hys end to draw neare he ordayned a successor named Laurentius to rule after him the Archbishops sea of Dorobernia Where note by the way Christian Reader that wheras Austen baptised then in riuers it followeth there was then no vse of fontes Agayne if it be true that Fabian sayth he baptised x. thousād in one day the rite thē of Baptising at Rome was not so ceremoniall neither had so manye trinkets at that tyme as it hath had since or els it could not be that he coulde baptise so many in one daye In the meane season about this time departed Gregory Byshop of Rome of whom it is sayd that of the number of al the first Bishops before him in the primitiue time he was the basest of all them that came after him hee was the best About whiche tyme also dyed in Wales Dauid Archbishop first of Kayrleion who then translated the sea from thence to Meneuia and therefore is called Dauid of Wales Not long after this also deceased the foresayd Austen in England after he had set there xv or xvi yeares by the which count we may note it not to be true that Henry Huntington and other doe witnesse that Austen was dead before that battaile of Ethelfride agaynst the Mōkes of Bāgor For if it be true that Polycronicon testifieth of this murder to be done about the yeare of our Lorde 609. and the comming of Austen first into the Realme to be an 596. then Austen enduring xvi yeares could not be dead at thys battell Moreouer Galfridus Monumetensis declareth concerning the same battell that Ethelbert the king of Kent beyng as is sayd conuerted by Austen to Christes fayth after he saw the Britaynes to disdayne and deny their subiection vnto Austen neyther would assist him with preaching to the English nation therefore stirred vp he the foresayd Ethelfride to warre agaynst the Britaynes But that seemeth rather suspicious then true that he being a Christen king eyther could so much preuayle with a Pagan Idolater or els would attempt so farre to commit such a cruell deede But of vncertayne things I haue nothing certainly to say lesse to iudge About this present tyme aboue prefixed which is 610. I read in the story of Ranulphus Cestrensis the writer of Polychronicon of Iohn the Patriarche of Alexandria who for his rare example of hospitality and bountifulnes to the poore I thought no lesse worthy to haue place amongest good men then I see the same now to be followed of few This Iohn beyng before belike a hard and sparing man as he was at hys prayer vpon a tyme it is sayd there appeared to him a comely virgine hauing on her head a garland of Oliue leaues which named her selfe mercy saying to him and promising that if he would take her to wi●e he should prosper well This whether it were true or not or els inuented for a moralitie I would wish this florishing damsell so to be maryed to moe then to this Iohn that shee should not liue so long a virgine now as she doth because no man will marry her But to returne to his Patriarch who after that day as the story recordeth was so merciful and so beneficiall especially to the poore and needy that he counted them as hys maysters and himself as a seruaunt and steward vnto them This Patriarch was wont commonly twise a weeke to sit at hys doore all the day long to take vp matters and to set vnitie where was any variaunce One day it happened as he was sitting all the day before hys gate and saw no man come lamented that all that day hee had done no good To whome his Deacon standing by aunswered agayne that hee had more cause to reioyse seeing he had brought the Cittie in that order and in such peace that there needed no reconcilement amongest them An other time as the sayd Iohn the Patriarche was at the Seruice and reading the Gospell in the church the people as their vsed maner is went out of the church to talke and iangle he perceauing that went out likewise and sat amongst them wherat they marueyling to see him do so My children said he where the flocke is there ought the shepherd to be wherefore either come you in that I may also
if he would do the other promiseth to bring about that Den. shuld depart w e his army into Germany whereunto the people of Rome also did lykewise mooue him To whom Gregory answered that he was content so to do but vpon condition that the emperor would submit himself to aske pardon to amend hys fault and to promise obedience The Emperour not agreyng to those conditions went to Senas taking Clement new stalled Pope with hym After the returne of the Emperor the foresayd Robert Buiscardus approching w e his souldiours brast in at one of the gates and spoileth the Citie And not long after deliuereth Hildebrand out of his enemies hands and caried him away to Campana where he not long continuyng after dyed in exile Antoninus writeth that Hildebrand as he did lie a dying called to hym one of his chief Cardinals be wailing to him his fault misorder of his spirituall ministery in stirring vp discord warre dissension wherupon he desired the Cardinall to go to the Emperor and desire him of forgeuenes absoluing from the danger of excommunication both him and all his partakers both quicke and dead Thus hast thou gentle Reader the full history of pope Gregory 7. called Hildebrand which I haue laid our more at large desire thee to marke because that frō this Pope it thou marke wel springeth all the occasion of mischiefe of pride pompe stoutnesse presumption tiranny which since that tyme hath raigned in his successours hetherto in the cathedral church of the Romish clergy for here came first the subiectiō of the temporal regiment vnder the spiritual iurisdictiō And Emperors which before were their maisters now are made their vnderlings Also here came in the suppression of priests mariage as is sufficiently declared Here came in moreouer the authoritie of both the swords spiritual secular into spiritual mens hands So that christian magistrates could do nothing in election in geuing bishoprikes or benefices in calling Councels in hearing correcting the excesses of the clergy but only the Pope must do all Yea moreouer no bishop nor Pastor in his owne parish could excommunicate or exercise any discipline amongst his flocke but onely the Pope chalenged that prerogatiue to himselfe Finally here came in the first example to persecute Emperors kings with rebellion excommunication as the clergy themselues hereafter doe testifie and witnes in proceeding against Paschalis Thus these notes beyng well obserued let vs by the grace of Christ now repaire again to our coūtry history of englād About the death of Pope Hildebrād or not long after folowed the death of king William Conqueror in the yere of our Lord 1090. after he had raigned in Englād the space of 21. yeares and 10. moneths The cause of his sicknes and death is said to be this For that Phillip the French king vpon a tyme iesting sayd that king William lay in child bed and nourished his fat belly with this the foresaid william hearing therof aunswered againe and sayd when he should be Churched he would offer a thousand candels to hym in Fraunce wherewithall the kyng should haue litle ioy whereupon king William in the month of Iuly when the corne fruite grapes were most flourishing entered into Fraunce set on fire many Cities and townes in the westside of Fraunce And lastly commyng to the Citie of Meaux where he burning a woman beyng as a recluse in a wall inclosed or as some say two mē Anachorites inclosed was so seruent and furious about the fire that with the heate partly of the fire partly of the tyme of yeare therby he fell into sicknes and dyed vpon the same By the life actes of this king it may appeare true as stories of him report that he was wise but guilefull riche but couetous a faire speaker but a great dissembler glorious in victory strong in armes but rigorous in oppressing whom he ouercame in leuiyng of tasks passing all other In so much that he caused to bee enrolled numbred in his treasury euery hide of land and owner therof what fruit reuenewes surmounted of euery Lordship of euery township castel village field riuer wood within all the realme of England Moreover how many parish Churches how many liuing cattell there were what and how much euery Baron in the realme could dispend what fees were belonging what wages were taken c. The tenour contents of which taskment yet remaineth in rolles After this tasking or nūbring which was the yere before his death folowed an exceding moreine of cattell barennes of the ground with much pestilence and hote feuers amōg the people so that such as escaped the feuer were cōsumed with famine Moreouer at the same season among certain other Cities a great part of the City of London with the church of Paules was wasted with fire an 1085. In hunting and in parkes the foresayd king had such pleasure that in the country of Southhamptō by the space of 36. miles he cast downe churches and Townships and there made the new forest louing his Decre so dearely as though he had bene to them a father making sharp lawes for the increasing thereof vnder payne of loosing both the eyes So hard he was to Englishmen and so fauorable to his owne country that as there was no English Byshop remainyng but onely wolstane of Worcester who beyng commaunded of the king and Lancfrank to resigne vp his staffe partly for inhabilitie partly for lacke of the French tongue refused otherwise to resign it but only to him that gaue it and so went to the tombe of king Edward where he thought to resigne it but was permitted to enioy it stil so likewise in his daies there was almost no English mā that bare office of honour or rule In so much it was half a shame at that tyme to be called an English man Notwithstanding he some deale fauoured the citie of London graunted vnto the Citizens the first charter that euer they had written in the Saxon with greene waxe sealed and conteined in few lynes Among his other conditiōs this in him is noted that so geuen he was to peace and quiet that any maiden being laden with gold or siluer might passe thorough the whole realme without harme or resistance This William in his tyme builded two monasteries one in England at Battail in Suffex where he wan the field against Harold called the abbey of Battail an other beside named Barmōdsey in his countrey of Normandy After the life story of K. William thus briefly described with the acts order of battail betwene him K. Harold although much more might haue bene written of that matter if the booke had come sooner to my hands which afterward I sawe now remaineth in the end of his story to describe the names of such Barons nobles of Normandy which enterd with him into this land as well of them which were embarked
