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A38749 The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.; Ecclesiastical history. English Eusebius, of Caesarea, Bishop of Caesarea, ca. 260-ca. 340.; Socrates, Scholasticus, ca. 379-ca. 440. Ecclesiastical history. English.; Evagrius, Scholasticus, b. 536? Ecclesiastical history. English.; Eusebius, of Caesarea, Bishop of Caesarea, ca. 260-ca. 340. Life of Constantine. English. 1683 (1683) Wing E3423; ESTC R6591 2,940,401 764

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and Ascetick course of life But he was most especially eminent even beyond all men in our times for his earnest and unwearied studies in the sacred Scriptures for his indefatigable assiduity about those things he proposed to himself to do and for the good offices he did to his relations and all other persons that made their addresses to him This persons other virtues and egregious performances which require a larger relation we have already comprized in three books being a peculiar work which we wrote concerning his Life If therefore any are desirous of knowing these things more fully we remit them thither at present let us prosecute our subsequent narration concerning the Martyrs The second person after Pamphilus that entred the combat was Valens a Deacon of Aelia honourable for his holy gray hairs and as to his aspect a venerable old man better skilled in the sacred Scriptures than any of the rest For he had imprinted them in his memory so perfectly that no difference could be discerned between his reading out of a book and repeating by heart whole pages of any part of Sacred Writ The third person famous amongst them was Paul born at the City Jamnia a man very fervent and zealous in acting and filled with a warmth and ardour of spirit before his Martyrdom he had been engaged in the combat of confession having endured the fearing of his flesh with red hot irons After these persons had spent two years time in prison the arrival of some other Egyptian brethren was the occasion of their Martyrdom who also suffered with them These Egyptians had accompanied the Confessours sent into Cilicia to the Mines there As they were returning to their own country at the entrance of the gates of Caesarea they were examined in the same manner with those before mentioned by the guard men of a barbarous disposition who they were and whence they came and having concealed nothing of the truth as if they had been Malefactours taken in the very act they were put into bonds They were five in number and when they were brought before the Tyrant and had spoken boldly and freely in his presence they were forthwith committed to prison The next day which was the 19 th of the month Peritius according to the Roman account before the 14 th of the Calends of March order was given that they together with Pamphilus and his forementioned companions should be brought before the Judge In the first place he made tryal of the Egyptians invincible constancy by all sorts of torments and various and new invented engines of torture When he had made use of these cruelties towards the chief of these persons first he asked him who he was After he had heard him give himself the name of some Prophet instead of his proper name for they made it their business to call themselves by names different from those given them by their Parents which were perhaps the names of Idols therefore you might have heard them name themselves Elias Jeremiah Isaiah Samuel or Daniel representing not only by their actions but by their proper names also the true and genuine Israel of God which consists of those that are inwardly Jews After I say Firmilianus had heard the Martyr give himself such a name being wholly unacquainted with the powerfull import thereof in the second place he enquired what Country-man he was the Martyr expressed himself in this his second reply agreeable to his former answer and said Jerusalem was his Country meaning that Jerusalem of which Paul speaks But Jerusalem which is above is free which is the mother of us all and in another place Ye are come to mount Sion and unto the City of the living God the heavenly Jerusalem the Martyr meant this Jerusalem But the Judge having his mind depressed with low and terrene thoughts was extraordinarily inquisitive what City this was and in what Country it lay Then he applied tortures that he might force him thereby to confess the truth But he having both his hands wrested behind his back and his feet broken with certain new Engines of torture stifly affirmed that he spoke true Again being after this often asked what City that he spoke of was and where it lay he replied that that was their Country only who were Gods worshippers For none but they should enter it and it was scituate Eastward and towards the rising Sun After this manner did the Martyr Philosophize again agreeable to his own sentiments wholly disregarding those that on all sides were tormenting of him but as if he had had neither flesh nor body seemed to be altogether insensible of his tortures But the Judge doubtful and perplexed in his mind was in a great rage supposing that the Christians were about erecting a City that would be an enemy and in an hostile manner oppose the Romans Upon which account he was very diligent in his enquiries about it and in searching out that country in the East spoken of by the Martyr But when he perceived that the young man after he had torn him with innumerable stripes and inflicted on him tortures of all sorts was immutable and firmly persisted in what he had said before he passed sentence of death upon him Thus were the tragick cruelties used towards this Martyr concluded and when he had practised the like Preface of tortures upon the rest he destroyed them by the same sort of death Being then wearied out and perceiving that he did in vain inflict tortures upon these men when his desires were satiated he passed to Pamphilus and his companions And although he had by experience found that in defence of their faith they had before demonstrated an alacrity of mind not to be vanquished by tortures yet he again asked them whether they would now be obedient to the Imperial commands and when he could get nothing out of any one of them besides that last confession which is made in Martyrdom he condemned them to undergo the same punishment with the forementioned Martyrs These things being finished a youth one that belonged to Pamphilus's family in regard he had been educated under the genuine discipline and converse of so eminent a person as soon as he understood that sentence was pronounc't against his master called aloud out of the midst of the crowd and requested that their dead-bodies might be interred But the Judge who deserves not to be called a man but a wild beast or any creature else that can be thought more fierce than a wild beast shewed no compassion towards his youthful years and having found upon his bare asking the young man that he confessed himself a Christian swelled with rage as if he had been wounded by some dart ordered the torturers to make use of their utmost force against him But after he saw that he refused to be obedient to his commands in offering sacrifice he ordered that his flesh as if it had not been the
Church joyns many to his own impiety To confute the perfidiousness of which persons a Synod of 318 Bishops being conven'd at Nicaea a City of Bithynia ruin'd all the subtil devices of the Hereticks by the opposition of the term HOMOOUSIOS 't is plain enough that those words were not written by Eusebius but were added by Saint Jerome who interpolated Eusebius's Chronicon by inserting many passages on his own head For to ●m●t that ●●mely that the mention of the Nicene Synod is here set in a forreign and disagreeable place who can ever believe that Eusebius would have spoken in this manner concerning Ari●● or would have inserted the Term HOMOOUSIOS into his own Chronicon Which word always displeased him as we shall see afterwards How should Eusebius say that there were three hundred and eighteen Bishops present at the Nicene Synod when in his Third Book concerning the Life of Constantine he writes in most express words that something more than two hundred and fifty sate in that Synod Yet I don't doubt but the Ecclesiastick History was finished by Eusebius some years after the Nicene Synod But whereas Eusebius had resolved to close his History with that Peace which after Diocletian ' s Persecution shone from heaven upon the Church as he himself attests in the beginning of his work he designedly avoided mentioning the Nicene Synod least he should be compell'd to set forth the strifes and broils of the Bishops quarrelling one with another For Writers of Histories ought chiefly to take care of and provide for this that they may conclude their work with an illustrious and glorious close as Dionysius Halicarnassensis has long since told us in his comparison of Herodotus and Thucydides Now what more illustrious Event could be wish'd for by Eusebius than that Repose which by Constantine had been restored to the Christians after a most bloudy Persecution when the Persecutour● being every where extinct and last of all Licinius taken off no fear of past mischiefs was now left remaining With this Peace therefore Eusebius chose to close his History rather than with the mention of the Nicene Synod For in that Synod the Divisions seem'd not so much composed as renewed And that not by the fault of the Synod it self but by their pertinacious obstinacy who refused to acquiesce in the most whole some determinations of the Sacred Council And Let thus much suffice to have been said by us in reference to the Life and Writing● of Eusebius It remains that we speak something concerning his Faith and Orthodoxy And in the first place I would have the Readers know that they are not to expect here from us a defence of Eulebius For it belongs not to us to pronounce concerning matters of this nature in regard in these things we ought rather to follow the Judgement of the Church and the Opinion of the Ancient Fathers Wherefore we will set down some Heads onely here whereon relying as on some firm foundations we may be able to determine with more of certainly concerning Eusebius ' s faith Whereas therefore the Opinions of the Ancients in reference to our Eusebius are various and some have thought that he was a Catholick others an Heretick others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a person of a doubtfull and wavering faith we must enquire to which opinion chiefly we ought to assent 'T is a constant Rule of the Law in doubtfull matters the more favourable and milder opinion ought to be embrac'd Besides whereas all the Westerns Saint Jerome onely excepted have entertained honourable sentiments concerning our Eusebius and whereas the Gallican Church hath enroll'd him amongst the number of Saints as may be gathered from Victorius Aquitanus Usuardus and others without question 't is better that we should subscribe to the Judgment of our Fathers than to that of the Eastern Schismaticks Lastly whose authority ought to be greater in this matter than that of the Bishops of Rome But Gelasius in his Book De Duabus Naturis has recounted Our Eusebius amongst the Catholick Writers and has recited two authorities out of his Books Moreover Pope Pelagius terms him the most honourable amongst Historians and pronounces him free from all Spot of Heresie notwithstanding he had highly commended heretical Origen But some body will say that the Judgment of the Easterns is rather to be followed in regard the Easterns were better able to know Eusebius as being a man of their own language But it may be answered that there are not wanting some amongst the Easterns who have thought well of Our Eusebius Amongst whom is Socrates and Gelasius Cyzicenus But if the judgment of the Seventh Oecumenical Synod be opposed against us Our answer is in readiness For Eusebius ' s Faith was not the subject of that Synod's debate but the worship of Images In order to the overthrowing whereof when the Adversaries a little before conven'd in the Imperial City