the fayres to buy my commodities with the marchants And this is the cause that the Portugales will not drinke of the water of the riuer Ganges yet to the sight it is more perfect and clearer then the water of Nilus is From the port Piqueno I went to Cochin and from Cochin to Malacca from whence I departed for Pegu being eight hundred miles distant That voyage is woont to be made in fiue and twentie or thirtie dayes but we were foure moneths and at the ende of three moneths our ship was without victuals The Pilot told vs that wee were by his altitude not farre from a citie called Tanasary in the kingdome of Pegu and these his words were not true but we were as it were in the middle of many Ilands and many vninhabited rockes and there were also some Portugales that affirmed that they knew the land and knewe also where the citie of Tanasari was This citie of right belongeth to the kingdome of Sion which is situate on a great riuers side which commeth out of the kingdome of Sion and where this riuer runneth into the sea there is a village called Mirgim in whose harbour euery yeere there lade some ships with Uerzina Nypa and Beniamin a few cloues nutmegs and maces which come from the coast of Sion but the greatest marchandise there is Uerzin and Nypa which is an excellent wine which is made of the floure of a tree called Nyper Whose liquour they distill and so make an excellent drinke cleare as christall good to the mouth and better to the stomake and it hath an excellent gentle vertue that if one were rotten with the french pockes drinking good store of this he shall be whole againe and I haue seene it proued because that when I was in Cochin there was a friend of mine whose nose beganne to drop away with that disease and he was counselled of the doctors of phisicke that he should goe to Tanasary at the time of the new wines and that he should drinke of the nyper wine night and day as much as he could before it was distilled which at that time is most delicate but after that it is distilled it is more strong and if you drinke much of it it will fume into the head with drunkennesse This man went thither and did so and I haue scene him after with a good colour and sound This wine is very much esteemed in the Indies and for that it is brought so farre off it is very deare in Pegu ordinarily it is good cheape because it is neerer to the place where they make it and there is euery yeere great quantitie made thereof And returning to my purpose I say being amongst these rockes and farre from the land which is ouer against Tanasary with great scarcitie of victuals and that by the saying of the Pylot and two Portugales holding then firme that wee were in front of the aforesayd harbour we determined to goe thither with our boat and fetch victuals and that the shippe should stay for vs in a place assigned We were twentie and eight persons in the boat that went for victuals and on a day about twelue of the clocke we went from the ship assuring our selues to bee in the harbour before night in the aforesaid port wee rowed all that day and a great part of the next night and all the next day without finding harbour or any signe of good landing and this came to passe through the euill counsell of the two Portugales that were with vs. For we had ouershot the harbour and left it behind vs in such wise that we had lost the lande inhabited together with the shippe and we eight and twentie men had no maner of victuall with vs in the boate but it was the Lords will that one of the Mariners had brought a litle rice with him in the boate to barter away for some other thing and it was not so much but that three or foure men would haue eaten it at a meale I tooke the gouernment of this Ryce promising that by the helpe of God that Ryce should be nourishment for vs vntil it pleased God to send vs to some place that was inhabited when I slept I put the ryce into my bosome because they should not rob it from me we were nine daies rowing alongst the coast without finding any thing but countreys vninhabited desert Ilands where if we had found but grasse it would haue seemed sugar vnto vs but wee could not finde any yet we found a fewe leaues of a tree and they were so hard that we could not chewe them we had water and wood sufficient and as wee rowed we could goe but by flowing water for when it was ebbing water wee made fast our boat to the banke of one of those Ilandes and in these nine dayes that we rowed we found a caue or nest of Tortoises egges wherein were one hundred fortie and foure egges the which was a great helpe vnto vs these egges are as bigge as a hennes egge and haue no shell aboue them but a tender skinne euery day we sodde a kettle full of those egges with an handfull of rice in the broth thereof it pleased God that at the ende of nine dayes we discouered certaine fisher men a fishing with small barkes and we rowed towardes them with a good cheare for I thinke there were neuer men more glad then we were for wee were so sore afflicted with penurie that we could scarce stande on our legges Yet according to the order that we set for our ryce when we sawe those fisher men there was left sufficient for foure dayes The first village that we came to was in the gulfe of Tauay vnder the king of Pegu whereas we found great store of victuals then for two or three dayes after our arriuall there we would eate but litle meate any of vs and yet for all this we were at the point of death the most part of vs. From Tauay to Martauan in the kingdome of Pegu are seuentie two miles We laded our bote with victuals which were aboundantly sufficient for sixe moneths from whence we departed for the port and Citie of Martauan where in short time we arriued but we found not our ship there as we had thought we should from whence presently we made out two barkes to goe to looke for her And they found her in great calamitie and neede of water being at an anker with a contrary winde which came very ill to passe because that she wanted her boat a moneth which should haue made her prouision of wood and water the shippe also by the grace of God arriued safely in the aforesaid port of Martauan The Citie of Martauan WE found in the Citie of Martauan ninetie Portugales of Merchants and other base men which had fallen at difference with the Retor or gouernour of the citie and all for this cause that certaine vagabondes of the Portugales had slaine fiue
Islanders We wil prosecute in order the properties of these fountains set downe by the foresaid writers The first by reason of his continuall heat There be very many Baths or hote fountains in Island but fewer vehemently hote which we thinke ought not to make any man wonder when as I haue learned out of authors that Germanie euery where aboundeth with such hote Baths especially neere the foot of the Alpes The hote Baths of Baden Gebarsuil Calben in the duchy of Wittenberg and many other be very famous all which Fuchsius doeth mention in his booke de Arte medendi And not onely Germanie but also France beyond all the rest Italy that mother of all commodities saith Cardan And Aristotle reporteth that about Epyrus these hote waters doe much abound whereupon the place is called Pyriplegethon And I say these things should therefore be y e lesse admired because the searchers of nature haue as wel found out causes of the heate in waters as of the fire in mountaines namely that water runneth within the earth through certaine veines of Brimstone Allom and from thence taketh not onely heat but taste also other strange qualities Aristotle in his booke de Mundo hath taught this The earth saith he conteineth within it fountains not only of water but also of spirite fire some of them flowing like riuers doe cast foorth red hote iron from whence also doeth flow somtimes luke-warme water somtimes skalding hote and somtimes temperate And Seneca Empedocles thought that Baths were made hote by fire which the earth secretly conteineth in many places especially if the said fire bee vnder that ground where the water passeth And Pontanus writeth very learnedly concerning the Baian Baths No maruell though from banke of Baian shore hote Baths or veines of skalding licour flow For Vulcans forge incensed euermore doeth teach vs plaine that heart of earth below And bowels burne and fire enraged glow From hence the flitting flood sends smokie streames And Baths