pure from al leauen and malice and wickednesse But nowe after we are come from the olde figure to the newe trueth and eate the vnleauened flesh of Christ that olde figure in breade of which we make that flesh is not necessary for vs. But manifest it is to be better sacrificed of vnleauened then of leauened c. To this letter I haue also adioyned an other Epistle of his to the sayd Valtrame appertaining to matters not much vnlike to the same effect Wherein is entreated touching the varietie and diuers vsages of the sacraments in the church Wherby such as cal and cry so much for vniformitie in the Churche may note peraduenture in the same something for their better vnderstanding ¶ A piece of on other letter of Anselme to the said Valtram bishop of Nur. To the reverende father and his frend Valtram by the grace of God the worshipful bishop of Nurenburgh Anselme the seruant of the Church of Canterbury greeting c. YOur worship complaineth of the Sacraments of the Church that they are not made euery where after one sorte but are handled in diuers places after diuers sortes And truelie if they were ministred after one sorte and agreeing through the whole church it were good and laudable Yet notwithstanding because there be many diuersities which differ not in the summe of the sacrament in the strength of it or in the saith nor els can be gathered into one custome I thinke that they are rather to be borne with in agreement of peace than to be condemned with offence For we haue this from the holy fathers thai if the vnitie of charitie be kept in the Catholique faith the diuersitie of customes hurt nothing But if it be demanded whereof this diuersity of customes doe spring I perceiue no other cause thereof but the diuersitie of mens wits Which although they differ not in strength and truthe of the thing yet they agree not in the fitnesse and comelinesse of the ministring For that which one iudgeth to be meeter oftentimes an other thinketh lesse mete wherefore not to agree in such diuersities I thinke it not to swarue frō the truth of the thing c. Then in the story it followeth after long debating and discussing of these matters in the councell when they had geuen foorth their determination vpon the same And the Pope had blasted out his thundring excommunications against the Grecians all that tooke their parte at length was brought in touching the complaintes and accusation against the king of England Upon the hearing whereof Pope Urbane with his adherents was ready to proceede in excommunication against the king But Anselme kneeling before the Pope after hee had first accused his King then after obtained for him longer time to be geuen vpon further triall Thus the councell breaking vp the Pope returning againe to Rome directeth downe his letters to the King commaunding him that Anselme with all his partakers in speedy wise should be reuested againe into his archbishoprick and al other possessions therunto appertaining To this the king sendeth answere againe by messengers who comming to the Pope declared in the kings behalfe on this wife That the King their maister did not a little meruaile what came in his minde to commaund Anselme to be reuested and relaised againe into his former Archbyshopricke seeing he told him before plainly that if he went out of England without his leaue he woulde so doe vnto him Well saith the Pope haue ye no other matter against Anselmus but onely this No quod they And haue ye taken all this trauel sayth the Pope to come hether so farre to tell me this that the Primate of your countrey is therefore seased and dispossessed because he hath appealed to the sea and iudgement Apostolicall Therefore if thou louest thy Lord speede thee home and tell him if he wil not be excommoned that he quickly reuest Anselme againe to all the he had before And least I make thee to be hanged for thy labour looke to thy terme and see that thou bring me aunswer againe from him into this citie against the next coūcel the third weeke after Easter The messenger or speaker being somewhat astonied at the hearing of this so ragicall aunswere thinking yet to worke something for his King master came secretely to the Pope saying that he would conferre a certaine mysterie from his king priuately wyth his holinesse betwene them two What mysterie that was or what there passed from the king to the Pope the court of Rome mine author doth not shew But so cunningly the mysterie was handled that with a full consent both of the Pope and all the court of Rome a longer day was geuen from Easter to Michaelmas and the popes cholericke heate so asswaged that when the councel came which then was holden in S. Peters Church in Rome albeit great complaintes were then denounced against the King yet such fauour was found that he toke no harme Onely the sentence of excōmunication was there pronounced against such lay persons as gaue inuesture of Churches and them that were so inuested Also against them that doe consecrate such or which geue themselues in subiection to lay mē for ecclesiastical liuings as is before touched c. This Councell being finished the Archbishop seeing the vnstedfastnesse of the Pope which pleased him but a little tooke his iourney to Lions where he continued his abode a long time till the death first of pope Urbane then after of the king Of this king William many things be diuersly recorded some to his commendation some to his discommēdation whereof this is one which some will ascribe to hardines but I rather to rashnes in him As this king vpon a time was in his disport of hunting sodenly worde came to him that Cenourona a Citie in Normandy was besieged The King without longer tarying or aduisement tooke the straight way towarde the sea side sending to his lordes that they should followe after They being come to hys presence aduised him to staie till the time his people were assembled but he would not be stayed saying that such as him loued he knew wold follow him shortly and so went to take ship The shipmaster seeing the weather so darke and cloudie was afraide and counsailed the king to tarrie till the winde did turne about and the weather more fauourable But the King persisting in his iourney commaunded him to make all the speede he might for his life saying that he neuer hearde that any King yet was euer drowned And so passed the sea in safetie and came to Normandie The 13. yeare of his reigne the saide King William hauing the same time in his hand three byshoprickes Cant. Wint. and Saruin● also 12. Abbeyes in farme As he was in his disport of hunting in the new forest by glaunsing of an arrowe shot of a Knight named Walter Eyrell was wounded to death and so
proued what other countryes would say and doe therein And thus much concerning the second part of the blind commission of this Legate touching his exaction of prebendships in euery Cathedrall and conuentuall Churche wherin as ye heare he was repulsed Ex Mat. Paris pag. 62. ● How to returne to the first part of his commissiō again which was cōcerning Reimundus the godly Erle of Tholouse thus the story proceedeth That while the legate was in hand with this matter of the popes mony in the meane season certayn preaching Fryers were directed by the said Romannes the Popes Legate into all France to incite stirre vp the Frenchmen to take the crosse vpon them and to war agaynst the Erle of Tholouse and the people therof of whome they accounted then for heretickes At the preaching wherof a great number of prelates and lay mē signed themselues with the crosse to fight against the Tholosians being therto induced as the story sayth more for feare of the French king or fauor of the legate then for any true zeale of iustice For so it followeth in the woordes of Paris Videbatur enim multis abusio vt hominem fidelem Christianum infestarent praecipuè cum constaret cunctis eum in concilio nuper Bituriensi multis precibus persuasisse leg●to vt veniret ad singulas terrae suae ciuitates inquirens a singulis articulos fidei si quempiam contra fidem iuueniret c. i. For to many sayeth he it seemeth an abuse to moue warre against a faithful Christen man especially seeing in the councell of Bitures before all men he intreated the Legate with great instance that he would come into euery Citie within his dominions And there to require of euery person the articles of his faith Where if he founde any man to holde any thing contrary to the Catholicke faith he promised a full satisfaction to be had thereof according to the censure of the Church to the vttermost c. Yet all this notwithstanding the proude Legate contemning this so honest reasonable purgation of the earl Reimundus ceases not by all maner meanes to prosecute the