the streame moreouer we knew not where we were whereupon doubting whither wee were past or short of our port the Master Pilot and other Officers of the shippe entered into counsell what was best to doe wherevpon they agreed to sende the bote on lande againe to seeke some man to speake with all but they returned as wiâ—e as they went Then we set sayle againe and sounded euery mile or halfe mile and found still one depth so we not knowing where we were came againe to an anker seuen or eight miles by West from the place we were at Thus still doubting where we were the boâ—e went on land againe and brought newes that wee were short 80 miles of the place whereas we thought wee had beene ouershot by east fiftie miles Thus in these doubts we lost foure dayes and neuer a man in the shippe able to tell where we were notwithstanding there were diuerse in the shippe that had beene there before Then sayd the Pylot that at his comming to the shore by chance he saw two wayfaring men which were Moores and he cryed to them in Turkish insomuch that the Moores partly for feare and partly for lacke of vnderstanding seeing them to be Christians beganne to flie yet in the end with much a doe they stayed to speake with them which men when they came together were not able to vnderstand ech other but our men made to them the signe of the Crosse on the sande to giue them to vnderstand that they were of the shippe that brought the pilgrims Then the Moores knowing as al the country else doth that it was the vse of Christians to go to Ierusalem shewed them to be yet by west of Iaffa Thus we remained all that night at anker and the farther west that we sayled the lesse water we had The 21 we set sayle againe and kept our course Northeast but because we would not goe along the shore by night wee came to an anker in foure and twentie fathome water Then the next morning being the 22 we set sayle againe and kept our course as before and about three of the clocke in the afternoone wee had sight of the two towers of Iaffa and about fiue of the clocke wee were with a rocke called in the Italian tongue Scolio di Santo Petro on the which rocke they say he fished when Christ bid him cast his net on the right side and caught so many fishes This rocke is now almost worne away It is from Iaffa two or three mile here before the two towers we came to an anker Then the pilgrimes after supper in salutation of the holy lande sang to the prayse of God Te Deum laudamus with Magnificat and Benedictus but in the shippe was a Frier of Santo Francisco who for anger because he was not called and warned would not sing with vs so that he stood so much vpon his dignitie that he forgot his simplicitie and neglected his deuotion to the holy land for that time saying that first they ought to haue called him yer they did beginne because he was a Fryer and had beene there and knewe the orders The 23 we sent the bote on land with a messenger to the Padre Guardian of Ierusalem This day it was notified vnto mee by one of the shippe that had beene a slaue in Turkie that no man might weare greene in this land because their prophet Mahomet went in greene This came to my knowledge by reason of the Scriuanello who had a greene cap which was forbidden him to weare on the land The 24. 25. and 26 we taryed in the shippe still looking for the comming of the Padre guardian and the 26 at night we had a storme which lasted all the next day The 27 in the morning came the Cadi y e Subassi the Meniwe with the Padre guardian but they could not come at vs by reason of the stormy weather in the afternoone we assayed to send the bote on land but the weather would not suffer vs. Then againe toward night the bote went a shore but it returned not that night The same day in the afternoone we sawe in the element a cloud with a long tayle like vnto the tayle of a serpent which cloud is called in Italian Cion the tayle of this cloud did hang as it were into the sea and we did see the water vnder the sayde cloude ascend as it were like a smoke or myste the which this Cion drew vp to it The Marriners reported to vs that it had this propertie that if it should happen to haue lighted on any part of the shippe that it would rent and wreth sayles mast shroudes and shippe and all in manner like a wyth on the land trees houses or whatsoeuer else it lighteth on it would rent and wreth These marriners did vse a certaine coniuration to breake the sayd tayle or cut it in two which as they say doth preuaile They did take a blacke hafted knife and with the edge of the same did crosse the said taile as if they would cut it in twain saying these words Hold thou Cion eat this and then they stucke the knife on the ship side with the edge towards the said cloude and I saw it therewith vanish in lesse then one quarter of an houre But whether it was then consumed or whether by vertue of the Inchantment it did vanish I knowe it but it was gone Hereof let them iudge that know more then I. This afternoone we had no winde but the Sea very stormy insomuch that neither cheste pot nor any thing else could stand in the shippe and wee were driuen to keepe our meate in one hand and the pot in the other and so sit downe vpon the hatches to eate for stand we could not for that the Seas in the very port at an anker went so high as if wee had bene in the bay of Portugall with stormy weather The reason is as the Mariners said to me because that there meete all the waues from all places of the Straights of Gibraltar and there breake and that in most calmes there go greatest seas whether the winde blow or not The 28. the weather growing somewhat calme wee went on land and rested our selues for that day and the next day we set forward toward the city of Ierusalem What I did and what places of deuotion I visited in Ierusalem and other parts of the Holy land from this my departure from Iaffa vntill my returne to the said port may briefly be seene in my Testimoniall vnder the hand seale of the Uicar generall of Mount Sion which for the contentment of the Reader I thought good here to interlace VNiuersis singulis presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino nostro Iesu Christo. Aâ—â—estamur vobis ac alijs quibuscunque qualiter honorabilis vir Iohannes Lok ciuis Londoniensis filius honorabilis viri Guilhelmi Lok equitis auraâ—i ad sacratissima terrae