doe boile with secret burning gleames I thought good in this place to touch that which Saxo Grammaticus the most famous historiographer of the Danes reporteth That certaine fountains of Island do somtime encrease flow vp to the brinke sometimes againe they fall so lowe that you can skarse discerne them to be fountains Which kind of fountains albeit they bee very seldome found with vs yet I will make mention of some like vnto them produced by nature in other countries lest any man should think it somwhat strange Plinie maketh a great recitall of these There is one saieth he in the Isle of Tenedos which at the Solstitium of sommer doth alwaies flow from the third houre of the night till the sixt In the field of Pitinas beyond the Apennine mountaine there is a riuer which in the midst of sommer alwaies encreaseth and in winter is dried vp He maketh mention also of a very large fountaine which euery houre doeth encrease and fall Neither is it to be omitted that sâ—me riuers run vnder the ground and after that fall againe into an open chanel as Lycus in Asia Erasinus in Argolica Tigris in Mesopotamia vnto which Cardan addeth Tanais in Moscouia and those things which were throwen into Aesculapius fountaine at Athens were cast vp againe in Phaletico And Seneca writeth that there are certaine riuers which being let downe into some caue vnâ—er ground are withdrawen out of sight seeming for the time to be vtterly perished and taken away and that after some distance the very same riuers returne enioying their former name and their course And againe Pliuie reporteth that there is a riuer receiued vnder ground in the field of Atinas that issueth out twentie miles from that place All which examples and the like should teach vs that the fountaines of Island are not to be made greater wonders then the rest Doth forth with conuert into a stone any body cast into it By these two properties namely warmth or most vehement heat a vertue of hardening bodies doth Frisius describe his first fountaine And I haue heard reported though I neuer had experience thereof my selfe that there is such a fountain in Island not far froÌ„ the bishops seat of Schalholt in a village called Haukadal Seneca reporteth of the like saying That there is a certain fountain which conuerteth wood into stone hardening the bowels of those men which drinke thereof And addeth further that such fountains are to bee found in certaine places of Italy which thing Ouid in the 15. booke of his Metamor ascribeth vnto the riuer of the Cicones Water drunke out of Ciconian flood fleshy bowels to flintie stone doeth change Ought else therewith besprinckt as earth or wood becommeth marble streight a thing most strange And Cardane Georgius Agricola affirmeth that in the territorie of Elbogan about the town which is named of Falcons that the whole bodies of Pine trees are conuerted into stone and which is more wonderfull that they containe within certaine rifts the stone called Pyrites or the Flint And Domitius Brusonius reporteth that in the riuer of Silar running by the foote of that mountain which standeth in the field of the citie in old time called Vrsence but now Contursia leaues and boughs of trees change into stones that not vpon other mens credite but vpon his own experience being borne brought vp in that country which thing Plinie also auoucheth saying that the said stones doe shew the number of their yeeres by the number of their Barks or stony husks So if we may giue credite to authors drops of the Gothes fountain being dispersed abroad become stones And in Hungary the water of Cepusius being poured into pitchers is conuerted to stone And Plinie reporteth that wood being cast into the riuer of the Cicones and into the Veline lake in the field of Pice is enclosed in a barke of stone growing ouer it The second is extremely cold As for the second fountaine here is none to any mens knowledge so extremely cold In deed there be very many that bee indifferently coole insomuch that our common riuers in the Sommer time being luke-warme wee take delight to fetch water from those coole springs It may be that there are some farre colder in other countries for Cardane maketh mention of a riuer streaming from the top of an hill in the field of Corinth colder then snow and within a mile of Culma the riuer called Insana seeming to be very hote is most extremely cold c. The third is sweeter then honie Neither is this altogether true For there is not any fountaine with vs which may in the least respect be compared with the sweetnesse of honie And therfore Saxo wrote more truly saying that certaine fountains for there be very many yeelding taste as good as beere and also in the same place there are fountains riuers not onely of diuers tasts but of diuers colours And albeit naturall Philosophers teach that water
Saint Helena Oriston Ahoia Ahoiaue Isamacon Icosa or Dicosa The Spaniards haue killed three hundred of the subiects of Potanou The greatest number of Spaniards that haue bene in Florida this sixe yeeres was three hundred and now they were but two hundred in both the Forts There is a great City sixteene or twentie dayes iourney from Saint Helena Northwestward which the Spaniards call La grand Copal which they thinke to bee very rich and exceeding great and haue bene within the sight of it some of them They haue offered in generall to the King to take no wages at all of him if he will giue them leaue to discouer this citie and the rich mountaines and the passage to a sea or mighty Lake which they heare to be within foure and twenty dayes trauel from Saint Helena which is in 32. degrees of latitude and is that riuer which the French called Port-royal He saith also that he hath seene a rich Diamond which was brought from the mountaines that lye vp in the countrey Westward from S. Helena These hils seeme wholy to be the mountaines of Apalatci whereof the Sauages aduertised Laudonnâ—ere and it may bee they are the hils of Chaunis Temoatam which Master Lane had aduertisement of The relation of Nicholas Burgoignon aliâs Holy whom sir Francis Drake brought from Saint Augustine also in Florida where he had remayned sixe yeeres in mine and Master Heriots heaâ—ing THis Nicholas Burgoignon sayth that betweene S. Augustine and S Helen there is a Casique whose name is Casicôla which is lord of ten thousand Indians and another casique whose name is Dicasca and another called Touppekyn toward the North and a fourth named Potanou toward the South and another called Moscita toward the South likewise Besides these he acknowledgeth Oristou Ahoia Ahoiaue Isamacon alledged by the Spaniard He further affirmeth that there is a citie Northwestward from S. Helenes in the mountaines which the Spaniards call La grand Copal and is very great and rich and that in these mountains there is great store of Christal golde and Rubies and Diamonds And that a Spaniard brought from thence a Diamond which was worth fiue thousadd crownes which Pedro Melendes the marques nephew to olde Pedro Melendes that slew Ribault is now gouerner of Florida weareth He saith also that to make passage vnto these mountaines it is needefull to haue store of Hatchets to giue vnto the Indians and store of Pickares to breake the mountaines which shine so bright in the day in some places that they cannot behold them and therefore they trauell vnto them by night Also corflets of Cotton which the Spanyards call Zecopitz are necessary to bee had against the arrowes of the Sauages He sayth farther that a Tunne of the sassafras of Florida is solde in Spaine for sixtie ducates and that they haue there great store of Turkie cocks of Beanes of Peason and that there are great store of pearles The things as he reporteth that the Floridians make most account of are red Cloth or redde Cotton to make baudricks or gyrdles copper and hatchets to cut withall The Spaniards haue all demaunded leaue at their owne costs to discouer these mountaines which the King denyeth for feare lest the English or French would enter into the same action once knowen All the Spaniards would passe vp by the riuer of Saint Helena vnto the mountaines of golde and Chrystall The Spaniards entring 50. leagues vp Saint Helena found Indians wearing golde rings at their nostrels and eares They found also Oren but lesse then ours Sir leagues from Saint Helena toward the North there is a poynt