had produc'd an Evidence out of Eusebius's Letter to Constantia and laid the greatest stress thereon the Fathers of the Seventh Synod that they might lessen the authority of this Evidence cryed out that Eusebius was an Arian But they did this by the by onely from the occasion and hatred of that Letter not designedly or after a cognizance of the Cause They do indeed produce some passages out of Eusebius whereby they would prove that he adher'd to the Arian Opinion But they make no difference between Eusebius ' s Books before the Nicene Council and those he wrote after that Council which nevertheless ought by all means to be done to the end a certain and just sentence might be pronounc'd concerning Eusebius ' s faith For whatever he wrote before the Nicene Synod ought not be objected and charg'd as a fault upon Eusebius Farther Eusebius ' s Letter to Alexander wherein he intercedes with him for Arius was doubtless written before the Nicene Synod Therefore that Testimony of the Fathers of the Seventh Synod against Eusebius although it has the greatest autority yet seems to us a rash judgment before the matter was heard rather than a Synodal Sentence But the Greeks may have leave to think thus concerning our Eusebius and to call him a Borderer upon the Arian Heresie or even an Arian But who can with patience bear Saint Jerome who not content to term him Heretick and Arian does frequently stile him a Ring-leader of the Arians Can he be justly termed a Ring-leader of the Arians who after the Nicene Synod always condemned the Opinion of the Arians Let his Books De Ecclesiasticâ Theologiâ be perused which he wrote against Marcellus long after the Nicene Council We shall find what I have said that they were condemn'd by him who would affirm that the Son of God was made of things which are not and that there was a time when He was not Athanasius does likewise attest the same thing concerning Eusebius in his Letter about the Decrees of the
published in every City and in all other places CHAP. VI. Concerning them that suffered Martyrdom in those Times BUt not long after this Captain was his own Executioner suffering a condign punishment for his malicious wickedness And now banishments and most horrid Persecutions were a fresh raised against us the Presidents in every Province renewing their cruel insurrections against us in so much that some of the most eminent asserters of the divine faith were apprehended and without any commiseration had the sentence of death pronounc't against them Three of them having professed themselves Christians were cast to the wild beasts and devoured by them at Emesa a City of Phoenicia amongst them there was a Bishop one Silvanus a very old man who had born that Office forty years compleat At the same time also Peter that most eminent Prelate of the Alexandrian Church the chiefest ornament and glory of the Bishops both for his virtuous life and his study and knowledge in the sacred Scriptures being apprehended for no crime at all was beheaded contrary to every bodies expectation by Maximins order on a sudden and without any specious pretence Likewise many other Aegyptian Bishops suffered the same death that he did Lucianus also Presbyter of the Church at Antioch a very pious man much famed for his continency and his knowledge in the sacred Scriptures was brought to the City of Nicomedia where the Emperour then kept his Court and after he had made his Apology in defence of that Doctrine which he asserted before the President he was committed to prison and murthered In fine Maximin that professed Enemy of all virtue did in a short time load us with such burthens of afflictions that this latter storm of Persecution raised by him seemed to us far more grievous then the former CHAP. VII Concerning the Edict against us which was ingraven on Brazen plates and hung up on the Pillars MOreover in the midst of every City which was never seen before the Decrees of Cities and also the Imperial Edicts against us were ingraven on Brazen plates and proposed to open view And the boyes in the Schooles had nothing in their mouths all day long but Jesus and Pilate and the Acts which were forged to disgrace us I judge it pertinent to insert here this very Rescript of Maximin's which was ingraven on plates of Brass both that the proud and arrogant insolency of this mans hatred towards God may be manifested and also that it may hence be made apparent that divine justice which hates the impious and keeps a continual watch against them did within a very short time pursue and overtake him by which Divine justice he was inforced to alter his sentiments soon after concerning us and to confirm them by his Edicts in writing But these are the Contents of his Rescript A COPY OF THE TRANSLATION OF MAXIMIN'S RESCRIPT IN ANSWER TO THE DECREES OF THE CITIES AGAINST US TRANSCRIBED FROM A BRAZEN PLATE AT TYRE Now at length the infirm Confidence of mans mind having shaken off and dispersed the cloud and mist of errour which heretofore invested the senses of men not so much wicked as wretched being involved in the fatal night of ignorance may discern that it is undoubtedly governed and strengthened by the indulgent providence of the immortal Gods It is incredible to express how gratefull how pleasing and acceptable a thing it was to us that you gave such a proof of your Pious resolution towards the Gods Indeed before this time no person was insensible of the observancy and religious worship you shewed towards the immortal Gods for your faith is made known to them not in bare and empty words but by uninterrupted and miraculous eminent Acts upon which account your City may deservedly be stiled the Seat and Mansion of the immortal Gods For it is manifestly evident by many instances that She flourisheth by the Arrival and presence of the celestial Deities in Her But lo Now your City careless of all its own particular concerns and having no regard to the Petitions which in times past it did usually make to us for the welfare of its affairs when it was sensible that the Promoters of that accursed vanity did begin to creep again and perceived that like fire which is carelessely left and raked up it brake forth into violent flames the brands thereof being rekindled immediately without the least delay made its address to our piety as to the Metropolis of all Religion petitioning for a redress and an assistance 'T is evident that the Gods have instilled into your minds this wholesome advice upon account of your constant and faithful perseverance in your Religion For the most High and Mighty Jupiter who presides over your most famous City and preserveth your Country Gods your wives and children your families and houses from all manner of destruction and ruine hath breathed into your minds this salutary resolution whence he hath evidenced and plainly demonstrated what an excellent noble and comfortable thing it is to adore him and to approach the sacred Ceremonies of the immortal Gods with a due observancy and veneration For what man can there be found so foolish and so void of all reason who perceives not that it comes to pass by the favourable care of the Gods towards us that neither the Earth does deny to restore the seeds committed to it frustrating the hopes of the husbandmen with vain expectations or that the aspect of impious War is not immoveably fixed on the earth or that mens bodies are not hurried away to the grave being tainted by an infection in the temperature of the Air or that the Sea tossed with the blasts of tempestuous winds does not swell and overflow or that storms breaking forth on a sudden and unexpectedly do not raise a destructive tempest or lastly that the Earth the nurse and mother of all things shaken by an horrid trembling arising from its own internal caverns does not raise vast hills out of its own bowels or that the mountains which lie upon it are not swallowed up by its unexpected scissures and rents There is no man but knowes that all these calamities yea far more horrid than these have happened heretofore And all these evills fell upon us because of that pernitious errour and most vain folly of those wicked men at such time as it abounded in their souls and burthened the whole earth almost with shame and confusion After the interposition of some words he continues Let men now look into the open fields and see the flourishing corn waving its weighty ears let them view the Medows gloriously bedecked with flowers and grass caused by the seasonable springing showers Let them consider the constitution of the aire how temperate and calm it is again become In future let all men rejoyce for that by your Piety by your sacrifices and Religious worship the fury of that most Potent and strong God Mars
Ursacius Germinius and Caius have promised if any thing had been altered For how can peace be kept by those who subvert peace For all Regions and especially the Roman Church hath been involved in greater disturbances Upon which account we beseech Your Clemency that You would hear and look upon all our Legates with favourable ears and a serene countenance and that Your Clemency would not permit any thing to be reversed to the injury of the Ancients but that all things may continue which we have received from our Ancestours who we are confident were prudent persons and acted not without the holy Spirit of God Because not only the believing Populace are disquieted by that novelty but also Infidels are prohibited from making their approaches to a credulity We also entreat that You would give order that as many Bishops as are deteined at Ariminum amongst which there are many that are enfeebled with age and poverty may return to their Province lest the Populace of the Churches suffer dammage by being destitute of their Bishops But we do with more earnestness petition for this that no innovation may be made nothing may be diminished but that those things may remain uncorrupted which have continued in the times of the Father of Your holy Piety and in Your own Religious days And that Your holy Prudence would not suffer us to be wearied out and ravisht from our Secs but that the Bishops with their Laity free from disquietude may always attend the putting up their Petitions which they make for Your health for Your Empire and for peace which may the Divinity grant You to be profound and perpetual according to Your deserts Our Embassadours will bring both the subscriptions and also the names of the Bishops or Legates as they will inform Your holy and Religious Prudence by another writing Thus wrote the Synod and sent it by the Bishops But Ursacius and Valens having prevented their Arrival did before-hand calumniate the Synod shewing the Emperour the Draught of the Creed which they had brought along with them The Emperour whose mind had been long since wholly addicted to the Arian opinion was highly incensed against the Synod but had a great esteem and honour for Valens and Ursacius Wherefore the persons sent by the Synod staied a long while being unable to get an answer But at length the Emperour wrote back to the Synod by those that were present after this manner CONSTANTIUS VICTOR and TRIUMPHATOR AUGUSTUS to all the Bishops convened at Ariminum That our Chiefest care is always employed about the Divine and venerable Law even your goodness is not ignorant Notwithstanding We could not hitherto see the twenty Bishops sent from your Prudence who undertook the dispatch of the Embassie from you For we are wholly intent upon an expedition against the Barbarians And as you know 't is fit that a mind exercised about the Divine Law should be vacated from all care and sollicitude Wherefore We have ordered the Bishops to expect Our return to Adrianople that after the publick affairs shall be put into a good and settled posture we may at length hear and deliberate upon what they shall propose In the interim let it not seem troublesome to your gravity to wait for their return in regard when they shall come back and bring You our answer you will be enabled to bring to a conclusion such things as appertain to the utility of the Catholick Church When the Bishops had received