Popes fury against him and his subiectes stirring vp the king and the French men vnder paine of excommunication to warre against them Ludouick the French king thus being enforced by the Legate answered againe that he for his owne safety would not atchiue that expeditiō or aduenture against the Earle vnles it were first obtained of the Pope to wr●te to the king of England commaunding him that during the tune of that expedition he should inuade and molest no peece of his landes and possessions which he the same present time did hold whether by ryght or by wrōg or howsoeuer they were holden while the time of the said warre against the heretickes as they were then termed did indure but rather should aide and assist hym with counsaile and money in that enterprise All which being done and accomplyshed the French King and the Legate crossing themselues to the field appoynted a day peremptory for the French army to meete together at Lions vnder paine of the popes excōmunication and wyth horic and harnes to set vpon the Tholosians against the Ascension day next ensuing When the Ascension day was come which was the day peremptory appoynted The French king hauing prepared at Lyons all things necessary for his armie marcheth forward with a great and mighty hoste after whome also commeth the Legate with his Bishops Prelates The number of fighting men in his armie besides the vitlars and wagoners were 50000. men The Legate by the way openly excommunicated the Earle of Tholouse all that tooke his parte furthermore interdicted his whole land Thus the king came marching forwarde till he came into the prouince of Tholouse the first citie which they came vnto there of the Earles was Auinion Which Citie they thought first to haue besieged and so in order after as they went to haue destroied and wasted all the whole prouince belonging to the Earle And first the King demaunded of them to haue hys passage through their citie faining himselfe in peaceable wise for the expedition of his iourny but to passe through the same The Citizens consulting with themselues what was to be done at length gaue aunswer that they mistrusted their comming and supposed that in deceit they required the entrance of their Citie and for no necessity of their iourney The king heere at being much offended sware an othe that he would not depart thence till he had taken the citie immediatly in those places where he thought most mete he began to geue sharpe assaults withall maner of saultable engins The Citizens againe within manfully defended themselues casting stone for stone and shooting shot for shot and slew and wounded many of the French men Thus when they had lōg besieged the citie and could not winne the same at length vittailes in the French campe began to faile and many of them died for hunger For the Earl of Tholouse as a wise man of warre hearing before of their comming tooke into the Towne all the prouision that was abroade and left nothing wtout to serue for theyr defence and succour he plowed vp the fieldes that there should no stouer be found to serue their horses be put out of the towne all the olde people yong children least they should want vittailes that kept the towne before theyr comming sent them farre away So that within the towne they had plenty and without they died for famine and besides in seeking farre for their forage many fell into the hands of them that kept the citie who secretly lay in wait for them abroad and slewe many of them Besides a great number of cattell and horses died for want of forage and poore souldiours that had no great store of money died for want of vittailes By which mortalitie and stench both of men and cattel grew great infection pestilence amongst them insomuch that the king himselfe and also the Legate were greatly dismayed thinking it to be no litle shame as well to the realme of Fraunce as also to Rome that they shoulde so depart and breake vp their siege Thus againe thought the souldiours that much better it were for them to ende their liues by battel then so to die like dogges and sterue wherfore with one consent they purposed to geue a new assaut at the bridge that goeth ouer the floude Rodanus into the towne to which place they came in such nōber that either by the debilitye of the bridge or subtiltyé of the souldiours that kept the towne 3000. of them wyth bridge and all fell armed into the violent streame were browned What was there then but ioy and gladnes of the Citizens part and much lamentation heauinesse on the other part Then shortly after the Citizens of Auinion when they saw a conuenient time whilest their
king made great lamētation and mourning to the great admiratiō of all them that were by saying complayning that he left not his like in all the realine agayne After this the king proceeding in his iourney came to Glocester Where the Archbish with the other Bishops comming to the king declared to him the forme and conditiō of peace which they had cōcluded with Leoline which was this If the king would be reconciled before with the other nobles with whom he was confederate such as the king had banished out of his realm to the end that the cōcord might be the more firme betweene them Thus sayd they was Leoline contented although with much a do great difficulty to receiue y● league of peace saying protesting thus vnto them that he feared more the kings almose then all the puisaunce both of him and of all his clergy within England This done the king there remaining to the Bishops directed his letters to all the exiles and banished Lords to all his nobles that they should repayre to him about y● beginning of Iune at Glocester promising to thē his full fauour reconcilement to them and to their heyres that they should suspect no fraud therin they should haue their safeconduct by the Archbishop and Bishops Whereupon through the mediation of the sayd Archbishop and the Bishops first commeth to the king Hubert Earle of Kent offering himself to the kings good will and fauor Whom the king with chearefull countenance receiued and embraced restoring him not onely to his fauour but also to his household councell with his liuings and possessions frō which he had bene deseised before Thē Hubert lifting vp his eies to heauen gaue prayse and glory to God by whose gracious prouidēce he so merucilously being preserued frō so great distresses tribulatiōs was agayne so happely reconciled to the king and his faythfull frends After him in like sort came in Gilbert Basset a noble mā Richard Suard also Gilbert the brother of Rich. Marshall that was slain which Gilbert recouered again his whole inheritance as wel in England as in Ireland doing his homage to the king and his seruice due for the same To whom also was graunted the office of the high Marshall court belonging before to his brother Richard In the same councell or communication continuing then at Glocester the sayd Edmund Archbishop of caunterbury bringing the forged letters wherein was betraied the life of Richard Earle Marshall sealed with the kings seale and sent to the great mē of Ireland read the same openly in the presence of the king and all the nobles At the hearing wherof the king greatly sorrowing and weeping confessed there in truth that being forced by the Bishop of Winchester and Peter De Riuallis he cōmanded his seale to be set to certayne letters presented vnto him but the tenor thereof he said sware he neuer heard whereunto the Archbishop aunswering agayn desired the king to search well his conscience said that all they which were procurers of knowledge of those letters were gilty of the death of the Earle Marshall no lesse then if they had murdered him with theyr owne handes Then the king calling a councell sent his letters for the bishop of Winchester for Peter Riuall Stephen Segraue and Robert Passeiew to appere and yeld accoūt for his treasures to them committed and for his seale by them abused But the Byshop and Riuall keeping themselues in the sanctuary of the minster Church of Winchester neither durst nor would appeare Stephē Segraue who succeded after Hubert the Iustice and was of the Clergy before after became a layman and now hiding himself in S. Maryes Church in the Abbey of Lecester was turned to a Clerke agayne Robert Passelew couertly hid himself in a certain celler of the new tēple so secretly that none could tell where he was but thought he was gone to Rome At length through the foresaid Edmund Archbishop of Canterbury meanes was made y● a dilatory day was graunted by the king for them to aunswere At which day first appeared Peter De Riuallis then Stephen Segrane after him Robert Passelew ech of them seuerally one after another shewed themselues but not able to aunswere for themselues like traitors were reproued and like villanes were sent away Ex Mat. Parisiens fol. 91. Variance betwene Pope Gregory the 9. and the Romanes WHile peace thus betweene the king and the nobles was reconciled in England dissension and variance the same time and yere began in Rome betwene the pope and the Citizens of Rome The cause was for that the citizens claymed by old custome and law that the Byshop of Rome might not excommunicate any Citizen of the citie nor suspend the said City with any interdiction for any mauer excesse To this the Pope answered agayne Quòd minor Deo est sed quolibet homine maior to vse the very words of mine author Ergo Maior quolibet ciue nae etiam rege vel Imperatore c. that is that he is lesse then God but greater then any man Ergo greater then any Citizen yea also greater then king or Emperor And for so much as he is theyr spirituall father he both ought and lawfully may chastise his children when they offēd