that runneth farre into the sea which is the marke to the Seamen to finde Saint Helena and Waterin Waterin is a riuer fortie leagues distant Northward from Saint Helena where any fleete of great ships may ride safely I take this riuer to be that which we call Waren in Virginia whither aâ— Christmasse lâ—st 1585. the Spaniards sent a barke with fortie men to discouer where we were seated in which barke was Nicholas Burgoignon the reporter of all these things The Spaniards of S. Augustine haue slaine three hundred of the subiects of Potanou One Potassi is neighbour to Potanou Oratina is he which the French history calleth Olata Outina Calauai is another casique which they knowe SVNDRY VOYAGES MADE FROM Nueva Galicia and Nueua Viscaia in new Spaine to the 15. Prouinces of new Mexico and to Quiuira and Cibola all situate on the backeside of Guastecan Florida and Virginia as farre as 37. degrees of Northerly latitude with a description of the riuers lakes cities townes nations fertile soyle and temperate ayre in those partes and most certaine notice of many exceeding rich siluer-mines and other principall commodities A discourse of the famous Cosmographer Iohn Baptista Ramusius concerning the three voyages of Frier Marco de Niça Francis Vasquez de Coronado and Ferdinando Alorchon next following taken out of his third volume of Nauigations and Voyages THe right honourable Don Antonio de Mendoça being sent by Charles the Emperour to be viceroy of Mexico and Nueua Espanna and hauing vnderstood that Don Ferdinando Cortez had sent many ships along the coast of Nueua Espanna to discoâ—er countries and to find out the Isles of the Malucos began himselfe to desire to do the like as viceroy of Nueua Espanna and hereupon they fell out for Cortez said that he was general and discouerer of the South sea and that it belonged to him to set forth those voyages On the other side the lord Don Antonio alledged that it belonged to him to make that discovery as being viceroy of Nueua Espanna So that they fell at great variance and Cortez returned into Spaine to complaine vnto the Emperourâ— Don Antonio in the meane season hauing obteined knowledge of the voiage which Andrew Dorantez who was one of the company of Pamphilo Naruaez that escaped as you may reade in the relation of Aluaro Nunnez called Cabeça de Vaca made sent Frier Marco de Niça with a Negro of the said Dorantez to discouer that country Which Frier Marco de Niça being returned hauing informed his lordship of all his discouery he sent captain Francis Vasquez de Coronado with many Spaniards on horsebacke and Indians on footâ— likewise he sent a fleete by sea whereof Ferdinando Alorchon was captaine as may be seene in the relations following An extract of a letter of captaine Francis Vasques de Coronado written to a Secretary of the right noble Don Antonio de Mendoça viceroy of of Nueua Espanna Dated in Culiacan the 8. of March 1539. HE saith that Frier Marcus de Niça arriued in the Prouince of Topira where he found all the Indians fled vnto the mountaines for feare of the Christians and that for his sake they came all downe to see him with great ioy boldnesse They are men of good making and whiter then others and their women are more beautifull then others of
any Countreys were of more Cities and people of ciuilitie and vnderstanding then those which I had found and I could heare no newes of any such howbeit they tolde mee that foure or fiue dayes iourney within the Countrey at the fooâ—e of the mountaines there is a large and mightie plaine wherein they tolde mee that there were many great Townes and people clad in Cotton and when I shewed them certaine Metals which I carryed with mee to learne what riche Metals were in the Lande they tooke the minerall of Golde and tolde mee that thereof were vesselles among the people of that plaine and that they carryed certaiâ—e round greene stones hanging at their nostrilles and at their cares and that they haue certaine thinne plates of that Golde where with they scrâ—pe off their sweaâ— and that the walles of their Temples are couered therewith and that they vse it in all their houshold vessels And because this Ualley is distant from the Sea-coast and my instruction was not to leaue the Coast I determined to leaue the discouery thereof vntill my returne at which time I might doe it more commodiously Thus I trauelled three dayes iourney through Townes inhabited by the sayde people of whome I was receiued as I was of those which I had passed and came vnto a Towne of reasonable bignesse called Vacupa where they shewed mee great courtesies and gaue mee great store of good victuals because the soyle is very fruitfull and may bee watered This Towne is fortie leagues distant from the Sea And because I was so farre from the Sea it being two dayes before Passion Sunday I determined to stay there vntill Easter to informe my selfe of the Islandes whereof I sayde before that I had information And so I sent certaine Indians to the Sea by three seuerall wayes whom I commaunded to bring mee some Indians of the Sea-coast and of some of those Islandes that I might receiue information of them and I sent Stephan Doramez the Negro another way whom I commaunted to goe directly Northward fiftie or threescore leagues to see if by that way hee might learne any newes of any notable thing which wee sought to discouer and I agreed with him that if hee found any knowledge of any peopled and riche Countrey which were of great importance that hee should goe no further but should returne in person or should sende mee certaine Indians with that token which wee were agreed vpon to wit that if it were but a meane thing hee should sende mee a white Crosse of one handfull long and if it were any great matter one of two handfuls long and if it were a Countrey greater and better then Nueua Espanna hee should send mee a great crosse So the sayde Stephan departed from mee or Passion-sunday after dinner and within foure dayes after the messengers of Stephan returned vnto me with a great Crosse as high as a man and they brought me word from Stephan that I should foorthwith come away after him for bâ— c had found people which gaue him information of a very mighty Prouince and that he had certaine Indians in his company which had bene in the sayd Prouince and that he had sent me one of the said Indians This Indian told me that it was thirtie dayes iourney from the Towne where Stephan was vnto the first Citie of the sayde Prouince which is called Ceuola Hee affirmed also that there are seuen great Cities in this Prouince all vnder one Lord the houses where of are made of Lyme and Stone and are very great and the least of them with one lofte aboue head and some of two and of three lostes and the house of the Lorde of the Prouince of foure and that all of them ioyne one vnto the other in good order and that in the gates of the principall houses there are many Turques-stoues cunningly wrought whereof hee sayth they haue there great plentie also that the people of this Citie goe very well apparelled and that beyond this there are other Prouinces all which hee sayth are much greater then these seuen cities I gaue credite to his speach because I found him to bee a man of good vnderstanding but I deferred my departure to follow Stephan Dorantes both because I thought hee would stay for mee and also to attend the returne of my messengers which I had sent vnto the Sea who returned vnto me vpon Easter day bringing with them certaine inhabitants of the Sea-coast and of two of the Islands Of whom I vnderstoode that the Islandes aboue mentioned were scarre of victuals as I had learned before and that they are inhabited by people which weare shelles of Pearles vpon their foreheads and they say that they haue great Pearles and much Golde They informed mee of foure and thirtie Islandes lying one neere vnto another they say that the people on the Sea-coast haue small store of victuals as also those of the Islandes and that they traffique me with the other vpon rafâ—es This coast stretcheth Northward as is to bee seene These Indians of the Coast brought me certaine Targets made of Cow-hydes very well dressed which were so large that they couered them from the head to the very foote with a hoie in the stoppe of the same to looke out before they are so strong that a Crossebow as I suppose will not pierce them