not brought vpon it by them but by the Romanes it is not so fitly applied to them 5. Galatinus giueth this sense because so he interpreteth ghal canaph which we translate vpon the wing of the abomination that is their impietie for putting Christ to death there shall come desolation vpon them But our blessed Sauiour pointeth at this abomination as some visible thing standing vp in the Temple which should be a signe of their desolation 6. Bucer by the wing of abominations vnderstandeth the helpe of the deuills by whome the abominable Romanes should be assisted in bringing this desolation vpon Ierusalem ex Oecolampad but the power of the deuill is inuisible this abomination of desolation Christ pointeth at as some visible thing standing in the Temple 7. M. Calvin vnderstandeth it de profanatione c. of the continuall profanation of the Temple after the Gospel beganne to be preached so Vatablus expoundeth continuam seriem abominationum vel multiplices abominationes the continuance of abominations or their manifold abominations But these continuall profanations of the Temple were practised a long time 40. yeares together but this abomination of desolation is obserued by our Sauiour as a neare signe of their destruction 8. Some by the wing of abominations making desolate vnderstand the legions and wings of the Romane armie which should compasse the citie and defile the Temple and this they gather by comparing the Euangelists together whereas Matthew saith When ye see the abomination of desolation c. standing in the holy place c. c. 24. 15. S. Luke thus reporteth the words of our Sauiour When ye see Ierusalem besieged with souldiers then vnderstand that the desolation thereof is neare c. 21. 20. And they are called the wing or armie of abominations because they were infidels and strangers from God Thus Iunius Polanus Pererius Caietan and before them Augustine epist. 80. ad Esychium Pintus addeth further that this wing or extension of abominations may be interpreted extensio vexilli exercitus Romani the spreading of the banners of the Romane armie euen in the Temple This exposition is very probable and to good purpose but yet not so fit and proper as may appeare by these reasonâ— 1. S. Luke speaketh of the compassing of Ierusalem with souldiers but Ierusalem was not that holy place which the other Euangelists speake of and Murke addeth c. 13. 14. When you shall see the abomination of desolation standing where it ought not but the souldiers compassing or besieging the citie stood where they ought and vse to stand And beside whereas the other Euangelists adde spoken of by Daniel the Prophet Luke hath not those words so that it seemeth he speaketh not of that abomination of desolation expressed by the other but of an other signe and forerunner of their desolation the compassing of the citie with souldiers which Christ had told them of before chap. 19. 43. where he vseth the like word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they shall compasse thee about and here he saith when thou shalt see Ierusalem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 compassed with souldiers 2. If they vnderstand the souldiers entring and inuading the Temple that was done diuers times before for Pompey tooke the â—â—tie and entred into the Temple with his souldiers so did Crassus after him and robbed the Temple and carried away the golden vessels afterward Archelaus polluted and defiled the Temple and slue nine thousand Iewes in a commotion Oecolampad Pellican ex Ioseph but these were not signes of imminent destruction 3. Beside they are admonished when they see this abomination standing in the holy place to flie into the mountaines but when the souldiers had taken the citie and inuaded the Temple and set it on fire and made hauocke of all it was then too late to flie all their miserie beeing alreadie past 4. Polanus before vnderstandeth by the people of the Prince to come the Gentiles which should be called to the faith of Christ how then doth he hold them now to be abominable And seeing the Lord calleth Cyrus his annointed Isa. 45. 1. because he executed his will vpon the Chaldeans yea the Lord called Nabuchadnezzer king of Babel his seruant Ierem. 27. 6. beeing the minister of his iudgements vpon his vnthankfull people it seemeth to be vnfit to call the armies of the Romanes abominable seeing they herein were the ministers of Gods sentence decreed against Ierusalem 9. Wherefore I rather condescend to their opinion which thinke that this abomination of desolation was some abominable thing which was set vp in the Temple which was a signe of the desolation thereof following as whether it were the ensignes of the Empire the Romane Eagle which Pilate brought in and set vp in the Temple at the commandement of Tiberius Osiand or rather to gratifie the Emperour Bulling or the image which Caius Caligula caused to be set vp in the Temple with this inscription Iovi illustri Caio to Iuppiter the famous Caius Osiand Chrysostome and Theophylact and Eâ—thymius vpon the 24. of Matthew doe take