a certaine kinde of reede wherewith malefactours are punished in their hands and two there are that carry inclosed in a case the Kings seale peculiar for ech office and many others also that shew sundry spectacles vnto the people whereunto may be added the horrible out-cries and showtes which betweene whiles they vtter to strike a terrour into the hearts of all men and at length come the Magistrates themselues being carried in a throne vpon the backs of foure men sixe men or eight men according to the dignity of their office Now as concerning their houses they are very large and stately being built and furnished with all necessary stuffe at the Kings owne cost in the which so long as their magistracy lasteth they leade a braue and an honourable life The sayd houses are without variety of stories one aboue another which in the kingdome of China and in our Iles of Iapon also are not ordinarily vsed for habitation but either to keepe watch and ward or els for solace and recreations sake for the which purposes eight most lofty â—urrets of nine stories high are built or els for the defence of Cities Howbeit in other regardes these buildings doe shew foorth no small magnificence for they haue their cisternes for the receit of raine-water which are adorned with beautifull trees set in order round about them and they haue also their places designed for the administration of iustice and diuers other conuenient roomes to bestow their wiues and families in Within the doores of the foresayd habitations a certaine number of Sergeants and officers hauing cabbins or little houses allotted them on both sides doe alwayes giue their attendance and so long as matters of iudgement are in deciding they be alwayes ready at hand that at the direction of the Magistrates they may either beat malefactours or by torments constraine them to tell the trueth The sayd Magistrates also haue their peculiar barges wherein to take the water being in breadth and length not much vnlike to the galleys of Europe but for swiftnesse and multitude of oares farre inferiour vnto them The rowers sitting vpon galleries without the hatches or compasse of the barge doe mooue it on forward with their oares whereupon it commeth to passe that the middle part of the barge affoordeth sufficient roome for the Magistrates themselues to abide in containing chambers therein almost as conuenient and handsome as in any of their foresayd publique houses together with butteries and kitchins and such other places necessary for the prouision and stowage of victuals Leo. All these things agree right well with the reports which we haue heard of the stately and renowmed kingdome of China I would now right gladly know somewhat concerning the order which is obserued in the obtaining of magistracies Michael You haue enquired of a matter most woorthy to be knowen which I had almost omitted to entreat of The Chinians therefore doe vse a kinde of gradation in aduancing men vnto sundry places of authority which for the most part is performed by the Senatours of Paquin For first they are made Iudges of Townes then of Cities afterward they are elected to be of that order which decreeth punishments in cases criminall without further appeale or of their order that are the kings fosterers And in both of these Orders which are very honourable there are many places and degrees so that from the inferiour place they must ascend vnto the superiour vntill they haue attained vnto the highest dignity of all and immediatly after that they come to be Uice-royes Howbeit this gradation is not alwayes accomplished in one and the same prouince but in changing their offices they change places and prouinces also Moreouer next after the office of Uice-roy they are capable to be chosen Senatours of Nanquin and last of all to be elected into the Senate of Paquin Now there is such an order and methode obserued in the ascending vnto these dignities that all men may easily coniecture what office any one is to vndertake And there is so great diligence and celerity vsed for the substitution of one into the roome of another that for the same purpose messengers are dispatched by land vpon swift post-horses vnto diuers prouinces almost twenty dayes iourney from the Kings Court And to be short there is such district seuerity in degrading those that vniustly or negligently demeane themselues from an honourable vnto an inferiour and base office or altogether in depriuing them of the kings authority that all Magistrates doe stand in feare of nothing in the world more then of that The same order almost is obserued among the Captaines and Lieu-tenants generall for the warres except onely in them that their birth and ofspring is respected for many there be who descending by parentage from such men as haue in times past atchieued braue exploits in warfare so soone as they come to sufficient yeeres are created Centurions Colonels and Gouernours vntill at lasâ— they attaine to be Lieu-tenants generall and Protectours of some whole prouince who notwithstanding as I haue sayd are in all things subiect vnto the Uice-roy All the foresayd Magistrates both of warre and of peace haue a set number of attendants allotted vnto them enioying a stipend and carying certaine ensignes and peculiar badges of their office and besides the ordinary watch which souldiers appointed for the same purpose doe in the night season after the City gates be shut keepe in their forts wheresoeuer any Magistrate is either at his house or in his barge the sayd attendants striking vpon a cymball of brasse at certaine appointed times do keepe most circumspect and continuall watch and ward about his person Linus You haue Michael sufficiently discoursed of the Magistrates informe vs now of the king himselfe whose name is so renowmed and spread abroad Michael Concerning this matter I will say so much onely as by certaine rumours hath come to my knowledge for of matters appertaining vnto the kings Court we haue no eye-witnesses sithens the fathers of the society haue not as yet proceeded vnto Paquin who so soone as by Gods assistance they shall there be arriued will by their letters more fully aduertise vs. The king of China therefore is honoured with woonderfull reuerence and submission thorowout his whole Realme and whensoeuer any of his chiefe Magistrates speaketh vnto him he calleth him VAN-SVI signifying thereby that he wisheth tenne thousands of yeeres vnto him The succession of the kingdome dependeth vpon the bloud royall for the eldest sonne borne of the kings first and lawfull wife obtaineth the kingdome after his fathers decease neither doe they depriue themselues of the kinglyâ—authority in their life time as the maner is in our Ilands of Iapon but the custome of Europe is there obserued Now that the safety and life of the king may stand in more security his yoonger brethren and the rest borne of concubines are not permitted to liue in