Chap. 2. He hath new information of the seuen Cities by certaine Indians called Pintados and of three other kingdomes called Marata Acus and Totonteac being Countreys very rich in Turqueses and Hides of cattel Following his voyage through those countries he taketh possession thereof for the Emperors Maiestie and of the Indians is much honoured and serued with victuals THe same day came three Indians of those which I called Pintados because I saw their faces breasts and armes painted These dwel farther vp into the countrey towards the East and some of them border vpon the seuen cities which sayd they came to see mee because they had heard of me and among other things they gaue me information of the seuen cities and of the other Prouinces which the Indian that Stephan sent me had tolde mee of almost in the very same maner that Stephan had sent mee worde and so I sent backe the people of the sea-coast and two Indians of the Islandes sayde they would goe with mee seuen or eight dayes So with these and with the three Pintados aboue mentioned I departed from Vacupa vpon Easter tuesday the same way that Stephan went from whom I recieued new messengers with a Crosse of the bignesse of the first which he sent me which hastened mee forward and assured me that the land which I sought for was the greatest and best countrey in all those partes The sayd messengers told mee particulary without fayling in any one poynt all that which the first messenger had tolde mee and much more and gaue mee more plaine information thereof So I trauelled that day being Easter
commandement to handle discusse and finally to determine the foresaid busines and with letters of credence vnto the right reuerend lord and master generall aforesayd Which ambassadours together with Iohn Beuis of London their informer and the letters aforesaid and their ambassage the said right reuerend lord and Master generall at his castle of Marienburgh the 28. of Iuly in the yeare aforesaid reuerently and honourably receiued and enterteined and in his minde esteemed them worthy to treate and decide the causes aforesayd and so vnto the sayd ambassadouurs he ioyned in commission on his behalfe three of his owne counsellers namely the honourable and religious personages Conradus de Walrode great commander Seiffridus Walpode de Bassenheim chiefe hospitalary and commander in Elburg Wolricus Hachenberger treasurer being all of the order aforesaid Which ambassadors so entreating about the premisses and sundry conferences and consultations hauing passed between them friendly and with one consent concluded an agreement and concord in manner following That is to say First that all arrestments reprisals and impignorations of whatsoeuer goods and marchandises in England and Prussia made before the date of these presents are from henceforth quiet free and released without all fraud and dissimulation insomuch that the damages charges and expenses occasioned on both parts by reason of the foresayd goods arrested are in no case hereafter to be required or chalenged by any man but the demaunds of any man whatsoeuer propounded in this regard are and ought to be altogether frustrate and voide and all actions which may or shall be commenced by occasion of the sayd goods arrested are to be extinct and of none effect Moreouer it is secondly concluded and agreed that all and singuler Prussians pretending themselues to be iniuried by the English at the Porte of Swen or elsewhere howsoeuer and whensoeuer before the date of these presents hauing receiued the letters of the foresaide right reuerende lord and Master generall and of the cities of their abode are to repayre towards England vnto the sayd hon embassadours who are to assist them and to propound and exhibite their complaintes vnto the forenamed lord and king The most gracious prince is bounde to doe his indeuor that the parties damnified may haue restitution of their goods made vnto them or at least complete iustice and iudgement without delay Also in like maner all English men affirming themselues to haue bene endamaged by Prussians wheresoeuer howsoeuer and whensoeuer are to haue recourse vnto the often forenamed right reuerend lorde the Master generall with the letters of their king and of the cities of their aboad propounding their complaints and causes vnto him Who likewise is bound to doe his indeuour that the sayd losses and damages may be restored or at the least that speedie iudgement may be without all delayes executed This caueat being premised in each clause that it may and shall be freely granted and permitted vnto euery man that will ciuilly make his suite and complaint to doe it either by himselfe or by his procurator or procurators Also thirdly it is agreed that whosoeuer of Prussia is determined criminally to propound his criminal complaints in England namely that his brother or kinseman hath beene slaine wounded or maimed by English men the same partie is to repayre vnto the citie of London in England and vnto the sayd ambassadors bringing with him the letters of the sayd right reuerend lord the master generall and of the cities of their abode which ambassadors are to haue free and full authority according to the complaints of the men of Prussia and the answers of the English men to make and ordaine a friendly reconciliation or honest recompence betweene such parties which reconciliation the sayd parties reconciled are bound vndoubtedly without delay to obserue But if there be any English man found who shall rashly contradict or contâ—mne the composition of the foresayd ambassadors then the sayd ambassadours are to bring the forenamed Prussian plaintifes before the presence of the kings Maiestie and also to make supplication on the behalfe of such plaintifes that complete iustice and iudgment may without delayes bee administred according as those suites are commenced Moreouer whatsoeuer English man against whom anie one of Prussia would enter his action shall absent himselfe at the terme the sayd ambassadours are to summon and ascite the foresayd English man to appeare at the terme next insuing that the plaintifes of Prussia may in no wise seeme to depart or to returne home without iudgâ—ment or the assistance of lawe Nowe if the sayd English man being summoned shall be found stubborne or disobedient the forenamed ambassadours are to make their appeale and supplication in manner aforesayd And in like sorte in all respects shall the English plaintifes be dealt withall in Prussia namely in the citie of Daâ—tzik where the deputies of the sayd citie and of the citie of Elburg shal take vnto themselues two other head boroughs one of Dantzik and the other of Elburg which foure commissioners are to haue in al respects the very like authority of deciding discussing and determining all criminall complaints propounded criminally by English men against any Prussian or Prussians by friendly reconciliation or honest recompense if it be possible But if it cannot friendly be determined or if anie Prussian shall not yeeld obedience vnto any such order or composition but shal be found to contradict and to contemne the same from thenceforth the said foure deputies and headboroughs are to make their appeale and supplication vnto the Master generall of the land aforesayd that vnto the sayd English plaintifes speedy iudgement and complete iustice may be administred But if it shall so fall out that any of the principall offenders shall decease or already are deceased in either of the sayd countries that then it shall bee free and lawfull for the plaintife to prosecute his right against the goods or heires of the party deceased Also for the executing of the premisses the termes vnder written are appointed namely the first from the Sunday whereupon Quasi modo geniti is to be sung next ensuing vntill the seuenth day following The second vpon the feast oâ— the holy Trinitie next to come and for seuen dayes following The third vpon the eight day after Saint Iohn Baptist next to come for seuen daies following The fourth last and peremptory terme shall be vpon the feast of S. Michael next to come and vpon seuen dayes next following And from thenceforth all causes which concerne death or the mayming of a member with all actions proceeding from them are to remaine altogether voide and extinct And if peraduenture any one of the foresayd ambassadours shall in the meane season dye then the other two shall haue authoritie to chuse a third vnto them And if after the date of these presents any cause great or small doth arise or spring foorth it must bee decided in England and in Prussia as it hath