it for the image of Titus the Emperour which was set vp in the Temple when the citie was taken so also Ab. Ezra But this beeing present could be no signe of the desolation to giue them warning after R. Levi vnderstandeth it of the images which Manasses caused to be set vp in the Temple for the which it came to desolation but this was done before Christs time in the daies of Antiochus Hierome thinketh it was the image of Adrian set vp in the ruines of the Temple so also Severus Sulpitius but the Temple was destroied long before by Titus and was not reedified againe Therefore I rather take some of the other sensible profanations of the Temple to be vnderstood which were set vp after the death of Christ as Theodoret taketh that profanation by Pilate signum futurae desolationis in vrbe Templo erunt imagines quâ—dam legibus interdictae a signe of desolation to come in the citie and Temple shall be certaine images forbidden by the law brought into it c. which Pilate did who brought in the night into the Temple the images of the Emperours But against this interpretation it will be obiected 1. that Iosephus 〈◊〉 lib. 18. de antiquit lib. 2. de bell Iudaic. that Pilate brought them into the citie 〈◊〉 speaketh not of the Temple 2. it seemeth that this was done after the death of Christ Perer. 3. and as Iosephus further writeth that Pilate at the instance of the chiefe of the Iewes who went vnto Cesarea and offered their necks rather then to suffer their countrey lawes to be transgressed caused those images to be remooued againe Answ. 1. Though Iosephus make no mention of the Temple yet Eusebius out of Philo so alleadgeth and it may be gathered also out of Iosephus report for if the Romane ensignes had beene brought onely into the citie the Iewes would not haue so much stood vpon it for it had beene no
of the gods but in effect they set vp altars and offered sacrifice suae foelicitati fortunae to their owne happines and fortune so also Genevens following Calvin but this application to the Romane state we haue vpon diuers reasons refused before qu. 44. 6. Melancthon by the god Maosim that is of munitions vnderstandeth the god variorum templorum that was worshipped in diuers temples for as the Iewes had but one Temple called before Maosa v. 31. the Sanctuarie of strength so the Gentiles had their Maosim their diuers temples wherein they worshipped a number of gods as the Athenians worshipped Pallas the Thebanes Bacchus the Eleusines Ceres the Sicâ—lians Proserpina the Argives Iuno they of Delphos Phoebus the Lemnians Vulcan the Lampsacenes Priapus the Phrygians Cybele But M. Calvin doth not much weigh this distinction of the singular and plural for the word Maozim he taketh it to be curious And seeing Melancthon first vnderstandeth this of Antiochus it can not be shewed how he brought in all these gods and the text onely speaketh in the singular of the god Mauzzim 7. Some doe properly vnderstand here the Pope the Romane Antichrist and retaining the word as a proper name Mauzzim doe specially applie it to the idolatrous sacrifice of the Masse Osiander maketh some allusion in the word Mauzzim to the word Masse Melancthon obserueth that the word mazon which signifieth foode or meate hath some assinitie with Mauzzim noting the Papists breaden god but Oecolampad refuseth this conceit because the word mazon is written without the letter ain which the other word hath Bullinger maketh this application that Mauzzim which signifieth holds may be taken for the Temples which they adorne with siluer and gold and doe tie thereunto the corporall presence of Christ But all these are analogicall applications of this prophesie we must seeke for an historicall sense beside which was to take place long before the Romane Antichrist appeared in the world 8. All these doe by the god Mauzzim vnderstand a false god which should be brought in by this aduersarie here spoken of Polychronius by the god Mauzzim that is of strength would haue signified the true god of Isreal whome Antiochus at length was forced to confesse by the extremitie of his disease and sent great gifts and presents to Ierusalem to the Temple But neither is mention made in the storie 2. Macchab. 9. of any such gifts which he sent Oecolampad and it is a strange god not the true God which Antiochus here is said to worship with gold and siluer 9. Iunius and Polanus doe concurre together thus reading as for the God of strength in his place he shall honour he shall honour a god whome his fathers knew not c. And Polanus will haue the first clause distinguished because of the accent zakeph katon which diuideth it from the words following so that they would haue the god Mauzzim here taken for the true God called the God of strength Polan or the God of munitions that is whose seate was at Ierusalem which is called in Scripture a citie of munition Iun. commentar But 1. neither that accent nor yet the imperfect distinction rebia which is ouer the word maghuzim or as Montanus mahuzim are of such force wholly to suspend these words from the clause following