then I suppose an army of an hundred thousand good souldiers could haue done The other to wit William de Rubricis was 1253 by the way of Constantinople of the Euxin sea and of Taurica Chersonesus imployed in an ambassage from Lewis the French King waging warre as then against the Saracens in the Holy land vnto one Sartach a great duke of the Tartars which Sartach sent him forthwith vnto his father Baatu and from Baatu he was conducted ouer many large territories vnto the Court of Mangu-Can their Emperour Both of them haue so well played their parts in declaring what befell them before they came at the Tartars what a terrible and vnmanerly welcomming they had at their first arriuall what cold intertainment they felt in traueiling towards the great Can and what slender cheere they found at his Court that they seeme no lesse worthy of praise then of pitie But in describing of the Tartars Countrey and of the Regions adiacent in setting downe the base and sillie beginnings of that huge and ouerspreading Empire in registring their manifolde warres and bloody conquests in making relation of their hords and mooueable Townes as likewise of their food apparell and armour and in setting downe their vnmercifull lawes their fond superstitions their bestiall liues their vicious maners their slauish subiection to their owne superiours and their disdainfull and brutish inhumanitie vnto strangers they deserue most exceeding and high commendation Howbeit if any man shall obiect that they haue certaine incredible relations I answere first that many true things may to the ignorant seeme incredible But suppose there be some particulars which hardly will be credited yet thus much I will boldly say for the Friers that those particulars are but few and that they doe not auouch them vnder their owne names but from the report of others Yet farther imagine that they did auouch them were they not to be pardoned as well as Herodotus Strabo Plutarch Plinie Solinus yea a great many of our new principall writers whose names you may see about the end of this Preface euery one of which hath reported more strange things then the Friers between theÌ„ both Nay there is not any history in the world the most Holy writ excepted whereof we are precisely bound to beleeue ech word and syllable Moreouer sithens these two iournals are so rare that Mercator and Ortelius as their letters vnto me do testifie were many yeeres very inquisitiue and could not for all that attaine vnto them and sithens they haue bene of so great accompt with those two famous Cosmographers that according to some fragments of them they haue described in their Mappes a great part of those Northeastern Regions sith also that these two relations containe in some respect more exact history of those vnknowen parts then all the ancient and newe writers that euer I could set mine eyes on I thought it good if the translation should chance to swerue in ought from the originals both for the preseruation of the originals themselues and the satisfying of the Reader to put them downe word for word in that homely stile wherein they were first penned And for these two rare iewels as likewise for many other extraordinary courtesies I must here acknowledge my selfe most deepely bounden vnto the right reuerend graue and learned Prelate my very good lord the Bishop of Chichester and L. high Almner vnto her Maiestie by whose friendship and meanes I had free accesse vnto the right honorâ— my L. Lumley his stately library and was permitted to copy out of ancient manuscripts these two iournals and some others also After these Friers though not in the next place foloweth a testimonie of Geraâ—dus Mercator and another of M. Dee concerning one Nicholas de Linna an English Franciscan Frier Then succeedeth the long iourney of Henry Earle of Derbie and afterward king of England into Prussia Lithuania with a briefe remembrance of his valiant exploits against the Infidels there as namely that with the help of certaine his Associates he vanquished the king of Letto his armie put the sayd king to flight tooke and slew diuers of his captains aduanced his English colours vpon the wall of Vilna made the citie it selfe to yeeld Then mention is made also of Tho. of Woodstock his trauel into Pruis and of his returne home And lastly our old English father Ennius I meane the learned wittie and profound Geffrey Chaucer vnder the person of his knight doeth full iudicially and like a cunning Cosmographer make report of the long voiages and woorthy exploits of our English Nobles Knights Gentlemen to the Northren and to other partes of the world in his dayes Neither haue we comprehended in this Volume onely our Trades and Voiages both new and old but also haue scattered here and there as the circumstance of times would giue vs leaue certaine fragments concerning the beginnings antiquities and grouth of the classical and warrelike shipping of this Island as namely first of the great nauie of that victorious Saxon prince king Edgar mentioned by Florentius Wigorniensis Roger Houeden Rainulph of Chester Matthew of Westminster Flores historiarum in the libel of English policie pag. 202. and 203. of this present volume Of which Authors some affirme the sayd Fleet to haue consisted of 4800. others of 4000. some others of 3600. ships howbeit if I may presume to gloze vpon the text I verily thinke that they were not comparable either for burthen strength building or nimble stirrage vnto the ships of later times and specially of this age But howsoeuer it be they all agree in this that by meanes of the sayd huge Fleet he was a most puissant prince yea and some of them affirme together with William of Malmesbury that he was not onely soueraigne lord of all the British seas and of the whole Isle of Britaine it selfe but also that he brought vnder his yoke of subiection most of the Isles and some of the maine lands adiacent And for that most of our Nauigators at this time bee for want of trade and practise that way either vtterly ignorant or but meanely skilfull in the true state of the Seas Shoulds and Islands lying between the North part of Ireland and of Scotland I haue for their better encouragement if any weightie action shall hereafter chance to drawe them into those quarters translated into English a briefe treatise called A Chronicle of the Kings of Man Wherein they may behold as well the tragical and dolefull historie of those parts for the space almost of 300. yeeres as also the most ordinarie and accustomed nauigations through those very seas and amidst those Northwesterne Isles called the Hebrides so many hundred yeeres agoe For they shall there read that euen then when men were but rude in sea-causes in regard of the great knowledge which we now haue first Godredus Crouan with a whole Fleet of ships throughly haunted some places in that sea secondly that one Ingemundus setting