as being subiected to him in the sayth of Christ and reduce them into the way agayn whē they stray out of course Moreouer the citizens alledge againe for themselues that the Potestates of the City and Senators do receiue of the Church of Rome yearely tribute which the bishops of Rome were bound to pay vnto them both by new and also auncient law Of the which yerely tribute they haue bene euer in possessiō before this present time of this pope Gregory 9. Hereunto the pope answered and sayd that although the Church of Rome in time of persecution for their defence and cause of peace was wont to respect the head rulers of the Citty with gentle rewardes yet that ought not now to be taken for a custom For that custom only ought to stand which consisteth not vpon examples but vpon right and reason Further and besides the Citizens sayd that they at y● commandemēt of the Senatour would appropriate their countrey with new and larger limits and infranches the same being enlarged with fines and borders To this the pope agayne made answere that certayne Lordshyps and cities and castles be conteined within the compasse of the sayd limites as the City Uitterbium and Moutcastee which they presume to appropriate within their precinct but to ascribe to them and vsurp that which perteineth to other is agaynst right and iustice For these and such other controuersies rising betwene the Pope and the Romaines such dissention kindled that the Pope with his Cardinals leauing the City of Rome remoued to Perusit● as partly before is recited thinking there to remayne and to plant thēselues but the Romans
he kept with the king at London yet was cōpelled priuely to voide the Realme was pursued by Henry the sonne of Rich king of Almaine Certaine other straungers there were to the number of 200. and more which hauing the castell of Winfore there immured and intrenched themselues to whome at length prince Edward also adioyned himselfe In the meane time while this sturre was abroade the king keeping them in the tower seeing the greatest part of his nobles commons with the Londoners to be set against him agreed to the peace of the Barons was contented to assent againe to the ordinances and prouisions of Oxford Albeit the Queene by al meanes possible went about to perswade the king not to assent therto Who as semed was a great worker in kindling thys fire of discorde betweene the king the baronage In so much that when the sayde Queene Almore shoulde passe by barge from the tower to Windsore the Lōdiuers standing vpon the bridge with their exclamations cursings and throwing of stones di●t at her interrupted her course causing her to returne to the tower againe Notwithstanding the peace yet continued with the nobles and the king the forme therof was this First that Henry sonne of Richard king of Romanes should be deliuered by the King Quene Secondly that the Castels againe should be committed to the custodie of Englishmen not of straungers Thirdly that the prouisions and statutes decreed at Oxford should as well by the king as by al other inuiolably be obserued Fourthly that the realme henceforth shuld be ruled and gouerned not by foreners but by personages borne within the land Fiftly that all alienes and straungers should voyde the land not to returne againe except onely such whose abode shoulde by the common assent of the kings trustie subiectes be admitted and alowed Thus the King and the nobles ioyning together after this form of peace aboue prefixed although not fully with heart as after appeared put themselues in armes with all their power to recouer the Castell of windsore out of the strangers handes But Edward in the mid way betwene London the Castel meeting with his father and the barons entred cōmunication vpon the matter Which being finished he thinking to returne into the Castell againe by the policie of the Earle of Leicester William byshop of Worceter was not permitted to reenter Whereupō the straungers within the holde destitute of all hope to withstand the great force approching rendred the Castell vnto the king and barons vppon this conuention That with horse and harnesse they might be suffered safe to depart the land not to returne any more Which being graunted certaine of the Barons conducted them in their iourney toward the sea side and there they left them In the same yeare about the beginning of October the king and Quene made ouer to France with Simon Montfort and other nobles to heare and stand to the arbitremēt of Lewes the French king cōcerning the controuersie betweene the states of England and al through the procurement of Alinore the Queene For shee not forgetting the olde contiunelie of the Londiners exclaming against her vpon the bridge wrought alwaies what reuēge she could against them Concerning the arbitrement of this matter put to the French king part hath bene sayde before more shall be sayde Christ willing hereafter Some stories do adde moreouer that the king continuing long in France worde was sent to him out of England that vnlesse he returned againe to the realme they would elect a new king Whereupon the king returning out of France to Douer would haue entred the castel but he was stopped Wherefore the king in fierce anger and great indignation prepared his power towarde London where Simon Montfort the worthy Earle of Leicester through subtile traine was almost betraied and circumuented in Southwarke by the sodaine pursuing of the kings armie had not the Londiners wyth more spede breaking barres and chains made way to rescue him By the meanes of whome the Earle at that time escaped the daunger Now to come to the sentence of the French king for so much as the arbitrement of thys matter was committed to him as hath before bene specified he in a great frequency both of French and English persons about him considering peysing the cause on both sides betwene the king and the nobles clearely and solemnely pronounced on the kings side against the Barons ordaining that the king of England all this whyle had suffered wrong and that hee shuld be restored againe to his pristine state notwithstanding the prouisions made at Oxford which he ordained to be repealed and abrogated Ex Flor hist. Gisburn The sentence of the French king thus awarded as it gaue to the king of England with his retinue no little incouragement so it wrought in the nobles hearts great indignation which notwithstanding that partiall decreement of the French king spedde themselues home out of Fraunce to defend themselues with all their strength and power And not long after foloweth also the king by whose traine Simon Mountfort Earle of Leicester as is aboue recited was well neare circumuented in Southwarke Then the king calling his counsaile together at Oxforde from whence he excluded the vniuersitie of studentes for a season who were then at Northampton there cōsulted conferring with his friendes and counsailours what way was best to be taken And hearing that the Barons were assembled in a great number at the towne of Northampton went thether with his host and with his banners displaied accompanied with Richard his brother king of Almaine Also wyth Edwarde his sonne Iohn Comyn of Scotland with many Scots Iohn of Dalliolo Lorde of Galewaye Robert of Bruse Lord Walter of Auand Roger of Clifford Philip of Marmyon Iohn of Wans Roger of Layburne Henry Percie Phillip Basset Roger of Mortymer and William of Walance and many other Therefore the king commaunded the Barons that were within to yeld vnto him presently the city and the pledges or els he would immediatly destroy them But they counselling with the yonger Simon de monte forti which by his fathers commaundement had got the residue thether to take counsell together for hys father and the Erle of Glocester were not yet come boldly and wyth one minde answered that they would not obey the kings wil but would rather defend themselues and the Citie if neede were euen to the death With the noble men of the kings part hearing sent word againe that at the least they should come to the wall of the Citie to speake to the King if by any meanes peace might be made And they suspecting no deccite followed their counsel and leauing their holds came to the wall towardes the medowe for there lay the king and his strong host hard by But in the meane space whilest diuers matters were reasoned and intreated of betwene the king and the Lords the Lord Phillip