but onely they make a little pause or stay not diuiding the sense for then the words leeloha maghuzim the god Mauzzim standing by themselues should make no sense at all 2. And againe the same word leeloha God is repeated in the next sentence it must therefore be taken in the same sense in both places if in the latter it might be translated and God he shall honour whome c. it must be so taken in the first place and the god Mauzzim or of munitions not as for the God the preposition lamed must haue the like vse in both places and this reason chiefly maketh me to dissent from these learned men in this place 10. Wherefore I rather condescend to that other interpretation of Melancthon that Mauzzim signifieth not onely strength but an hold munition a place of defence and so Antiochus after he had set vp the idol of Iuppiter Olympius in the Temple he built a strong tower or place of defence neare vnto the Temple where he set a garrison to force the people to worship that idol so the author of the Scholasticall historie interpreteth Maozim praesidium sonat Antiochus in Ierusalem praesidium posuit Maozim signifieth an hold or garrison and so Antiochus set garrisons in Ierusalem Lyranus taketh Mauzzim for a strong place where Antichrist shall worship his idol Vatablus by the god of strength vnderstandeth the idol cuius fortitudini tribuet acceptum imperium to whose fortitude he shall ascribe his Empire dominion which he had obtained But I preferre rather the former sense for these two reasons 1. because an other word by way of explanation is added to Mauzzim which signifieth holds he shall make or set in the holds Mauzzim munitions with a strange god v. 39. 3. The historie hereunto agreeth how they built a strong wall and made towers in the citie of Dauid which was neere vnto the Temple and so they were an ambushment to the Sanctuarie 1. Macchab. 1. 35. 38. This god of munitions then was Iuppiter Olympius whome Antiochus caused to be set vp in the Temple at Ierusalem and to be called by the name of that idol 2. Macchab. 6. 2. which idol he garded with munitions worshipped with siluer and gold which was a strange god because the Syrians worshipped other gods and goddesses as Apollo Diana Atargates Strabo lib. Geogra 16. Iuppiter Olympius was the idol of the Greekes which was not knowne in these places before at the least neuer set vp in the Temple at Ierusalem by any of Antiochus predecessours so foure things are here declared concerning this abominable idol 1. he shall be garded with munition 2. he shall be set vp in his place that is in the seat and place of the true God of Israel 3. it shall be a strange idol not knowne in that countrey before 4. he shall honour him with siluer and gold 47. Quest. Of Antiochus politike deuises to continue the idolatrous seruice of his new god v. 39. This wicked and subtill Tyrant hauing brought in a new Idol vseth two meanes for the establishing of this new come image first he by force planting garrisons and fortifying strong holds seeketh to defend his false worship then by rewards honours preferments he inticeth base fellows to maintaine his idolatrie but first the meaning of the words must be examined and then the accomplishment and fulfilling thereof shewed 1. Some doe ioyne both the parts of the verse together and make this the sense thus shall he doe to the strong garrisons that shall defend his strange god he shall giue rewards honours and preferments Melancth Oecolampad Osiand but beside that the distinction rebia doth diuide the first part
King 24. 25. Ierem. 52. And of Nebuchadnezzars expedition against Cyrus Ezekiel maketh mention c. 26. to c. 30. In the 25. yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne he subdued Egypt and remooued all the Iewes that were thither fledde to Babylon Pererius addeth further that in the 25. yeare of his raigne he had that vision of the image c. 2. but that was rather in the 5. yeare of his raigne as is before shewed quest 6. generall After this he set vp the great golden image c. 3. and was translated from the companie of men and liued among bruite beasts for the space of seuen yeares cap. 4. then he was restored to his kingdome which he enioyed peaceably to the ende of his dayes Pere Quest. 7. Of the time of Nebuchadnezzars raigne 1. Iosephus thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar raigned 43. yeares so also Eusebius and Pererius consenteth wherein he doth not much varie from the yeares of his raigne which may be collected out of Scripture 2. Some thinke that all his raigne made vp 45. yeares Bulling rather 44. betweene both for in the 8. yeare of his raigne he tooke Iechonias prisoner in the 37. yeare of whose captiuitie Euilmerodach the sonne of Nebuchadnezzar began to raigne who lift vp the head of Iehoiachin out of prison these two numbers put together 8. and 37. make 45. and one yeare must be deducted because Nebuchadnezzar is supposed to haue died in the 36 yeare of Iechoniahs captiuitie the last yeare of his raigne and so the whole summe of yeares remaineth 44. Quest. 