season it may please God to send our two Englishmen that are gone to the Spicerie which may also bring more plaine declaration of that which in this case might be desired Also I knowe I needed not to haue beene to prolixe in the declaration of this Carde to your Lordship if the sayd Carde had bene very well made after the rules of Cosmographie For your Lordship would soone vnderstand it better then I or any other that could haue made it and so it should appeare that I shewed DelphinuÌ„ natare But for that I haue made it after my rude maner it is necessary that I be the declarer or gloser of mine own worke or els your Lordship should haue had much labour to vnderstand it which now with it also cannot be excused it is so grossely done But I knew you looked for no curious things of mee and therefore I trust your Lordship will accept this and hold me for excused In other mens letters that they write they craue pardon that at this present they write no larger but I must finish asking pardon that at this present I write so largely Iesus preserue your Lordship with augmentation of dignities Your seruant Robert Thorne 1527 Epitaphium M. Roberti Thorni sepulti in Ecclesia Templariorum Londini RObertus iacei hic Thorne quem Bristolia quondam Praetoris meritò legit ad officium Huic etenim semper magnae Respublica cure Charior cunctis patria diuitijs Ferre inopi auxilium tristes componere lites Dulce huic consilio quósque iuuare suit Qui pius exaudis miserorum vota precésque Christe huic coeli des regione locum A briefe Treatise of the great Duke of Muscouia his genealogie being taken out of the Moscouites manuscript Chronicles written by a Polacke IT hath almost euer bene the custome of nations in searching out the infancie and first beginnings of their estate to ascribe the same vnto such authors as liued among men in great honour and endued mankinde with some one or other excellent benefite Nowe this inbred desire of all nations to blaze and set foorth their owne petigree hath so much preuayled with the greater part that leauing the vndoubted trueth they haue be taken themselues vnto meere fables and fictions Yea and the Chronicles of many nations written in diuers and sundrie ages doe testifie the same Euen so the Grecians boasted that they were either Autocthones that is earthbredde or els lineally descended from the Gods And the Romans affirme that Mars was father vnto their first founder Romulus Right well therefore and iudicially sayth Titus Liuius Neither meane I to auouch quoth he ne to disable or confute those thinges which before the building and foundation of the Citie haue beene reported being more adorned and fraught with Poeticall fables then with incorrupt and sacred monuments of trueth antiquitie is to be pardoned in this behalfe namely in ioyning together matters historicall and poeticall to make the beginnings of cities to seeme the more honourable For sith antiquity it selfe is accompted such a notable argument of true nobility euen priuate men in all ages haue contended thereabout Wherefore citizens of Rome being desirous to make demonstration of their Gentrie vse to haue their aâ—ncestours armes painted along the walles of their houses in which regarde they were to puffed vp that oftentimes they would arrogantly disdaine those men which by their owne vertue had attained vnto honour In like sorte Poets when the originall of their worthines and braue champions was either vtterly vnknowen or somewhat obscure would ofte referre it vnto their Gods themselues So in these our dayes to lette passe others the Turkish Emperour with grert presumption boasteth himselfe to bee descended of the Troian blood Likewise the great duke of Moscouie to make himselfe and his predecessours seeme the more souereigne deriueth the beginnings of his parentage from the Romane Emperours yea euen from Augustus Cesar. Albeit therefore no man is so fonde as to accept of this report for trueth yet will wee briefly set downe what the Moscouites haue written in their Chronicles as touching this matter Augustus beleeue it who lifteth had certaine brethren or kinsfolkes which were appoynted gouernours ouer diuers prouinces Amongst the rest one Prussus of whome Prussia was named had his place of gouernment assigned vnto him vpon the shore of the eastern or Baltick sea and vpon the famous riuer of Wixel This mans graund children or nephewes of the fourth generation were Rurek Sinaus and Truuor who likewise inhabited in the very same places Whereas therefore at the very same time the Russians or the Moscouites without any ciuill regiment possessed large and spacious territories towards the north the foresayd three brethren vpon the perswasion of one Gostomislius the chiefe citizen of Nouogrod in the yeare since the worldes creation according to the computation of the Greekes 6370 which was in the yeare of our Lord 572 were sent for to beare rule And so ioyning their kinsman Olechus vnto them and diuiding these huge countreys among themselues they laboured to reduce the barbarous and sauage people vnto a ciuill kinde of life Sinaus and Truuor deceasing without issue Rurek succeeded and lefte a sonne behinde him named Igor who not being of sufficient yeres to beare rule was committed vnto the protection of his kinsman Olechus The sayde Igor begate of Oâ—ha daughter vnto a citizen of Plesco who after her husbande was slaine by his enemies taking her iourney to Constantinople was there baptized by the name of Helena a sonne called Stoslaus who fought many battels with the neighbour countreys Howbeit at length Stoslaus was slayne by his foe who making a drinking cup of his skull engraued therupon in golden letters this sentence Seeking after other mens he lost his owne He left behind him three sonnes namely Teropolchus Olega and Vulodimir The which Vulodimir hauing slaine his two brethren became sole gouernour of Russia or as the Moscouites call it Rosseia his owne selfe This man beginning at length to loath and mislike the ethnik religion and the multitude of false gods applyed his minde vnto the religion of Christ and hauing taken to wife Anna sister vnto Basilius and Constantinus Emperours of Constantinople was together with his whole nation in the yeare of Christ 988. baptized and imbraced the Christian religion with the rites and ceremonies of the Greeke Church and his name being changed he was called Basilius Howbeit Zonaras reporteth that before the time of Vulodimir Basilius Emperour of Constantinople sent a bishop vnto the Russians by whose meanes they were conuerted vnto the Christian faith He reporteth moreouer that they would not be perswaded vnlesse they might see a miracle whereupon the said bishop hauing made his prayers vnto almighty God threwe the booke of the Euangelists into the fire which remained there vnconsumed And that by this miracle they were mooued to giue credite vnto the doctrine of Christ and to conforme themselues thereunto