this Letter they returned an answer after this manner We have received Your Clemencies Letter Lord Emperour Most dear to God! wherein is conteined that by reason of the pressing necessity of publick business You could not hitherto see our Embassadours And You order us to expect their return till such time as Your Piety shall understand from them what hath been determined by us agreeable to the tradition of our Ancestours But we do by this Letter profess and affirm that we do in no wise recede from our resolution And this we have given in charge to our Embassadours We desire therefore that with a serene countenance You would both order this present Letter of our Meanness to be read and also gratiously admit of those things which we have given in charge to our Embassadours Undoubtedly Your mildness as well as we doth perceive how great the grief and sadness at present is every where in regard so many Churches are destitute of their Bishops in these most blessed times of Yours And therefore we again beseech Your Clemency Lord Emperour Most dear to God! that before the sharpness of winter if it may please Your Piety You would command us to return to our Churches in order to our being enabled to put up our usual prayers together with the people to Almighty God and to our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ his only begotten Son in behalf of Your Empire in such manner as we have always done and now most earnestly desire to do After they had written this Letter and continued together some small time in regard the Emperour would not vouchsafe them an answer they departed every one to his own City But the Emperour had long before had a designe of disseminating the Arian opinion throughout the Churches Which he then earnestly endeavouring to effect made their departure a pretext of Contumely saying that he was despised by them in regard they had dissolved the Council contrary to his will Wherefore he gave Ursacius's party free liberty of doing what they pleased against the Churches He also commanded that that Draught of the Creed which had been read at Ariminum should be sent to the Churches throughout Italy giving order that such as would not subscribe it should be put out of the Churches and others substituted in their places And in the first place Liberius Bishop of Rome having refused to give his consent to that Creed is banished the Ursacians having substituted Felix in his place This Felix being a Deacon in the Church of Rome embraced the Arian opinion and was preferred to that Bishoprick But there are some who affirm that he was not add●cted to the Arian opinion but was by force necessitated to be ordained Bishop At that time therefore all places in the West were filled with innovations and disturbances some being ejected and banished and others put into their places And these things were transacted by force and the authority of the Imperial Edicts which were also sent into the Eastern parts Indeed not long after Liberius was recalled from banishment and recovered his own See the people of Rome having raised a Sedition and ejected Felix out of that Church at which time the Emperour gave them his consent thereto against his will But the Ursacians left Italy went into the Eastern parts and arrived at a City of Thracia the name whereof was Nice Wherein after they had continued some small time they made up another Synod there
the Heathens Which were the Skulls of many men young and old who as report says had heretofore been slain at such time as the Heathens made use of divinations by the inspection of entrails and performed Magick sacrifices in order to the inchantment of mens souls The Christians therefore upon their discovery of these things in the Adytum of the Temple of Mithra made it their business to expose these Heathenish mysteries to the view and derision of all men And they began forthwith to carry them in triumph as 't were about the City showing the multitude mens bare Skulls When the Heathens that were at Alexandria beheld this being unable to endure this ignominious affront they became highly enraged and making use of what came next to hand for a weapon they fell with great violence upon the Christians and destroyed many of them by various sorts of death Some of them they killed with swords others with clubs or stones Others they strangled with ropes Some they crucified inflicting this sort of death on them designedly in contumely to the Cross of Christ. They wounded most of them At which time as it usually happens in such riots they spared not their neerest friends and relatives But one Friend slew another Brother murdered Brother Parents their Children outragiously embrewing their hands in one anothers blood For which reason the Christians left off cleansing Mithra's Temple But the Heathens dragg'd Georgius out of the Church and having bound him to a Camel tore him to pieces after which they burnt him together with the Camel CHAP. III. That the Emperour incensed at Georgius's murder sharply rebuked the Alexandrians by his Letter BUT the Emperour highly resented Georgius's murther and by his Letter severely reprehended the Citizens of Alexandria There was a report spread abroad as if they had done this to Georgius who hated him upon Athanasius's account But my opinion is that such as entertain malice and hatred in their mindes do usually put themselves into their company who make insurrections against unjust persons The Emperour's Letter 't is certain lays the blame upon the populace rather than upon the Christians But Georgius was then and had before appeared troublesome and offensive to all persons And for this reason the multitude was incensed against him in such an high degree But that the Emperour as I said does rather blame the people you may hear from the Letter it self EMPEROUR CAESAR JULIAN●S MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS to the Citizens of Alexandria Although you have no Reverence for Alexander the Builder of your City and which is more for that Great God the most holy Serapis yet how is it that you have forgot both that humanity and Decorum due to mankind in general We will add which is due to Us also to whom all the Gods especially the Great Serapis have assigned the Empire of the World For whom it was sit you should have reserved the Cognizance of their case who had injured you But perhaps you were imposed upon by anger and rage which where it inhabits the mind does usually perpetrate most enormous facts But when you had repressed your fury you afterwards added the commission of an unjust act to what had on a sudden been advisedly resolved by you Nor were you of the Commonalty ashamed of perpetrating those things for which you deservedly hated them For declare to Us We adjure you by Serapis for what unjust acts were you incensed against Georgius You will undoubtedly make answer because he exasperated Constantius of Blessed memory against us also because he brought an Army into the sacred City and the King of Egypt possest himself of Gods most holy Temple and took away from thence the images the consecrated gifts and the furniture in those sacred places At which when as it was meet you were highly incensed and attempted to defend God or rather his goods and possessions from violence He contrary to justice Law and Piety audaciously sent armed men against you But perhaps in regard he was more afraid of Georgius than Constantius He had made better provision for his own safety had he at first behaved himself more moderately and civilly towards you and not so tyrannically You being therefore for these reasons enraged against Georgius the enemy of the Gods have again polluted your sacred City whenas you might have brought him to his Trial before the Judges For by this means neither Murder nor any other unlawful Fact had been committed but justice had been equitably and exactly done which would have preserved you guiltless from all manner of wickedness and would have punished him who had impiously committed such enormous Crimes and lastly would have curbed all those who contemn the Gods and disrespect so great Cities and such a flourishing people making the barbarity they practised against them the Praeludium as it were of their power Compare therefore this Our Letter with that We sent a while since and consider the difference between them How highly did We then commend you But now by the immortal God 's When We should praise you We cannot by reason of your heinous offence The people are so audacious as to tare a man piece-meal like dogs Nor are they afterwards abashed or carefull of preserving their hands pure that they may stretch them out undefiled with bloud in the presence of the Gods But Georgius deserved to undergo these sufferings We might perhaps grant that he deserved more horrid and acute tortures And should you say he deserved them upon your account We also assent to that But should you add he deserved to have this inflicted on him by you that We can in no wise allow For you have Laws which ought to be observed and revered by you all as well privately as in publick Now suppose it happens that some private persons do violate these Laws yet the Community must be regulated by good Laws and you are to pay obedience to those laws and not transgress what has from the beginning been well and prudently constituted It has hapned very fortunately for you O ye Alexandrians that you have perpetrated such a fact as this in Our Reign Who by reason of Our Reverence towards God and upon account of our Grandfather and Uncle whose name We bear who Governed Egypt and your City do retain a fraternal affection for you Certainly that power which suffers not it self to be disrespected and such a Government as is severe entire and of an healthy constitution could not connive at such an audacious insolence in its Subjects but would diligently purge out that deadly distemper as it were by a more acute Medicine But We for the reasons now mentioned make use of that most mild and gentle Remedy in your case to wit Exhortation and Discourse To which We are Consident We shall find you more readily submissive because as We are informed you are not only Grecians by original extract but do also still retain in
forth at Antioch according as we have remarked in our foregoing Book And when by some persons they were asked this question You who are termed Macedoniani if you differ in your Sentiments from the Acacians how comes it to pass that you have communicated with them untill now as being of the same opinion with you To this demand they returned an answer by Sophronius Bishop of Pompeiopolis a City of Paphlagonia after this manner The Western Bishops says he were infected as it were with a disease with the Homoöusian opinion Aëtius in the East having adulterated the doctrine of the Faith introduced an opinion whereby he maintained a dissimilitude of substance between the Son and the Father Both these opinions were impious For the Western Bishops did rashly knit together in one the distinct persons of the Father and Son binding them together with that Cord of iniquity the term Homoöusios Aëtius wholly separated that affinity of nature which the Son hath to the Father by introducing this expression Unlike according to Essence Since therefore the Assertours of both these opinions fall into the highest extreams of opposition the middle way between these two assertions seemed to us to be more agreeable to truth and piety whereby 't is affirmed that the Son is like to the Father according to Subsistence This is the answer which the Macedoniani returned by Sophronius to that question as Sabinus says in his Collection of the Acts of Synods But whereas they accuse Aëtius as being the Authour of the Anomoian opinion and not Acacius 't is apparent they do fallaciously corrupt the truth thinking to avoid the Arians on the one side and the Homoöusians on the other For they are confuted by their own words that through a desire of innovating they have made a separation from them both But let thus much be said concerning these persons CHAP. XI How the Emperour Julianus exacted money from the Christians BUt the