Cāterbury being vacant but that all things appertayning to that Church ought to be reserued whole to the consecratiō of the new Archb. therefore for the state both of hym and of hys Church he appealed vp also vnto Rome But to returne to the archbishop agayne The second yeare after Adam Chelindon the foresayde Archb. elect remayning all this while at Rome at last resigned vp hys election to the popes hand beyng Breg 10. who then gaue the same to Rob. Kilwarby Who then cōming to Douer restored agayn the Prior of that house being before excluded vpon certain causes By these coutentions iudge good reader of the religion of these men and of these tunes And now to returne to our former story About whiche tyme came out the great concordaunces by an Englishe Frier called Iohn Dernington Ex Eulogio It was aboue declared how a generall voyage beyng proclaymed to warre agaynst the Turkes and a subsidie beyng collected in Englād vpon the same prince Edward with other was appoynted to take theyr voyage nowe were onward in theyr iourny Who at Michelmas following with hys company came to Egermorth whiche is from Marsilius 8. leagues westward there taking ship agayne hauing a mery winde and prosperous within x. dayes ariued at Sunes at Tunicium where he was wyth great ioy welcommed entertayned of the Christian princes that there were to this purpose assembled as of Philip the French king whose father Ludouicus died a little before of Carolus the king of Sicilia and the two kinges of Nauarre and Aragō And as the Lord Edward came thither for hys father the king of England thither came also Henry the sonne of the king of Almaine for his father who at hys returne from the voyage was slayne in a chappell at Uiterbium hearing masse by the Lord Simō and Buido the sonnes of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earle of Leicester When Prince Edward demaunded of these kings and Princes what was to be done they answered him agayne and sayd The Prince of this Cittie sayd they and the prouince adioyning to the same hath bene accustomed to pay tribute vnto the king of Sicile euery yeare And nowe for that the same hath bene for the space of vii yeares vnpayed and more therefore we thought good to make inuasion vpon hym But the king knowing the same tribute to be but iustly demaunded hath now according to our owne desires satisfied for the tyme past and also payed his tribute before hand Then sayde he My Lordes what is this to the purpose Are we not here all assembled and haue taken vpon vs the Lordes Character to fight against the Infidels and enemies of Christ what meane you then to conclude a peace with them God forbid we should do so for nowe the land is playne and hard so that we may approch the holy Citty Ierusalem then sayd they nowe haue we made a league with them neither is it lawfull for vs to breake the same But let vs returne agayne to Sicilia and when the wynter is past we may well take shipping to Acra But this counsaile nothing at al liked him neither did he shew himselfe wel pleased therwith But after that he had made them a princely banquet he went into hys closet or priny chamber from amongst them neither woulde be partake ● of any of that wicked mony which they had taken They notwithstanding continuing their purpose at the next mery wynd took shipping and for want of ships left CC. of theyr men a shore crying out piteously lamenting for the perill hazard of death they were in wherewith Prince Edward being somewhat moued with compassion came backe agayne to the land and receiued and stowed them in his own shippes being the last that went aborde within 7. dayes after they arriued in the kingdome of Scicilia ouer agaynst the Citty Trapes casting theyr anchors a league from thence within the sea for that their ships were of great burden throughly fraught And f●ō the hauen of the Cittie they sent out varges and boates to receiue and bring such of the Nobilitie to land as would but for theyr horses for the most part and all their armour they kept stil within bourd At length towardes the euening the sea began to be rough encreased to a great tempest a mighty In so much that their ships were beaten one against an others sides and drowned there was of them at that rēpest lying at anchor more then 120. with all their armour and munition with innumerable soules besides and that wicked mony also which they had taken before likewise perished and was drowned But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of Prince Edwardes who had in number 13. nor yet had one man lost thereby for that as it may be presupposed he consented not to the wicked counsaile of y● rest When in the morning the Princes and kinges came to the sea side and saw al theyr shyps drowned and saw their men and horses in great number cast vpon the land drowned they had full heauy heartes as well they might For of all theyr shyps and mariners whiche were in number a 1500. besides the common souldiours there was no more saued then the Mariners of one onely Shyp and they in this wise There was in that ship a good and wise Matrone a Countesse or an Earles wife perceiuing the tempest to grow and fearing her self called to her the Maister of the ship asked whether in attempting to the shore it were not possible to saue themselues who answered that to saue the ship it was impossible howbeit the men that were therein by Gods help he doubted not Then sayd the Countesse for the ship force no whit saue the soules therein and haue to the double the valure of thy ship who immediately hoysing the sayles with all force ran the ship a groundso neare the shore as possible was Thus with the vehemency of the weather and force he came withall brast the ship and saued all that was within the same as the matter had shewed and sayd before Then the kinges and princes altering theyr purpose after this so great a shypwrack returned home again eueuery one vnto their own lands Onely Edward the kings sonne remayned behinde with his men and ships which y● Lord had saued and preserued Then Prince Edward renouating hys purpose tooke shipping agayn and within 15. dayes after Easter arriued he at Acra and went a land taking with hym a thousand of the best souldiours most expert taryed there a whole month refreshing both hys men and horses and that in this space he might learne and know the secretes of the land After this he took with hym 6. or 7. thousand souldiours and marched forward twenty myles from Acra and tooke Nazareth and those he there found he slew and afterward returned again to Acra But their enemies following after them thinking to haue set vpon
first time before the Councell of Constance in the most famous place in the presence of the Pope the Pope beeyng president And finally in the presence of all others which will come to that most famous place and that whosoeuer hath any suspition of me that I haue eyther taught or defended anye thyng contrarye vnto the fayth of Christ let hym come thether also let hym declare there before or in the presence of the Pope and all the Doctors of Diuinitie what erroneous or false doctrine I haue at any tyme followed or holden More if hee shall conuince me of any errour or prooue that I haue taught anye thing contrarie vnto the Christian fayth I will not refuse to suffer whatsoeuer punishment shall be due for an hereticke But I hope and trust euen from the bottome of my hart that God wyll not geue the victory to vnfaithfull and vnbeleeuing men the which do willingly kicke and spurne against the truth The same time Iohn Hus sente his procurers to the Lorde Byshop of Nazareth ordeyned by the Apostolicke Sea Inquisitour of heresie of the Citie and Dioces of Prage requiring hym that if he had found any errour in him he would declare it openly But the sayd Bishop before the sayd procurour and the publike Notary wyth many other credible witnesses aunswered that he had often talked with Iohn Hus and that he neuer knew anye thing in him but as becommeth a godly and faithful man and this his testimonie of Iohn Hus he approoued by his letters the copie whereof is heere vnder written The Byshop of Nazareth hys testimoniall WE Nicholas by the grace of God Byshop of Nazareth and Inquisitor specially deputed by the Apostolicke seate for heresies both of the Citie and Dioces of Prage by these presents we do it to be knowne vnto all men that wee in times past haue often communed and talked with that honorable man mayster Iohn Hus Bacheler of Diuinitie of the famous vniuersitie of Prage and haue had diuers and sondry conferences with hym both of the Scriptures and diuers other matters and in all hys sayings doyngs and behauiour we haue prooued and found him to be a faithfull and a Catholicke man finding no maner of euill sinister or by any meanes erroneous doings in him vnto thys present We doo witnesse and protest moreouer how the sayd Iohn Hus of late in the Cathedrall Church of Prage and in other both Collegiate and Parish Churches and in the Colledges of the Vniuersitie of Prage and in the gates and porches of the most noble Prince and Lord the Lord Wenceslaus King of Romaines and of Boheme Also in the gates of the reuerend father the Lord Conrade Archbyshop of Prage Legate of the Apostolicke Sea and Chauncelour of the Vniuersitie of Prage and of other Princes and Barons then being in the Citie of Prage hath set vp his letters written both in Latine and in the Bohemian tongue containing sententially in effect how the foresayd Mayster Iohn Hus would appeare before the reuerend father the Lord Conrade the foresayd Archbyshop of Prage and all the Prelates and Cleargy of the kingdome of Boheme that shall bee congregated and called together by the sayd Archbyshop at the day appoynted in the sayd Citie of Prage readie alwayes to satisfie euery man that shall desire and require him to shew a reason of his fayth and hope that he holdeth and to see and heare all and euery one which could prooue any obstinacie of errour or heresie lawfully against him vnder the payne to receyue the like punishment vnto whome altogether he would by Gods helpe aunswere in the Councell of Constance which was now at hand before the sayd Lord Archbyshop and vs with all other Prelates and there in Christes name according to the decrees and Canons of the holy Fathers to declare and shew foorth his innocencie After the which letters as is aforesayd by the sayd maister Iohn Hus openly set vp there did no man appeare before vs the which would accuse the sayd Maister Iohn Hus of any errour eyther of any heresie For the euident witnesse of all whyche things we haue commaunded these present letters to be made and confirmed the same with the setting too of our seale Dated in Prage xxx of August an M. iiij C. xiiij Vpon which matter also a publicke instrument was drawne testified with the hand and seale of the publicke Notary named Michel Pruthatietz The copie of whych instrument heere vnder followeth ¶ An Instrument of