and purposely described all the Northerne Islands with the indrawing seas and the record thereof at his returne he deliuered to the king of England The name of which booke is Inuentio Fortunata aliter fortunae qui liber incipit a gradu 54. vsque ad polum Which frier for sundry purposes after that did fiue times passe from England thither and home againe It is to be noted that from the hauen of Linne in Norfolke whereof the foresaid Francisan frier tooke his name to Island it is not aboue a fortnights sailing with an ordinarie winde and hath bene of many yeeres a very common and vsuall trade which further appeareth by the priuileges granted to the Fishermen of the towne of Blacknie in the said Countie of Norfolke by king Edward the third for their exemption and freedome from his ordinary seruice in respect of their trade to Island The voyage of Henry Earle of Derbie after Duke of Hereford and lastly king of England by the name of Henry the fourth An. Dom. 1390. into Prussia and Lettowe against the infidels recorded by Thomas of Walsingham DDominus Henricus Comes de Derbie per idem tempus profectus est in le Pruys vbi cum adjutorio marescalli dictae patriae cujusdam Regis vocati Wytot deuicit exercitum Regis de Lettowe captis quatuor ducibus tribus peremptis amplius quam trecentis de valentioribus exercitus supradicti pariter interemptis Ciuitas quoque vocatur Will in cujus castellum Rex de Lettowe nomine Skirgalle confugerat potenti virtute dicti Comitis maximè aâ—que suorum capta est Namque qui fuerunt de famâ—lia sâ— primi murum ascenderant vexillum ejus super muros caeteris vel torpentibus vel ignorantibus posuerunt Captaque sunt ibi vel occisa quatuor millia plebanorum fratre Regis de Poleyn inter caeteros ibi perempto qui aduersarius nostri fuitâ— Obsessumque fuit castrum dictae Ciuitatis per quinque hebdomadas Sed propter infirmitates quibus vexabatur exercitus magistri de Pruys de Lifland noluerunt diutius expectare Facti sunt Christiani de gente de Lettowe octo Et magister de Lifland duxit secum in suam patriam tria millia captiuorum The same in English ABout the same time L. Henry the Earle of Derbie trauailed into Prussia where with the helpe of the Marshall of the same Prouince and of a certaine king called Wytot hee vanquished the armie of the king of Lettowe with the captiuitie of foure Lithuanian Dukes and the slaughter of three besides more then three hundred of the principall common souldiers of the sayd armie which were slaine The Citie also which is called Wil or Vilna into the castle whereof the king of Lettow named Skirgalle fled for his sauegard was by the valour of the sayd Earle especially and of his followers surprised and taken For certaine of the chiefe men of his familie while others were slouthfull or at least ignorant of their intent skaling the walles aduanced his colours thereupon And there were taken and slaine foure thousand of the common souldiers and amongst others was slaine the king of Poland his brother who was our professed enemie And the castle of the foresaid Citie was besieged for the space of fiue weekes but by reason of the infirmities and inconueniences wherewith the whole armie was annoyed the great masters of Prussia and of Lifland would not stay any longer There were conuerted of the nation of Lettowe eight persons vnto the Christian faith And the master of Lifland carried home with him into his countrey three thousand captiues The voyage of Thomas of VVoodstocke Duke of Glocester into Prussia in the yeere 1391. written by Thomas Walsingham EOdem tempore dux Glouerniae Dominus Thomas de Woodstock multis moerentibus iter apparauit versùs le Pruys quem non Londinensium gemitus non communis vulgi moeror retinere poterant quiâ— proficisci vellet Nam plebs communis tà m Vrbana quà m rustica metuebant quòd eo absente aliquod nouum detrimentum succresceret quo praesente nihil tale timebant Siquidèm in eo spes solatium totius patriae reposita videbantur Ipse verò mòx vt fines patriae suae transijt illicò aduersa agitatus fortuna nunc hà c nunc illà c turbinibus procellosis circumfertur in tantum destituitur vt de vita etiam desperaret Tandem post Daciam post Norwagiam post Scoticam barbariem non sine mortis pauore transcursam peruenit Northumbriam ad castellum se contulit de Tinnemutha velùt assylum antiquitùs notum sibi vbi per aliquot dies recreatus iter assumpsit versus manerium suum de Plashy magnum apportans gaudium toti regno tam de ejus euasione quà m de aduentu suo The same in English AT the same time the Duke of Glocester Lord Thomas of Woodstock the yongest sonne of Edward the third to the great griefe of many tooke his iourney towards Prussia whom neither the Londoners mones nor yet the lamentation of the communaltie could restraine from his intended expedition For the common people both of the Citie and of the countrey feared lest in his absence some newe calamitie might happen which they feared not while he was present For in him the whole nation seemed to repose their hope and comfort Howbeit hauing skarce passed as yet the bounds of his owne countrey he was immediatly by hard fortune tossed vp and downe with dangerous stormes and tempests and was brought into such distresse that he despaired euen of his owne life At length hauing not without danger of death sailed along the coastes of Denmarke Norway and Scotland he returned into Northumberland and went to the castle of Tinmouth as vnto a place of refuge knowen of olde vnto him where after hee had refreshed himselfe a fewe dayes hee tooke his iourney toward his Mannour of Plashy bringing great ioy vnto the whole kingdome aswell in regard of his safetie as of his returne The verâ—es of Geofrey Chaucer in the knights Prologue who liuing in the yeere 1402. as hee writeth himselfe in his Epistle of Cupide shewed that the English Knights after the losse of Acon were wont in his time to trauaile into Prussia and Lettowe and other heathen lands to aduance the Christian faith against Infidels and miscreants and to seeke honour by feats of armes The English Knights Prologue A Knight there was and that a worthie man that from the time that he first began to riden out he loued Cheualrie trouth honour freedome and Curtesie full worthy was he in his lords warre and thereto had hee ridden no man farre As well in Christendome as in Heathennesse and euer had honour for his worthinesse At Alisandre hee was when it was wonne full oft time hee had the bourd begon abouen all nations in Pruce In Lettowe had hee riden and in