Emperour Julianus having at the beginning of his Reign shown himself mild and gratious to all persons in process of time did not demonstrate himself to be of such a like temper towards every one For whenever there hapned any occasion of calumniating Constantius he most readily granted the Christians requests But when no such reflections were to be made he made all men apparently sensible of that private hatred which he had conceived against the Christians in general Forthwith therefore he issues out an Order that the Church of the Novatians in Cyzicum which had been totally demolished by Euzoius should be rebuilt imposing a most burthensome penalty upon Eleusius Bishop of that City if he did not perfect that building at his own charge within the space of two months He also promoted gentilism with his utmost endeavour And as we have said before he opened the Pagan Temples Yea he himself did publickly offer sacrifice to the Genius of the City Constantinople in the Basilica where the image of the Publick Genius was erected CHAP. XII Concerning Maris Bishop of Chalcedon MOreover at this time Maris Bishop of Chalcedon in Bithynia being led by the hand into the Emperours presence for he was very aged and had that distemper in his eyes termed the Pin and Web when he came before him he reproved him sharply terming him an impious person an Apostate and an Atheist The Emperour returned him opprobrious language for his reproaches calling him blind fellow And your Galilaean God said he will never cure you For Julianus did usually term Christ The Galilaean and Christians Galilaeans But Maris answered the Emperour with a greater confidence I thank God said he for depriving me of mine eyes that I might not behold your face who have fal'n into such horrid impieties The Emperour made no return hereto but was severely revenged on him afterwards For when he perceived that those who suffered Martyrdom in the Reign of Diocletian were honoured by the Christians and having observed that many persons were very desirous of being made Martyrs as if he resolved to be revenged on the Christians upon this very account he took another course He declined indeed that extremity of cruelty practised in the Reign of Diocletian nevertheless he did not wholly abstain from raising a Persecution For I call that a Persecution when those who live peaceably are by any means whatever disquieted and molested Now he disturbed them after this manner He made a Law that the Christians should not be allowed an education in humane Literature least said he when they have sharpned their tongues they should with a greater readiness answer the Disputants amongst the Heathens CHAP. XIII Concerning the tumult raised by the Heathens against the Christians HE also issued out an Order that those who would not relinquish the Christian Religion and come and offer sacrifice to Idols should not hold any Military imploy about Court. Nor would he permit the Christians to be Governours of Provinces saying that their Law forbad the use of the sword against such delinquents as had deserved a capital punishment Moreover he induced many persons partly by flatteries and partly by gifts to sacrifice Immediately therefore both those who were true Christians and also they who pretended the profession of that Religion being tryed in a furnace as it were were apparently manifested to all men For such as sincerely and cord●ally professed Christianity willingly left their Military Offices being resolved to suffer any thing rather then renounce Christ. Amongst whom were Jovianus Valentinianus and Valens all which persons afterwards wore the Imperial Crown But others who were not found Christians who preferred riches and Secular Honours before the true felicity without the least delay submitted and offered sacrifice One of which number was Ecebolius a Sophista of Constantinople Who making himself conform to the dispositions and humours of the Emperours was in Constantius's time pretendedly a very zealous Christian In Julianus's Reign he seemed a very fierce assertour of Gentilism After Julianus's death he would needs profess Christianity again For having prostrated himself before the door of the Oratory he cried out Trample upon me who am salt without savour This is the true Character of Ecebolius a person as at first so afterwards light and inconstant At that time the Emperour desirous to be revenged upon the Persians for the frequent incursions they had made into the Roman Territories in the Reign of Constantius went in great hast through Asia into the East But being sensible of the many mischiefs which accompany a War and that a vast Treasure is required to carry it on without which it cannot be commodiously managed he craftily devised a way to extort money from the Christians For he imposed a pecuniary mulct upon those that refused to sacrifice and the exaction was very severe upon such as were sincere Christians For every one was compelled to pay proportionably to his estate And thus the Emperour by an unjust collection
of ill-gotten money was in a short time mightily enriched For that Law was put in execution not only where the Emperour was present but in those places also to which he came not At the same time also the Pagans made incursions upon the professours of Christianity and there was a great conflux of such as termed themselves Philosophers Moreover they constituted certain detestable Rites in so much that they sacrificed young children as well males as females inspected their entrails and tasted of their flesh And these were their practises both in other Cities and also at Athens and Alexandria At which City likewise they framed a calumnious accusation against Athanasius the Bishop acquainting the Emperour that he would destroy that City and all Egypt and therefore that it was requisite he should be driven from that City The Prefect also of Alexandria according to the Emperours command made an attempt against him CHAP. XIV Concerning Athanasius's Flight BUt he Fled again saying these words to his intimate acquaintance Friends let us recede a little while for 't is a small cloud which will soon vanish Having spoken these words with all possible celerity he went aboard of a ship and passing over the Nile fled into Egypt They who endeavoured to apprehend him made a close pursuit after him When he understood that his pursuers were not far behind those that accompanied him perswaded him to fly into the wilderness again But by making use of prudent advice he escaped those that pursued him For he perswaded his followers to turn back and meet the pursuers which was done with all possible speed When therefore they who a little before fled approacht the pursuers the persons who sought for Athanasius ask't his followers nothing but this whether they had seen Athanasius They gave them notice that he was not far off and said that if they made hast they would soon apprehend him Being after this manner imposed upon they pursued him very hotly but in vain Athanasius having made his escape came privately to Alexandria and absconded there till such time as the Persecution ceased Such were the miseries which befell the Bishop of Alexandria after his frequent persecutions and troubles occasioned partly by the Christians and partly by the Heathens Moreover the Presidents of Provinces supposing the Emperours superstition to be a fair opportunity of increasing their private gain treated the Christians very ill beyond what the Imperial Order commissioned them to do one while exacting greater sums of money from them than they ought to have done at other times inflicting on them corporal punishments These things the Emperour was sensible of but connived at them And to the Christians making their addresses to him upon this account his answer was 'T is your duty when you are afflicted to bear it patiently for this is the command of your God CHAP. XV. Concerning those who in the Reign of Julianus suffered Martyrdom at Merus a City of Phrygia AT the City Merus Amachius President of the Province of Phrygia gave order for the opening of the Temple there and commanded it should be cleansed from the filth heapt up therein by length of time and that the images in it should be polished and trim'd up This fact did sorely trouble the Christians One Macedonius Thcodulus and Tatianus out of their zeal to the Christian Religion were unable to bear that indignity But having acquired a warmth and fervency of affection towards Vertue they rushed into the Temple by night and brake the images in pieces The Governour highly incensed at what was done resolved to destroy many in that City who were guiltless whereupon the authours of this Fact rendred themselves on their own accord And chose rather to die themselves in defence of the Truth than to see others put to death in their stead The Governour having seized these persons ordered them to expiate the crime they had committed by sacrificing Upon their refusal to do that he threatned them with punishment But being persons endowed with a great courage of mind they disregarded his menaces and shewed themselves prepared to undergoe any sufferings whatever And chose to die rather than be polluted by sacrificing When therefore he had made these men undergoe all manner of tortures at last he gave order they should be laid on Grid-irons under which he commanded fire to be put and so destroyed them At which time they gave the highest and most Heroick demonstration of their sortitude by these words of theirs to the President Amachius if you desire to eat broyled flesh turn us on the other side least we should seem half broyled to your tast After this manner these persons ended their lives CHAP. XVI How when the Emperour prohibited the Christians from being educated in the Grecian Literature the two Apollinaris's betook themselves to writing of Books BUt that Imperial Law which prohibited the Christians from being educated in the Grecian Literature made the two above mentioned Apollinaris's far more eminent than they had been before For whereas both of them were persons well skilled in humane Learning the father in Grammar the son in Rhetorick they shewed themselves very usefull to the Christians at that juncture of time For the father being an exquisite Grammarian composed a Grammar agreeable to the form of the Christian Religion he also turned the Books of Moses into that termed Heroick verse And likewise paraphrased upon all the Historical Books of the Old Testament putting them partly into Dactylick Verse and partly reducing them into the form of Dramatick Tragedy He designedly made use of all sorts of Verse that no mode of expression peculiar to the Grecian Language might be unknown or un-heard-of amongst the Christians But the Younger Apollinaris a person provided with a good stock of Eloquence explained the Gospels and Apostolick writings by way of Dialogue as Plato amongst the Grecians had done Having rendred themselves usefull after this manner to the Christian Religion by their own Labours they vanquished the Emperours subtlety But Divine Providence was more prevalent and powerfull than either these persons industry or the Emperours attempt For that Law quickly became extinct together with the Emperour who made it as we will manifest in the procedure of our History And these mens Works are reputed no otherwise than if they had never been written But some one will perhaps make this formidable objection against us How can you affirm these things to have been effected by Divine Providence For it is indeed evident that the Emperours sudden death proved very advantagious to the Christian Religion But certainly the rejecting of the Christian writings composed by the two Apollinaris's and the Christians beginning again to be cultivated with an education in the Grecian Literature can in no wise be of advantage to Christianity For the Grecian Literature in regard it asserts Polytheism is very pernicious To this objection we will according to our ability make such