8. Of the citie of Babylon 1. The occasion of the first founding of this citie and of the name therof is declared Gen. 11. so called first Babel of the confusion of tongues and afterwards Babylon the countrie about Babylonia 2. Nimrod who was the first king or tyrant rather after the flood in which sense he is called a mightie hunter is held to haue beene the first founder of Babylon which was afterward enlarged by Semiramis whom Iulius Solinus and Diodorus Siculus whom Hierome followeth thinke to haue beene the first builder of Babylon but she onely enlarged it and raised vp the walls 3. In this citie and the countrie thereabout the Iewes were held in captiuitie 70. yeares which tearme beeing the stinted time of mans life Psal. 90. 10. sheweth that man during the time of his life and aboade in this world is but a captiue and stranger as Iaakob called his life a pilgrimage Gen. 47. 9. Pintus 2. Polanus thinketh there were 3. cities of this name Babylon one in Assyria whereof mention is made 2. king 17. 24. an other in Chaldea which is here called the land of Sennaar and the third in Egypt which is now called Alcayr the seate of the Sultanes of Egypt But I thinke the receiued opinion is more probable that there were onely two Babylons one in Chaldea the other in Egypt or in the confines of Arabia whereof Raphael Volateran treateth lib. 12. now called Cayro Pintus that Babel mentioned 2. King 17. 24. from whence the king of Ashur brought some to inhabite Samaria is Babylon in Chaldea which was then subiect to the king of Ashur 3. Stephanus also is deceiued who thinketh this Babylon to be the same citie which was called Seleucia built by Seleucus Nicanor which was indeede built not farre off from Babylon some 300. stadia or furlongs by which occasion Babylon became desolate and not so much frequented but they were not all one citie Polanus Quest. 9. ver 1. Of the citie Ierusalem 1. Ierusalem it was the cheife citie of Palestina first founded by Melchisedech as Iosephus thinketh who Gen. 14. is called the king of Shalem 2. It had diuers names it was first called Shalem Gen. 14. Psal. 75. 3. then Iebus of Iebusi the sonne of Canaan Iosh. 18. 28. afterward it was named Ierusalem which signifieth the vision of peace and last of all Aelia of Aelius Adrianus the Emperour who built mount Caluarie and diuers other parts of the city Volat. l. 11. 3. It was diuided into two parts the vpper citie where was mount Zion the city of Dauid and the Temple the neather or base citie which was vnder the hill Pol. 4. The citie Ierusalem is sometime taken in Scripture for the Church of God as Hebr. 12. 22. Ye are come to Mount Sinai to the citie of the liuing God to celestiall Ierusalem Pintus Quest. 10. v. 2. What this phrase meaneth To be giuen into ones hand v. 2. And the Lord gaue Iehoiakim c. into his hand c. The hand is diuersly taken in Scripture 1. As first to put the soule or life in the hand signifieth to put the life in danger Iudg. 12. 3. Iepthah saith I put my life in my hands 2. The hand signifieth a league or couenant as the giuing of the hand implieth the plighting of the troth as Esech 17. 18. He hath despised the oath and broken the couenant yet lo he had giuen his hand 3. It signifieth ministerie and seruice as Exod. 38. 21. These are the parts of the Tabernacle c. for the office of the Levites by the hand of Ithamar 4. The hand signifieth helpe and assistance as 1. Sam. 22. 17. Saul commandeth the Priests to be slaine because their hand was with David that is they were aiding and helping vnto him 5. To lift vp the hand against a place is to assault it and threaten against it as Isa. 10. 32. He shall lift vp his hand toward the mount of the daughter of Sion 6. To lift vp the hands is to pray 1. Tim. 2. 9. I will that the men pray euery where lifting vp pure hands 7. To wash the hands is to purge the heart and works from impuritie and vncleannes as Psal. 26. 6. I will wash mine hands in innocencie O Lord and compasse thine altar 8. To put the hand to the mouth signifieth to eate 1. Sam. 14. 27. as Ionathan is said to haue put his hands to his mouth when he did eate of the honie 9. To lay the hand also vpon the mouth is a figne of silence Iob. 29. 9. The Princes staied talke and laid their hand on their mouth 10. By the hands also are vnderstood the works labours of mens vocations as Eph. 4. 28. Let him that stole steale no more but rather labour and worke with his hands 11. To doe a thing with an high hand is to do it presumptuously Numb 15. 30. 12. To touch with the hand is to humble or afflict Psal. 32. 4. Thy hand is heauie vpon me day and night 13. But to giue into the hands of any is to bring vnder their power and subiection as Iudg. 7. 1. The Lord gaue them into the hands of Midian seuen yeares and so it is taken here Pintus Quest. 11. How Iehoiakim was giuen into Nebuchadnezzars hand whether he caried him to Babylon 1. Some thinke that Iehoiakim was bound in chaines and carried to Babylon as the Latine