sonnes and nephewes of the former Dukes as he could lay hold on and began to take vpon him the title of the great Duke of Vvlodimiria Moscouia and Nouogardia and to call himselfe the Monarch or Czar of all Russia He brought vnder his subiection two principall cities namely Plesco being the only walled citie in all Moscouie and Mouogrod both of them being in regard of traffike most riche and flourishing cities and hauing bin subiect vnto the Lithuanians for the space of 50. yeeres before The treasure of Nouogrod was so exceeding that the great Duke is reported to haue carried home from thence 300. carts laden with gold and siluer He also was the first man that waged warre against the Polonians and the Liuonians against Polonia he pretended a quarell alleaging that his daughter Helena whome hee had married vnto Alexander the great Duke of Lithuania which was afterward king of Polonia was euil intreated and was withdrawen from the Greekish religion vnto the ceremonies of the Church of Rome But against the Liuonians for none other cause but onely for an incredible desire of enlarging his dominions Howbeit what impulsiue causes of litle or no moment happened in the mean season we will in another place more plainely declare Notwithstanding he was very often and in diuers battels vanguished by Plettebergius the great master of the Dutch knights but it is not to the purpose to stand any longer vpon this discourse He was married first vnto Marie the Duke of Tyuersky his daughter and of her hee begate Iohn vnto whom in his life time he surrendred his Dukedome and married him vnto the daughter of Stephan the Palatine of Moldauia which Iohn after he had begotten his sonne Demetrius deceased before his father Afterward Iuan Vasilowich aforesaide married a wife called Sophia being daughter vnto Thomas Palaelogus which is reported to haue had her dowry out of the Popes treasury because the Moscouite had promised to conforme himselfe vnto the Romish Church This Sophia being a woman of a princely and aspiring minde and often complaining that she was married vnto the Tartars vassal at length by her instant intreatie and continual perswasions and by a notable stratageme she cast off that slauish yoke very much vnbeseeming so mighty a prince For whereas the Tartarian Duke had his procuratours and agents in the Moscouites court who dwelt iu their owne houses built within the very castle of Mosco and were eye witnesses of all affaires which were there performed Sophia said she was admonished from heauen to builde a Temple in the selfe same place where the Tartars house stoode and to consecrate it vnto Saint Nicholas Being therfore deliuered of a sonne she inuited the Tartarian Duke vnto the solemne baptizing of him and beeing come shee requested him to giue her his house and obtained it at his hands Which house being razed and those Tartarian espials beeing excluded the Tartars at length were quite bereaued and vtterly dispossessed of their authoritie which they had exercised ouer the Russians for many yeres and could neuer yet recouer it albeit they haue giuen sundry attempts Of his wife Sophia he begate sixe children namely a daughter called Helena fiue sonnes that is to say Gabriel Demetrius George Simeon and Andrew The Dukedome of right appertayned vnto Demetrius the sonne of Iohn which was the sonne of Vasilowich by his first marriage Howbeit Sophia preuailed so with her husband that neglecting his graund-childe Demetrius hee bestowed his Dukedome vpon Gabriel his sonne Andrew the younger had a sonne called Vvlodimir of whom Mary was borne which in the yeere of Christ 1573. was maried vnto Magnus the Duke of Holst Gabriel hauing obtained the great dukedome of Russia changed his name calling himselfe Basilius and applied his minde to the atchieuing of high and great enterprises For hee reduced a great part of the dukedome of Moscouie which Vitoldus the great Duke of Lithuania helde in possession vnder his owne iurisdiction and wonne vpon the riuer of Boristhenes which the Russians call Neiper many cities and especially Smolensco in the yeere of our Lord 1514. Hauing diuorced his first wife hee begate of Helena daughter vnto Duke Glinskie Iuan Vasilowich which now this present 1580. reigneth as great Duke Hee was borne in the yeere of our Lorde 1528. the 25. of August sixe houres after the rising of the sonne The great dukedome of Russia fell vnto the said Iuan Vasilowich in the fifth yeere of his age hauing his vncle George for his great protector being 25. yeeres of age and being of a strong body and of a couragious mind he subdued the Tartars of Cazan and Astracan vpon the riuer of Volgha carrying their Dukes and chieftaines into captiuitie But by what wayes and meanes after the league which by the inâ—erecession of the most sacred Roman Emperour continued from the yeere 1503. for the space of fifty yeeres was expired hauing renewed warres against Liuonia hee brought that most flourishing prouince into extreame miserie vsing for the same purpose a new pretense and alleadging that it belonged vnto him by right of inheritance I tremble to recount and it requireth a large historie which perhaps in time and place conuenient some more learned then my selfe will take vpon them to addresse He is exceedingly addicted vnto piety and deuotion and doth oftentimes obserue very strict fastings and abstinence with his monks and wheras the Russes in doing reuerence adoration vnto God doe beate their foreheads against the ground this Iuan Vasilowich with performing of the same ceremonie causeth his forehead to be ful of boines and swellings and sometimes to be black and blew and very often to bleed He is much delighted with building of Churches spareth no cost for that purpose Whether therfore by nature or which hee pretendeth to be the cause by reason of his subiects malice treacherie he be so addicted vnto all rigour and cruelty I dare not determine especially sithens he hath not an illiberal or mishapen countenance as Attila is reported to haue had Of his first wife which was sister vnto Mikita Romanowich beeing nowe great steward of his houshold he begate two sonnes namely Iuan and Theodore And albeit he was fiue times married yet had he not one childe more Whereas this Iuan Vasilowich vpon certaine friuolous reasons calleth himselfe the naturall lord of Liuonia I thought it not amisse to adde an Epistle hereunto which was written by a certaine honourable man concerning the same matter S. All wee which inhabite this Prouince with all seemely reuerence and submission of mind do offer most humble thanks vnto the Emperors most sacred and peerelesse maiesty our most gracious lord in that according to his fatherly affection which he beareth towards all Christendome and for the good commodity of this our distressed and afflicted countrey which these many yeres hath bin in stead of a bulwarke against the inuasion of barbarous nations he hath