sick and earnestly desired that he might be vouchsafed Christian Baptism for by his progenitours he had been bred up in the Christian Religion and was a professour of the Homoöusian Faith Being desirous with all possible speed to be baptized because his distemper increased and having for that reason sent for the Bishop of Thessalonica he first enquired of him what Faith he profest And when the Bishop had made answer that the opinion of the Arians had not invaded the Provinces of Illyricum and that the novelty which Arius had given birth too was not so prevalent as to prey upon the Churches in those Countries but that they continued to preserve that Faith immoveable and unshaken which from the beginning was delivered by the Apostles and had been confirmed in the Nicene Synod upon this answer the Emperour was most willingly baptized by Ascholius the Bishop Not many days after Theodosius recovered of his distemper and came to Constantinople about the twenty fourth of November in Gratianus's fifth and his own first Consulate CHAP. VII That when Gregorius was come to Constantinople and some Bishops murmured at his Translation he refused the presidency over the Church And the Emperour orders Demophilus the Arian Bishop either to give his assent to the Homoöusian Faith or else to go out of the City which latter he chose rather to do AT that time Gregorius of Nazianzum being translated to Constantinople celebrated his assemblies within the City in a small Oratory Whereto the Emperours afterwards joyned a stately Church and named it Anastasia But Gregorius a person for eloquence and piety far more eminent than all men of his own time perceiving that some murmured at his translation because he was a stranger after he had exprest his joy for the Emperours arrival refused to make any longer stay at Constantinople The Emperour finding the Church in this posture was very sollicitous how he might make Peace procure an Union and enlarge the Churches Immediately therefore he opens his mind to Demophilus who presided over the Arian Sect and makes a proposal to him whether he would give his assent to the Creed published at the Nicene Synod unite the people and embrace Peace Upon Demophilus's refusing to comply with his proposition If then said the Emperour you eschew Peace and Concord We order you to quit the Churches When Demophilus had heard these words and considered with himself how difficult it was to make a resistance against those in authority and power he called the multitude together in the Church and standing up in the midst of them spake these words on his own account to his followers Brethren 't is written said he in the Gospel if they shall Persecute you in this City flee ye into another In regard therefore the Emperour excludes us from the Churches take notice that to morrow we will have our Meetings without the City Having said these words he went out not so as if he apprehended the true meaning contained in this Evangelick Oracle the import whereof is that such as flee out of the converse of this world should seek the Jerusalem which is above But be following another sense of these words went out of the City-gates where for the future he had his Meetings Together with him went out Lucius of Alexandria who having been ejected as I said before made his escape to Constantinople in which City he lived After this manner therefore the Arians who for the space of fourty years had been in possession of the Churches declining the agreement they were invited to by the Emperour Theodosius departed out of the City in Gratianus's fifth and Theodosius Augustus's first Consulate on the twenty sixth of November And the professours of the Homoöusian Faith succeeding in their places recovered possession of the Churches CHAP. VIII Concerning the hundred and fifty Bishops convened at Constantinople and concerning the determinations made by them after they had Ordained Nectarius in that City AFter this the Emperour without any delay summons a Synod of Bishops who embraced his own Faith that by them the Nicene Faith might be confirmed and a Bishop of Constantinople ordained And because he had some hopes of being able to unite the Macedoniani to a profession of his own Faith he summoned the Prelates of that Heresie also There met therefore of the Embracers of the Homoöusian Faith Timotheus from Alexandria from Jerusalem Cyrillus who having made a Retractation at that time assented to the Homoöusian Creed Melitius was come thither from Antioch before having been sent for to that City on the account of Gregorius's Ordination also Ascholius from Thessalonica and many others They were in all an hundred and fifty The principal persons of the Macedonian party were Eleusius of Cyzicum and Marcianus Bishop of Lampsacus Of this Sect there were thirty six Bishops most of whom came from the Cities about the Hellespont They met therefore in the Consulate of Eucharius and Evagrius in the month of May. The Emperour and the Bishops that embraced his Creed did their utmost to bring Eleusius and his followers over to their own side putting them in remembrance of the Embassy which they had sent by Eustathius to Liberius heretofore Bishop of Rome and that not long since they themselves had entred into a promiscuous communion with the Orthodox on their own accord And that they having once acknowledged and profest an agreement in the points of Faith did not do what was right and honest now to attempt a subversion of what had been well and wisely determined by themselves But the Macedoniani little regarding either admonitions or reproofs chose rather to profess the Arian opinion than to give their assent to the Homoöusian Creed Having made this answer they departed from Constantinople and wrote to their followers in every City ordering them in no wise to give their consent to the Creed of the Nicene Synod But the Prelates of the other party staied at Constantinople and entred into a Consult about the ordination of a Bishop For Gregorius as we have told you a little before refused the Bishoprick and prepared for his departure to Nazianzum There was a person by name Nectarius a descendant of a Senatorian family a sweet tempered man admirable for his whole course of life although he bore the Praetors Office This person the people seized upon elected him Bishop and he was Ordained by the hundred and fifty Prelates then present Moreover at the same time the said Prelates promulged a sanction that the Bishop of Constantinople should have the priviledges of honour after the Bishop of Rome because that City was New-Rome They did again confirm the Nicene Creed and constituted Patriarchs having made a division of the Provinces that so those Bishops who make their abode without the bounds of their own Dioecesis should not invade the Churches without their limits For this had been promiscuously done
one towards another Such was the occasion of Johannes's grudge against Severianus CHAP. XII That Epiphanius coming to Constantinople held Assemblies and performed Ordinations contrary to Johannes's mind that he might gratifie Theophilus NOt long after this Epiphanius the Bishop comes again out of Cyprus to Constantinople induced thereto by Theophilus's perswasives he brought along with him a copy of a Sentence of a Synod wherein he had not declared Origen to be Excommunicate but had condemned his Books only Arriving therefore at Saint John's Church which is distant from the City seven miles and coming ashoar he celebrated an Assembly and ordained a Deacon after which he entred into the City That he might gratifie Theophilus he declined Johannes's invitation and lodged in a little private house And having called together those Bishops who were then at Constantinople he produced a copy of the Sentence of condemnation against Origen's Books and recited it to them having nothing to say against those Books only he and Theophilus were pleased to reject them Some of the Bishops out of that reverential respect they bore Epiphanius subscribed this Decree of the Synod but very many of them refused to do it Amongst which number was Theotimus Bishop of Scythia who made this answer to Epiphanius I said he will neither be injurious O Epiphanius to a person who has long since ended his life piously nor dare I attempt so impious a fact as to condemn what our Predecessours have in no wise rejected especially when I do not know of any ill doctrine in the Books of Origen After this he produced a Book of Origen's which he began to read and shewed the Ecclesiastick expositions of Scripture which occur'd therein And then he subjoyned these words They who are injurious towards these writings perceive not that they fix a reproach upon those very Books concerning which these are written This was the return which Theotimus a person eminent for his piety and rectitude of life made to Epiphanius CHAP. XIII What this Writer can say in defence of Origen BUt in regard such as delight in reproaching have imposed upon many persons and disswaded them from reading Origen as being a blasphemous Authour I judge it not unseasonable to discourse a little concerning them Vile and despicable men who of themselves cannot arrive at an eminency are desirous of getting a name from discommending those who are better than themselves The first person affected with this distemper was Methodius Bishop of a City in Lycia named Olympus Then Eustathius who for some small time Presided over the Church in Antioch After him Appollinaris and lastly Theophilus This Mess of Revilers have calumniated Origen but proceeded not in one and the same method For one has broke out into an accusation against him upon one account another upon another whereby each of them hath sufficiently demonstrated that he has fully approved of whatever he has not found fault with For whereas one has blamed him in particular for one opinion another for another 't is manifest that each of them has wholly admitted as true what he hath not cavilled at his silence approving of that which he has not found fault with Methodius indeed when in his books he had in many passages severely inveighed against Origen does notwithstanding afterwards unsay as it were what he had written and admires the man in the Dialogue to which he gave the Title of Xenωn But I do affirm that an addition is made to Origen's commendation from his being accused by these persons For they who have gotten together whatever they supposed blame-worthy in Origen and notwithstanding have not in the least found fault with him in these their Collections for entertaining ill Sentiments concerning the Holy Trinity these men I say do most evidently demonstrate and bear witness to his true and Orthodox piety And by their not blaming him in this particular they commend him by their own testimony But Athanasius a couragious defender of the Homoöusian Faith in his Orations against the Arians does with a loud voice cite this Authour as a witness of his own faith interweaving his words with his own after this manner The most Admirable and Laborious Origen says he does by his own testimony confirm our Sentiment concerning the Son of God affirming him to be coëternall to the Father They therefore who reproach Origen have forgot themselves and consider not that they speak calumniously of Athanasius Origen's praiser But let thus much be said concerning Origen We will now return to the Sequell of our History CHAP. XIV How Johannes having invited Epiphanius to come to his Pallace and he refusing and continuing his holding of separate Assemblies in the Church of the Apostles admonished and reproved him because he did many things contrary to the Canons Wher●at Epiphanius was terrified and returned into his own Country JOhannes was in no wise angry because Epiphanius had made an Ordination in his Church contrary to the Canon but invited him to come and lodge with him in the Bishops Pallace But his answer was that he would neither abide nor pray with him unless he would expell Dioscorus and his Brethren out of the City and with his own hand subscribe the condemnation of Origen's Books Upon Johannes's deferring to do these things and saying that nothing ought rashly to be done before a determination of a Generall Councill those that hated Johannes put Epiphanius upon another design For they contrive that at the next Religious meeting which was to be held in that Church named The Apostles Epiphanius should come forth publickly condemn Origen's Books in the presence of all the people Excommunicate Dioscorus with his followers and reproach Johannes as being their favourer These things were declared to Johannes and on the day following he sends this message to Epiphanius who was then come into the Church by Serapion Epiphanius You do many things contrary to the Canons first you have made an Ordination in the Churches under my jurisdiction then without any order from me you have made use of your own authority and ministred in the said Churches Further when heretofore I invited you hither you refused to come and now you allow your self that liberty Take heed therefore least a tumult being raised amongst the people even you your self incur danger therefrom Epiphanius having heard this was fearfull and went from the Church and after he had very much blamed Johannes he began his voyage to Cyprus Some persons report that at his going a-board he spake these words to Johannes I hope you will not die a Bishop And that Johannes made him this return I hope you will not arrive in your own Country I cannot positively affirm whether they who told me these things spake true Notwithstanding the event was agreeable to both their wishes For Epiphanius arrived not at Cyprus but after his departure died on Shipboard And within a