an other aboue that of the same height vntill they came to the eight Diodorus saith it was so high that the Chaldeans thereon made obseruation of the starres toward the east and west Curtius saith that this tower of Babylon had 20. stadia or furlongs in compasse the foundation whereof was 30. foot deepe in the ground By these euidences it appeareth that this Babylon was a citie of huge bignesse and therefore the king calleth it here great Babell Niniue had beene as great a citie or greater beeing 60. miles in compasse the walls were an 100. foote high and the towers 200. whereof there were an 150. but Niniue was now much empayred and decayed and Babylon was made the chiefe citie of the kingdome Quest. 36. Whether Nebuchadnezzar were the builder of Babel Ver. 27. Which I haue built for the house of my kingdome c. 1. There are diuerse opinions hereof who should be the builder and founder of Babel Moses saith that Babel was the beginning of Nimroths kingdome Gen. 10. 10. Alexander Polyhistor in Eusebius out of Eupolemus saith that it was built by the gyants after the flood Alphaeus maketh Belus the founder thereof as Eusebius saith the most of the Grecians doe giue the honour thereof vnto Semiramis the wife of Ninus as Herodo lib. 1. Diodo lib. 3. Strabo lib. 16. Iustine with others Iosephus out of Berosus maketh Nebuchadnezzar the builder of Babel and therfore findeth fault with the Greeke writers for ascribing it vnto Semiramis 2. But all these may easily be reconciled 1. Nimroth is held to be the same who of forreine writters was called Belus for this Belus was the first that brought in idolatrie as Cyril saith and so was Nimroth for hence it is that most of the idols of the Gentiles tooke their name from Bel as the first founder of them as Belial or Baal the God of the Sidonians Beelzebub the god of Ekron Beelphegor the god of the Moabites Numb 25. Baalsamen the idol of the Carthaginians as Augustine saith so then it may well stand togethet that Nimroth and Belus beeing both the same man as is more at large shewed elsewhere were the founders of Babylon 2. And seeing Ninus was the captaine and chiefe of the Gyants they might be assistant vnto him in building of the tower of Babel and he a tingleader vnto them 3. It may also verie well agree that Nimroth or Belus laid the first foundation of Babylon which was enlarged by Semiramis 4. And afterward when the Kings of Assyria left Babylon made Niniue the cheife citie of their kingdome by this meanes Babylon was decayed and lay waâ—t which last of all was reedified and beautified by Nebuchadnezzar who as Iosephus out of Berosus writeth in these fiue works added to the buildiug of Babylon 1. he repayred the old citie and the temple of Belus 2. then he built a new citie adioyning vnto it 3. he compassed each of them with three walls for defense with towers and gates 4. then he built a most sumptuous palace next vnto the Palace of his father and finished it in 25. dayes 5. he made certaine artificiall rockes and mountaines with orchards and gardens vpon them to satisfie the desire of his wife who beeing a Median desired to see such hillie prospects after the manner of her countrey Because Nebuchadnezzar then had so enlarged and beautified the citie he maketh himselfe the builder of it Quest. 37. Of Nebucadnezzars pride in saying which I haue built for the house of the kingdome Nebuchadnezzars pride diuersely appeareth 1. because he thinketh that by his owne power and strength he had raised those great buildings as though by his owne witte and strength he had attained vnto that power riches to be able to compasse such great works whereas it is said in the Psal. 126. 1. except the Lord build the house they labour in vaine that build it Caluin 2. he considered not how to compasse such a great worke innumerorum pauperum facultates exhausit he had wasted the substance of a number of poore and wearied their bodies Oecolamp 3. He robbeth his father and auncestors of their due praise who had builded much before him he taketh all to himselfe Polan 4. then he sheweth his contempt against God as though he should haue said hauing now made Babylon inuincible as he thought quis inde me posset deijcere who can cast me out of it no not God himselfe Lyran. Iun. 5. then he addeth further he built it not for Gods honour but his owne he neither respected Gods glorie nor the good of the commonwealth but his owne fame and magnificence Osiand Caluin 6. whereas the Septuag readeth as he walked 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the temple Eudoxius is of opinion that the king would haue beene counted for a God Oecolampiad 7. But the kings great securitie appeareth herein deambulat otiosus he walketh idlely as though in such a great kingdome there had been no businesse for him and he museth of nothing but his owne greatnesse Pellican 8. nemo interrogat c. â—pse primus suâ— encomia decantai no man asketh him any question he first soundeth out his owne praise wherein he bewraieth his vanitie and selfeloue Oecolamp Quest. 