China and from China to the Indies and the voyage of Bengala Maluco and Sonda with the lading of fine cloth and euery sort of Bumbast cloth Sonda is an Iland of the Moores neere to the coast of Iaua and there they lade Pepper for China The ship that goeth euery yeere from the Indies to China is called the ship of Drugs because she carieth diuers drugs of Cambaia but the greatest part of her lading is siluer From Malacca to China is eighteene hundred miles and from China to Iapan goeth euery yeere a shippe of great importance laden with Silke which for returne of their Silke bringeth barres of siluer which they trucke in China The distance betweene China and Iapan is foure and twentie hundred miles and in this way there are diuers Ilands not very bigge in which the Friers of saint Paul by the helpe of God make many Christians there like to themselues From these Ilands hitherwards the place is not yet discouered for the great sholdnesse of Sandes that they find The Portugals haue made a small citie neere vnto the coast of China called Macao whose church and houses are of wood and it hath a bishoprike but the customs belong to the king of China and they goe and pay the same at a citie called Canton which is a citie of great importance and very beautifull two dayes iourney and a halfe from Macao The people of China are Gentiles and are so iealous and fearefull that they would not haue a stranger to put his foote within their land so that when the Portugals go thither to pay their custome and to buy their marchandize they will not consent that they shall lie or lodge within the citie but send them foorth into the suburbes The countrey of China is neere the kingdom of great Tartaria and is a very great countrey of the Gentiles and of great importance which may be iudged by the rich and precious marchandize that come from thence then which I beleeue there are not better nor in greater quantitie in the whole world besides First great store of golde which they carie to the Indies made in plates like to little shippes and in value three and twentie caracts a peece very great aboundance of fine silke cloth of damaske and taffata great quantitie of muske great quantitie of Occam in barres great quantitie of quicksiluer and of Cinaper great store of Camfora an infinite quantitie of Porcellane made in vessels of diuerse sortes great quantitie of painted cloth and squares infinite store of the rootes of China and euery yeere there commeth from China to the Indies two or three great shippes laden with most rich and precious marchandise The Rubarbe commeth from thence ouer lande by the way of Persia because that euery yeere there goeth a great Carouan from Persia to China which is in going thither sixe moneths The Carouan arriueth at a Citie called Lanchin the place where the king is resident with his Court I spake with a Persian that was three yeeres in that citie of Lanchin and he tolde me that it was a great Citie and of great importance The voiages of Malacca which are in the iurisdiction of the Captaine of the castle are these Euery yeere he sendeth a small shippe to Timor to lade white Sandols for all the best commeth from this Iland there commeth some also from Solor but that is not so good also he sendeth another small ship euery yere to Cauchin China to lade there wood of Aloes for that all the wood of Aloes commeth from this place which is in the firme land neere vnto China and in that kingdome I could not knowe how that wood groweth by any meanes For that the people of the countrey will not suffer the Portugales to come within the land but onely for wood and water and as for all other things that they wanted as victuals or marchandise the people bring that a boord the ship in small barkes so that euery day there is a mart kept in the ship vntill such time as she be laden also there goeth another ship for the said Captaine of Malacca to Sion to lade Uerzino all these voiages are for the Captaine of the castle of Malacca and when he is not disposed to make these voiages he selleth them to another The citie of Sion or Siam SIon was the imperiall seat and a great Citie but in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred sixtie and seuen it was taken by the king of Pegu which king made a voyage or came by lande foure moneths iourney with an armie of men through his lande and the number of his armie was a million and foure hundreth thousand men of warre when hee came to the Citie he gaue assault to it and besieged it one and twentie monethes before he could winne it with great losse of his people this I know for that I was in Pegu sixe moneths after his departure and sawe when that his officers that were in Pegu sent fiue hundreth thousand men of warre to furnish the places of them that were slaine and lost in that assault yet for all this if there had not beene treason against the citie it had not beene lost for on a night there was one of the gates set open through the which with great trouble the king gate into the citie and became gouernour of Sion and when the Emperour sawe that he was betrayed and that his enemie was in the citie he poysoned himselfe and his wiues and children friends and noblemen that were not slaine in the first affront of the entrance into the citie were all caried captiues into Pegu where I was at the comming home of the king with his triumphs and victorie which comming home returning from the warres was a goodly sight to behold to see the Elephants come home in a square laden with golde siluer iewels and with Noble men and women that were taken prisoners in that citie Now to returne to my voyage I departed from Malacca in a great shippe which went for Saint Tome being a Citie situate on the coast of Coromandel and because the Captaine of the castles of Malacca had vnderstanding by aduise that the king of Assi would come with a great armie and power of men against them therefore vpon this he would not giue licence that any shippes should depart Wherefore in this ship wee departed from thence in the night without making any prouision of our water and wee were in that shippe foure hundreth and odde men we departed from thence with intention to goe to an Iland to take in water but the windes were so contrary that they would not suffer vs to fetch it so that by this meanes wee were two and fortie dayes in the sea as it were lost and we were driuen too and fro so that the first lande that we discouered was beyonde Saint Tome more then fiue hundreth miles which were the mountaines of