Recognition or protestation of the Lord inquisitor of Heresies IN the name of God Amen In the yeare of hys natiuitie 1414. the thirtith of August in the fift yeare of the Byshoprike of the most holy Father in Christ Iohn by the grace of GOD Pope the three and twentith of that name in the vppermost parlor of the house of the famous man the Lord Peter of Zwogsta called Znirglits maister of the mynte of the most famous Prince and Lord the Lord Wenceslaus Kyng of Romaines and of Boheme in the greater Citie of Prage about the Abbey of Sainct Iames the Apostle in the presence of me the publique Notary heere vnder written and certayne witnesses heere within written specially called for that purpose There was personally present Mayster Iohn Iessenitz mayster of Art procuror in the name of the honourable man Mayster Iohn Hus Bacheler formed in Diuinitie of the Vniuersitie of Prage He most humblie and earnestly requyred the reuerende father in Christ and Lord Nicholas Byshop of Nazareth Inquisitour of Heresies for the Citie and diocese of Prage specially appoynted by the Apostolike Sea beeing there also present sayeng Reuerend father doe you knowe any error or heresie in Mayster Iohn Husnetz otherwise called Hus. The which sayd Lord Nicholas not compelled or constrained but of his owne will and accord freely and openly did there recognise sayeng these or the like words in the Bohemian tongue I haue often and many times bene conuersant with Mayster Iohn Hus and haue eaten and dronke with him also I haue bene often present at his Sermons and diuers of his collations which he hath made vpon diuers places of the scripture and I neuer found or perceiued in him any errour or heresie but in all his words and deedes I haue found him alwaies a true and a Catholike man neither haue I found any thing that doth sauour of any errour or heresie Againe the said maister Iohn his procurer in the behalfe as aboue required and asked the said Lord Nicholas Byshop and inquisitour whether any man haue accused the said maister Iohn Hus of any heresie before him being inquisitour for heresie and hath conuicted him of heresie He aunswered that since the time he knew Iohn Hus and that he was made inquisitour for heresie in the Citie and diocese of Prage as is afore saide neuer anie man accused either conuinced the said maister Iohn Hus of any heresie before him vnto this present time Adding moreouer that he the
hys booke De sacerdotum Monachorum abhominatione desolationis pag. 84. c. I beseech the reader to note Nam ista scribens fateor ꝙ nihil aliud me in illis perurget nisi dilectio Dom. Nostri Iesu crusifixi c. That is For in writing these things I confesse nothinge els to haue moued me hereunto but onely the loue of our Lorde Iesus crucified whose printes and stripes according to the measure of my weakenes and vilenes I couet to beare in my selfe beseeching hym so to geue me grace that I neuer seek to glory in my selfe or in any thing els but onely in his crosse and in the inestimable ignominy of his passion which he suffered for me And therefore I write and speake these thinges which I do not doubt will like all such as vnsaynedly do loue the Lord Christ crucified and contrary will mislike not a little all suche as be of Antichrist Also agayne I confesse before the most merciful Lord Iesus Christ crucified that these thinges which I do now write and those that I haue written before neither I could haue writtē nor knew how nor durst so haue written vnlesse he by hys inward vnction had so commaunded me Neither yet do I write these thinges as of authority to get me fame and name For as S. Augustine Hierome do say that is onely to be geuen to the scriptures and writinges of the Apostles Euangelistes and Prophetes and to the Canonicall Scriptures which doe abounde in the fulnes of the spirite of Iesus And whatsoeuer is there sayd is full of veritie and wholesome vtilitie c. And here place also would require something to say to Aeneas Siluius to Antoninus and to Laziardus which falsly impute articles to him whiche he neuer mayntayned But because tyme suffereth not I wil proceed to the story of maister Hierom of Prage The Tragicall and lamentable history of the famous learned man and godly Martyr of Christ maister Hierome of Prage burned at Constance for like cause and quarrell as Maister Iohn Hus was 1416. THese thinges hetherto being discoursed touching the lyfe Actes and Constant martyrdom of M. Iohn Hus with part also of his letters adioyned to the same whose death was on the 6. of Iuly an 1416. now remayneth cōsequently to describe the like Tragedy and cruell handeling of his Christian companion and fellow in bandes M. Hierome of Prage Who grieuously sorrowing the slaunderous reproch and diffamation of his coūtry of Boheme and also hearing tell of the manifest iniuries done vnto that man of worthy memory M. Iohn Hus freely and of hys own accord came vnto Constance the 4. day of Iprill an 1415. Who there perceiuing that Iohn Hus was denyed to be heard and that watche and wayte was layd for hym on euery side he departed to Iberling a Citty of the Empire vntill the next day the which Citty was a myle of frō Constance and from thence he wrote hys letters by me vnto Sigismund kyng of Hungry and hys Barons and also vnto the Councell most earnestly requiring that the kyng and the Councell would geue him a safe conduct frely to come and go and that he woulde then come in open audience to aunswere vnto euery man if there were any of the Councell that would lay any cryme vnto hym as by the tenour of his intimation shall more at large appeare When as the sayd king of Hungary was required therunto as is aforesayd being in the house of the Lord Cardinall of Cambray he denyed to geue M. Hierome anye safe conducte excusing himselfe for the euil speede he had with the safe conduct of Iohn Hus before and alleadging also certayne other causes The deputies also of the foure nations of the Councell being moued thereunto by the Lords of the kingdome of Boheme aunswered wee say they will geue hym a safeconduct to come but not to depart Whose aunsweres when they were reported vnto maister Hierome he the next day after wrote certaine intimations according to the tenour here vnder written which he sent vnto Constance to be set vpon the gates of the Citty and vpon the gates of the Churches and Monasteries and of the houses of the Cardinals and other nobles and prelates The tenour wherof here followeth word for word in thys maner Unto the most noble Prince and Lord the Lord Sigismund by the grace of God king of the Romanes alwaies Augustus and of Hungary c. I Hierome of Prage maister of Arte of the generall vniuersities of Paris Colleyn Heldeberg Prage by these my present letters do notifie vnto the king together with the whole reuerend Councell and as much as in me lyeth do all men to vnderstand and know that because of the crafty slaunderers backbiters accusers I am ready freely of myne owne will to come vnto Cōstance there to declare openly before the Councell the puritie and sinceritie of my true fayth and myne innocencie and not secretly in corners before any priuate or particulate person Wherfore if there be any of my slaūderers of what natiō or estate soeuer they be which will obiect agaynst me anye crime of errour or heresie let them come forth openly before me in the presence of the whole Councell and in theyr owne names obiect agaynst me and I will be ready as I haue written to aunswere openly and publikely before the whole Councell of myne innocencie and to declare the puretie and sinceritie of my true fayth And if so be that I shal be foūd culpable in errour or heresie then I will not refuse openly to suffer such punishment as shall be meete and worthy for an erroneous person or an hereticke Wherefore I most humbly beseech my Lord the King and the whole sacred Coūcell that I may haue to this end and purpose aforesayd safe and sure accesse And if it happē that I offering suche equitie and right as I do before any fault be proued agaynst me be arested imprisoned or haue any violence done vnto me that thē it may be manifest vnto the whole worlde that this generall Councell doth not proceede according to equitie and iustice if they woulde by any meanes put me backe from this profoūd and straight iustice being come hether freely and of myne owne minde and accorde The whiche thing I suppose to be farre from so sacred and holy Councell of wise men WHen as yet he through such intimations copied out in the Bohemian Latine and Germayne tongue being set vp as is aforesayd could not get any safeconduct thē the Nobles Lords and Knightes specially of the Bohemian nation present in Constance gaue vnto maister Hi●rome their letters patentes cōfirmed with their seales for a testimony and witnesse of the premisses With the which letters the sayd M. Hierome returned agayne vnto Boheme but by the treason and conspiracy of his enemies was taken in Hirsaw by the officers of Duke Iohn and in Zultzbach was brought backe agayne to