monitions and reasons of the false traitor being vnderstood and pondered by the great Turke and his counsell it was considered of them not to loose so good occasion and time Wherefore hee made most extreme diligence to rigge and apparell many ships vessels of diuers sorts as galliasses gallies pallandres fustâ—s and brigantines to the number of 350. sailes and moe When the prisoner that the sayd de Merall did send into Turkie had done his câ—mmission hee returned into Rhodes whereof euery man had maruell And many folkes deemâ—d â—uil of his comming againe as of a thing vnaccustomed but none durst say any thing seeing the sayd de Merall of so great authoritie and dignitie and he cherished the sayd prisoner more then he was woont â—o doe Therefore belike hee had well done his message and had brought good tidings to the damnable and shamefull mind of â—he sayd traitor de Merall How the great Turke caused the passages to be kept that none should beare tidings of his hoste to Rhodes THe great Turke intending with great diligence to make readie his hoste both by sea and by land the better to come to his purpose and to take the towne vnwarily as hee was aduertised thought to keepe his doings as secret as hee might and commaunded that none of his subiects should goe to Rhodes for any maner of thing And likewise he tooke all the barkes and brigantines out of the hauens and portes in those coastes because they should giue no knowledge of his armie And also hee made the passages by land to bee kept that none should passe Howbeit so great apparell of an armie could not bee long kept close for the spies which the lord great master had sent into Turkie brought tidings to the castle of saint Peter and to Rhodes of all that was sayd and done in Turkie Neuerthelesse the sayd lord gaue no great credence to all that was brought and told because that many yeeres before the predecessours of the great Turke had made great armies and alway it was sayd that they went to Rhodes the which came to none effect And it was holden for a mocke and a by-word in many places that the Turke would goe to besiege Rhodes And for this reason doubt was had of this last armie and some thought that it should haue gone into Cyprus or to Cataro a land of the lordship of Venice Howbeit the great master not willing to bee taken vnwarily but the meane while as carefull and diligent for the wealth of his towne his people vnderstanding these tidings of the Turkes armie did all his diligence to repaire and strengthen the towne Amongst all other things to build vp and raise the bulwarke of Auuergne and to cleanse and make deeper the ditches And the more to cause the workemen to haste them in their businesse they sayd lord ouersawe them twice or thrise euery day How the lord great master counselled with the lordes for prouision for the towne THen the sayd reuerend lord thought to furnish and store the towne with more vitailes for the sustenance thereof and for the same many times hee spake with the lordes that had the handling and rule of the treasurie and of the expenses thereof in his absence and since his comming That is to wit with the great Commander Gabriel de pommerolles lieutenant of the sayd lord The Turcoplier Sir Iohn Bourgh of the English nation and the Chanceller Sir Andrew de Meral of whom is spoken afore and of his vntruth agaynst his religion The which three lordes sayd that hee should take no thought for it for the towne was well stored with vitailes for a great while and that there was wheate ynough till new came in Notwithstanding it were good to haue more or the siege were laide afore the towne and therefore it were behoouefull to send for wheate and other necessaries into the West for succours of the towne and at that time to puruey for euery thing Of the prouision for vitailes and ordinance of warre AS touching the store and ordinance of warre the sayd lordes affirmed that there was ynough for a yeere and more whereof the contrary was found for it failed a moneth or the citie was yeelded It is of trueth that there was great store and to haue lasted longer then it did But it was needfull to spend largely at the first comming of the enemies to keepe them from comming neere and from bringing earth to the ditches sides as they did And moreouer you are to consider the great number of them and their power that was spred round about the towne giuing vs so many assaults and skirmishes in so many places as they did and by the space of sire whole moneths day and night assailing vs that much ordinance and store was wasted to withstand them in all points And if it failed it was no maruell Howbeit the noble lord great master prouided speedily for it and sent Brigantines to Lango to the castle of saint Peter and to the castels of his isle Feraclous and Lyndo for to bring powder and saltpeter to strength the towne but it suffised not And for to speake of the purueiance of vitailes it was aduised by the lord great master and his three lords that it was time to send some ships for wheat to places thereabout before the Turks hoste were come thither And for this purpose was appointed a ship named the Gallienge whose captaine hight Brambois otherwise called Wolfe of the Almaine nation an expert man of the sea the which made so good diligence that within a moneth he performed his voiage and brought good store of wheat from Naples and Romania which did vs great comfort How a Brigantine was sent to Candie for wine and of diuers ships that came to helpe the towne AFter this a motion was made to make prouision of wine for the towne for the men of Candie durst not saile for to bring wine to Rhodes as they were woont to doe for feare of the Turkes hoste and also they of the towne would send no ship into Candie fearing to be taken and enclosed with the sayd hoste by the way Howbeit some merchants of the towne were willing to haue aduentured themselues in a good ship of the religion named the Mary for to haue laden her with wine in Candie But they could not agree with the three lordes of the treasure and their let was but for a little thing and all the cause came of the sayd traitour de Merall faining the wealth of the treasure for he intended another thing and brake this good and profitable enterprise and will of the sayd merchants seeing that it was hurtfull to the Turke whose part the said traitour held in his diuelish heart that notwithstanding the reuerend lord great master that in all things from the beginning to the ende hath alway shewed his good will and with all diligence and right that might bee requisite to a soueraigne captaine and head of warre
China and from China to the Indies and the voyage of Bengala Maluco and Sonda with the lading of fine cloth and euery sort of Bumbast cloth Sonda is an Iland of the Moores neere to the coast of Iaua and there they lade Pepper for China The ship that goeth euery yeere from the Indies to China is called the ship of Drugs because she carieth diuers drugs of Cambaia but the greatest part of her lading is siluer From Malacca to China is eighteene hundred miles and from China to Iapan goeth euery yeere a shippe of great importance laden with Silke which for returne of their Silke bringeth barres of siluer which they trucke in China The distance betweene China and Iapan is foure and twentie hundred miles and in this way there are diuers Ilands not very bigge in which the Friers of saint Paul by the helpe of God make many Christians there like to themselues From these Ilands hitherwards the place is not yet discouered for the great sholdnesse of Sandes that they find The Portugals haue made a small citie neere vnto the coast of China called Macao whose church and houses are of wood and it hath a bishoprike but the customs belong to the king of China and they goe and pay the same at a citie called Canton which is a citie of great importance and very beautifull two dayes iourney and a halfe from Macao The people of China are Gentiles and are so iealous and fearefull that they would not haue a stranger to put his foote within their land so that when the Portugals go thither to pay their custome and to buy their marchandize they will not consent that they shall lie or lodge within the citie but send them foorth into the suburbes The countrey of China is neere the kingdom of great Tartaria and is a very great countrey of the Gentiles and of great importance which may be iudged by the rich and precious marchandize that come from thence then which I beleeue there are not better nor in greater quantitie in the whole world besides First great store of golde which they carie to the Indies made in plates like to little shippes and in value three and twentie caracts a peece very great aboundance of fine silke cloth of damaske and taffata great quantitie of muske great quantitie of Occam in barres great quantitie of quicksiluer and of Cinaper great store of Camfora an infinite quantitie of Porcellane made in vessels of diuerse sortes great quantitie of painted cloth and squares infinite store of the rootes of China and euery yeere there commeth from China to the Indies two or three great shippes laden with most rich and precious marchandise The Rubarbe commeth from thence ouer lande by the way of Persia because that euery yeere there goeth a great Carouan from Persia to China which is in going thither sixe moneths The Carouan arriueth at a Citie called Lanchin the place where the king is resident with his Court I spake with a Persian that was three yeeres in that citie of Lanchin and he tolde me that it was a great