the fayres to buy my commodities with the marchants And this is the cause that the Portugales will not drinke of the water of the riuer Ganges yet to the sight it is more perfect and clearer then the water of Nilus is From the port Piqueno I went to Cochin and from Cochin to Malacca from whence I departed for Pegu being eight hundred miles distant That voyage is woont to be made in fiue and twentie or thirtie dayes but we were foure moneths and at the ende of three moneths our ship was without victuals The Pilot told vs that wee were by his altitude not farre from a citie called Tanasary in the kingdome of Pegu and these his words were not true but we were as it were in the middle of many Ilands and many vninhabited rockes and there were also some Portugales that affirmed that they knew the land and knewe also where the citie of Tanasari was This citie of right belongeth to the kingdome of Sion which is situate on a great riuers side which commeth out of the kingdome of Sion and where this riuer runneth into the sea there is a village called Mirgim in whose harbour euery yeere there lade some ships with Uerzina Nypa and Beniamin a few cloues nutmegs and maces which come from the coast of Sion but the greatest marchandise there is Uerzin and Nypa which is an excellent wine which is made of the floure of a tree called Nyper Whose liquour they distill and so make an excellent drinke cleare as christall good to the mouth and better to the stomake and it hath an excellent gentle vertue that if one were rotten with the french pockes drinking good store of this he shall be whole againe and I haue seene it proued because that when I was in Cochin there was a friend of mine whose nose beganne to drop away with that disease and he was counselled of the doctors of phisicke that he should goe to Tanasary at the time of the new wines and that he should drinke of the nyper wine night and day as much as he could before it was distilled which at that time is most delicate but after that it is distilled it is more strong and if you drinke much of it it will fume into the head with drunkennesse This man went thither and did so and I haue scene him after with a good colour and sound This wine is very much esteemed in the Indies and for that it is brought so farre off it is very deare in Pegu ordinarily it is good cheape because it is neerer to the place where they make it and there is euery yeere great quantitie made thereof And returning to my purpose I say being amongst these rockes and farre from the land which is ouer against Tanasary with great scarcitie of victuals and that by the saying of the Pylot and two Portugales holding then firme that wee were in front of the aforesayd harbour we determined to goe thither with our boat and fetch victuals and that the shippe should stay for vs in a place assigned We were twentie and eight persons in the boat that went for victuals and on a day about twelue of the clocke we went from the ship assuring our selues to bee in the harbour before night in the aforesaid port wee rowed all that day and a great part of the next night and all the next day without finding harbour or any signe of good landing and this came to passe through the euill counsell of the two Portugales that were with vs. For we had ouershot the harbour and left it behind vs in such wise that we had lost the lande inhabited together with the shippe and we eight and twentie men had no maner of victuall with vs in the boate but it was the Lords will that one of the Mariners had brought a litle rice with him in the boate to barter away for some other thing and it was not so much but that three or foure men would haue eaten it at a meale I tooke the gouernment of this Ryce promising that by the helpe of God that Ryce should be nourishment for vs vntil it pleased God to send vs to some place that was inhabited when I slept I put the ryce into my bosome because they should not rob it from me we were nine daies rowing alongst the coast without finding any thing but countreys vninhabited desert Ilands where if we had found but grasse it would haue seemed sugar vnto vs but wee could not finde any yet we found a fewe leaues of a tree and they were so hard that we could not chewe them we had water and wood sufficient and as wee rowed we could goe but by flowing water for when it was ebbing water wee made fast our boat to the banke of one of those Ilandes and in these nine dayes that we rowed we found a caue or nest of Tortoises egges wherein were one hundred fortie and foure egges the which was a great helpe vnto vs these egges are as bigge as a hennes egge and haue no shell aboue them but a tender skinne euery day we sodde a kettle full of those egges with an handfull of rice in the broth thereof it pleased God that at the ende of nine dayes we discouered certaine fisher men a fishing with small barkes and we rowed towardes them with a good cheare for I thinke there were neuer men more glad then we were for wee were so sore afflicted with penurie that we could scarce stande on our legges Yet according to the order that we set for our ryce when we sawe those fisher men there was left sufficient for foure dayes The first village that we came to was in the gulfe of Tauay vnder the king of Pegu whereas we found great store of victuals then for two or three dayes after our arriuall there we would eate but litle meate any of vs and yet for all this we were at the point of death the most part of vs. From Tauay to Martauan in the kingdome of Pegu are seuentie two miles We laded our bote with victuals which were aboundantly sufficient for sixe moneths from whence we departed for the port and Citie of Martauan where in short time we arriued but we found not our ship there as we had thought we should from whence presently we made out two barkes to goe to looke for her And they found her in great calamitie and neede of water being at an anker with a contrary winde which came very ill to passe because that she wanted her boat a moneth which should haue made her prouision of wood and water the shippe also by the grace of God arriued safely in the aforesaid port of Martauan The Citie of Martauan WE found in the Citie of Martauan ninetie Portugales of Merchants and other base men which had fallen at difference with the Retor or gouernour of the citie and all for this cause that certaine vagabondes of the Portugales had slaine fiue