38. v. 28. What manner of voice it was which came downe from heauen 1. The Lord dealeth with Nebuchadnezzar by degrees first he spake vnto him by dreame then by the voice of his Prophet and seeing he was not mooued by any of these now the Lord thundreth from heauen 2. This voice was not spoken in Nebuchadnezzars eare but in the hearing of all that stood by Iun. vt Dei vindicta intelligatur à populo that all the people might see and vnderstand how the Lord tooke reuenge of him for his pride Lyran. 3. And it commeth from heauen both to shewe the authoritie and power the voice came from heauen quasi quoddam pondus deijciens eius superbiam as a mightie weight pressing downe his pride Lyran. as also the certaintie that those things beeing pronounced from heauen should vndoubtedly come to passe Iun. 4. And this voice commeth of a sudden euen while that proud speach was yet in his mouth to shewe that God neuer punisheth without cause and that all his iudgements are iust Bulling and further to testifie that such as abuse Gods long suffering and patience as Nebuchadnezzar here did shall suddenly be cut off and that when men are come to the height of pride the Lord will no longer forbeare Polan Quest. 39. The summe of the sentence denounced against Nebuchadnezzar 1. The circumstances of the sentence are described 1. the time that the voice came while Nebuchadnezzar was yet in speaking 2. the manner it was vttered by a voice 3. the place from heauen 4. the person to whom to Nebuchadnezzar by name by the which he is conuented as before his superiour Iudge his title is added O king to taxe him for
in the citie 4. If these vestures had beene any speciall ornaments of the idolatrous priests and Soothsayers as some thinke it is like that Daniel so holy a man would haue vtterly reiected them Polan see before quest 29. Quest. 40. Why Daniel exhorted not Balthazar to repentance as he had done Nebuchadnâ—zzar before 1. One reason hereof may be yeelded to be this the same which Theodâ—râ—t â—lleadgeth why it pleased the Lord to chastice Nebuchadnezzar for a time to humble him and afterward raise him vp againe but Balthazar is cut off altogether because Balthazar was more indurate and hardened in his sinne seeing he had Nebuchadnezzâ—â— example before him and yet would not be warned And so the Prophet obiâ—cting here vnto Balthazar his fathers example which he made no vse of saw that there was small hope of his repentance 2. And further Daniel did see by the spirit of prophesie hanc sententiam non fuisse comâ—natoriam sed plane absolutam that this sentence pronounced against Balthazar was not by way of commination which vseth to be conditionall vpon mens repentance as was the threatning of Ionas against Ninive but it was peremptorie and absolute and as Bal. hazat was confirmed and setled in his sinne so this sentence was irreuocable Perer. 41. Quest. v. 30. Whether Balthazar were slaine at this time 1. It is the opinion of some that Balthazar was not slaine at all when the citie was taken but that Balthazar called in forren histories Nabonidus when the citie was besieged by Cyrus did yeeld himselfe and so he not onely obtained his life but had a place of habitation assigned him in Carmania where he died thus seeme to write Alexander Polyhistor Megasthenes Alpheus as they are cited by Ioseph l. 1. cont Appion But it is vntrue that Balthazar 's life was spared for the Scripture here euidently saith that he was slaine this fauour indeede Cyrus shewed to his grandfather Astyages whome he deposed from his gouernment beeing a tyrant as Herodotus and Iustinus write it is not like that he would vse such clemencie toward his mortall enemie at the least if there had beene any such thing which would haue tended much to the praise and honour of Cyrus Xenophon who is very large and lauish in setting forth the praise of Cyrus in all likelihood would not haue omitted it 2. Wherefore the truth is according to the Scripture here that Balthazar was at this time slaine and thereunto agreeth Xenophon that the king of Babylon himselfe was put to the sword when the citie was taken lib. 7. de Cyri institut 42. Quest. Whether Balthazar were slaine the same night and the citie taken 1. Some seeme to be of opinion that this murther was committed vpon Balthazar a long time before the taking of the citie by the Medes and Persians about 17. yeare before whom they say was slaine by the Babylonians and one of the conspirators called Darius the Median was chosen king in his place and that this was done many yeares before Cyrus inuaded Babylon This conceit they would ground vpon the report of Berosus and Megasthenes But they doe greatly mistake one thing for an other for he which was so deposed by the Babylonians was Labosordach the sonne of Niglasar or Neege-lasar who had before expelled Euilmerodach called Labinitus by Herodotus together with his sonne Balthazar called also Labinitus the second which name signifieth a Prince expulsed and because he fled vnto the Medes he was called Medus a Median this was not Darius then of the Medes which was set vp by the Babylonians but Balthazar called Labinitus of the Medes because he liued an exile there Iun. in commentar see before qu. 21. 