Citie and of great importance The voiages of Malacca which are in the iurisdiction of the Captaine of the castle are these Euery yeere he sendeth a small shippe to Timor to lade white Sandols for all the best commeth from this Iland there commeth some also from Solor but that is not so good also he sendeth another small ship euery yere to Cauchin China to lade there wood of Aloes for that all the wood of Aloes commeth from this place which is in the firme land neere vnto China and in that kingdome I could not knowe how that wood groweth by any meanes For that the people of the countrey will not suffer the Portugales to come within the land but onely for wood and water and as for all other things that they wanted as victuals or marchandise the people bring that a boord the ship in small barkes so that euery day there is a mart kept in the ship vntill such time as she be laden also there goeth another ship for the said Captaine of Malacca to Sion to lade Uerzino all these voiages are for the Captaine of the castle of Malacca and when he is not disposed to make these voiages he selleth them to another The citie of Sion or Siam SIon was the imperiall seat and a great Citie but in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred sixtie and seuen it was taken by the king of Pegu which king made a voyage or came by lande foure moneths iourney with an armie of men through his lande and the number of his armie was a million and foure hundreth thousand men of warre when hee came to the Citie he gaue assault to it and besieged it one and twentie monethes before he could winne it with great losse of his people this I know for that I was in Pegu sixe moneths after his departure and sawe when that his officers that were in Pegu sent fiue hundreth thousand men of warre to furnish the places of them that were slaine and lost in that assault yet for all this if there had not beene treason against the citie it had not beene lost for on a night there was one of the gates set open through the which with great trouble the king gate into the citie and became gouernour of Sion and when the Emperour sawe that he was betrayed and that his enemie was in the citie he poysoned himselfe and his wiues and children friends and noblemen that were not slaine in the first affront of the entrance into the citie were all caried captiues into Pegu where I was at the comming home of the king with his triumphs and victorie which comming home returning from the warres was a goodly sight to behold to see the Elephants come home in a square laden with golde siluer iewels and with Noble men and women that were taken prisoners in that citie Now to returne to my voyage I departed from Malacca in a great shippe which went for Saint Tome being a Citie situate on the coast of Coromandel and because the Captaine of the castles of Malacca had vnderstanding by aduise that the king of Assi would come with a great armie and power of men against them therefore vpon this he would not giue licence that any shippes should depart Wherefore in this ship wee departed from thence in the night without making any prouision of our water and wee were in that shippe foure hundreth and odde men we departed from thence with intention to goe to an Iland to take in water but the windes were so contrary that they would not suffer vs to fetch it so that by this meanes wee were two and fortie dayes in the sea as it were lost and we were driuen too and fro so that the first lande that we discouered was beyonde Saint Tome more then fiue hundreth miles which were the mountaines of
write that the king of Portugall sendeth him yeerely eight ships laden with marchandize His kingdom confineth with the red Sea and reacheth far into Afrike toward Aegypt and Barbarie Southward it confineth with the Sea toward the Cape de Bona Speranza and on the other side with the sea of sand called Mare de Sabione a very dangerous sea lying between y e great citie of Alcair or Cairo in Aegypt and the country of Aethiopia In the which way are many vnhabitable deserts continuing for the space of fiue dayes iourney And they affirme that if the sayd Christian Emperor were not hindered by those deserts in the which is great lacke of victuals especially of water he would or now haue inuaded the kingdom of Egypt and the citie of Alcair The chiefe city of Ethiopia where this great emperor is resident is called Amacaiz being a faire citie whose inhabitants are of the colour of an Oliue There are also many other cities as the city of Saua vpon the riuer of Nilus where the Emperour is accustomed to remaine in the Sommer season There is likewise a great city named Barbaregaf and Ascon from whence it is said that the Queene of Saba came to Hierusalem to heare the wisedom of Salomon This citie is but litle yet very faire and one of the chiefe cities in Ethiope In this prouince are many exceeding high mountains vpon the which is said to be the earthly paradise and some say that there are the trees of the Sunne and Moone whereof the antiquitie maketh mention yet that none can passe thither by reason of great deserts of an hundred daies iourney Also beyond these mountains is the Cape of Bona Speranza And to haue said thus much of Afrike it may suffice The first voiage to Guinea and Benin IN the yeere of our Lord 1553. the twelfth day of August sailed from Portsmouth two goodly ships the Primerose and the Lion with a pinnas called the Moone being all well furnished aswell with men of the lustiest sort to the number of seuen score as also with ordinance and victuals requisite to such a voiage hauing also two captaines the one a stranger called Anthonie Anes Pinteado a Portugall borne in a towne named The Port of Portugall a wise discreet and sober man who for his running in sailing being as well an expert Pilot as a politike captaine was sometime in great fauour with the king of Portugall and to whom the coasts of Brasile and Guinea were committed to be kept from the Frenchmen to whom he was a terrour on the Sea in those parts and was furthermore a gentleman of the king his masters house But as fortune in maner neuer fauoureth but flattereth neuer promiseth but deceiueth neuer raiseth but casteth downe againe and as great wealth fauour haue alwaies companions emulation and enuie he was after many aduersities quarels made against him inforced to come into England where in this golden voyage he was euil matched with an vnequal companion and vnlike match of most sundry qualities conditions with vertues few or none adorned Thus departed these noble ships vnder saile on their voyage But first captaine Windam putting forth of his ship at Portsmouth a kinsman of one of the head marchants and shewing herein a muster of the tragicall partes hee had conceiued in his braine and with such small beginnings nourished so monstrous a birth that more happy yea and blessed was that yong man being left behind then if he had bene taken with them as some do wish he had done the like by theirs Thus sailed they on their voyage vntill they came to the Iland of Madera where they tooke in certaine wines for the store of their ships and paid for them as they agreed of the price At these Ilands they met with a great Galion of the king of Portugall full of men and ordinance yet such as could not haue preuailed if it had attempted to withstand or resist our ships for the which cause it was set foorth not onely to let and interrupt these our shippes of their purposed voiage but al other that should attempt the like yet chiefly to frustrate our voiage For the king of Portugall was smisterly informed that our ships were armed to his castle of Mina in those parties whereas nothing lesse was ment After that our ships departed from the Iland of Madera forward on their voiage began this worthy captaine Pinteados sorow as a man tormented with the cōpany of a terrible Hydra who hitherto flattred with him made him a faire countenance and shew of loue Then did he take vpō him to command all alone setting nought both by captain Pinteado and the rest of the marchants factors sometimes with opprobrious words and somtimes with threatnings most shamfully abusing them taking from Pinteado the seruice of the boies and certain mariners that were assigned him by the order and direction of the worshipful merchants and leauing him as a commō mariner which is the greatest despite