rendred more magnificent by Gregorius Bishop of that place These things were done there because from that time God would honour the pious memories of his Saints For the impious and destructive Julian that Tyrant hatefull to God in regard Apollo Daphnaeus who made use of Castalia for a voice and an Oracle could not give any answer to the Emperour consulting his Oracle because the holy Babylas his near-neighbour had quite stopped up his mouth against his will and forc't thereto by stripes as it were honoured the Saint with a removall at which time a spacious Church was erected to him before the City which structure continues standing at this day to the intent that the Daemons might in future freely perform their own business according as 't is reported they had before-hand promised Julian This affair therefore was by the dispensation of God our Saviour ordered in this manner to the end that the power of those who had suffered Martyrdome might be made manifest and that the sacred reliques of the holy Martyr removed into an undefiled place might be honoured with a most beautifull Church CHAP. XVII Concerning Attila King of the Scythae and how he destroyed the Provinces of the East and West And concerning the strange Earthquake and other dreadfull prodigies which hapned in the world IN these very times that much-talk't-of War was raised by Attila King of the Scythae Which war Priscus the Rhetorician has written with much accuracy and eloquence relating to us in a singular neatness and elegancy of stile how he undertook an Expedition against the Eastern and Western parts of the Empire how many and how great Cities he took and reduced to a subjection to himself and lastly after the performance of what great Actions he departed out of this life Whilest the same Theodosius swayed the Imperial Scepter a most terrible and horrid Earthquake which exceeded all others that had been before hapned almost throughout the whole world In so much that many Towers belonging to the Imperial City Constantinople fell down flat and that called the Long-wall of Cherronesus fell likewise the earth also was rent in sunder and many Villages sank down into it Moreover many and almost innumerable calamitous Accidents hapned both at Land and Sea For some Fountains were wholly dryed up and in other places abundance of water gushed forth where there had been none before Trees of themselves vastly rooted were thrown up into the air together with their roots And many heaps of earth were on a sudden made up into mountains The Sea threw forth dead fishes upon its shore and many Islands therein were swallowed up Ships making their Voyages at Sea were seen upon dry ground the waters having receded and left them Many places in Bithynia in the Hellespont and in both The Phrygias were sorely damnified This calamity raged over the whole earth for some time notwithstanding it continued not with that vehemency wherewith it began but abated by small degrees till such time as it wholly ceased CHAP. XVIII Concerning the publick Buildings in Antioch and who they were that erected them IN these very times of Theodosius's Reign Memnonius Zoïlus and Callistus Personages eminent for their profession of our Religion were sent by Theodosius to be Governours of Antioch Memnonius with much of beauty and accuracy raises from the very ground that Aedifice which by us also is termed the Psephium leaving an open Atrium or Court in the middle Zoïlus built the Royâll Pôrticus which is placed at the South-side of Rufinus his Porticus and retaines his name even to our age although the buildings have frequently been altered on account of various calamitous accidents Moreover Callistus has raised a most magnificent and splendid structure which as well the Ancients as those of our Age have termed Callistus's Porticus before that Pallace which is made the Court of Judicature directly opposite to the Forum in which there is a most beautifull house the Praetorium of the Masters of the Milice After these persons Anatolius being sent Master of the Milice into the East built that termed Anatolius's Porticus and beautified it with matter of all sorts These Remarks though they are forreign to our design in hand yet will not seem unhandsome and contemptible to lovers of Learning CHAP. XIX Concerning the severall Wars which hapned both in Italy and Persia during the Reign of Theodosius DUring the times of the same Theodosius frequent Rebellions hapned in Europe whilest Valentinianus was Emperour of Rome Which Theodosius repressed by sending great Forces both by Land and Sea which made up as well a Foot Army as a Navall strength Moreover he vanquished the Persians who were grown insolent Isdigerdes Father to Vararanes being then their King or as Socrates's Sentiment is during the Reign of Vararanes himself in such a manner that on their request to him by their Embassadours he gratified them with a Peace which lasted untill the twelfth year of Anastasius's Reign These transactions have been related by other Writers and are also very handsomely reduced into an Epitome by Eustathius the Syrian of Epiphania who has likewise written The Siege of Amida At the same time as 't is said the Poets Claudianus and Cyrus flourished Further this Cyrus arrived at the highest Chair of the Praefects which grand Officer our Ancestours termed The Praefectus Praetorio or Praefect of the Court He was also Master of the Western Milice at which time Carthage was taken by the Vandalls those Barbarians being then governed by Genserichus CHAP. XX. Concerning the Empress Eudocia and her daughter Eudoxia and how Eudocia came to Antioch and went to Jerusalem MOreover this Theodosius married Eudocia after she had received salutary Baptism by originall extract an Athenian a woman eloquent and beautifull by the mediation of Pulcheria Augusta his sister By her Theodosius had a daughter by name Eudoxia whom when she afterwards came to be marriageable the Emperour Valentinianus married having on that account gone from the Elder Rome and arrived at Constantinople But a long time after this Eudocia in her journey which she made to the Holy City of Christ our God comes hither And having made an Oration in publick to the people here she closed her Speech with this Verse I boast that I am of Your Stock and Bloud Intimating thereby the Colonies which had been sent hither out of Greece If any one be desirous of having an exact account of these Colonies Strabo the Geographer Phlegon Diodorus Siculus Arrianus and Pisander the Poet have written concerning them with great accuracy as have also Ulpianus Libanius and Julianus all most incomparable Sophist● On which account the Antiochians at that time honoured her with a Statue artificially made of Brass which Statue continues standing at this day By her perswasion Theodosius made a very
against his will to undertake the Imperial dignity BUt when the Inhabitants of Edessa refused to do that they left Priscus there and by force lay hands upon Germanus Commander of the Militia in Phoenice Libanensis whom they create their Leader and as much as they were able to do it their Emperour But upon Germanus's refusall of that and their urging it with a greater degree of heat and fierceness a contention was raised on both sides he striving that he might not be compelled and they contending to bring about what they desired and when the Souldiers threatned him with death unless he would voluntarily undertake that dignity they conferred on him and Germanus with a willing mind embraced death at length after they saw he could not be terrified nor was to be abashed they betook themselves to scourging him and maimed the members of his body supposing he would in no wise indure those Tortures for they judged him not more hardy than Nature and his age would bear Having therefore set about this matter they made tryall of him with a kind of Reverence and Compassion and in fine forced him though unwilling to consent and to swear in a set form of words that in future he would continue faithfull unto them In this manner therefore they compelled him their Subject to become their Ruler him whom they governed to turn their Governour and him a Captive to be their Sovereign Then they displaced all other Officers in the Army the Praefects of the Troops the Tribunes the Centurions and Decurions and put whom they pleased into their places casting forth reproaches in publick upon the Empire And for the most part they behaved themselves towards the Provincialls with more of Modesty indeed than Barbarians usually do but were far from being Fellow-Souldiers and Servants of the State For they neither received the Annonae by appointed Measures or weights nor were they contented with the Mansions or Quarters assigned them But every one's Sentiment was his Law and his will his set Measure CHAP. VI. How the Emperour sent Philippicus again but the Army refused to receive him IN Order to the Composure of these disturbances the Emperour sends Philippicus Whom the Souldiers not only received not but if they suspected any one to have an inclination towards him he was in great danger of his life CHAP. VII Concerning Gregorius Bishop of Antioch and the Calumny framed against him and in what manner he evinced it to be false WHilst affairs were in this posture Gregorius Bishop of Antioch makes his return from the Imperial City having now been Conquerour in a certain Conflict which I will here give a Narrative of Whilst Asterius was Comes of the East a difference had risen between him and Gregorius wherein all the eminentest Citizens of Antioch had betaken themselves to Asterius's side The Commonalty also and Artificers of the City sided with Asterius For all of them affirmed that they had received some injury or other from Gregorius At length even the Populacy were likewise permitted to cast reproaches upon the Bishop Both parties therefore as well the eminenter Citizens as the Artificers agreed in one and the same opinion with the Populacy and both in the Streets and in the Theatre exclaimed against the Patriarch in a reproachfull manner nor did the Players abstain from loading him with such contumelies In the interim Asterius is deprived of his Government and Johannes undertakes it who was ordered by the Emperour to make an enquiry into that disturbance This Johannes was a person unfit to manage the most triviall affairs much less to compose a matter of such consequence Having therefore filled the City with Tumults and Disturbances and by a publication of his Edicts declared that any one that would might accuse the Patriarch He receives a Libell against him presented by a certain person who was President of a money-Table wherein 't was set