9. 2. Iosephus saith non multum abijt temporis much time passed not after Daniel had expounded this vision when both the King and the citie was taken by Cyrus If Iosephus vnderstand not many houres after he agreeth with the Scripture but if he meane many daies or moneths he is deceiued 3. Zonâ—ras affirmeth this to haue beene the opinion of diuers that Balthazar was slaine the same night but he seemeth not to be of that opinion which seemeth strange that he beeing a Christian writer should speake so doubtfully of a thing so euident in the sacred storie 4. All these things are euident out of Scripture 1. that Babylon after 70. yeares of the Iewes captiuitie should be surprised and taken Ierem. 25. 12. 2. that the king himselfe should be slaine at the taking of the citie as Isa. 14. 4. The oppressor shall cease v. 22. I will cut off in Babel the name and the remnant the sonne and the â—ephew for Balthazar was nephew to Nabuchadnezer 3. It should be done on a sudden Isa. 47. 11. Destruction shall come vpon thee suddenly or thou beware 4. and in the night Isa. 21. 4. The night of my pleasures hath he turned into feare 5. and in the time of their feast therefore he is called the king of Sheshach of the feast of their goddesse Shacah Ier. 25. 26. Quest. 43. Whether Balthazar was taken in Babylon 1. The Authors before rehearsed which thinke that Balthazar was not slaine but yeelded himselfe to Cyrus and so was sauâ—d aliue doe adde further that when the King heard that Cyrus was comming with a great armie to besiege Babylon he fled to a citie called Borsippa and thither Cyrus pursued him and besieged him there who seeing that he could not hold out yeelded himselfe vnto Cyrus clemencie 2. But Xenophons opinion lib. 7. is more probable that the king was taken at Babylon which is also most consonant to Scripture for though it be not directly expressed that he was slaine in Babylon yet it followeth by necessary collection that that was the place where Balthazar was both depriued of his life and kingdome 1. There was the kings palace c. 4. 27. where the Chaldean kings vsually did reside 2. there was the temple of Bel where the vessels of Gods house were laid vp c. 1. 2. from whence they were brought vnto this riotous feast but they could not haue beene fetch from Babylon to an other place seeing the citie was now besieged by Cyrus 3. and for the same reason so many nobles could not haue beene gathered together 4. nor yet the wise men of Babel assembled 5. neither is it like that Balthazar beeing in such feare would in that obscure place haue made such a feast whereas in Babylon he trusted to the defence of the citie 44. Quest. By what meanes Babylon was taken 1. Some thinke that Cyrus and Darius did homage vnto king Balthazar and he thereupon made this feast whereat they were present who when they heard the prophesie of Daniel and seeing the king and his nobles drunke with wine tooke their opportunitie and so set vpon them and killed them ex Hugon But it is not like that the king would haue beene so secure if his enemies had beene in his hand but that he would haue made
world 2. his patient labour in enduring hunger and thirst frost and cold 3. his dexteritie and celeritie in omitting no opportunitie 4. and hereunto may be added his singular successe he neuer besieged any citie but he tooke it 2. His exploits were singular 1. he enlarged the Empire of the Grecians and made them Lords of the whole world 2. he built many cities 70. in number as Plutarch writeth whereof Alexandria in Egypt was one 3. he reduced many barbarous nations from their sauage and bruiâ—ish manners to ciuilitie as is further shewed c. 2. quest 48. 3. And his vices which he fell into after he had glutted himselfe with the pleasures of Asia were not inferiour to his vertues fowre notable vices among the rest raigned in him 1. drunkennesse he would drinke so excessiuely that he would lie 2. or 3. dayes till he had sâ—â—pt out his drinke 2. in his drinke he was cruell and outragious in his rage he killed his deare friend Clitus much lamenting his death afterward 3. he was giuen to the wantonnesse and pleasure of the flesh 4. And at length he grewe so intolerable proud that he made himselfe Iupiters sonne for which cause he commanded Calisthenes to be killed because he refused to worship him see before c. 8. quest 16. 3. Then Alexanders ende was this in the 32. yeare of his age he died at Babylon some thinke of poison but he died rather of surfetting and drunkennesse continuing quaffing so long at a Phisitians house a Thessalian that he fell into a burning feuer at such time as he expected embassadors from the remote countreys of the world out of Africa Europa as out of Spaine and Italie and so in fewe dayes after he sickened he died hauing no time to returne into his owne coâ—ntrey nor space to appoint his successor see more c. 8. quest 16. Quest. 