falchines of the king of Pegu which chaunced about a moneth after the king of Pegu was gone with a million and foure hundred thousand men to conquere the kingdome of Sion They haue for custome in this Countrey and kingdome the king being wheresoeuer his pleasure is to bee out of his kingdome that euery fifteene dayes there goeth from Pegu a Carouan of Falchines with euery one a basket on his head full of some fruites or other delicates of refreshings and with cleane clothes it chaunced that this Carouan passing by Martauan and resting themselues there a night there happened betweene the Portugales and them wordes of despight and from wordes to blowes and because it was thought that the Portugales had the worse the night following when the Falchines were a sleepe with their companie the Portugales went and cut off fiue of their heads Now there is a lawe in Pegu that whosoeuer killeth a man he shall buy the shed blood with his money according to the estate of the person that is slaine but these Falchines being the seruants of the king the Retors durst not doe any thing in the matter without the consent of the king because it was necessarie that the king should knowe of such a matter When the king had knowledge thereof he gaue commaundement that the male factors should be kept vntill his comming home and then he would duely minister iustice but the Captaine of the Portugales would not deliuer those men but rather set himselfe with all the rest in armes and went euery day through the Citie marching with his Drumme and ensignes displayd For at that time the Citie was emptie of men by reason they were gone all to the warres and in businesse of the king in the middest of this rumour wee came thither and I thought it a strange thing to see the Portugales vse such insolencie in another mans Citie And I stoode in doubt of that which came to passe and would not vnlade my goods because that they were more sure in the shippe then on the land the greatest part of the lading was the owners of the shippe who was in Malacca yet there were diuerse marchants there but their goods were of small importance all those marchants tolde me that they would not vnlade any of their goods there vnlesse I would vnlade first yet after they left my counsell and followed their owne and put their goods a lande and lost euery whit The Rector with the customer sent for mee and demaunded why I put not my goods a lande and payed my custome as other men did To whom I answered that I was a marchant that was newly come thither and seeing such disorder amongst the Portugales I doubted the losse of my goods which cost me very deare with the sweate of my face and for this cause I was determined not to put my goods on lande vntill such time as his honour would assure me in the name of the king that I should haue no losse and although there came harme to thē Portugales that neither I nor my goods should haue any hurt because I had neither part nor any difference with them in this tumult my reason sounded well in the Retors eares and so presently he sent for the Bargits which are as Counsellers of the Citie and there they promised mee on the kings head or in the behalfe of the king that neither I nor my goods should haue any harme but that we should be safe and sure of which promise there were made publike notes And then I sent for my goods and had them on land and payde my custome which is in that countrey ten in the hundreth of the same goods and for my more securitie I tooke a house right against the Retors house The Captaine of the Portugales and all the Portugall marchants were put out of the Citie and I with twentie and two poore men which were officers in the shippe had my dwelling in the Citie After this the Gentiles deuised to be reuenged of the Portugales but they would not put it in execution vntill such time as our small shippe had discharged all her goods and then the next night following came from Pegu foure thousand souldiers with some Elephants of warre and before that they made any tumult in the citie the Retor sent and gaue commaundement to all Portugales that were in the Citie when they heard any rumour or noyse that for any thing they should not goe out of their houses as they tendered their owne health Then foure houres within night I heard a great rumour and noyse of men of warre with Elephants which threw downe the doores of the ware-houses of the Portugales and their houses of wood and strawe in the which tumult there were some Portugales wounded and one of them slaine and others without making proofe of their manhoode which the day before did so bragge at that time put themselues to flight most shamefully and saued themselues a boord of litle shippes that were at an anker in the harbour and some that were in their beds fled away naked and that night they caried away all the Portugalles goods out of the suburbes into the Citie and those Portugales that had their goods in the suburbes also After this the Portugales that were fledde into the shippes to saue themselues tooke a newe courage to themselues and came on lande and set fire on the houses in the suburbes which houses being made of boorde and strawe and the winde blowing fresh in small time were burnt and consumed with which fire halfe the Citie had like to haue beene burnt when the Portugales had done this they were without all hope to recouer any part of their goods againe which goods might amount to the summe of sixteene thousand duckats which if they had not set fire to the towne they might haue had againe withont any losse at all Then the Portugales vnderstanding that this thing was not done by the consent of the king but by his Lieutenant and the Retor of the citie ware very ill content knowing that they had made a great fault yet the next morning following the Portugales beganne to bende and shoot their ordinance against the Citie which batterie of theirs continued foure dayes but all was in vaine for the shotte neuer hit the Citie but lighted on the top of a small hill neere vnto it so that the citie had no harme When the Retor perceiued that the Portugales made battery against the Citie hee tooke one and twentie Portugales that were there in the Citie and sent them foure miles into the Countrey there to tarry vntill such time as the other Portugales were departed that made the batterie who after their departure let them goe at their owne libertie without any harme done vnto them I my selfe was alwayes in my house with a good guard appointed me by the Retor that no man should doe me iniurie nor harme me nor my goods in such wise that hee perfourmed all