and grief that can be to a Portugale or Spaniard to be diminished of their honor which they esteem aboue all riches Thus sailing forward on their voiage they came to the Ilands of Canarie continuing their course frō thence vntil they arriued at the Iland of S. Nicholas where they victualled thēselues with fresh meat of the flesh of wild goats whereof of is great plenty in that Iland in maner of nothing els From hence folowing on their course and tarying here there at the desert Ilands in the way because they would not come too timely to the countrey of Guinea for the heat and tarying somwhat too long for what can be well ministred in a commō wealth where inequalitie with tyrannie wil rule alone they came at the length to the first land of the country of Guinea where they fel with the great riuer of Sesto where they might for their marchandizes haue laden their ships with the graines of that countrey which is a very hote fruit and much like vnto a fig as it groweth on the tree For as the figs are full of small seeds so is the said fruit full of graines which are loose within the cod hauing in the mids thereof a hole on euery side This kind of spice is much vsed in cold countries may there be sold for great aduantage for exchange of other wares But our men by the perswasion or rather inforcement of this tragicall captaine not regarding and setting light by that commoditie in comparison of y e fine gold they thirsted sailed an hundred leagues further vntil they came to the golden land where not attempting to come neere the castle pertaining to the king of Portugall which was within the riuer of Mina they made sale of their ware only on this side beyond it for the gold of that coūtry to the quantitie of an hundred and fiftie pounds weight
falchines of the king of Pegu which chaunced about a moneth after the king of Pegu was gone with a million and foure hundred thousand men to conquere the kingdome of Sion They haue for custome in this Countrey and kingdome the king being wheresoeuer his pleasure is to bee out of his kingdome that euery fifteene dayes there goeth from Pegu a Carouan of Falchines with euery one a basket on his head full of some fruites or other delicates of refreshings and with cleane clothes it chaunced that this Carouan passing by Martauan and resting themselues there a night there happened betweene the Portugales and them wordes of despight and from wordes to blowes and because it was thought that the Portugales had the worse the night following when the Falchines were a sleepe with their companie the Portugales went and cut off fiue of their heads Now there is a lawe in Pegu that whosoeuer killeth a man he shall buy the shed blood with his money according to the estate of the person that is slaine but these Falchines being the seruants of the king the Retors durst not doe any thing in the matter without the consent of the king because it was necessarie that the king should knowe of such a matter When the king had knowledge thereof he gaue commaundement that the male factors should be kept vntill his comming home and then he would duely minister iustice but the Captaine of the Portugales would not deliuer those men but rather set himselfe with all the rest in armes and went euery day through the Citie marching with his Drumme and ensignes displayd For at that time the Citie was emptie of men by reason they were gone all to the warres and in businesse of the king in the middest of this rumour wee came thither and I thought it a strange thing to see the Portugales vse such insolencie in another mans Citie And I stoode in doubt of that which came to passe and would not vnlade my goods because that they were more sure in the shippe then on the land the greatest part of the lading was the owners of the shippe who was in Malacca yet there were diuerse marchants there but their goods were of small importance all those marchants tolde me that they would not vnlade any of their goods there vnlesse I would vnlade first yet after they left my counsell and followed their owne and put their goods a lande and lost euery whit The Rector with the customer sent for mee and demaunded why I put not my goods a lande and payed my custome as other men did To whom I answered that I was a marchant that was newly come thither and seeing such disorder amongst the Portugales I doubted the losse of my goods which cost me very deare with the sweate of my face and for this cause I was determined not to put my goods on lande vntill such time as his honour would assure me in the name of the king that I should haue no losse and although there came harme to thē Portugales that neither I nor my goods should haue any hurt because I had neither part nor any difference with them in this tumult my reason sounded well in the Retors eares and so presently he sent for the Bargits which are as Counsellers of the Citie and there they promised mee on the kings head or in the behalfe of the king that neither I nor my goods should haue any harme but that we should be safe and sure of which promise there were made publike notes And then I sent for my goods and had them on land and payde my custome which is in that countrey ten in the hundreth of the same goods and for my more securitie I tooke a house right against the Retors house The Captaine of the Portugales and all the Portugall marchants were put out of the Citie and I with twentie and two poore men which were officers in the shippe had my dwelling in the Citie After this the Gentiles deuised to be reuenged of the Portugales but they would not put it in execution vntill such time as our small shippe had discharged all her goods and then the next night following came from Pegu foure thousand souldiers with some Elephants of warre and before that they made any tumult in the citie the Retor sent and gaue commaundement to all Portugales that were in the Citie when they heard any rumour or noyse that for any thing they should not goe out of their houses as they tendered their owne health Then foure houres within night I heard a great rumour and noyse of men of warre with Elephants which threw downe the doores of the ware-houses of the Portugales and their houses of wood and strawe in the which tumult there were some Portugales wounded and one of them slaine and others without making proofe of their manhoode which the day before did so bragge at that time put themselues to flight most shamefully and saued themselues a boord of litle shippes that were at an anker in the harbour and some that were in their beds fled away naked and that night they caried away all the Portugalles goods out of the suburbes into the Citie and those Portugales that had their goods in the suburbes also After this the Portugales that were fledde into the shippes to saue themselues tooke a newe courage to themselues and came on lande and set fire on the houses in the suburbes which houses being made of boorde and strawe and the winde blowing fresh in small time were burnt and consumed with which fire halfe the Citie had like to haue beene burnt when the Portugales had done this they were without all hope to recouer any part of their goods againe which goods might amount to the summe of sixteene thousand duckats which if they had not set fire to the towne they might haue had againe withont any losse at all Then the Portugales vnderstanding that this thing was not done by the consent of the king but by his Lieutenant and the Retor of the citie ware very ill content knowing that they had made a great fault yet the next morning following the Portugales beganne to bende and shoot their ordinance against the Citie which batterie of theirs continued foure dayes but all was in vaine for the shotte neuer hit the Citie but lighted on the top of a small hill neere vnto it so that the citie had no harme When the Retor perceiued that the Portugales made battery against the Citie hee tooke one and twentie Portugales that were there in the Citie and sent them foure miles into the Countrey there to tarry vntill such time as the other Portugales were departed that made the batterie who after their departure let them goe at their owne libertie without any harme done vnto them I my selfe was alwayes in my house with a good guard appointed me by the Retor that no man should doe me iniurie nor harme me nor my goods in such wise that hee perfourmed all