not onely left such articles and opiniōs wherin he was defamed but also did abstaine from all company that were suspected of such opinions so that he should neither geue ayd helpe councell nor fauor vnto them And moreouer the sayd Iohn was asked by the sayde Archbishop whether he euer had in his house since his abiuration in his keeping any bookes written in Englishe Wherunto he confessed that he would not deny but that he had in his house and in his keeping many english bookes for he was arested by the Mayor of the city of London for such bookes as he had which bookes as he thought were in the Mayors keping Upon the which the Mayor did openly confesse that he had such bookes in his keping which in his iudgement were the worst and the moste peruerse that euer he did read or see and one booke that was well bound in red leather of par●chment written in a good english hand and among the other bookes found with the said Iohn Claydon the Mayor gaue vp the sayd booke afore the Archbishop Whereupon the sayde Iohn Claydon being asked of the Archbishop if he knewe that booke dyd openly confesse that he knew it very well because he caused it to be written of his owne costes and charges for he spēt muche money thereupon since his abiuration Then was he asked who wrote it He did aunswere one called Iohn Grime And further being required what the said Iohn Grime was he aunswered he coulde not tell Agayne being demaunded whether he did euer read the same booke he dyd confesse that he could not read but he had heard the fourth part therof red of one Iohn Fullar And being asked whether he thought the contentes of that booke to be Catholicke profitable good and true he aunswered that many thinges which he had hearde in the same booke were both profitable good and healthful to his soule and as he sayde he had great affection to the sayd book for a Sermon preached at Horsaldowne that was written in the sayd booke And being futher asked whether since the tyme of hys sayd abiuration he did commune with one Richard Baker of the City aforesayd he did answere yea for the sayde Richard Baker did come often vnto his house to haue cōmunication with him And being asked whether he knew the said Richard to be suspected and defamed of heresy he did aunswere agayne that he knew well that the sayd Richard was suspected defamed of many men and women in the City of Londō as one whom they thought to be an hereticke Which confession being made did cause the sayd bookes to be deliuered to maister Robert Gilbert Doctour of diuinity to William Lindewood Doctor of both lawes and other Clerkes to be examined and in the meane time Dauid Beard Alexander Philip and Balthasar Mero were taken for witnesses agaynst him and were committed to be examined to Maister Iohn Escourt generall examiner of Canterbury This done the Archbishop continued hys Session till Monday next in the same place Which Monday being come which was the xx of the sayd moneth the sayd Maister Escourt openly and publickely exhibited the witnesses being openly read before the Archbishop and other Bishops which being read then after that were read diuers tractations founde in the house of the sayde Iohn Claydon out of the which being examined diuers points were gathered and noted for heresies and errors and specially out of the booke aforesaid which booke the said Iohn Claydon confessed by his owne costes to be written and bound which booke was intituled the Lanterne of light In the which and in the other examined were these Articles vnder written conteyned 1. First vpon the text of the Gospell how the enemy dyd sowe the tares there is sayd thus that wicked Antichrist the Pope hath sowed among the lawes of Christ his popish and corrupt decrees which are of no authoritye strength nor valure 2. That the Archbishops and Bishops speaking indifferently are the seates of the beast Antichrist when he sitteth in thē and raigneth aboue other people in the darck caues of errors and heresyes 3. That the Bishops licence for a man to preach the word of God is the true caracter of the beast i. Antichrist therfore simple and faythfull Priestes may preache when they will agaynst the prohibition of that Antichrist and without licence 4. That the court of Rome is the chiefe head of Antichrist and the Bishops be the body the new sectes that is the monks canons and friers brought in not by Christ but damnably by the pope be the venimous pestiferous tail of Antichrist 5. That no reprobate is a member of the Church but only such as be elected and predestinate to saluation seing the church is no other thing but the congregation of faythfull soules which doe and will keepe their faith constantly as well in deed as in word 6. That Chryst did neuer plante priuate religions in the church but whilest he liued in this world he did root them out By which it appeareth that priuate religiōs be vnprofitable branches in the church and to be rooted out 7. That the materiall churches should not be decked with golde siluer precious stone sumptuously but the folowers of the humility of Iesus Christ ought to worship their Lord God humbly in mean simple houses not in great buildings as the churches be now a dayes 8. That there be ij chiefe causes of the persecution of the christians one is the priestes vnlawfull keeping of tēporal and superfluous goods the other is the vnsatiable begging of the friers with their hye buildings 9. That almes is not geuen vertuously nor lawfully except it be geuen with these 4. conditions first vnlesse it be geuen to the honor of God 2. vnlesse it be geuen of goodes iustly gotten 3. vnlesse it be geuē to such a person as the geuer therof knoweth to be in charity And 4. vnles it be geuē to such as haue need and do not dissemble 10. That the often singing in the church is not founded in the scripture and therefore it is not lawfull for priestes to occupy thēselues with singing in the Church but with the study of the law of Christ and preaching his word 11. That Iudas did receiue the body of Christ in breade his bloud in wine In the which it doth playnly appeare that after consecration of breade and wine made the same bread and wine that was before doth truely remayne on the aultar 12. That all ecclesiasticall suffrages do profit all vertuous and godly persons indifferently 13. That the Popes and the Bishops indulgences be vnprofitable neither can they profite them to whom they be geuen by any meanes 14. That the laity is not bound to obey the prelates what so euer they commaūd vnles the prelats do watch to geue God a iust account of the soules of them 15. That Images are not to be
Constantinus the sonne of Helena was the first Emperour of Constantinople so Constantinus the sonne also of Helena was the last Emperour thereof Not farre from the said Citie of Constantinople there was another little City called Pera once called Gallatia situated by the Sea side who hearing of the miserable destruction of Constantinople and seing the City flaming with fire sent certain of their chiesmē with speed to Mahumete declaring vnto him that they neither had sent any helpe to the City of Constantinople neither yet wrought any detrimēt to any of his army wherefore they desired praied him that as they would gladly yeeld vnto him so he would be fauourable vnto thē and spare them not to punish the giltles with the gilty Mahumete although he was not ignoraunt that for feare rather then of any good will they submitted themselues and that they would rather resist him if they had ben able yet he receiued for that time the submission of the messengers but sending wyth them his Embassadour into the Citie he commanded also his army to follow withall and to enter with him into the City which although it was greatly suspected m●sliked of the Citizens yet they durst no otherwise do but suffer them to enter which beeing done the Embassadour gaue a signe to the souldiours euery man to do whatsoeuer he was bidden of whom some ranne to the walles some to the temples and Churches some to y● streetes houses of the City plucking all things downe to the grounde sacking and raūging with no lesse fury and abhominable filthines then they had done at Cōstantinople before sauing only that they absteined frō murther but the same day letters came from Mahumete to the Embassadour that he should spare none but destroy and murther all that euer were in the Citie which message because it seemed to the Embassadour to be too cruell forsomuch as they had yeelded thēselues he staied his hand a little vntill night came In the meane time drunken Mahumete comming something to himselfe whome drunkennes had before ouercome sent his second letters to reuoke the first Where againe is to be noted the mercifull prouidence of God towardes his people in their deserued plagues by staieng the handes and brideling the fury many times of their enemies when otherwise the case seemeth to be past all remedy Mahumete thus beeing in himselfe not a little aduanced and eleuated by the winning of Cōstantinople where he had now made the Imperiall seat of the Turkish dominion the third yeare next folowing to aduēture more masteries he set out to y● siege of Belgradum a City of Hungary lieng neare to the bankes of Danubius thinking to haue the like successe there as he had in the winning of Constantinople albeit through the Lords disposing it sel out much otherwise Within the Citie of Belgradum the same time of the siege thereof was Ioannes Huniades the valiant Captaine of whom in diuers places mentiō hath bene made before who with a sufficient strength of piked souldiours albeit in number nothing equal to the Turks army valiātly defended the City with great courage and no lesse successe In the which siege great diligēce was bestowed and many of the Turkes slaine Amōg whom also Mahumere himselfe being stroken with a pellet vnder the left arme was faine to be caried out of the field for halfe dead and the rest so put to flight that of the Turkes the same time were destroyed to the number or not much vnder the number of 40. thousād besides the losse of all their ordinaunce which the Turkes in hast of their flight were forced to leaue behinde them Hieronymus Zieglerus writyng of the siege of this Belgradum addeth moreouer that whē Mahumete was at the siege therof seyng the towne to be so small w●ake of it