forth that Gregorius had had to do with his own Sister who was given in marriage to another man He receives likewise Accusations from other men of the same kidney which related to the peace and repose of the City Antioch as if that had been frequently disturbed by Gregorius As to the Crime he stood charged with for disturbing the Repose of the City Gregorius's answer was that his defence was ready But in relation to other matters objected against him he appealed to the Emperour and a Synod Having me therefore his Assessour Councellour and Companion he went to the Imperial City Constantinople in order to the making his defence against these Accusations And the Patriarchs in all places partly in person and partly by their Legates having been present at the Examination hereof as likewise the Sacred Senate and many of the most pious Metropolitans when the matter had been thorowly sifted at length after many Actions Gregorius carried the Cause in so much that his Accuser was scourged with Nerves lead about the City and punished with Exile From thence therefore Gregorius returns to his own See at such time as the Roman Army in the East was in a Mutiny Philippicus then making his Residence about the Cities Beraea and Chalcis CHAP. VIII That Antioch suffered again by Earth-quakes FOur months after his return on the Six hundredth thirty seventh year of Antioch's being styled a Free City Sixty one years after the former Earthquake on the last day of the month Hyperberetaeus whereon I had married a young Virgin and the whole City kept Holiday and celebrated a publick Festivity both as to Pomp and also round my Marriage-Bed about the third hour of the night hapned an Earthquake accompanied with a dreadfull noyse which shook the whole City it overturned very many Edifices and tore up their very foundations In so much that all the Buildings which stood about the most holy Church were totally ruined only the Hemisphaere thereof was preserved which Ephraemius had built of Timber fell'd in the Daphnensian Grove when it had suffered by an Earthquake in Justinus's Empire In the Earthquakes which hapned afterwards the same Hemisphaere had been so bowed towards the Northern-side that it had Timber-Props wherewith 't was supported Which Props having been thrown down by the violent concussion of the Earth the Hemisphaere returned to the other side and being directed by a certain rule as 't were was restored to its proper place Moreover there fell many Buildings of that Region termed the Ostracine the Psephium also of which we have made mention before and all those places called the Brysia the Edifices likewise about the most venerable Church of the Theotocos only its middle Porticus was miraculously preserved Further all the Towers in the Campus were ruined but the rest of the Building continued entire excepting only the Battlements of the Walls For some Stones of those Battlements were driven backward but they
written on well-prepared parchment by artificial Transcribers of Books most skilfull in the art of accurate and fair writing which Copies must be very legible and easily portable in order to their being used Moreover Letters are dispatcht away from Our Clemency to the Rationalist of the Dioecesis that he should take care for the providing of all things necessary in order to the finishing of the said Copies This therefore shall be the Work of your diligence to see that the written Copies be forthwith provided You are also empowered by the Authority of this our Letter to have the use of two publick ●arriages in order to their Conveyance For by this means those which are transcribed fair may most commodiously be conveyed even to Our Sight to wit one of the Deacons of your Church being employed in the performance hereof Who when he comes to Us shall be made sensible of Our Bounty God preserve you Dear Brother CHAP. XXXVII In what manner the Copies were provided THese things the Emperour gave order for Which Order of his was immediately followed by the completion of the work it self we having sent him Ternions and Quaternions in Volumns magnificently adorned Which very thing another answer of the Emperour's will attest In which Letter information having been given him that the City Constantia in our Country heretofore consisting of men notoriously superstitious had by an impulse of piety receded from their Pristine errour of Idolatry he signified that he rejoyced and highly approved of that Action CHAP. XXXVIII How the Mart-Town of the Gazaei by reason of its embracing the Christian Religion was made a City and named Constantia FOr Constantia in the Province of Palestine having at this very time embraced the Salutary Religion was vouchsafed a signal honour both from God and from the Emperour For it was both termed a City which it had not been before and likewise changed its name for a better appellation to wit that of the Emperour 's most religious Sister CHAP. XXXIX That in Phoenice there was a City made termed Constantina and in other Cities the Idols were destroyed and Churches erected THe same thing was likewise done in many other places For instance in a City of the Province of Phoenice which is called by the Emperour's name The inhabitants whereof having committed their innumerable Images to the flames changed their worship of them for the observation of the salutary Law Moreover in other Provinces they came over in great companies as well in the Country as in the Cities to the saving knowledge of God and destroyed their Images consisting of all sorts of matter which before had been accounted sacred by them as if they were nothing they also demolished their own Temples and places of worship which were raised to a vast height when no person ordered them to do it But they erected Churches from the very foundations and made a change of their former opinion or errour rather But to give a particular Narrative of all this pious Emperour's Actions is not so much our business as theirs who were vouchsafed a continual converse with him After therefore we have in short recorded in this work those matters which came to our knowledge we will pass to the later part of his Life CHAP. XL. That having created his three Sons Caesars in the three ten years of his Reign He celebrated the dedication of the Martyrrum at Jerusalem THirty years of His Reign were now compleated Wherein his three Sons had at different times been created Colleagues of the Empire Constantine who bore the same name with his Father was the first that partook of that honour about the tenth year of his Father's Empire His second Son Constantius grac't with his Grandfather's name was declared Caesar about the time of the celebration of his Father 's Vicennalia His third Son Constans who by his own name denotes Presence and Stability was promoted to this honour about the thirtieth year of his Father's Reign Thus therefore when according to a likeness of the Trinity as 't were he had gotten three Sons beloved by God and had honoured them with the Colleagueship of his Empire at each period of ten years of his Reign he thought his Tricennalia to be a most opportune time wherein he might give thanks to God the supream King And he himself judged it best and most agreeable should He celebrate the dedication of that Martyrium which with all imaginable diligence and magnificence he had caused to be erected at Jerusalem CHAP. XLI That in this interim He ordered a Synod to be convened at Tyre because of some controversies started in Egypt BUt the envious Devill that Enemy to all good like some dark cloud opposed against the most splendid Rayes of the Sun attempted to disturb the brightness of this Celebrity and again disquieted the Churches in Egypt with his own contentions But the Emperour whom God himself took care of having again armed a Synod of many Bishops resembling the Host of God set them in array against the Malevolent Devil an Order having been issued forth from him that the Prelates of all Egypt and Libya Asia and Europe should hasten in the first place to a determination of the Controversie and from thence to make a dedication of the formentioned Martyrium Wherefore he commanded them that by the by they should compose the differences at the Metropolis of Phoenice For it was he said unfit to approach the worship of God with dissenting mindes in regard the Divine Law prohibits those that are at variance from bringing their Gifts to God before they have embraced friendship and are peaceably affected one towards another These wholesome precepts of our Saviour the Emperour gave new Life to by a continual meditation on them within his own mind and advised them to set about the business with all imaginable consent and agreement of mind by his Letter which runs thus CHAP. XLII Constantine's Letter to the Synod at Tyre VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS To the Holy Synod convened at Tyre IT was manifestly agreeable to and highly befitting the prosperity of our Times that the Catholick Church should be void of all disturbance and that the Servants of Christ should now be free from all manner of reproach But in regard some persons prick't forward by the Spur of unsound Contention For I will not say that they leade a life unworthy of themselves attempt to confound all things which mischief seems to Me more grievous than any Calamity whatever for this reason I incite you who as the saying is run of your own accord that without any delay you would meet together and make up a Synod that you may give your assistance to those who want it that you may administer a Remedie to the Brethren who are in danger that you may reduce the dissenting members to an agreement and lastly that you may correct Faults
name of this City is more frequently inscribed on old Coyns Johannes Tristanus has produced a Coyn of the Emperour Caracalla's which has this inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Synnade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. Yet 't is sometimes written with a single n. So it is in an old Coyn of the Emperour Nerva's in the reverse whereof Jupiter is engraven with this Inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This Coyn was in the Archives of that illustrious personage the Lord Bryennius concerning the meaning whereof when I was asked by the Learned Franciscus Ogerius to whom Pati●us had communicated that Coyn my answer was it was to be read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the Synnadensians worshipped Jupiter under the name of Pandemos because having heretofore been gathered together out of many sorts of people in Greece by Acamas Theseus's son they inhabited the City Synnada Whence says Stephanus the City was so named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from their dwelling together Further those people out of whom the Colony of the Synnadensians was first collected were of two sorts to wit the Macedonians and the Athenians or Ionians who were in Asia as the same Stephanus relates Whence we understand why in the Emperour Caracalla's Coyn which Johannes Tristanus has set forth the Synnadensians are termed Dorienses and Ionians For this is the inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the Macedonians a Colony whereof Acamas brought thither were originally Dorienses But the Athenians who went thither with Acamas Theseus's son and the Colonies which Acamas is reported to have gathered out of Asia were Ionians so termed from Iön the Athenian Vales. b It is a famous question and usually disputed on both sides whether it be lawfull for Catholicks especially Bishops to persecute Hereticks In the determination whereof I am of opinion that a distinction is requisite For 't is certain that on account of amassing money together it is not lawfull for Catholicks to molest and vex Hereticks which thing Theodosius Bishop of Synnada at that time did Also to persecute them by criminall sentences and to thirst after their bloud is in like manner unlawfull as Idatius and some other Prelates of Spain did in their persecution of the Priscilianists To whose communion when S t Martin had for some time joyned himself he acknowledged that great detriment befell him from that thing as Sulpicius Severus does relate in his Life Notwithstanding it is and always was lawfull for Catholicks to implore the aid of Princes and Magistrates against Hereticks that they be restrained and kept within the bounds of duty least they should behave themselves insolently over the Catholicks or least they should insult over and scoff at the Catholick Religion S r Augustine confesses indeed that heretofore this was his Sentiment to wit that Hereticks were not to be molested and vexed by Catholicks but that they were to be invited by all instances of mansuetude and mildness But afterwards he altered his opinion being most certainly informed that the Laws of Princes made against Hereticks are usefull to Hereticks themselves in order to their conversion And he says this was acknowledged by the Donatists themselves who had afterwards returned to the Catholick Church For they affirmed that they had never returned to the Church but had always continued in their errour had they not been provoked and drawn as it were by those penalties and mulcts contained in the Imperial Laws There is a most elegant passage of Augustine's about this matter in his 48 th Epistle to Vincentius to which is to be added another passage of the same Authour in his first book against Gaudentius chap. 23. Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is he drew and bound them as it were to Judges Tribunals Translatours thought these words were spoken concerning bonds as if Theodosius the Bishop had brought the Hereticks bound before the Judges In which sense Nicephorus also took this passage But Socrates's words will not bear this meaning Vales. d Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 madness Nicephorus and Christophorson read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Course device or purpose with which reading I am best pleased Vales. * Or when he had celebrated a prayer e We read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unjustly agreeable to the reading in Epiphan Scholasticus and Nicephorus The other Reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contrary to reason or unexpectedly Vales. * Troubled with the palsy * Book 5. chap. 21. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 worthy of many dangers † See Luke 22. 1. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I like not the Version of Langus and Christophorson who have rendred this place thus maledictus qui absque azimis pascha celebrat cursed is he who celebrates the Passover without unleavened bread In my judgement it must be rendred thus beyond or not on the days of unleavened bread For in the Greek it is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is without but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which imports beyond out of or saving on Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which Langus and Christophorson render thus cum ex anticipatâ opinione Festum Paschae celebraret when he celebrated the Paschall Festivall by an anticipated opinion I like Musculus's Version better who translates it thus per anticipationem celebraret he celebrated the Festivall by way of anticipation For Sabbatius celebrating the Paschall solemnity after the Jewish manner prevented the Christians and kept that Festivall before the Sunday If these words are thus to be understood it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Socrates uses the same term a little lower in this Chapter where speaking concerning the same thing his words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 possest with a rude anticipate opinion Where notwithstanding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to be taken for an anticipate opinion Vales. c I understand The Vigill of the Paschall Festivall Nor can 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be any other then the Vigill of the Paschall Festivall For Sabbatius although he anticipated Easter and celebrated it with the Jews yet kept the Vigills on the Paschall Sabbath with the rest of the Christians with whom also he celebrated Easter-day in a dissembling and negligent manner as Socrates has related before in book 5. chap. 21. And thus this passage in Socrates was understood by Nicephorus whose words his Translatour hath not rendred well Nicephorus's words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Which are to be translated thus But in regard they celebrated the solemn Vigill with a congruous worship meerly for fashions sake c. Moreover why Sabbatius although he followed the Jews in the observation of Easter notwithstanding would feign a celebration of Easter with the Christians this in my judgement is the reason because he feared the Laws of the Emperours who had made a Sanction that they should be accounted Hereticks who kept not Easter on one and the same day with all other Christians This
the forecited place although in Porphyrius the ordinary reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dumatii Nor is it otherwise written in Eusebius's fourth Book De Praeparatione chap. 16. But Dumateni as I have said pleases me best Stephanus's words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Dumatha a City of Arabia a Citizen whereof is termed Dumathenus as Glaucus says in the Second Book of his Arabick Archaeology Indeed the Arabians in their Patronymicks most commonly have this termination Vales. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These words are wanting in Porphyrius which our Eusebius has added of his own Indeed Porphyrius in regard he treated concerning humane Victims and spake of the Athenians ought not to have omitted this instance There was heretofore one Leus Amongst the Athenians the son of Orpheus as Suidas says who when Athens was afflicted with famine and an answer had been given by Apollo Delphicus that the City should no otherwise be preserved unless some one of the Citizens would offer their daughters in sacrifice to the Gods delivered up his three daughters Phasithea Theope and Eubule to be sacrificed for the safety of the City Aelianus Book 12. Variae Historiae Chap. 28 instead of Phasithea names her Praxithea Nothing occurs more frequently amongst the Greek Oratours than the mention of these three daughters of Leus as in Aristides's Panathenaïcus in Libanius's thirteenth Declamation Demosthenes or whoever else is the Authour in the Oration entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reckons this Leus amongst the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Founders of the Tribes from whom the Tribe of Leon took its name For these are his words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Clemens Alexandrinus does likewise mention him in his Protrepticon and Gregory Nazianzene in his Poem De Virtute and amongst modern writers Leopardus in his nineteenth Book in the last chapter save one Vales. r Erechtheus the son of Pandion had six daughters Protogenia Pandora Procris Cre●sa Orithia and Chthonia The two eldest of these Protogenia namely and Pandora when an army of the Enemy had made an irruption out of Boeotia into Attica voluntarily offer'd themselves to be sacrificed for the safety of their Country On whom the Athenians conferred great honours after their deaths and gave them the name of Virgines Hyacinthidae because they had been sacrificed in Hyacinthus a Village of Attica neer the Village of the Sphendalenses Thus Phanodemus writes in the fifth Book of his Res Atticae as Suidas attests in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whence a passage of Cicero's is clear'd in His Oration pro Sextio where his words are these Mortem quam etiam Virgines Athenis regis Opinor Erechthei filiae pro patria contempsisse dicuntur Ego vir consularis c. See Diodorus Siculus Book 17 and Demosthenes or whoever else is the Authour in the forementioned Oration entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Others say that Erechtheus had but four daughters who bound one another in mutual oathes that if one of them should die the rest should kill themselves Afterwards when Eumo●pus assistng the Eleusinii had made an irruption into Attica with great forces of the Thracians an answer was given to Erechtheus consulting the Oracle that the Victory should fall to the Athenians if Erechtheus would sacrifice one of his daughters Erechtheus therefore offered his youngest daughter Chthonia in sacrifice which done the other three daughters according as they had obliged themselves by oath killed themselves Thus Apollodorus in his Bibliotheca and Hyginus in his 46 th and 238 th Fable in whom the name of Chthonia is corrupted These three daughters of Erechtheus Sisters to Chthonia Euripides in his Erechtheus had termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Hesychius attests and had feigned that after their death they were turn'd into the Hyades Theon's words on Aratus's Phaenomena are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Farther as to the Virgines Hyacintbidae some have affirmed that they were not the daughters of Erechtheus but 〈…〉 ne Hyacinthus So Harpocration in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Hyginus in his forementioned 238 th Fable Vales. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the great City The Translatours have done ill in rendring it Megalopolis For Porphyrius whose words Eusebius makes use of here gave Rome that name according to the usage of his own age as it has been long since remark't by Joseph Sealiger in his Animadversions on Eusebius pag. 53. 'T is certain Libanius in his Oration entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does so term the City Rome Farther what Porphyrius says namely that at Rome on the Festival of Jupiter Latiaris still in his age a man was sacrificed is confirmed by Lactantius Book 1. chap. 21. Siquidem says he Latiaris Jupiter nunc sanguine colitur humano for Jupiter Latiaris is even at this present worshipt with humane bloud Prudentius's words in his first Book against Symmachus are these Funditur humanus Latiari in munere sanguis Dion Cassius speaks concerning this Feast in his fourty third Book pag. 351. Now the Latiaria were celebrated in December as I think For in that month the Gladiators Show was exhibited as we are informed from Herunaritius's Calendarium In the Latiare Sacrum the usage was that the bloud of that Gladiator who had been killed in the encounter should whilst it was warm be offered to Jupiter and as it were flung in his face as Cyprian relates in his Book De Spectaculis and Tertullian in his Apollogetick Chap. 9. There is an eminent passage in Justin the Martyr's Apology to the Senate where he speaks concerning this solemnity His words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doing the same things that are done by you to an Idol you worship On which is sprinkled not only the bloud of irrational Creatures but humane Bloud also by the eminentest and most noble personage amongst you who makes this Libation of the Blood of those slain From which place we gather that the Praetor of the City performed this sacrifice and that a man was not sacrificed to Jupiter as Porphyrius says but only that the bloud of a Gladiator killed in the Theater was offered to Jupiter Vales. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Translatour has not hit the meaning of this place he renders it thus Et nihilominus trecentos allos sacrificio addidisse and nevertheless added three hundred more to the sacrifice But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a proper term used concerning those Fathers who deliver up their children to be sacrificed to the Gods as we have seen above concerning Leus the Athenian When therefore the Nobles in Africa had presented three hundred Boyes to be sacrificed to the Gods Diodorus says that three hundred other Boyes were in like manner presented by other persons that they might shew their piety towards the Gods no less evidently than the former had done But I had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 two hundred instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 three