11. Of the fowre successors of Alexander Concerning three of Alexanders successors there is no question Ptolomeus the sonne of Lagus possessed Egypt the kingdome of the South Seleucus raigned in Syria and Babylon in the East which in respect of Iudea was counted the North and Antigonus held Asia minor in respect of Egypt on the North but there is some question who was Alexanders successor in the kingdome of Macedonia in the West 1. The receiued opinion is that Arideus called Philippus the brother of Alexander succeeded in the Macedonian kingdome as Hierome Lyranus Hugo Card. Pintus Bullinger But Arideus cannot properly be counted Alexanders successor because he was but chosen king for a time vntill Alexanders sonnes came to age and he had but the name of a king Perdiccas was chosen Tutor and protector of the Empire and Seleucus master of the horse which was the second place in dignitie Craterus Treasurer Antipater gouernour of Macedonia and Grecia and beside the text saith that the kingdome should not be left to any of Alexanders posteritie that is heires or kinred But his brother was one of his posteritie and kinred 2. An other opinion is that Antipater one of Alexanders chiefe captaines succeeded in Macedonia Osiand but this can not be neither for though Antipater were set ouer Macedonia as other of Alexanders captaines were appointed their seuerall regiments before the kingdome was shared and diuided into foure parts yet because Aridaeus was then liuing to whome by generall consent of the captaines the name and title of the king was yeilded during the nonage of Alexanders children Antipater could not be said to succeede in that kingdome 3. Wherefore Cassander rather the sonne of Antipater who vsurped the kingdome of Macedonia as soone as Aridaeus was dead is rather held to be one of the foure successors in the kingdome Iun. Polan Calv. Pap. Calvin thinketh that Cassander was Antipaters father true it is that he had two sonnes Antipater and Alexander but they by mutuall parricide made an ende one of an other and held not the kingdome long after their father But Cassander which raigned 18. or 19. yeares ouer Macedonia was the sonne also of Antipater Quest. 12. How all Alexanders posteritie was rooted out that none of them succeeded in the kingdome 1. Hierome thus expoundeth these words not to his posteritie quia Alexander liberos non habuit because Alexander had no children which Pintus thus with fauour interpreteth that he had no sonne which succeeded him but if Hieromes words be well marked he giueth this as a reason why the kingdome was devolued to strangers because Alexander had no children whereas he had two sonnes Alexander by Roxane and Hercules of Barsines as Trogus and Iustinus testifie 2. Some writers thinke that Alexander had a sonne called Alexander by Thalestra Queene of the Amazons as Q. Curtius Clitarchus Polycritus Onexicritus affirme but that is by other historians held to be but a fable as Hecataeus Philippus Chalcidicus Duris Samius Plutarchus Cheronens Philo Thebanus with others ex Pinto for this Alexander was Alexanders sonne by his wife Roxane 3. This then was Alexanders posteritie and kinred which he left behind him his mother Olympias and Pyrrhus his vncle king of Epirus his brother Aridens and his sister Cleopatra his two wiues with their two sonnes Roxane with Alexander and Barsines with Hercules they were eight in all Olympias causeth Arideus to be killed Cassander thereupon taketh occasion to put Olympias to death beeing almost 80. yeare old and poisoneth both Alexanders sonnes Alexander and Hercules with Roxane Alexanders wife Cleopatra Alexanders sister the gouernour of the Sardians who was base brother to Philip Alexanders father procured to be killed therein thinking to gratifie Antigonus last of all Pyrrhus was vanquished by Antigonus Demettius sonne and his head cut off And thus in few yeares all Alexanders posteritie was cut off that none liued to succeede him 13. Quest. Of the meaning of these words v. 4. It shall be for others beside those 1. Whereas it is said in the text in the ende of the fourth verse it shall be giuen to others beside Hierome readeth strangers for others the word acharim signifieth both strangers and others by strangers Hierome vnderstandeth other captaines beside these fowre as Perdiccas Crateron Lysimachus which had some part of Alexanders dominions Theodoret interpreteth it of other strangers of forren nations as in the raigne of some of the posteritie of the first successours of Alexander the Parthians fell away from the kingdome of Syria and Babylon by the instigations of Arsaces a Persian of whome the kings of Persia a long time after were called Arsacidae But neither of these expositions can stand here not the first because before in this verse mention is made onely of the diuision of the kingdome into the fowre winds so that we are referred onely to that famous diuision of the kindome into fowre parts and to none other not the latter because that falling away of the Parthians was well nie an 100. yeares after Alexanders death in the time of Seleucus grandchild to Antiochus the