selfe that it could not be won with all his great multitude he staryng and faryng like a mad man commaunded all his brasen peeces to be layd to battare downe the walles and Towers of the Towne So that the Christians within the walles were vehemently distressed for the siege continued both night and day without intermission Amōg the rest of the Christians which defended the towne Hieronymus Zieglerus maketh mentiō of a certaine Bohemian much worthy of his condigne cōmendation Who beyng vpon the walles and seyng a Turke with a bāner or ensigne of the Turkes to be gottē vp by the sight wher of the whole Towne was in daunger to be cōquered and taken runneth vnto the Turke and claspyng him about the middle speakyng to Iohn Capistranus standyng by low asking him whether it were any daunger of damnation to him if he of his voluntary mynde did cast himselfe with that dogge so he termed him downe headlong from the wall to be slayne with him what should become of his soule and whether he might be saued or not To whō when the other had aunswered that hee should be saued without doubt hee estsoones tombleth him selfe with the Turke downe of the wall where by his death he saued the same tyme the lyfe of all the Citie Mahumete beyng so wounded and in dispayre of wynnyng the Citie was caryed as ye heard out of the field Who at length commyng agayne to himselfe partly for feare and partly for shame was ready to kill himselfe And thus was the towne of Belgradum at that tyme rescued through Gods prouidence by the meanes of Ioannes Hunianes and this good Bohemian This siege of Belgradū begā in the yeare of the Lord. 1456. and endured 46. dayes At the which siege were nūbred of the Turkes 200. thousand Of whom more then 40. thousand as is aforesayd were slayne where the victory fell to the Christians through the prosperous successe geuen of God to Ioannes Huniades Capistranus Which Huniades not long after the sayd victory through the importune labour and trauaile in defendyng the sayd towne was taken with a sore sickenesse and thereof departed to whose valiaunt prowes and singular courage stories doe geue great land and commendation Mahumetes the Turke after this done in Europe returned into Asia to warre with Vsumcassanes a Persian one of the Turkes stocke with whō he had three battailes The first was about the Riuer Euphrates where the Turke lost 10. thousand men and was put to the worse In the second field likewise he was discomsited The third battaile was at Arsēga where through the terrible noyse of the brasen peeces the Persian horses disturbed the cāpe and so was Vsumcassanues ouercome From thence the Turke reduced agayne his power against the Christians and first subdued vnto him Synope and all Paphlagonia Also the kingdome of Trapezunce which he besiegyng both by land and water wanne from the Christians and sent Dauid the kyng of the same with his two sonnes and Calus his vncle vnto Constantinople where they were miserably and cruelly put to death all the stocke of the
to do but especially that side of the City which lyeth to the riuer of Danubius they fortified after the best wise for that way only now remained for vitail to be transported from the Bohemians vnto them Wherefore 8. en●ignes were assigned to the keping of the bridge and in the plaine which was lyke an Iland inclosed wythin the riuer a sufficient garrison of horsmen were placed lying within the gunshot of the city to the entent that if any graine or vitail were sent from the Bohemians they myght prouide the same safely to be brought into the Citie These things thus being disposed and set in order L. William Rogendorffe to assay the strength of the Turks made diuers rodes out wyth his horsemen albeit much against the mindes of the Austrians who knowing the maner of the Turkes thought it better to suffer them while either wyth time they myght be ouerweried or for lacke of victuals consumed Among many and sondry skirmishes which the Christians had with the Turkes one especially was to our men vnprosperous in whych certaine of the horsemen espying a small troupe of the Turkes scattering abroad from theyr company made out after them who sodenly guilefully were inclosed and circumuented by the Turks before they could recouer the gates of the citie and so were all taken aliue Of whome 3. were sent from the Turkes into the Citye to declare to the Uiennians what strength they had seene in the campe of their aduersaries and to sollicite them to yelde their city for feare of punishment which would followe The residue they reserued to torments and punishment whom in the sight of the whole army and of the Christians whych should tell the same to the Citizens they caused euery man to be drawne with 4. horses a piece and so to be dismēbred and pluckt a sonder After thys done the barbarous Turk immediatly sent his Herold to talke wyth the Captaines of the City whether they would yelde the City vpon honest conditions or els would abide the arbitrement of warre If they would gently submit them selues they should haue all gentlenes to them shewed If they would be stubburne and stand to their defence he wold also stand to hys siege begon so that he neither woulde spare man woman nor childe To thys the captaines aunswered againe that they were contented Solyman to stand to his siege begon and to do his vttermost what he would or what he coulde As for them they were at a poynte to defende them selues and their Citie so long as they might the euent fall of victory to be doubtfull and many times so to happen that they whych begin the warre are wearied sooner then they which be prouoked neither againe that they were so vnmindfull eyther of themselues or of their country but that they did remember well what they are and what they be called named to be Germaines who vse alwayes first to assay the aduersary what he is able to doe and not rashly to committe themselues into their enemies handes Solymannus not a little disdaining at thys aunswer first burning and consuming all the villages houses and places round about the city infecting also the springs and fountaines whych gaue water into the Citye and so stopping al passages that no reliefe should haue way vnto thē began with angry moode to approche more neare to the Citie with 3. great campes sending them worde in skorne and contumely by one of his captiues that if they stood in nede of helpe of soldiors he would send vnto them the 300. Bohemians mentioned a little before to aid them in theyr defence To whom the Palatine directed answer again that they had moe soldiours in the City then they neded As for the Bohemians which had yelded themselues he might do wyth them what he would for Uienna stoode in no great neede of them In the meane time a messenger comming from Ferdinandus was priuily let in by night into the Citie which brought word that they should play the men in keping out the enemy a while for it would not be long but both Ferdinandus and Carolus his brother with the strēgth of all Germanie would be ready to rescue them At whych message the hearts of the soldiours began somwhat to be cheared and to contemne the huge multitude of the aduersaries being so great as they neuer did beholde nor did euer almoste heare of before The largenesse of whose army extended to no lesse in compasse as is aboue sayde then of 7. miles round about the Citie walles Long it were to recite the whole order of thys terrible siege with all the partes and circumstances therof Briefly to touch so much as shal suffice for this history with fewer words then were stripes geuen at the siege thereof thys is to be iudged and confessed whosoeuer beholdeth the nōber and fiercenesse of the Turkes the absence of the king Ferdinandus the lacke of prouision and vitaile within the city the noise of the gunnes the violence of the shot the terror of the sight and yet no succour sent vnto them that the custody of that city was no mans doing but the arme only of the Lord God of hostes according to the true saying of the Psalme Unlesse the Lorde doe keepe the Citie the watchmen watch in vaine which watch to saue it Unles the Lord doe build the house the builder striueth in vayne whych taketh vpon hym to builde it Experience whereof in keping thys citie may well appeare First Solymannus bending hys shotte and ordinance against the City beate downe to the ground the vāmures with all the vttermost suburbs of the city and that in suche a short moment of time that the hearts of the Uiennians a little before refreshed were now as much appaled agayne with feare misdoubting wyth themselues least the Turke with the same celerity and violence woulde haue preuailed against the inwarde walles as he did in beating down the outward vamures And no doubt the same time the Turk had put the city in great hazard had not night commynge on broken of the siege for that day In the meane time the Citizens laboured all night in repairing and refreshing the wals to make all things sure against the next assault The next day early in y● morning the Turks approching the city againe with a new assault thinking to scale the walles were so repulsed manfully resisted by the Germaines that vnneth any ditches aboute the walles could be sene for the bodies of the dead Turkes wherwith they were replenished so that the Turks were faine to fight standing vpon the bodies of them which wer slaine By the which calamitie the force of the enemye was not a little abated It happened the same time that a companye of the Turkes being spied oute of the Citie wandering oute of order the Captaine Rogendorffius wyth two legions of horsemenne issuing out of the Citie gate called Salmaria and so passing closely